3.2 Elements of Culture: Values and Beliefs
3.2 Elements of Culture: Values and Beliefs
2 Elements of Culture
Norms
So far, the examples in this chapter have often described how people are expected to behave in
certain situations—for example, when buying food or boarding a bus. These examples describe
the visible and invisible rules of behavior through which societies are structured, or what
sociologists call norms.
Norms define how to behave in accordance with what a society has defined as good, right, and
important, and most members of the society adhere to them.
Formal norms are established, written rules. They are behaviors worked out and agreed upon in
order
to suit and serve the most people. Laws are formal norms, but so are employee manuals, college
entrance exam requirements, and “no running” signs at swimming pools. Formal norms are the
most specific and clearly stated of the various types of norms, and the most strictly enforced. But
even formal norms are enforced to varying degrees, reflected in cultural values.
For example, money is highly valued in the United States, so monetary crimes are punished. It’s
against the law to rob a bank, and banks go to great lengths to prevent such crimes. People
safeguard valuable possessions and install antitheft devices to protect homes and cars. A less
strictly enforced social norm is driving while intoxicated. While it’s against the law to drive
drunk, drinking is for the most part an acceptable social behavior. And though there are laws to
punish drunk driving, there are few systems in place to prevent the crime. These examples show
a range of enforcement in formal norms.
There are plenty of formal norms, but the list of informal norms—casual behaviors that are
generally and widely conformed to—is longer. People learn informal norms by observation,
imitation, and general socialization. Some informal norms are taught directly—“Kiss your Aunt
Edna” or “Use your napkin”—while others are learned by observation, including observations of
the consequences when someone else violates a norm. But although informal norms define
personal interactions, they extend into other systems as well.
Informal norms dictate appropriate behaviors without the need of written rules.
Norms may be further classified as either mores or folkways. Mores (mor-ays) are norms that
embody the moral views and principles of a group. Violating them can have serious
consequences. The strongest mores are legally protected with laws or other formal norms. In the
United States, for instance, murder is considered immoral, and it’s punishable by law (a formal
norm). But more often, mores are judged and guarded by public sentiment (an informal norm).
People who violate mores are seen as shameful.
They can even be shunned or banned from some groups. The mores of the U.S. school system
require that a student’s writing be in the student’s own words or use special forms (such as
quotation marks and a whole system of citation) for crediting other writers. Writing another
person’s words as if they are one’s own has a name—plagiarism. The consequences for violating
this norm are severe, and can usually result in expulsion.
Unlike mores, folkways are norms without any moral underpinnings. Rather, folkways direct
appropriate behavior in the day-to-day practices and expressions of a culture. Folkways indicate
whether to shake hands or kiss on the cheek when greeting another person. They specify whether
to wear a tie and blazer or a T-shirt and sandals to an event. In Canada, women can smile and say
hello to men on the street. In Egypt, it’s not acceptable. In regions in the southern United States,
bumping into an acquaintance means stopping to chat. It’s considered rude not to, no matter how
busy one is. In other regions, people guard their privacy and value time efficiency. A simple nod
of the head is enough.
Many folkways are actions we take for granted. People need to act without thinking to get
seamlessly through daily routines; they can’t stop and analyze every action (Sumner 1906).
People who experience culture shock may find that it subsides as they learn the new culture’s
folkways and are able to move through their daily routines more smoothly Folkways might be
small manners, learned by observation and imitated, but they are by no means trivial. Like mores
and laws, these norms help people negotiate their daily life within a given culture.
What are some folkways of the Pakistani society? Are they punishable if violated?
3.2 Elements of Culture
Symbols and Language
Humans, consciously and subconsciously, are always striving to make sense of their surrounding
world.
Symbols—such as gestures, signs, objects, signals, and words—help people understand the
world. Symbols provide clues to understanding experiences. They convey recognizable meanings
that are shared by societies. The world is filled with symbols. Sports uniforms, company logos,
and traffic signs are symbols. In some cultures, a gold ring is a symbol of marriage. Some
symbols are highly functional; stop signs, for instance, provide useful instruction. As physical
objects, they belong to material culture, but because they function as symbols, they also convey
nonmaterial cultural meanings. Some symbols are only valuable in what they represent.
Trophies, blue ribbons, or gold medals, for example, serve no other urpose other than to
represent accomplishments. But many objects have both material and nonmaterial
symbolic value.
