Corporate Personality, Human Rights and Multinational Corporations
Corporate Personality, Human Rights and Multinational Corporations
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Despite these challenges, there has been a notable movement towards international corporate social
responsibility—driven forward by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and similar
bodies—buttressed by the belief that some commercial abuses should be enforced at international
level.15 This has resulted in a proliferation of voluntary codes of conduct to ensure compliance with
internationally accepted minimum standards of treatment and has consequently led to a more ethical
approach by MNCs.16 It is important to note, however, that these codes do not entail any enforcement
mechanism and thus remain entirely voluntary (soft law), thereby providing very limited protection
against transnational corporate abuses. This raises the question: in the absence of reliable
international and domestic regulation, are MNCs free to pursue short-term profit maximisation goals,
irrespective of the impact on local communities and the welfare of the host state?
In order to facilitate this discussion, the article begins by exploring the challenges posed by a lack of
international corporate personality and MNCs accountability at international level.17 Secondly,
significant legal developments at international level are assessed to determine the extent to which
they have been successful in holding MNCs accountable. The Guiding Principles on Business and
Human Rights introduced by Ruggie in 201118 form part of this discussion. Thirdly, a proposal to
codify Principle No.2,
"an independent corporate responsibility to respect human rights, which means that business
enterprises should act with due diligence to avoid infringing on the rights of others and address
adverse impacts with which they are involved,"
is advanced.19 Last but not least, a conclusion that ties together the various strands of argument
through this article is provided.
of the international legal order, albeit in the absence of international legal personality, the legal order
must be reformed so as to accommodate these powerful entities and prevent abuse of their dominant
position.
which is bound to protect this citizen".50 He was of the view that states were within their rights to set
pre-conditions on the admission foreign nationals, and once in the host state they should be subject
to the same laws as home nationals.51 However, he also believed that foreign nationals should remain
members of their home state and for that reason should not be "obliged to submit, like subjects, to all
the commands of the sovereign".52 Thus, a foreign national retains membership of his home state,
including the right to private property which was considered central to the wealth of nations.53 Thus,
Vattel disagreed with the "droit d’aubaine" and the "right of escheat"—decrees which were understood
to mean that on the death of a foreign national, his property would automatically revert to his host
state.54 As a result, the maltreatment of a foreign national or his property by the host state was to be
considered an injury done to his home state. This assessment ultimately formed the basis of the
diplomatic protection principle enshrined in international law. The principle is premised on the idea
that a harm done to a *I.C.C.L.R. 238 state’s national is treated as a harm done to the state itself,
thus entitling the injured national state to claim damages.55 Although diplomatic protection would in
the mid-20th century be replaced by investment treaty arbitration, stronger national laws and a slew of
internationals of codes of conduct, it marked the first international attempt to invoke international law
in matters involving MNCs.56
However, diplomatic protection was not a mechanism for controlling the activities of MNCs, but rather
a means of enforcing claims on behalf of injured foreign nationals. Throughout the 19th and early 20th
century, aggressive strategies to secure diplomatic protection for claims were more often employed
by potent states.57 For instance, in the period between 1820 and 1914, Britain alone interfered in
Latin-America in excess of 40 times to either safeguard their property or reinstate order,58 even where
claims were fallacious in nature and the punishment unjust.59 This culminated in the Western/Eastern
divide, in which opposition by developing nations mainly in Latin-America against Western-led
international law standards grew, while, although insisting on such standards, the West depended on
treaties of capitulation and diplomatic protection to impose extraterritorial jurisdiction and secure their
foreign economic interests.60 Although an increase in global trade and investment in the 20th century,
especially between Western states, led to a decline in the officious practices foreshadowing the rise
of an investor-friendly model, the historic opposition to Western imperialistic international standards,
coupled with corporate personality, would defeat any attempt at formulating international legal
standards for MNCs.
The development of international human rights emerged more strongly than ever shortly after the
Second World War, but also highlighted the first major challenge at formulating an international legal
structure for corporations.61 Its development epitomised the pinnacle of mankind’s efforts to structure
and formalise social advancement on a global scale. It is perhaps indicative of the importance of
human rights that their regulation and enforcement could not be delegated to individual national
states; rather, this was considered a combined international duty.62 The fundamental basis of these
rights is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), adopted by resolution of the General
Assembly of the United Nations in 1948.63 The UDHR is directed towards protecting human dignity
through its various articles on fundamental freedoms and rights. It states that "every organ of
society"—a term which possibly includes juridical persons—"shall strive by teaching and education to
promote respect for these rights and freedoms".64 Thus, despite being primarily directed towards
states, it does nevertheless address non-state actors too. However, this statement is only contained
within the Preamble and has not achieved customary international law status. Nevertheless, the
UDHR is merely a declaration and for that reason it is non-binding, imposing only ethical duties on
MNCs at best.65 Thus, a feeble attempt at imposing international responsibilities on companies left an
important question unanswered; do human rights obligations extend to MNCs despite their legal
personality? Subsequent attempts at formulating international responsibilities for companies have
shown that legal personality enables companies to enjoy non-state actor rights but with no
responsibilities, despite operating on an international platform.66
Furthermore, the ghosts of diplomatic protection and treaties of capitulation have been a derailing
factor towards adopting Western-led international law standards. For instance, during the 1974
Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order (NIEO Declaration) and the
Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States,67 newly independent states especially from
Latin-America showed a general reluctance towards international law standards. The NIEO
Declaration provides that neo-colonial practices such as covert investment strategies and the use of
corporations to influence decision making in weaker nations are a hindrance not only to the
advancement of international law, but also to the protection of emerging states’ interests. The NIEO
Declaration also restated the principle of permanent sovereignty, and in so doing included the states’
right to regulate MNCs. The Charter, however, simply elaborated on the principles already contained
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within the NIEO Declaration and included some supplementary measures to protect foreign
investments.68 These supplementary measures recognised a state’s right to regulate all investments
within its territory but stressed that a state cannot be obliged to accord more favourable *I.C.C.L.R.
