The Pedagogical Theories of A. S.

Makarenko: A Comparative Analysis

Author(s): Bob Caskey
Source: Comparative Education , Oct., 1979, Vol. 15, No. 3, Special Number (4): Disparities
and Alternatives in Education (Oct., 1979), pp. 277-286
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3098901

REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
https://www.jstor.org/stable/3098901?seq=1&cid=pdf-
reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Comparative Education

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979 277

The Pedagogical Theories o

A. S. Makarenko.
a comparative analysis
BOB CASKEY

Among the seemingly unattainable goals set by the new Soviet regime, sociali
diverse elements along Bolshevik lines loomed as most crucial. The Civil War (1918-1
aftermath of World War I naturally had exacerbated the already deep divisions
Russian Empire, a situation reflected in the profound disagreements among the soc
the time. This confusion reigned until the consolidation of Stalinist rule. Out
emerged a monist, if not monolithic, conception of society-most notably in attitud
creation of the 'New Soviet Man'. Not only did Soviet society come to demand unsw
to the collective and ultimately the state; this ideal was to be achieved through
scious participation of each member of the society. Possibly of even greater import
implications this process poses for the socialisation of abandoned and delinquen
the Soviet Union and the West.
Perhaps the easiest way to understand the development of thought on the relationship of man
to society in the Soviet Union is to follow the career of Anton Semionovich Makarenko, who,
although virtually unknown in the West, is subject to intense veneration in the USSR. For
"Makarenko's fame rests securely on his work in developing a system of education ... for the
total all-round growth of his charges and [his] development of a pedagogy that would be able to
employ reliable, predictable methods for producing and controlling a particular type of person-
ality" (Bowen, 1962, p. 12).
Makarenko's lasting fame is all the more remarkable in view of his position as an outsider.
Made a member of the Communist Party only after his death in 1937, Makarenko was the only
early Soviet experimenter in education whose theories withstood the severe ideological pressures
of the 1930s. It is conceivable that Makarenko's simple background, anti-intellectual views, and
his rather direct and often uncouth manners boosted his standing with the very highest circles of
the Soviet government. "There was between him and the Stalinist dictatorship an understanding
and sympathy deeper and more natural than any mere 'ideological loyalty' could have established.
This is the most important reason that can be given for the recognition that Makarenko's edu-
cational scheme eventually received" (Lilge, 1958, p. 7).
Soviet biographers are fond of pointing out Makarenko's humble origins, asserting,
"Makarenko's father worked in the shop from daybreak until late in the evening, but his earnings
were meagre . . . Anton loved to ask his father questions for which the latter could not give
answers; why the birds fly south for the winter, and why does not the landlord work anywhere,
and why does he live like a baron" (Krol', 1964, p. 6). Upon finishing the lower forms in 1904

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
278 Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979