A police officer’s badge and uniform are symbols of authority and law enforcement. The sight of
an officer in uniform or a squad car triggers reassurance in some citizens, and annoyance, fear, or
anger in others. It’s easy to take symbols for granted. Few people challenge or even think about
stick figure signs on the doors of public bathrooms. But those figures are more than just symbols
that tell men and women which bathrooms to use. They also uphold the value, in the United
States, that public restrooms should be gender exclusive. Even though stalls are relatively
private, most places don’t offer unisex bathrooms.
The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis is based on the idea that people experience their world through
their language, and that they therefore understand their world through the culture embedded in
their language. The hypothesis, which has also been called linguistic relativity, states that
language shapes thought (Swoyer 2003). Studies have shown, for instance, that unless people
have access to the word “ambivalent,” they don’t recognize an experience of uncertainty due to
conflicting positive and negative feelings about one issue. Essentially, the hypothesis argues, if a
person can’t describe the experience, the person is not having the experience.
In addition to using language, people communicate without words. Nonverbal communication is
symbolic, and, as in the case of language, much of it is learned through one’s culture. Some
gestures are nearly universal: smiles often represent joy and crying often represents sadness.
Other nonverbal ymbols vary across cultural contexts in their meaning. A thumbs-up, for
example, indicates positive reinforcement in the United States, whereas in Russia and Australia,
it is an offensive curse (Passero 2002). Other gestures vary in meaning depending on the
situation and the person. A wave of the hand can mean many things, depending on how it’s done
and for whom. It may mean “hello,” “goodbye,” “no thank you,” or “I’m royalty.” Winks convey
a variety of messages, including “We have a secret,” “I’m only kidding,” or “I’m attracted to
you.” From a distance, a person can understand the emotional gist of two people in conversation
just by watching their body language and facial expressions.
Furrowed brows and folded arms indicate a serious topic, possibly an argument. Smiles, with
heads lifted and arms open, suggest a lighthearted, friendly chat.
Breaching Experiments
Sociologist Harold Garfinkel (1917–2011) studied people’s customs in order to find out how
societal rules and norms not only influenced behavior but shaped social order. He believed that
members of society together create a social order (Weber 2011). His resulting book, Studies in
Ethnomethodology, published in 1967, discusses people’s assumptions about the social make-up
of their communities.
One of his research methods was known as a “breaching experiment.” His breaching experiments
tested sociological concepts of social norms and conformity. In a breaching experiment, the
researcher behaves in a socially awkward manner. The participants are not aware an experiment
is in progress. If the breach is successful, however, these “innocent bystanders” will respond in
some way. For example, if the experimenter is, say, a man in a business suit, and he skips down
the sidewalk or hops on one foot, the passersby are likely to stare at him with surprised
expressions on their faces. But the experimenter does not simply “act weird” in public. Rather,
the point is to deviate from a specific social norm in a small way, to subtly break some form of
social etiquette, and see what happens.
To conduct his ethnomethodology, Garfinkel deliberately imposed strange behaviors on
unknowing people. Then he would observe their responses. He suspected that odd behaviors
would shatter conventional expectations, but he wasn’t sure how. He set up, for example, a
simple game of tic-tac-toe. One player was asked beforehand not to mark Xs and Os in the boxes
but on the lines dividing the spaces instead. The other player, in the dark about the study, was
flabbergasted and did not know how to continue. Their reactions of outrage, anger, puzzlement,
or other emotions illustrated the existence of cultural norms that constitute social life. These
cultural norms play an important role. They let us know how to behave around each other and
how to feel comfortable in our community.
There are many rules about speaking with strangers in public. It’s okay to tell a woman you like
her shoes. It’s not okay to ask if you can try them on. It’s okay to stand in line behind someone at
the ATM. It’s not okay to look over their shoulder as they make their transaction. It’s okay to sit
beside someone on a crowded bus. It’s weird to sit beside a stranger in a half-empty bus.
For some breaches, the researcher directly engages with innocent bystanders. An experimenter
might strike up a conversation in a public bathroom, where it’s common to respect each other’s
privacy so fiercely as to ignore other people’s presence. In a grocery store, an experimenter
might take a food item out of another person’s grocery cart, saying, “That looks good! I think I’ll
try it.”
An experimenter might sit down at a table with others in a fast food restaurant, or follow
someone around a museum, studying the same paintings. In those cases, the bystanders are
pressured to respond, and their discomfort illustrates how much we depend on social norms.
Breaching experiments uncover and explore the many unwritten social rules we live by.
Identify some suitable ‘awkward’ things that would serve as good experiments to study and
uncover social norms, values and the overall culture in Pakistan that would elicit unique
responses from other cultures?