239 treatment to the investments of a foreign national.69 However, despite the Charter confirming a
state’s right to regulate MNCs, it expanded on this provision by encouraging co-operation between
states when determining the regulation of MNCs.70 Both the NIEO Declaration and Charter were
ultimately advanced by the combined force of the developing nations who wished to aver their
national sovereignty to the world. However, the Declaration and Charter had no binding authority and
as a consequence could not replace extant laws.
However, not all provisions of the Declaration and Charter were abandoned. Indeed, the passages
relating to the strict regulation of MNCs reappeared in 1974 when a Commission on Transnational
Corporations was assembled by the UN Economic and Social Council in order to establish a draft
Code of Conduct on Transnational Corporations.71 This once again resulted in a divide between
capital importing and capital exporting countries owing to their concerns about the extent of its
application. The question that both these countries wanted urgent answers to was whether the Code
applied only to the conduct of MNCs or whether its application extended to the host state’s treatment
of foreign nationals. In 1980, the UN Economic and Social Council replied and stated that the Code
would be applicable in both cases.72 However, after a decade of negotiations, the Code was finally
dropped.73
The frustration of the NIEO Declaration, the Charter and shortly thereafter the Code did not prevent
international law from pursuing other avenues to achieve an adequate international framework for the
regulation of MNCs. Further legal attempts to regulate corporate behaviour at international level came
in the period between 1960 to the late 1970s. These developments are explored below in
chronological order. However, many of these attempts were met with fierce resistance from MNCs
and national governments. The failure to reach a consensus on mandatory regulation of MNCs
culminated in a self-regulatory approach.74
OECD Guidelines
The OECD Declaration on International Investment and Multinational Enterprises 1976 represents the
first major attempt at formulating international standards for MNCs.75 It covered an array of principles
on the national treatment of MNCs as well as general OECD Guidelines on Multinational Enterprises
recommended by OECD Member States to ensure compliance with the policies of host states.76 The
purpose of the Guidelines was to promote foreign direct investment and, in doing so, encourage "the
positive contribution which multinational enterprises can make towards economic and social
progress".77 The Guidelines covered specific areas such as employment and industrial relations, the
environment, combatting bribery, consumer interests, science and technology, competition and
taxation.78 Furthermore, the Guidelines also recognised the legitimate right of a state to govern the
activities of MNCs in parallel to standards of international law.79 A revised version of the Guidelines
was adopted in 2000, which recommended MNCs to "respect the human rights of those affected by
their activities" for the very first time.80 The latest revision in 2011 expanded on this recommendation
by introducing an entire chapter on human rights.81 It requires MNCs to respect human rights, avoid
causing or contributing to adverse human rights impacts, address and seek ways to prevent or
mitigate these impacts, have a policy commitment to respect human rights, carry out human rights
due diligence, and provide for remediation of adverse human rights impacts.82
However, it is important to note that the Guidelines do not represent hard law and are only "soft law"
initiatives designed to promote and encourage responsible business conduct. Companies that choose
not to adhere to these Guidelines can simply put forward their reasons for not doing so, and the only
ramifications they will suffer is reputational damage to their international image. Thus,
"non-adherence will not render an MNC in strict technical breach of the Guidelines".83 As a result, the
Guidelines are more often than not met with cynicism by many companies. There is, however, an
implementation mechanism for the Guidelines.84 To give effect to the *I.C.C.L.R. 240 Guidelines, it
requires Member States to set up national contact points (NCPs) to promote the Guidelines and
"contribute to the resolution of issues that arise relating to the implementation of the Guidelines in
specific instances".85 The "specific instances" scenario arises when a third party alleges that there has
been a breach of the Guidelines by a business. In these instances, the "NCP will offer a forum for
discussion" and also seek advice from the Committee on International Investment and Multinational
Enterprises (CIME) on "the interpretation of the Guidelines in particular circumstances" and "facilitate
access to consensual and non-adversarial means, such as conciliation or mediation, to assist the
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parties in dealing with the issues".86 However, the NCP and the CIME do not have any enforcement
powers and only perform consultative, advisory and clarificatory roles.87 Thus, the Guidelines can be
written off as nothing more than mere moral requests.
UN Global Compact
The UN Global Compact was launched in July 2000 after it was introduced by the UN
Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, in January 1999 in Davos.99 Today the Global Compact has over
10,000 participants from 130 countries, making it the largest non-binding corporate responsibility
initiative worldwide. The Global Compact is a "soft law" policy initiative for businesses which
voluntarily commit to respect and support 10 principles in the areas of human rights, labour, the
environment and anti-corruption,100 derived from the UDHR, the ILO’s Declaration on Fundamental
Principles and Rights at Work, the Rio *I.C.C.L.R. 241 Declaration on Environment and Development
and the UN Convention against Corruption.101 Principles 1 and 2 concern human rights and state that:
"Businesses should support and respect the protection of internationally proclaimed human rights;
and make sure that they are not complicit in human rights abuses." 102
Principles 3–6 expressly deal with labour rights, whereas Principles 7–9 deal with the promotion of
environmental rights, and Principle 10 speaks out on the fight against corruption.103
While the principles dealing with labour rights are very specific, the same cannot be said for Principles
1 and 2 which are very broad indeed. The general promotional nature of the first two principles might
therefore appeal to companies wishing to use it as a public relations instrument; however, the
vagueness of these principles will be to the detriment of the effective implementation of the Global
Compact.104 As previously mentioned, the Global Compact is an entirely voluntary process seeking to
reward good practice by publicising information for others to learn from.105 Thus, companies acceding
to the Global Compact must submit an annual report on the implementation of the 10 principles by
providing one concrete example on how they have progressed towards these principles.106 However,
there are no review mechanisms and as such very few members have been noted to properly comply
with the reporting requirements.107 Thus, the Global Compact falls within the same voluntary
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categories as all the other international initiatives designed to regulate corporate behaviour.