with a straight 'A' average, Makarenko enrolled in a one-year education

subsequently posted in his home town of Kruikov as a first-grade tea
Makarenko became involved in the revolutionary events of 1905. As a te
nected with the railroad, Makarenko came in close contact with some o
members of the Russian proletariat and soon came under the sway of Bolshe
Fortunate enough to escape the Tsarist reaction to the revolutionary
eventually entered the Poltava Teacher's Institute from which he graduated
in June 1917. Rejected for military duty because of his poor sight, he rema
master of the local elementary school until his sharp disagreements on Sovi
became known to the Director of the Provincial Department of Education. H
wilful subordinate to his office, the Director challenged Makarenko to assum
a colony of bezprizornye, or war orphans. When Makarenko asked for direc
ment of the home, which was used by the old regime for juvenile delinquen
informed Makarenko that there were no guidelines or even suggestions to f
to come up with his own programme. As the chief put it, "We'll have to jud
main thing isn't just a colony for juvenile delinquents but, you know, social
got to create the new man-our sort of man". (Makarenko, 1936, pp. 2
The plight of the bezprizornye was awesome in its dimensions. By 192
the number of homeless waifs at seven million. (Shmidt, 1929, pp. 783-90). T
problem is obvious but it was complicated by two factors. The almost total
economy obviated any possibility of an energetic programme materially to
At no time were more than 300,000 of the waifs cared for by the vario
dealt with the catastrophe (E. Koutaizoff, 1953, p. 110). Moreover, the instit
fell into disrepute at the hands of Bolshevik ideologues. Many parent
propoganda seriously and abandoned their children, ostensibly believin
provide for their upbringing. This proposition was, of course, preposter
of children wandered throughout the country, living by any means pos
turned to prostitution; begging and thievery became the other princip
(Shishkov, 1973).
Unfortunately, some early irresponsible Soviet writers glorified the 'a
bezprizornye. Even the well-known pedagogical professor Zalkind lauded
success in group action (the youths typically formed gangs) and their stron
'bourgeois'. (Shmidt, 1929, p. 787). This attitude could only hinder efforts to
It was under these conditions that Makarenko started a new era in ed
Makarenko's work with the bezprizornye is recounted in his trilogy, Pedago
in the first person, this account presents a diary-like history of the ev
Makarenko's search for a unified theory in the upbringing of children. Each
turning point in the life of the colony and corresponds with Makarenko's d
of the school collective.
Makarenko never looked beyond the collective in his educational research. He implicitly
assumed that the collective would be the focal point for the nurturing of the new man. This
position conformed with Soviet policy, yet we shall see that in his analysis of the collective's
dialectical nature, Makarenko was closer to Hegel than Marx's system of thought. Makarenko
perceived his task as one of giving definite form to the collective. Forming a cohesive group from
his charges would be a difficult task. His first goal was "to establish techniques of personality
engineering; what means to employ to obtain the desired results, how to gauge emotional re-
actions to certain measures, and how to convert individual energies into socially approved work"
(Lilge, 1958, p. 3).
The first months proved very difficult for the Gorky labour colony. The wards were openly
disrespectful to the teachers and refused to do any work-an impossible situation for an institution
which had to be self-supporting. Several months of cajoling the colonists to perform tasks proved

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979 279

to be of no avail. Makarenko, extremely depressed and frustrated by his

end examining contemporary educational practices in his attempt
Continued failure embittered Makarenko against his learned colleagues an
on his own for an understanding of the nature of the school collective.
colonists contemptuously addressed Makarenko, the latter, "boiling with
reduced to despair by my first failures in the past months" hit the you
have struck him again, but he quietly muttered: Forgive me, Anton
1936, p. 20). At the time striking a student was illegal and unheard of; M
deal about the consequences. However, the colonists seemed to modif
better and the assaulted ward said, "We aren't so bad Anton Semionovich
right. We understand" (Makarenko, 1936, p. 22).
Two explanations for the reformed behaviour of the colonists com
importantly, the Soviet Union of the early 1920s witnessed a terribl
prospect of leaving the colony very uninviting. At the very least, th
regular meals in the camp. In breaking with approved educational
changed his status vis-a-vis the wards. Paradoxically, he became much
by his risky action. It is possible that Makarenko would have been remov
aggressive action become known to the educational authorities. Also,
physically stronger, proving to the boys Makarenko's mettle and worth
leader of the boys.
Makarenko further constructed his method of discipline on an interest
novel and perhaps most significant of his experiments sprang from, "so
instinct ... I was not an expert, and we had no means of providing an
thinking twice about it, and without a single shudder, I began to drill the
and manoeuvres" (Makarenko, 1953, p. 19). The militarisation of the
lengths. 'Detachments' were formed, commanders appointed, buglers tra
even had its own flag. Makarenko asserted that "children should be taug
ments and speech". Once this was accomplished, other demands could
power of collective opinion. Eventually, the behaviour of even the most
be upgraded to meet society's expectations. "They tell us", he wrote
literate, and if possible, educated people-disciplined, courageous, pos
and initiative ... an active member of the socialist construction, who
his place in the military ranks for the defence of our country from th
(Nezhinskij, 1968, p. 20).
Within eighteen months, a miraculous change had come over the
competition between detachments, Makarenko could harness the ener
lective discipline, with the result that the colony was transformed into a
goverment. The pupils produced their own food and even such commodi
Makarenko was pleased but not entirely satisfied with his results. A
took part in common activities, some did so only grudgingly. Makarenk
a threat to the continued stability in the colony. He sought to prevent t
the collective by singling out a specific ward, Chobot, for humiliation b
When Chobot's attitude remained unchanged, Makarenko resorted to
expulsion from the colony. Chobot was temporarily 'exiled' and was allow
pledging to improve his behaviour. Although this action furthered Maka
unremitting internal discipline, the damage done to Chobot was such th
suicide.
By this time group solidarity had reached such a point that Chob
sympathetic comment from the communards. Chobot was commonly
rich peasantry opposed to the regime), and the observation of Lapot
commander, was typical: "He lived and died a kulak, and it was gr