The realisation of the Global Compact initiative was examined in 2010 by the UN Joint Inspection unit.
Even though the successes of the initiative were praised, particularly with regard to the engagement
of the United Nations with the private sector, some of the main criticisms focussed on the lack of a
proper regulatory governmental and institutional framework, as well as the lack of a clear and
articulated mandate which resulted in a rather blurred focus and impact.108
However, owing to the criticisms the Global Compact received, in June 2004, a new "sanctioning"
mechanism was introduced.109 Consequently, if a member fails to submit its "communication on
progress" within one year, they will be considered for all intents and purposes as
"non-communicating" until such a report is submitted.110 However, where a member fails to submit its
"communication on progress" within a two-year period, they will be "de-listed" and the company’s
name may be published.111 A further advancement to the Global Compact was the introduction of a
complaints procedure.112 Accordingly, if a complaint signifying either the systematic or egregious
abuse of the Global Compact’s principles is received, this will be passed on to the relevant company
with a request for both a written explanation and any measures taken to resolve the matter.113 Thus,
where a member fails to respond to a request for written information concerning a complaint within a
certain period, they may be considered "non-communicating" and labelled as such on the website.114
While these measures could be construed as a step in the right direction towards holding MNCs to
account, some academic commentators remain sceptical on whether real change can occur, owing to
"past experience and the vague procedures".115
The initiative reflected the UN Secretary-General’s vision of giving a human face to the global market,
a rather ambitious idea that has historically stumbled across a number of obstacles. Since then,
various human rights bodies have examined the effectiveness of the UN’s strategies and policies in
relation to multinational corporations with a view to making proposals for strengthening the
embodiment of human rights principles in the practice of multinational corporations.
Voluntary codes
The increasing demands for MNCs to behave in a socially responsible manner—emanating from
NGOs, trade unions, developed countries’ consumers, and community groups—have stemmed from
the inadequacy of the current international human rights framework to adequately deal with the
threats posed by MNCs. *I.C.C.L.R. 242 116 Indeed, MNCs have argued that human rights are not the
concerns of corporations but rather that of states and international bodies.117 Furthermore,
corporations have also maintained that their ultimate duty is owed to their shareholders for the
purpose of wealth maximisation.118 However, while this view is ubiquitous, the increasing exposure of
human rights abuses committed by MNCs across the globe has prompted MNCs to adopt voluntary
codes of conduct to show their commitment to the protection of human rights and advancement of
social standards. This commitment stems, not from any philanthropic motivation, but rather from an
increased awareness of stakeholder expectations as well as the harm that may result from a
tarnished brand image.119 MNCs therefore see it in their commercial interest to accede to voluntary
codes of conduct, and more often than not, publicise these in the guise of socially responsible
practices.120
A profusion of voluntary codes of conduct emerged in the late 20th century with the liberalisation of
trade and investment.121 The purpose of these codes of conduct was to demonstrate a commitment,
beyond the letter of the law, to human rights and social standards across the globe.122 Today it is
difficult to find a MNC that does not claim to support a voluntary code of conduct indicating adherence
to principles of human rights. The earliest codes of conduct can be traced back to the Sullivan
Principles, a US-based initiative targeting MNCs operating in apartheid South Africa, and the
MacBride Principles, encouraging affirmative action employment programmes in Northern Ireland.123
More recent codes of conduct include the Worldwide Responsible Apparel Production (WRAP),124 US
Apparel Industry Partnership’s Workplace Code of Conduct125 and the Social Accountability
International (SA8000).126 The SA8000 and WRAP initiatives are overseen by bodies that carry out
social audits to monitor compliance. Similar codes of conduct have been adopted by large MNCs
operating in less developed countries across the globe, such as Nike, BP, Royal Dutch Shell, and Rio
Tinto, to name a few.
While the contents of each code vary considerably, environmental and labour issues remain the
focus.127 Some of these codes of conduct also explicitly address international human rights. For
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instance, Rio Tinto’s code of conduct supports the UDHR and provides that:
"We support human rights consistent with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Rio Tinto
respects those rights in conducting the Group’s operations throughout the world." 128
However, given that the overwhelming majority of companies are motivated primarily by profit, and
with the realisation that reputational damage could adversely impact their bottom-line profits, they
take action to avoid such consequences,129 as exemplified by Shell in 1995 after the death of the
anti-oil activist Ken Saro-Wiwa.130 Shell Group were harshly criticised for their failure to intervene;
however, Shell maintained their position that domestic politics were a matter for the host state and not
for corporations.131 Furthermore, Shell’s Statement of General Business Principles supported this
position. *I.C.C.L.R. 243 132 However, public scrutiny proved overwhelming and not long after the
incident Shell issued a revised statement in which it acknowledged the change in public opinion.133
Similarly, Nike and Gap also faced severe criticisms after high profile campaigns brought to light their
use of supply chain subcontractors, who employed child labourers to work in sweatshop conditions.134
Moreover, international trade union organisations used videos to show children stitching footballs with
FIFA labels in Sialkot, Pakistan just before the World Cup in 1998.135 These corporations have
therefore realised the impact that negative publicity can have on their high profile brand names,
especially campaigns exposing the "labor behind the label",136 and thus the adoption of voluntary
codes of conduct is undertaken to demonstrate commitment to the protection of human rights.
However, the proliferation of voluntary codes of conduct has resulted in a widespread debate over
their practical use and whether they are sufficient tools for dealing with human rights abuses
committed by MNCs. On the one hand, corporate codes can be made legally enforceable in a number
of ways. On the other hand, corporate codes attract criticism owing to their selective content, lack of
monitoring appliances and implementation mechanisms.
Halina Ward notes that voluntary codes of conduct can be made legally enforceable in three distinct
ways. First, corporate codes "can shape the standards of care that are legally expected of
businesses".137 This can be achieved through the incorporation of codes directly into supplier, agency
and employment contracts. For instance, a US court approved the inclusion of a warranty against
"conflict diamonds" in a settlement agreement, as it was explicitly provided for in the South African
diamond mining industry code.138 Additionally, a contractual agreement that is entered into between a
company and its employee by collective bargaining, and incorporates some aspect of the code, will
also in effect legalise the code.139 Secondly, the standards that MNCs expressly provide for in
corporate codes may be adopted by regulatory bodies as possible reporting requirements. Regulatory
bodies possess certain statutory powers and therefore have the ability to bind a code indirectly in this
way. For example, French legislation requires large companies to provide non-financial reports
regarding social, environmental and governance aspects.140 Thirdly, companies that make claims
about abiding by certain standards can quite conceivably be held liable for misrepresentation if their
statements of fact are found to be untrue.141 A cogent example is Kasky v Nike,142 where the Supreme
Court of California upheld Kasky’s action against Nike for unfair and deceptive practices under
California’s Unfair Competition Law and False Advertising Law.143 Nike had published a report which
commented favourably on working conditions in Nike’s Indonesian, Chinese and Vietnamese
factories. However, Kasky challenged the validity of this report and argued that it was false
advertising and did not comply with Nike’s corporate code of practice as maintained by Nike. The
Supreme Court of California concurred that Nike’s public statement was indeed "commercial speech"
and therefore was not protected by the First Amendment and consequently contravened unfair
competition law.144 Thus, voluntary commitments do indeed have very tangible legal consequences
such as those mentioned above.
However, a number of concerns remain, on account of their voluntary nature. These codes are not
only very selective in their content, but they lack the necessary monitoring and implementation
mechanisms.145 A study conducted by ILO to ascertain the extent of labour-related material in 215
separate enterprise codes revealed that the vast majority contained self-selected standards.146
Moreover, the study also found that the mention of national laws in relation to wages was very
common. However, international labour standards were rarely *I.C.C.L.R. 244 mentioned, and only
one-quarter of the codes contained any suggestion of collective bargaining and freedom of
association.147 On the other hand, the majority of corporate codes are largely dependent on internal
procedures to monitor their effective implementation.148 Indeed, where external bodies have been
sought to review the effective implementation of corporate codes, critics such as Dara O’Rourke have
questioned their impartiality.149 Furthermore, NGOs and trade unions have in the past refused to join
the US Fair Labour Association owing to their concerns about the effective implementation of
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corporate codes.150 While the ILO survey discussed the possibility of ILO taking on a greater role in
terms of specifying the content of codes as well as verifying them,151 they have instead resorted to a
minimalistic approach whereby providing advice and guidance only.152 Thus, while corporate codes
have "soft" positive effects by putting the spotlight on human rights issues and evidencing certain
recognition of responsibility by the respective companies, and possibly preparing the ground for
binding regulation,153 they lack a suitable legal framework to ensure the effective enforcement and
implementation of corporate codes.
On 20 November 2009, the International Labour Organisation issued the Guidelines on Cooperation
between the United Nations and the Business Sector, calling for-profit, commercial enterprises or
businesses, as well as businesses associations and coalitions to formulate and implement
partnerships with the United Nations in order to achieve a common purpose or undertake a specific
task and to share risks, responsibilities, resources and benefits.154
UN norms
Despite numerous efforts to formulate an international framework to regulate MNCs, there remains a
"gap in understanding what the international community expects when it comes to human rights".155
The United Nations Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights formed a
working group "to conduct relevant background research concerning transnational corporations and
human rights" for the purpose of drafting a code of conduct to regulate MNCs.156 The working group,
after conducting extensive research, submitted its findings to the Sub-Commission in the form of
"Draft Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprise
with Regard to Human Rights".157 The Draft Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational
Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights (the Draft Norms) was
yet another attempt to regulate MNCs at an international level.158 The Draft Norms envisaged
imposing binding obligations on MNCs under international law, synonymous to those obligations
already accepted by states. Thus, while the Draft Norms acknowledged states as the primary duty
bearers, they required MNCs to "promote, secure the fulfilment of, respect, ensure respect of and
protect" a wide range of human rights in both international and national law.159
The Draft Norms had three distinct features. First, they assimilated principles expressed in
international codes of conduct for business enterprises adopted by WHO, ILO and the OECD, as well
as the Rio Declaration on the Environment and Development (1992), UDHR (1948), the UN World
Summit on Sustainable Development (2002) and the WHO Health for All Policy for the Twenty-first
Century (1998).160 Secondly, they identified ideals of MNCs behaviour rather than an acceptable
minimum standard of behaviour. Thus, the Draft Norms were analogous to the UDHR in its
articulation of ideal standards of human rights.161 Thirdly, the Draft Norms were intended to be
non-voluntary and therefore legally binding on MNCs. The legally binding nature is understood to be
reflected in the implementation of the Draft Norms, which entails both a periodic reporting requirement
and monitoring and verification by the UN.162 However, despite the above-mentioned features, which
*I.C.C.L.R. 245 would have certainly helped close the current regulatory gap in terms of regulating
MNCs at an international level, critics argued that the Draft Norms merely imposed human rights
obligations on MNCs currently addressed to states.163 There were also concerns that the Draft Norms
might dilute state responsibility and thus weaken it.164 As a result, the Draft Norms were abandoned
and the search for a more suitable international framework to regulate MNCs began once again.165
Given the non-binding nature and, consequently, the weak implementation of the Global Compact
principles, in August 2003 the United Nations Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of
Human Rights attempted to endorse the Global Compact principles in a different text and adopted a
more proactive approach to ensure that the principles would be taken more seriously. It did so, by
adopting the "Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business
Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights".166 Even though these are not legally binding, the Draft
Norms have met with a mixed response in scholarly debate.167 They have been described as an
important restatement of existing international human rights law by some168 and as a "lost cause" by
others.169
At European level, the Council of Europe has tried to lay out similar standards on the basis of the
aforementioned Norms of 2003, albeit through a non-binding instrument. Resolution 1757 (2010),
among other things, calls upon Member States to:
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7.2.