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
280 Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979

(Makarenko, 1955, p. 270). Makarenko had often used the spectre of exte
binding more firmly together the disparate personalities within the colle
the commune secure against its kulak neighbours and seemingly immun
above, Chobot's death convinced Makarenko that there was yet a mi
gogical scheme. This seems to be the extent of his interest in Chobot's p
The next day Makarenko
pondered over the paths open to (the) colony. A full-grown crisis see
up in our midst, and many of the things I valued most were threate
selves into an abyss ... I thought of the strength of the colonists' col
I realized what was wrong. Why, of course-how could I have taken
it? It had all come about because we were at a standstill ... Yes, for al
had been at a standstill-the same fields, the same flower beds, the sa
the same yearly round. (Makarenko, 1955, pp. 272-74).
When presented with a proposal to relocate the collective to the dete
Makarenko accepted, and would have done so enthusiastically had n
of complete neglect with its 400 residents living in almost complete ana
Makarenko was not prompted to move to Kuryazh only for the good o
Having been given a free hand to deal with the Kuryazh colony as he sa
verify his previous findings on the nature of the collective using t
experimental group. If children who had been recently in the most unf
be incorporated swiftly into the collective, he would have further justifi
To increase his chances of success, Makarenko decided to make an inde
Kuryazhites. The move to the new location by the Gorky wards was plan
ing of a military objective. Makarenko hoped that when confronted wit
detachments, newly outfitted from head to foot, the Kuryazhites' fasci
appearance of the Gorkyites would last long enough for the Kuryazh re
secure control of the collective discipline. When the desired results wer
colony was put quickly into order, Makarenko had time to include this
theory. As he asserted:
Style and tone have always been ignored in pedagogical theory, b
qualities come under one of the most important headings in coll
The failure of many children's institutions can be attributed to the f
neither style, nor habits and traditions. (Makarenko, 1955, p. 262).
Important in the regulation of style and tradition is the role of th
such stress on the existence of a stable teaching staff that he later decl
five years is what a communard stays with us, then a tutor should do f
Commune at the very least. It should be made a rule" (Makarenko,
elucidations on style go much further than this example. He also believe
not control his facial expressions or his moods is no good" -(Makarenko, 1953, p. 104).
Makarenko's particular application of a specific style and tone proved to be the actual foundation
of the collective. Without a clearly discernible tradition (in this case provided by the detachment
structure), the stability of the collective remains in jeopardy and (if he is correct) eventually degen-
erates into a group of competing individuals.
Makarenko was confident that true individuality could come to fore only in the collective. After
"incorporating the individual into the collective in such a way that he believes himself to belong
to it freely and without compulsion" (Lilge, 1958, p. 20), the process toward the ultimate goal of
Soviet education, social engineering, begins.
We all know perfectly well what sort of human being we should aim at turning out. The
problem, therefore, is not what is to be done, but how it is to be done... Our pedagogical

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979 281

'industry' had never been based upon the logic of technology, but inv
'moral persuasion' ... I still adhered to my conception of the huma
its complexity, wealth and beauty, but it seemed to me that precisely
were bound to approach it with the most exact gauges ... At any rate
that many details of human personality and behaviour could be made
stamped out en masse. (Makarenko, 1955, pp. 265-67)

Here lies the crowning achievement of Makarenko's work, Believing th

western sense) was an irregularity in the collective life, caused by a
human state" (Bowen, 1962, p. 122), Makarenko could fulfill his per
"to ensure the survival of a particular political system... with a theor
to its own inner logic but in the light of its success in meeting political
226) by supplying "the rapidly increasing demand for trained manp
time disciplining young people for a life of devoted service to the state"
Independence in thought and action is curtailed in Makarenko's concept
such an extent that creativity ultimately is denied its most fundamental o
fully admit that no writers or artists come from the Gorkyites, and th
not have enough talent, but for other reasons-life and its practical
(Makarenko, 1953, p. 43). Makarenko's justification is lacking in exp
existence the Gorky colony staged dramatic performances which be
'practical daily problems' continually dominated the lives of the colonist
of his basic tenets the need for the collective to move forward con
targets, so that at no point would there be sufficient time for a commun
lar talents. When one of Makarenko's charges expressed a real desi
Makarenko felt duty bound to dissuade the youth. It is likely that M
activities he could not control personally; his heavy hand is seen in man
the nominally autonomous Commander's Council.
Makarenko stated that the purpose of the Gorky colony was to provide
communards could "learn to live like real Soviet people". But was the col
model? If the collective was to be the primary group for its members, s
apparent. By the mid-1930s the Soviet regime was based on the primacy
Yet Makarenko never tired of using Soviet educational authorities as ext
to mould the collective. Although he was certainly cognisant of the f
state, his romantic blinkers (in part formed under the 'guidance' of
prevented him from understanding the full consequences of this dilemm
real Soviet people, Makarenko's wards were taught a healthy scepticism o
representatives (especially bureaucrats) of the government. In contrast t
of the collective, the communards were encouraged to view the rest of s
fused social mass" (Bowen, 1962, p. 204).
Further undermining the role of accepted social institutions, Ma
Komsomol organisation, preferring that the colony's Commander's C
decisions regarding the collective. This spirit of elitism was of extreme
formation of the collective, although, in the long term, its benefits for
problematic.
Since the mid-1930s Makarenko's pedagogical theories have been sanctioned officially by the
regime. This does not mean, however, that his methods have been applied without modification.
In Yesipov and Goncharov's textbook Pedagogy, published after the Second World War, the
revisions are minor, yet nonetheless reflect the need for greater conformity to the state's desires.
Thus, for example, a 'fruitful friendship' can be encouraged by the teacher (Counts, 1947, p. 89).
More importantly, the young Communist and Pioneer organisations are charged with all decision-
making responsibility in the collective, which Makarenko left to his hand-picked Commander's

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
282 Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979

Council (Counts, 1947, p. 90). Finally, the equality of boys and girls (to wh
subscribed) was to be emphasised. "In the distribution of various social tas
assign them to boys and girls so that both may be equally active" (Counts, 194
On the other hand, the vitally important aspects of Makarenko's theory are
later authors have a tendency to repeat almost verbatim axioms taken from M
For example:
To educate a member of our Soviet society means to educate a person who understands
the interests of this society and has no personal interests opposed to the collective
interests. With us there is no contradiction between individuality and society. (Nezhinskij,
1968, p. 22).
The same pattern is repeated in dealing with such concepts as style and tone, patriotism, and the
deleterious effects of romantic love on the life of the collective.
With the reconstruction of the Soviet economy from the catastrophic effects of war and the
emergence of the Soviet Union as a global power, Makarenko's theories have undergone further,
although subtle changes. The demands of an industrialised society have altered the aims of Soviet
education in the direction of achievement of high scholastic levels. Even so, his methods are of
central importance to the shkoly internaty, or boarding schools.
In N. P. Nezhinskij's Pedagogical Ideas of A. S. Makarenko Today, several examples are given
of boarding schools which follow in a fastiduous manner Makarenko's ideas on discipline, style
and tone and tradition. The director of the Sutiski Tyvrobsky boarding school proudly points out
that "from the first days (he) worked hard", as he put it, "in the Makarenko way (po-
makarenkovski), to remember every pupil, remember where everyone's bed is located in the
dormitory, etc." (Zhurakovski, 1963, p. 6).
Discipline, however, has changed in its emphasis. No longer is discipline mainly to be derived
from moral persuasion from within the collective; ". . . children cannot successfully develop
without wise organization and judicious direction from the older members of society"
(Zhurakovski, 1963, p. 5). Of course the disciplinary demands in most Soviet schools today are
much different from those in the bezprizornye colonies after the civil war, yet the substitution of
'direction' for 'internal discipline' in the regular day schools is significant.
Interestingly, the theory on the tenure of teachers has been expanded upon recently to the point
where Nezhinskij considers the matter weighty enough to invoke statistical analysis purporting
to demonstrate that long term of service by teachers in a school is a significant factor. "Analysis
has shown that the fundamental reason for the unsatisfactory performance of the school (the
Baryshevsky school in Kiev) is the fluctuation in staff and the short duration of their work in the
given school" (Nezhinskij, 1968, p. 33). This theme is currently quite popular in pedagogical
literature and attests not only to the lasting importance of Makarenko's theories, but also to the
rigidity of Soviet educational thought.
More important is the question of manual labour as an integral part of the school's activities.
On first examination it would appear that labour in the schools is still strongly emphasised. "The
pupils of the school love to work. Many of them have become accustomed-without reminders
from their instructors-to clean the class rooms, corridors, dining room, and once a week they
independently perform a general clean-up" (Nezhinskij, 1968, p. 141). "An examination of many
anti-social activities among some sections of adolescents and youths testifies to the fact that they
became accustomed either too late or not at all to productive work" (Nezhinskij, 1970, p. 36).
These remarks, however, apply specifically to boarding schools and schools of the extended day.
To generalise this emphasis throughout the Soviet educational system would be mistaken.
Although it appears that productive work is important in boarding schools, reformatories, ex-
extended day schools, and collective farm schools, as Nezhinsky admits, the rapidly increasing
body of knowledge necessary for a modern education makes it impractical to demand that each
student spend a great deal of time performing manual labour (Nezhinskij, 1970, p. 300). Even