"Encourage the implementation of the United Nations ‘Norms on the Responsibilities
of Transnational Corporations and other Business enterprises with Regard to Human
Rights’ by business entities registered within their jurisdiction;
7.3.
Legislate, if necessary, to protect individuals from corporate abuses of rights
enshrined in the Convention and in the revised European Social Charter (ETS No.
163)." 170
The situation in the EU is equally discouraging. A large scale study carried out by De Schutter into
multinationals under EU law reiterated the failure of the mechanisms for imposing human rights
obligations on multinational enterprises and regulating their conduct.171
and Transnational Corporations and other Business Enterprises.193 The Forum on Business and
Human Rights meets yearly to discuss trends and challenges in the implementation of the Guiding
Principles, and to promote dialogue and co-operation on issues linked to business and human rights,
including challenges faced in particular sectors, operational environments or in relation to specific
rights or groups, as well as identifying good practices.194
The Human Rights Council has asked that the Forum shall be open to the participation of States,
United Nations mechanisms, bodies and specialised agencies, funds and programmes,
intergovernmental organisations, regional organisations and mechanisms in the field of human rights,
national human rights institutions and other relevant bodies, transnational corporations and other
business enterprises, business associations, labour unions, academics and experts in the field of
business and human rights, representatives of indigenous peoples and non-governmental
organisations in consultative status with the Economic and Social Council.195
In assessing the effectiveness of the Guiding Principles, in 2012 the United Nations
Secretary-General identified the lack of capacity among all relevant actors as one of the key
obstacles to advancing the business and human rights agenda and the implementation of the Guiding
Principles.196
In more recent years, discussions at the UN level focussed on new possibilities for co-operation
between the United Nations and multinational corporations. One of the goals of the 2013 Forum on
Business and Human Rights197 was to offer an opportunity for capacity building.198
The 2013 Forum identified a number of challenges, including the unwillingness of host governments
to recognise human rights challenges and to work with companies and representatives of civil society
groups to implement these initiatives, as well as the lack of *I.C.C.L.R. 248 knowledge of labour and
human rights standards among producers, including the Guiding Principles, and the importance of
integrating human rights and due diligence.
It emphasised the role of the business sector in harmonising their safeguarding policies and
requesting that states adopt national implementation plans. It further suggested that the regional
systems could align their sanctions with the Guiding Principles’ expectations of companies in relation
to the provision of adequate remedies, given that a weak rule of law in some countries continues to
impede access to an effective remedy. Finally, representatives suggested: (1) more commitment of
states through national action plans; (2) the engagement of regional organisations with the view of
mainstreaming the Guiding Principles into their charters, policies and justice and accountability
systems; (3) integrating the Guiding Principles in the post-2015 development agenda and into the
work of global institutions and the United Nations system; (4) the creation of a global fund for capacity
building; and (5) an adjusted focus of the work of the Working Group.
Overall, the current framework concerning the responsibilities of multinational corporations seems
weak and vague, given that the soft law instruments that are currently in place do not impose binding
obligations but merely suggest principles of good practice and codes of conduct, which are voluntary
in nature. The documents and initiatives presented in this article represent forms of soft law with
limited opportunities for effective enforcement. It is further argued that there is a strong clash between
the non-binding nature of the current framework (most notably the UN Guiding Principles) and the
binding character of international human rights law. It is, of course, important to emphasise that
certain specialised treaties of a multilateral nature impose direct obligations on corporations, such as
the 1969 Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution Damage and the 1982 UN Convention on the
Law of the Sea. Nevertheless, these treaties are relevant in isolated incidents concerning liability for
large-scale catastrophes and do not represent any set of coherent legal principles in relation to
accountability for multinational corporations.
Issues concerning the regulation of MNCs have predominantly resulted from human rights abuses.
The previous section traced the development of international law to determine to what extent MNCs
were currently regulated at an international level. It was revealed that MNCs are regulated only by
"soft law" initiatives which cannot compel them to adhere to principles of human rights. The following
section proposes an international personality for the international company in order to hold MNCs
accountable for human rights. Additionally, a further proposal is to codify the extant Ruggie Principles
at an international level into a binding treaty in order to hold MNCs accountable for human rights.
As a way forward, we suggest that in order to hold MNCs accountable for human rights abuses, a
new framework is required, involving the concept of an international company with an international
legal personality to close the current regulatory gaps. Indeed, in order to establish an international
company, it is prudent to first facilitate the recognition of its corporate personality and duties at an
international level.199 The United Nations is a suitable intergovernmental organisation to advance a
model framework for the realisation of this concept. It is hoped that this concept might perhaps be
more successful than all previous attempts by the United Nations to govern the activities of MNCs in
relation to human rights.
The personality of the international company will be both distinct and separate from all other
international companies, and companies in general, but it will remain associated with its subsidiaries.
The proposed framework will describe the concept of global corporations. Furthermore, the liability of
a parent company in relation to its shareholding in a subsidiary will be defined in the context of global
corporations. However, this liability will differ from individual shareholders liability at domestic level.
Additionally, the requirement for a disclosure system for global corporations at an international level
will be addressed in the framework. While Member States will have the option, they will be
encouraged to incorporate the international company provisions into their domestic laws.
States that choose to adopt the international company framework will require any companies that
satisfy the global corporation criteria, and wishing to operate in domestic territory, to obtain the status
of an international company prior to their operations. The United Nations will support this framework
by employing a global registry for international corporations. The body charged with registering global
corporations will issue international company certificates and simultaneously maintain a paper trail of
the operations of all registered international companies. All laws pertaining to the international
company will be imposed at a domestic *I.C.C.L.R. 249 level; however, a provision will be
incorporated into the framework for a panel of experts to deal solely with issues of interpretation and
application of the framework. The proposed framework is intended to deal with regulatory gaps
caused by the operations of global companies and therefore does not address matters of internal
regulation.
A recent report summarising the findings of a research project carried out by the University of
Liverpool identified the following barriers to creating a new international mechanism to address
corporate harms: the economic and political power of corporations; the imposition of legal restrictions
on corporations could have the effect of imposing an effective social wage on weaker economies; the
structure of the modern corporation as "the biggest obstacle to any traditional mechanism" of
corporate accountability; distinguishing the responsible party without a direct delegation of authority
between the host state and the corporation; and the lack of expertise in the ECtHR and other regional
courts to deal with corporate violations of human rights.200 Given the reasons outlined in this article,
and the recent research findings relating to potential mechanisms to address corporate harms, the
authors suggest that one of the most prevalent issues in this regard is how to fill the accountability
gap. What needs to be considered, therefore, is whether international courts have the capacity and
jurisdiction to address corporate human rights issues.
Owing to its structure into specialised chambers, the International Court of Justice could support the
idea of having a dedicated chamber looking into corporate human rights violations. According to
art.26 of the ICJ Statute, of which the jurisdiction is recognised by 72 state parties,
"the Court may from time to time form one or more chambers, composed of three or more judges as
the Court may determine, for dealing with particular categories of cases; for example, labour cases
and cases relating to transit and communications".
It is therefore possible for the ICJ to create a "human rights chamber for corporate responsibility". A
serious drawback, however, is that only states are eligible to apply to the ICJ, as the court has no
jurisdiction to examine complaints by individuals, non-governmental organisations, corporations or
any other private entity. Even in the unlikely event that states agreed to take the responsibility for the
actions of multinational corporations based in their territory, the court’s "compulsory jurisdiction",
namely that both parties must agree to the court rendering a decision, would mean that states will be
able to opt out from recognising the court’s jurisdiction to consider claims.
On the other hand, an approach that seems to be more favourable in scholarly debate is the
extension of the 1998 Rome Statute in the International Criminal Court (ICC) to apply to corporate, as
well as natural, persons. At present, 123 countries are states parties to the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court; therefore it has a much wider influence. Nevertheless, the Rome Statute
Page14
is not provided with jurisdiction to try legal persons for offences under the Statute. According to
art.25(1) of the 1998 Rome Statute, "[t]he Court shall have jurisdiction over natural persons pursuant
to this Statute".
This means that the ICC can only criminally prosecute natural persons, and not legal entities such as
corporations. It is therefore suggested that art.25 of the Rome Statute needs to be amended in order
to allow the court jurisdiction to try legal persons, although commentators suggest that incorporating
into the Rome Statute the approach in the Conventions of recognising criminal, civil or administrative
redress for corporate wrongs is problematic, as the ICC does not have the capacity to directly enforce
non-criminal remedies.201 The unavailability of restitution and compensation in this regard would
defeat the purpose of having the ICC involved in claims concerning human rights violations by
multinational corporations.
Furthermore, the ICC deals with the most grave and serious human rights abuses and crimes of
concern to the international community. Holding corporations accountable for human rights violations
would not fall within the court’s mandate unless the Rome Statute is revised and efforts are made to
bring corporate accountability into the court’s agenda.
Reliance on non-binding principles such as those endorsed by the United Nations in 2011 (Guiding
Principles on Business and Human Rights) and previously by the OECD (Guidelines for Multinational
Enterprises) does not provide an effective solution to the problem of corporate responsibility, as
voluntary adherence to the non-binding standards jeopardises the need for implementation. It could
be suggested that a binding international agreement is created, enshrining norms of corporate
responsibility, which could hold companies accountable for their human rights abuses. Nevertheless,
enforcement and remedial action in international law, as described above, is often problematic.
The international community should invest further on strengthening domestic legislation and bringing
it up to standard with international norms of corporate responsibility—under the auspices of a UN
commissioner empowered to launch investigations and oversee implementation at regular intervals.
As noted in a 2008 Report to the Human Rights Council by the UN Special Representative, the failure
of companies to meet their responsibility to respect human rights
"can subject companies to the courts of public opinion—comprising employees, communities,
consumers, civil society, as well as investors—and occasionally to charges in actual courts. Whereas
*I.C.C.L.R. 250 governments define the scope of legal compliance, the broader scope of the
responsibility to respect is defined by social expectations—as part of what is sometimes called a
company’s social licence to operate".202
The UN Human Rights Council has also emphasised the need for international efforts to close the
current regulatory gaps by stating:
"Weak national legislation and implementation cannot effectively mitigate the negative impact of
globalisation on vulnerable economies, fully realise the benefits of globalisation or derive maximally
the benefits of activities of Transnational corporations and other business enterprises and that
therefore efforts to bridge governance gaps at the national, regional and international levels are
necessary." 203
However, the implementation and more importantly the ratification of UN resolutions once formulated
and approved are notoriously slow and require a willingness on behalf of the Member States to
implement legislation at the domestic level. A key issue in dealing with the potential impact of
multinational companies in respect of potential human rights abuses is the relationship between the
law and the juristic person that is the body corporate. In considering this relationship, particularly in
respect of the equitable treatment of the natural and juristic person, a number of potential approaches
may be considered. The Treaty on the Function of the European Union (TFEU, 2007) brings with it a
number of clear statements in respect of the treatment of the natural person and the juristic person.