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979 283

though Nezhinskij feels compelled to say, "idleness of the hands leads to

tioning of the mind" (Nezhinskij, 1970, p. 307). the important role of la
seems to be a normative rather than a descriptive picture.
To explore the possible applications of the Makarenko method to th
youngsters in the United States, it is instructive to compare and contra
for youth. Through such an anlysis common structural features can be
Makarenko's theories more easily apprehended. Two types of total youth
fied: the open and the structured school. The Montessori and Summ
of the former, the kibbutz, Kinderdorfen, and the shkoly internaty, the
of the open institutions for the socialisation of disadvantaged and d
concentration on the structured type.
The Austrian Kinderdorfen (children's villages) are church-run institut
often illegitimate children. Although very young children are accepted, t
is 8-5 years. Of prime importance is the establishment in each cotta
environment. A strong attempt is made to overcome the feelings of ins
experience. This institution has great success in developing not only
maturity, affiliation, intimacy) (Wolins, 1974, p. 217) but also cognitive
1971). The day-to-day upkeep of the cottages and decision making is acc
level. The 'Mutti' of each cottage is carefully chosen and assigned to a sp
for an extended period.
The Boy's Town established by Father Flanagan near Omaha, Nebra
Flanagan saw the dissolution of families as the main causal factor in
adult criminal behaviour. Although the boys lived in dormitories, a
every 25 youths and there were resident priests in each dwelling. Fla
staff as parental substitutes (Lunetta, 1961, p. 96) and initiated a policy
his wards. Like Makarenko, Flanagan believed strongly in the impor
to be used by the instructors.
The ultimate formula for the creation of a nurturing environment wa
love, and religion", but "farming and trades were practised partially
the financial difficulties but primarily for their educational value
The 'town council' elected by the boys and composed of supervisor
provided an opportunity for the older wards to give assistance and
members.
In most contemporary kibbutzim the picture is rather different. Infant
a housemother who is replaced periodically. "The earliest human contact
housemother who has at least five others to look after. There is little tim
play and reciprocal stimulation" (Kardiner, 1961, p. 10). While there
kibbutz to another, "study [is usually] regarded as important, but less im
study is the main activity in the village, its importance declines in the ki
on work. The social acceptance of a ward is determined by his appro
Arad, 1974, p. 315).
As in the Soviet boarding schools, the pressures of conformity are qui
itself is responsible for discipline maintenance and the accomplishm
fortunately, the varied origins of the kibbutz members and differences
make specific, detailed analysis of kibbutz structure hard to generalise.
The shkoly internaty and ideas of Makarenko got their biggest boost f
Twentieth Party Congress in 1956. As he declared, "Our Communist
the task of the upbringing of youth the crucial one as we must mou
society, people with great courage and towering ideals, selfless servants
form the vanguard of all progressive mankind" (Khrushchev, 1956, pp.
proclamation the hurried construction of boarding schools began. A

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
284 Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979

million youths were enrolled at the internaty (Wolins, 1974, p. 75),

population (Bronfenbrenner, 1970, p. 15).
Shortly therafter Khrushchev was removed from his leadership p
marked by cautious policy making, was ushered in. It is not surpr
Khrushchev's goal of universal enrolment in the internaty has fallen by
have contributed to the complete halt of the expansion of the inte
international tensions and a stagnating economy have forced shifts in p
Many parents have also expressed misgivings about the voluntary progr
When I first heard that boarding schools would be established (says a
I immediately thought I would enter my children. Let them receive
upbringing, as in military school. But then some doubts occurre
greater joy than to do things for her child. To refrain from this and
for months is difficult... Reunions with parents must not be limited
must have an opportunity to take a larger part in the life of the sch
up our young people together. (Wolins, 1974, p. 74)
Apparently the regime is now sympathetic to this view. The promulga
hensive Family Code in 1968 has gone to great lengths to strengthen
couraged to prevent divorces for the sake of the children and the c
households has been improved. (Sotsialisticheskaya Zakonnost', 1972
But in Soviet society (as our own) neither the pronouncements of
nor the parents can be viewed as major determinants of social ch
more likely to be affected by objective factors: the equalising of the s
lation, the increase of leisure time made possible by shorter working h
the easing of the housing shortage . . . all of these institutional chan
effect of enhancing the role of the family in the upbringing of the ch
1970, p. 85)

The number of internaty has remained steady with pupils from larger
counting for the bulk of the students. For these children, and for delin
the Makarenko method should remain in effect, at least for the foreseeab
Urie Bronfenbrenner has hypothesised the following methods of 'envi
which effectively influence and change the behaviour of children: (
reinforcement; (c) intensive relationships; (d) group forces; an
(Bronfenbrenner, 1974, p. 397). These forces are easily distinguished in
described and take these forms: (a) a strong ideological content; (b)
(c) group maintained discipline; and (d) older wards taking charge of the
Whether the ideological orientation is religious (Boy's Town, the Kinde
internaty, the kibbutzim), the factor is important in motivating the st
influences on the wards and inculcating the whole system with a real be
success of the undertaking. It has been shown that "a child is more
social pressure if, in the course of growing up, he has been exposed to m
agent. Exposure to divergent influences in the course of growing up mak
resist pressure to conform" (Bronfenbrenner, 1974, p. 249). Thus, the p
viewpoint in a total institution insures that the behaviour of teachers w
obviates the possibility of ascendency of contrary peer group influence
employed must be viable and internalised by the staff. Charismatic,
(Makarenko, Flanagan), are ideal choices for potent models. They are also
causes of harmful behaviour patterns as reversible.
Productive labour in the institution serves two purposes. It provide
the wards and makes adjustment to adult life smoother. Whether the w

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979 285

of cottages in the Kinderdorfen (Wolins, 1974, p. 129) or the man

Makarenko's wards, it is a central demand of each of these institutions.
accustomed to cooperative labour, further socialisation becomes must
Only after a stable organisational structure has been established
government' be introduced. In the institutions examined the notions of
group generated sanctions are of extreme importance-for good reas
group creates, as we have seen, strong pressures to conform and gives t
actualisation, paradoxically, through the collective structure.
Finally, the mixing of age groups in the Kinderdorfen, the function o
in Boy's Town and the patronage (shevstvo) system in the Soviet boa
given the task of 'looking after' a lower grade) serves as social reinforce
impetus to conformity on the part of the more mature wards. This pro
when the older residents consciously guide their younger counterparts i
Although the adoption of the forms discussed would not guarantee the
the West of total youth institutions (for example it would even be difficu
universal ideology for application in the Western democracies), the failu
justice systems suggests that these methods, normally deemed psycholog
unsound, deserve at least selective application. As more research is done
that the results will confirm the findings of Wolins and Bronfenbrenn
salutary effects of group-oriented care and rehabilitation.