Key elements of this treaty include art.18, which, in dealing with principles of non-discrimination in
respect of the European citizen, specifically prohibits "discrimination on grounds of nationality". Within
this article it is clear that the principles of non-discrimination on the basis of nationality will apply to the
natural person and has been tested in a number of cases (see Reyners v Belgian 204; and Grzelczyk v
Centre Public d’Aide Sociale d’Ottignies-Louvain-la-Neuve 205). A further extension of this principle to
the juristic person was achieved through the landmark cases of Commission of the European
Communities v France (270/83) 206 and R. v Inland Revenue Commissioners Ex p. Commerzbank AG
(Commerzbank).207 These cases brought together what is under European law equal treatment of the
Page15
"person" both in respect of equitable treatment and equal obligation across what is a complex legal
and political environment. While the literature concerning the consideration of the treatment of the
natural and juristic person within the model of the EU is significant and on the whole comprehensive,
parity of treatment in respect of certain criminal acts for which liability rests with the natural or juristic
person is not so readily achieved. Within English law, attempts to link the acts of the juristic person to
the responsibilities of the natural person are fraught with difficulties. Since Denning’s statement in HL
Bolton Engineering Co Ltd v TJ Graham & Sons Ltd,208 attempts to liken the functioning of the juristic
person to the organs of the natural person have proved difficult to implement. As organisations
become increasingly complex, the individual "guiding mind" of the juristic person is not encapsulated
within a single decision-maker and therefore the opportunity to secure conviction against the juristic
person is difficult and in some cases impossible, as was the case with the Herald of Free Enterprise
disaster in 1991.209
This case and others, such as the Southall train crash in 1997 and the Paddington Rail crash in 1999,
in which a total of 38 people were killed and in excess of 600 people were injured, prompted the UK
Government to enact the Corporate Manslaughter and Homicide Act 2007 (the Act).210 Although
commentators have individually questioned the relative value of the Act,211 the clear intent is to move
away from the necessity to identify a single individual as the "guiding mind" to the company itself, and
therefore it is the company as an entire entity on which the Act is focussed. While the Act itself has
not been sufficiently tested to determine its efficacy in complex cases involving many individuals and
complex layers of corporate activities, it does in the opinion of the authors offer a potential template
by which the juristic person may be held accountable for abuses within the ambit of human rights. By
directing legislation towards the entire company rather than seeking an individual decision-maker or
company agent on to whom the entire blame may be placed, nation states may seek to hold the
juristic person as a single entity responsible for its actions, and while the limitation of the Act in the UK
prevents individual directors of the company from facing sanction, penalties imposed in the form of
fines may present an opportunity for a degree of restitution for those natural persons who have
suffered as a consequence of the actions of the juristic person. *I.C.C.L.R. 251
It has been argued that MNCs are distinct from domestic companies, but they have nevertheless
been operating at a domestic level in a regulatory vacuum. We have proposed an innovative
international company framework to plug the existing regulatory gaps and hold MNCs accountable for
human rights. We suggest that UN co-operation is paramount for the realisation of an international
company with an international legal personality. The international company framework will certainly
benefit host states from less developed nations with weak regulations. While the idea of an
international company may be efficacious, academics have already proposed this reform in the past
and it has failed to materialise owing to the absence of an international legal personality for global
corporations.
Conclusion
As a consequence of the inability of both international and domestic laws to address the concept of
MNCs, regulatory gaps have inevitably emerged in the area of human rights. MNCs pose serious
challenges to the traditional legal frameworks owing to their economic relationships surpassing the
control of national states and operating outside the control of national laws. MNCs are distinct from
domestic companies, but they have nevertheless been operating at a domestic level in a regulatory
vacuum. This method of operation has resulted in negative consequences for human rights across
the globe. The transnational nature of MNCs and the absence of an appropriate regulatory framework
to govern their practices require an innovative framework at an international level to regulate these
practices. The proposal is to introduce an international company with an international personality to
plug the existing regulatory gaps and hold MNCs accountable for human rights violations. While the
idea of an international company may be efficacious, many organisations and scholars have already
proposed this reform in the past; regrettably, it has failed to materialise owing to the absence of an
international legal personality for global corporations.
It is the authors’ view that it would be plausible for the UN to formulate a new multilateral treaty
encouraging domestic judicial restructuring in order to correct any systemic weaknesses with regard
to accountability and due diligence, provide accessible redress mechanisms, and introduce more
effective sanctions for companies that engage in human rights violations. This could be achieved
through the codification of Principle No.2 of the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.
For this to take effect, the United Nations must intensify their efforts in convincing governments to
adhere to a multinational treaty that will not merely codify binding duties and obligations, but will also
Page16
*. Dr Chrispas Nyombi (Lecturer in Law, University of Bedfordshire, School of Law); Dr Andreas Yiannaros (Senior
Lecturer in Law, London School of Business and Management); and Dr Rhidian Lewis (Head of Department of
Management and Business Systems, University of Bedfordshire, United Kingdom).
1. The term "corporations" or "enterprises" is used with regard to legal persons profiting from commercial or governmental
activities. In relation to "multinational corporations", this article adopts the definition of "transnational corporations" as is
laid out in the "Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with
Regard to Human Rights" as "an economic entity operating in more than one country or a cluster of economic entities
operating in two or more countries—whatever their legal form, whether in their home country or country of activity, and
whether taken individually or collectively". See UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 (2003).
2. Nora Gotzmann, "Legal Personality of the Corporation and International Criminal Law: Globalisation, Corporate Human
Rights Abuses and the Rome Statute" (2008) 1(1) Q.L.S.R. 38; Jennifer A. Zerk, Multinationals and CSR: Limitations
and Opportunities in International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p.1 (traditionally, international
law played a role only in relation to rights and responsibilities of states. Non-state actors such as corporations are
relatively new to the scene.)
3. J. Cassels, The Uncertain Promise of Law: Lessons of Bhopal (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993); and John
Gerard Ruggie, Just Business Multinational Corporations and Human Rights (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 2013),
p.xv.
4. David Weissbrodt, "Business and Human Rights" (2005) 74 University of Cincinnati Law Review 55, 57.
5. Omolafi Amao, Corporate Social Responsibility, Human Rights and the Law: Multinational Corporations in Developing
Countries (Abingdon: Routledge Research in Corporate Law, 2011), p.20.
6. See K.J. Vandevelde, "A Brief History of International Investment Agreements" (2005) 12(1) UC Davis Journal of
International Law & Policy 157; E.M. Borchard, "Limitations on Coercive Protection" (1927) 21 A.J.I.L. 303; Ian
Brownlie, International Law and the Use of Force by States (New York and London: Oxford University Press, 1963),
pp.14–30; and Steven R. Ratner, "Corporations and Human Rights: A Theory of Legal Responsibility" (2001) 11 Yale
Law Journal 443, 452.
7. Ratner, "Corporations and Human Rights" (2001) 11 Yale Law Journal 443, 452–458.
8. Weissbrodt, "Business and Human Rights" (2005) 74 University of Cincinnati Law Review 55, 59; Medard Gabel and
Henry Bruner, Global Inc.: An Atlas of the Multinational Corporation (New York: The New Press, 2003), p.5 (citing "A
Survey of Multinationals", The Economist, 27 March 1993, pp.2 and 9); "TNCs [transnational corporations] reportedly
control 90% of the world’s technology patents": Howard A. Kwon, "Patent Protection and Technology Transfer in the
Developing World: The Thailand Experience" (1995) 28 Geo. Wash. J. Int’l L. & Econ. 567, 570, fn.13 (citing Suwanna
Asavaroengchai, "Seeking a Fair Deal in Global Trade", Bangkok Post, 19 October 1994, p.31); Tom Athanasiou,
Dividend Planet: The Ecology of Rich and Poor (Athens, GA/London: University of Georgia Press, 1996), p.194; David
Korten, When Corporations Rule the World (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 1995), p.124; and United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), World Investment Report (2001), p.9.
9. David Kinley and Junko Tadaki, "From Talk to Walk: The Emergence of Human Rights Responsibilities for Corporations
at International Law" (2004) 44 Virginia Journal of International Law 931, 933.
10. Gotzmann, "Legal Personality of the Corporation and International Criminal Law" (2008) 1(1) Q.L.S.R. 38, 40.
11. Claudio Grossman and Daniel D. Bradlow, "Are we Being Propelled Towards a People-centered Transnational Legal
Order?" (1993) 3 Am. U.J. Int’l & Pol’y 1, 8 ("[t]he fact that they have multiple production facilities means that
[transnational corporations] can evade state power and the constraints of national regulatory schemes by moving their
operations between their different facilities around the world"); Nicola Jägers, "The Legal Status of the Multinational
Corporation Under International Law" in Michael K. Addo (ed.), Human Rights Standards and the Responsibility of
Transnational Corporations (The Hague/London/Boston: Kluwer Law International, 1999), p.260; and Ratner,
"Corporations and Human Rights" (2001) 111 Yale Law Journal 443, 461.
12. Milton Friedman, cited in Michael K. Addo, "Human Rights and Transnational Corporations: An Introduction" in Addo,
Human Rights Standards and the Responsibility of Transnational Corporations (1999), pp.3–38, p.11; Eric Engle,
"Extraterritorial Corporate Criminal Liability: A Remedy for Human Rights Violations?" (2006) 20 St. John’s Legal
Comment 287, 300; Grossmann and Bradlow, "Are We Being Propelled Towards a People-centered Transnational
Legal Order?" (1993) 9 American University Journal of International Law & Policy 1, 8; and Cynthia A. Williams,
Page17
"Corporate Social Responsibility in an Era of Economic Globalisation" (2002) 35 UC Davis Law Review 705, 769.
13. Harvard Law Review Association (HLRA), "Developments in the Law: V. Corporate Liability for Violations of
International Human Rights Law" (2001) 114 Harvard Law Review 2025, 2031; and Ratner, "Corporations and Human
Rights" (2001) 111 Yale Law Journal 443, 457.
14. Barnali Choudhury, "Beyond the Alien Tort Claims Act: Alternative Approaches to Attributing Liability to Corporations for
Extraterritorial Abuses" (2005) 26 North-Western Journal of International Law & Business 43, 74–75; Jägers, "The
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Responsibility of Transnational Corporations (1999), p.261; and Ratner, "Corporations and Human Rights" (2001) 111
Yale Law Journal 443, 461–473.
15. Kinley and Tadaki, "From Talk to Walk" (2004) 44 Virginia Journal of International Law 931, 934.
16. Ratner, "Corporations and Human Rights" (2001) 111 Yale Law Journal 443, 448.
17. Vincent Chetail, "The Legal Personality of Multinational Corporations, State Responsibility and Due Diligence: The Way
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20. Peter T. Muchlinski, "Human Rights and Multinationals: Is There a Problem?" (2001) 77 International Affairs 1, 31.
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Case of the Ogoni Uprising People" (1995) 33 Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 45; Eghosa
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Affairs 325; S. Skogly, "Complexities in Human Rights Protection: Actors and Rights Involved in the Ogoni Conflict in
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group (37 percent of the inventory) were the codes issued by industry and trade associations reflecting a negotiated
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199. This will be similar to the provisions of the European Company (Societas Europaea or SE) Regulation 2004. The EU
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set of rules and a unified management system or even as a single merged company. Under art.2 and Title II of the
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companies—both public and private limited-liability companies—can form a holding SE if more than 50% of the capital
of each of the promoting companies is contributed and at least two of the promoting companies are from different
Member States or have had a subsidiary or branch in another Member State for at least two years. Thirdly, with the
same condition for cross-border activity applying, a subsidiary SE may be formed as a joint venture company. Fourthly,
an existing public limited-liability company can be converted into an SE, provided that it has had a subsidiary in another
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