REFERENCES

Academy of Sciences of the USSR (1975) The Collective and the Individual (Kolletiv i
Science Publishing House).
Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the RSFSR (1963) Fundamentals of Communist U
Kommunisticheskogo Vospitaniya) (Moscow, Government Publishing House of Politica
AFANASENKO, E. I. & KAIROV, I. A. (Eds) (1961) Five Years of Boarding Schools (Pyat' Le
(Moscow, Ministry of Education, RSFSR).
ALT, HERSCHEL & EDITH (1964) The New Soviet Man (Bookman Associates, Inc.).
BOWEN, JAMES (1962) Soviet Education: Anton Makarenko and the Years of Experim
University of Wisconsin Press).
BRONFENBRENNER, URIE (1970) Two Worlds of Childhood: U.S. and U.S.S.R. (New
Foundation). (1974) On the making of new men: some extrapolations from research, in
Successful Group Care (Chicago, Aldine Publishing Company). (1974) Reaction to so
adults verses peers among Soviet day school and boarding school pupils in the perspec
sample, in: Successful Group Care.
COWEN, GEORGE S. (1955) In Modern Philosophies and Education (University of Chicago
CARTWRIGHT, DORWIN & ZANDER, ALVIN (Eds) (1953) Group Dynamics: Research and Th
Peterson & Co.).
COUNTS, R. S. (1947) I Want to be like Stalin (New York, The John Day Company).
GOODMAN, W. L. (1949) Anton Semionovitch Makarenko, Russian Teacher (London, Rout
HAINSTOCK, ELIZABETH G. (1978) The Essential Montessori (New York, The New America
KARDINER, ABRAM (1961) When the state brings up the child, in: Saturday Review (Augu
KHRUSHCHEV, N. (1956) XX Session of the CPSU, pp. 82-83 (Moscow. Gospolitizdat).
KORALEV, F. F. (1959) Soviet Schools in the Period of Socialist Industrialization (Sovetsk
Sotsialisticheskoj Industrializatsii), (Moscow, Ministry of Education of the RSFSR).
KOUTAIZOFF, E. (1953) Soviet education and the new man, Soviet Studies, 2, p. 110.
KROL', T. G. (1964) A. S. Makarenko (Leningrad, Proveshchenie Publishers).
LAWRENCE, FRANCIS (1953) Makarenko-pioneer of Communist education, The Moder
8, pp. 234-240.
LILGE, F. (1958) Anton Semyonovitch Makarenko (Berkeley, University of California).
LUNETTA, V. N. (1961) A comparative study: the Gorky youth colony and boy's town, Edu
XI, No. 2.
MACE, K. & V. (1963) The Soviet Family (New York, Doubleday).

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
286 Comparative Education Volume 15 No. 3 October 1979

MAKARENKO, A. S. (1936) The Road to Life, Stephan Garry, translations, Vol. 1 (L

(1953) Problems of Soviet School Education (Moscow, Progress Publishing House
Life (Putevka v Zhizn'), three volumes, Ivy and Tatiana Litunov, translation (Mosco
Publishing House). (1956) On Communist Upbringing (0 Kommunisticheskom Vos
Governmental Educational Printing House). (1959) Learning to Live (Flagi na B
Foreign Languages Publishing House).
MOROZOVA, N. A. (1961) A. S. Makarenko, a seminar (Seminarij) (Leningrad, Ministry
MOYLES, E. WILLIAM & WOLINS, MARTIN (1971) Group care and intellectual develo
Psychology, 4, pp. 370-380.
NEZHINSKIJ, N. A. (1968) The Pedagogical Ideas of A. S. Makarenko Today (i Sovremenn
Shkola). (1970) A. S. Makarenko and Contemporary Education (I Sovremennaya Shko
Shkola). (1976) A. S. Makarenko and School Pedagogy (A. S. Makarenko i Pedagog
Radyanska Shkola).
OURSLER, FULTON & WILL (1949) Father Flanagan and Boy's Town (Garden City, Doub
USSR, Moscow, Progress Publishers. 1977.
Rapaport, Chanan & Arad, Rivka (1974) Evaluation of the educational process in Mechin
Successful Group Care.
ROKEACH, MILTON (1961) Authority, authoritarianism, and conformity, in: BERG, I. A
Deviation (New York, Harper & Brothers).
SHISHKOV, V. (1973) Children of Darkness (Westport, Hyperion Press).
SHMIDT, C. U. (1929) In The Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Bol'shaya Sovetskaya Entsiklepe
Sotsialisticheskaya Zakonnost' (1972) (Socialist Law), pp. 42-47 (Moscow).
SUNDYKOVA, N. A. (1959) A. S. Makarenko, a Biographical Reference (Biografichesk
The Academy of Pedagogical Science).
WOLINS, MARTIN (Ed.) (1974) Successful Group Care (Chicago, Aldine Publishing Co
ZHURAKOVSKIJ, G. E. (1963) The Pedagogical Ideas of A. S. Makarenko (Pedagogiches
Academy of Pedagogical Science).

This content downloaded from

132.174.254.72 on Tue, 27 Jul 2021 17:13:34 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms