STORIES OF

ADAPTATION
TO CLIMATE CHANGE
Oscar B. Zamora • Lucille Elna Parreño-de Guzman • Rosario Velasco-Tatlonghari
STORIES OF

ADAPTATION
TO CLIMATE CHANGE
Oscar B. Zamora
Lucille Elna Parreño-de Guzman
Rosario Velasco-Tatlonghari
(Editors)

2020
This publication is intentionally not copyrighted. The authors and publishers encourage
the translation, adaptation, and reproduction or copying of materials in this book. We
only ask that the source be cited and acknowledged in the usual manner. For specific
chapters, you may communicate with the author(s) through email, listed at the end of this
publication.

Correct citation:
Zamora, O.B., L.E.P. de Guzman and R.V. Tatlonghari (Eds.). 2020. Stories of Adaptation
to Climate Change. Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Agricultural Research (DA-BAR)
and University of the Philippines Los Banos-College of Agriculture and Food Science
(UPLB-CAFS). 132 pp.

Published 2020 by:

Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Agricultural Research (DA-BAR)

RDMIC Bldg. Elliptical Road. Corner Visayas Ave., Diliman, Q.C. 1104
Tel. Nos: (+632) 928-8624 & 928-8505

Fax: (+632) 927-5691
E-mail: [email protected]

and

University of the Philippines Los Baños (UPLB)

College of Agriculture and Food Science
College, Laguna, Philippines 4031

Tel. Nos: (+6349) 536-3535 & 536-3546
E-mail: [email protected]

Printed in the Philippines

ISBN 978-971-0347-64-3
 DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES
BUREAU OF AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH (DA-BAR) COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE AND FOOD SCIENCE

Agriculture continues to play a major role in the

Philippine economy. Looking at the figures on how
many Filipinos depend their livelihood on farming and
fisheries, agriculture is a top-charter in employment. But Like any other countries, Philippines is not exempted
drastic temperature changes and sea-level rise threaten from the effects of climate change. In fact, World
the livelihood of the agriculture and fishery sector. Bank reported that the Philippines is one of the most
vulnerable countries to climate change and in order to
As much as we want climate change to stop, we achieve inclusive growth, climate change adaptations
cannot solely put an end to it nor completely mitigate is very important. One of the sectors that is greatly
its impacts. Addressing this phenomenon demands affected is of course agriculture and being an
concerted efforts from all sectors and two types of agricultural country, this phenomenon has also
responses: mitigation and adaptation. affected our food security.

The Department of Agriculture–Bureau of Agricultural Research (DA-BAR) has been funding The book “Stories of Adaptation to Change” could definitely give us lessons how different
researches that help our farmers and fishers adapt to the adverse effects of climate change on farmers and fisherfolks not just adapt as well as mitigate the effects of climate change in their
their livelihood. While the bureau is committed to serve our farmers and fishers by amplifying livelihood with the incorporation of their indigenous knowledge. Many have overlooked the
our efforts to deliver technical support and assistance, the bureau recognizes the importance of importance of this knowledge system with the emergence of modern and western knowledge.
the existing practices and technologies that have served our farmers and fishers for years. Yes, science help us in many ways but knowing traditional knowledge could intensify the efforts
being done to gain the upper hand over climate change as several studies have already shown
In this book, you will see that the expertise and studies that our scientists and experts offer are that indigenous knowledge plays an important role in sustainability. This book could help spread
of equal importance to the indigenous knowledge in preparing solutions for the problems we the facts that may be confined only within a group in a particular area which may be applicable
face. The narratives highlight how valuable indigenous knowledge is and how it has greatly to another having the same geographical setting.
contributed to where agriculture is now. This book provides us more options to achieve climate-
resiliency in agriculture that have been proven effective by our indigenous groups. I would like to congratulate the people behind this masterwork, Dr. Oscar Zamora, Dr. Lucille
Elna de Guzman and Dr. Rosario Tatlonghari for their efforts to tell the stories of our farmers
The “Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change” has provided our farmers and fishers from the and fisherfolks and to transmit and share indigenous knowledge. It recognizes the voices of our
different indigenous groups the platform to participate in the climate change discourse and tell unsung heroes, the people who primarily feed us by telling their narratives and how they find
their own narratives of resiliency in agriculture. And with this, I hope more researchers will tap solutions to their problems to be able to sustain everyone. Likewise, I hope through this, they
the knowledge that the indigenous peoples have at their arsenal. We have been so focused on would be empowered to spread their experiences and help other communities who are going
developing new technology that we have almost forgotten how essential their contributions are. through the same situation that requires resolutions. Through this, each one of us could discover
The publication of this book made us realize that it is about time we readjust our lenses. something that we never knew before. May every one of us be agents of change by sharing our
learnings.
I believe that this book will go beyond its purpose and will further serve as proof that our
indigenous groups laid out the foundation of agriculture’s success over the years. With the real-
life stories featured, your read will surely be informative and productive.

Agriculture always overcomes. It always prevails and transcends barriers through the test of
ELPIDIO M. AGBISIT, JR., Ph.D
time. So, let us continue our excellence and be the force that this industry needs.
Dean
Thank you and mabuhay!

DR. NICOMEDES P. ELEAZAR, CESO IV

DA Assistant Secretary for Special Affairs
and DA-BAR Director

i ii
 FOREWORD
The Philippine Statistics Authority 2018 figures place agriculture as the second highest source
of employment, making this sector the drivers of economies at the national, regional and
local levels. However, it is sad to note that those involved in producing food are also among
the poorest sectors of society -- the farmers, fishers and agrifishers. Climate change, with
its hazardous impacts of extreme weather events, flooding and sea level rise, threatens
agriculture and fisheries-based livelihoods, making marginalized sectors that depend on
them among the most vulnerable groups.

The Philippines had been hit by devastating climate change impacts, which are even
expected to worsen over time because of the archipelagic character of the country. Amidst
challenges and vulnerability, farmers, fishers and agrifishers in different parts of the country
developed their own adaptation strategies attesting to resiliency inherent in many cultures.
These climate change adaptation practices are embedded in local/indigenous knowledge
that are transmitted between generations and survived over long periods of time and
over climate uncertainties in the past. Therefore, these knowledge systems, if given due
recognition, has the potential in enriching current science-based adaptation options and if
promoted for adaptive use could help build climate-resilient communities.

Recognizing the potentials and value of local and indigenous knowledge is the heart of
this book, and the rationale behind the project “Documentation and Assessment of Local/
Indigenous Knowledge (LInK) for Climate Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities.”
More than the expected outcomes, the project was able to establish strategic links between
and among the academe, communities, and government agencies. With its multidisciplinary
nature, the project was able to bridge and link knowledge systems -- between and among
various disciplines of agriculture, marine science, environmental science, taxonomy,
anthropology and development communication; and between these various disciplines and
local/indigenous knowledge. Indeed, LInK is more than the project’s acronym; it became a
unifying theme of the project’s implementation processes.

As local/indigenous knowledge are transmitted and shared mainly through stories, which
are part of the rich oral tradition in local/indigenous communities, this book attempts to
highlight the stories behind rising amid the challenges brought about by climate change.
With the farmers, fishers and agrifishers as the storytellers, climate change adaptation
becomes a narrative from their own perspective, thus, amplifying their voices in the climate
change discourse. It is hoped more stories be told and more voices be heard so that there
could be more solutions to the current problems that are increasing in complexity and
magnitude.

Oscar B. Zamora+, PhD

Professor Emeritus
Institute of Crop Science
College of Agriculture and Food Science, UPLB

Lucille Elna Parreño-de Guzman, PhD

University Researcher

Institute of Crop Science
College of Agriculture and Food Science, UPLB

Rosario Velasco-Tatlonghari, PhD

Assistant Professor

Department of Science Communication
College of Development Communication, UPLB

iii
iv
CONTENTS
i Messages

iv Foreword

1 The Ivatan: Resilient Through the Years

19 Traditional Knowledge and Practices in

Adapting to Climate Change in Lake Buhi

33 Farming and Fishing: The Tagbanua Way

44 Diversification Amidst Climate Change

in Hamtic, Antique

60 The Abaknon’s Ingenuity:

Creative Strategies Amidst Uncertainties

84 Back to Basics: Organic Farming

in Malita, Davao Occidental

96 From Logging to Farming in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

108 From Fishing to Farming in Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi

 THE IVATAN:
RESILIENT THROUGH THE YEARS
Ariston Laurel1, Cesar Doroteo V. Hostallero2, Nestor G. Doplito2,
Anacorita Oliquino-Abasolo3, and Jessie G. Varquez, Jr.4

Batanes is a province composed of tiny group of islands in

the northernmost part of the Philippines. The Indigenous
Peoples of Batanes, called the Ivatan, are seasoned
farmers and fishers who live in a vast haven of rolling hills
with beautiful and abundant coastal waters suitable for
agriculture, fishing and other livelihood activities.

1
Farmer-fisher, Mahatao, Batanes
2
Provincial Agriculture Office, Batanes
3
University of the Philippines Los Baños, Laguna
4
University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City

Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 1

 The Ivatan number around 15,000 people scattered over six towns: Basco, Mahatao,
Ivana, and Uyugan, all in Batan; and in the island municipalities of Sabtang and Itbayat.
The higher provincial population estimate of 20,000 includes students and workers
who go back to Batanes at least once a year. The population is divided equally between
males and females with a historical population growth rate of less than 1% a year. The
relatively low population growth can be attributed to the lack of economic opportunities
which has led those who cannot be absorbed by the small island economy to migrate
to other parts of the country, mainly in Metro Manila. Those who migrated in search of
economic opportunities in 1950s settled down in government homesteads in Bukidnon
and Palawan. A distinct language called Ivatan is widely spoken on the islands of
Batan and Sabtang. There is another language called Initbayat, spoken mainly on the
island of Itbayat. Filipino, English, and Ilocano are also spoken (National Library of the
Philippines, 2017).

The Ivatan’s way of life has been shaped by the climate of Batanes which is characterized
by strong typhoons. Often times, due to exposure to high risks of agricultural disruption,
the Ivatan have adopted various strategies that continue to inform their way of living. Due
to the frequency of typhoons and drought, the Ivatan plant root crops that are resilient
to these destructive forces. These root crops include “uvi” (purple yam, Dioscorea alata),
“dukay” (lesser yam, Dioscorea esculenta), “sudi” (taro, Colocasia esculenta), “wakay”
(sweet potato, Ipomea batatas), “akus” (garlic, Allium sativum), “anaha” (ginger, Zingiber
officinale), and “bulyas” (onion, Allium cepa).

The Ivatan also plant different varieties of crops, e.g. pepper (finger chili, bell, “labuyo”,
Capsicum sp.); native “singkamas” (water turnips, Pachyrhizus erosus); native and big
varieties of “bulyas” and “akus”, corn (sweet, yellow and white/glutinous, Zea mays);
banana (“tsina” or “latundan”, “beno”, Musa sp.); “anaha”, and “hama” (turmeric,
Curcuma longa), among others. They get their planting materials from their previous
harvests except for seeds of cabbage (Brassica oleracea var. capitata) and sometimes
pechay (Brassica rapa subsp. chinensis) which they get from the Department of
Agriculture and the local agriculture offices.

In addition, the Ivatan have indigenous knowledge of understanding the weather,

through paying attention to animal behavior, sky color, wind, and clouds. For example,
upon seeing their livestock take shelter, they too sought shelter.

Although abundant exclusively in the months of March to May, the Ivatan also depend
on the “dibang” (flying fish; Exocoetidae) and “arayu” or “dorado” (dolphin fish;
Coryphaena hippurus), that are present in the waters of Batanes.
The Ivatan are permanently settled in only three islands of Batanes: Itbayat, Batan, and
Sabtang. Itbayat, the largest island of the Batanes group of islands, is the Philippines’ One of the remarkably unique Ivatan material culture are the stone houses adopted
northernmost town. The most populated island is Batan, which is located on the fertile from the Spaniards and made of limestone; the walls are as thick as one meter and are
plain that adjoins the rolling foothills of Mount Iraya, a dormant volcano at 1,009 masl. able to withstand the terminal passage of typhoons in the Philippines. The roof, on the
Batan is referred to as the “mainland” being the seat of the provincial government. other hand, retained the traditional thick-fabrication of cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica)
(National Library of the Philippines, 2017). designed to weather the buffeting winds. The “vakul”, a traditional headgear designed
to shield the wearer from the sun and rain (Figure 1), is another cultural feature unique
to the Ivatan (Ethnic Groups of the Philippines, 2017). It is made out of “vuyavuy”
(Philippine date palm, Phoenix laureiroi).

2 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 3

 Livelihood and Knowledge
in Farming
Mr. Ariston Laurel or Aris is an Ivatan farmer-fisher living in the village of Diura
in Mahatao, a municipality located south of Basco, the capital of Batanes (Figure
2). Aris was born on July 2, 1968, and at the age of 16 started to get involved in
fishing together with his father who was a “Mataw” fisher.

Figure 2. Location map of Batanes showing the Municipalities of Mahatao and Sabtang,
the research areas under the project “Documentation and Assessment of Local/Indigenous
Knowledge (LInK) for Climate Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities”, from
Figure 1. An Ivatan wearing a “vakul”, the
which this article is based.
traditional headgear in Batanes.

The Ivatan recognize two seasons in Batanes.

The “rayun” (summer) is from March to May
and “amian” (winter) from November to Aris’ farm is diversified, planted with root crops including “uvi”, “dukay”, “sudi”, and
February. The “kachachimuyen” (rainy months) “wakay”. “Uvi” is a staple crop for most Ivatan. There are two major varieties of “uvi”
are for the rest of the year with a brief spell of grown in Batanes: white and violet varieties which are both staple food. There are still
warm weather called “dekey a rayun” in the two other varieties under the two sub-varieties. “Uvi” is planted once a year in one parcel
weeks between September and October (Datar, of land. After harvest of “uvi”, “wakay” is planted. “Wakay” is usually intercropped with
2015). The mean annual temperature is 26.0oC corn.
and the mean monthly temperature ranges
from 22.0oC in January to 28.5oC in July.

4 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 5

 Figure 3. “Viyawu” (Miscanthus sp.) used as trellis for root crop-based cropping
system.

Aside from root crops, Aris and other Ivatan farmers in Mahatao also plant various crops
such as “akus” and “bulyas” as cash crops, corn and common vegetables including
cabbage, tomato (Solanum lycopersicum), carrot (Daucus carota), pepper, okra
(Abelmoschus esculentus) and beans, mostly for domestic consumption. Planting season
starts in May and crops are harvested in September. “Dukay” and “sudi” are planted
simultaneously with “uvi”. “Wakay” and vegetables are relay crops after the harvest of
“uvi” and “dukay”.

Aris, like most Ivatan “practice a root crop-based cropping system: e.g., “dukay”-corn,
“dukay”-“sudi”, “sudi”-“dukay”-“uvi”, “sudi”-“dukay”-corn -“anaha” (de Guzman et
al., 2014). This cropping system is arguably in response to the climate variability in Figure 4. “Viyawu” used as wind breaker (left) and boundary marker of farm parcels
(right).
the province where strong typhoons are usually experienced. Because root crops are
relatively resilient compared with other crops, it has become the key farming commodity Ivatan farmers including Aris widely practice fallowing as one way of regenerating or
among the Ivatan. Consequently, root crops have also become significant markers of the maintaining the natural fertility of the soil. This practice depends on the number of
Ivatan foodscape, where traditional dishes are often associated with various root crops as parcels owned or cultivated by farmers, which is about 3 to 7 parcels, measuring 300-
key ingredients. 500 m2 each (de Guzman et al., 2014). Typically, a farmer fallows land for 2-3 years to
address and minimize the occurrence of “maychaungdan” which means decline in soil
Along with the practice of root crop-based cropping system, the Ivatan have also fertility due to heavy rains or intensive farming. Fallowed farm lots are commonly used as
ingeniously devised a unique trellis system that is close to the ground instead of being pasture areas for grazing cattle.
vertically constructed (Figure 3). Trellis materials could come from various sources but the
most commonly used one is from a local plant called “viyawu” (Miscanthus sp.) – which Aside from crops, Aris also raises livestock including cattle, carabao, goat and chicken
is akin to a cogon grass. “Viyawu” also serves as wind breaker and boundary marker of all-year round. He usually sells goats and chickens. Overall, farming in Batanes is
farm parcels (Figure 4). traditionally organic, and Ivatan farmers are organic farmers by choice as chemical
fertilizers and pesticides are avoided because of its long-term negative impacts to the soil.

6 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 7

 Part of the activities of the “Mataw” fishers is a ritual called “mayvanuvanua”. The ritual
is performed every summer (March to April) to ‘clean’ the “vanua” or port before the start
of the fishing season (Mangahas, 2009). “Mayvanuvanua” is organized by the Diura
Mataw Association - a group of “mataw” fishers of Diura in Mahatao. They have 45
fisher and 13 non-fisher members where officers are elected for a two-year term. The
ritual is performed at the break of dawn every summer, which is actually in-tune with the
seasonal migration of the target catch of “mataw” fishing – the “arayu”. The start of the
ritual is usually on the first week of March. The end of the ritual is scheduled in mid-May,
of which the “mataw” fishers have to share and divide their “arayu” catch.

“Mataw” fishers have a house both in the town proper of Mahatao and in the village of
Diura. They live in Diura during the “mataw” fishing season and return to their house
in Mahatao after the fishing season. “Mangahawud” is the first to fish for “arayu” after
the ritual is performed. Usually he is the top performing “mataw” in the previous fishing
season, which means he has the most number of “arayu” catch. As a “mataw” fisher, Aris
had mastered the process and techniques of “arayu” fishing and has been one of the top
“mataw” fishers in his prime years. He could catch around 7-12 pieces of “arayu” per
day, which is filleted and dried for domestic consumption or sold to local markets after
the end of fishing season (Figure 5).
The Tradition and Ritual of
“Mataw” Fishing

“Mataw” fishing is integrated with

farming as a subsistence activity
since all fishermen are also farmers. Figure 6. One of Aris’s “yuyus”,
“Mataw”, which could both mean a specially designed hook to
the fisher and the fishing method, is catch “dibang” and maintain it
one of the most traditional fishing as live bait for “arayu”.
methods in Batanes (Mangahas,
2008). It is usually done during March
to June each year and is aimed at
catching “arayu” by using “dibang”
as live bait. An ichthyoarchaeological
study reveals that “arayu” fishing
and consumption is practiced in
Batanes as early as 1200 BC, which
“demonstrates the antiquity of an
open ocean fishing tradition, implying
an ability to construct sophisticated
fishing vessels” (Campos, 2013).

Figure 5. Aris proudly displays some of his “pinpin” or filleted “arayu” during the 2018
“Mataw” season.

8 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 9

For “mataw” fishers like Aris, catching the “arayu” entails a complex fishing process.
First, he has to have a bait to catch “dibang” which is used as live bait to catch “arayu”.
Baits for “dibang” include “ipon” (crayfish, Macrobrachium sp.) or “tatus” (coconut crab,
Birgus latro). There could also be other baits such as various types of small fish, squid,
cuttlefish and crustaceans.

The “ipon” is caught by using nets and kept alive by feeding them “wakay”. A specially
designed hook called “yuyus” (Figure 6) is used to catch “dibang” and this technique
ensures that the “dibang” is still alive. A dead “dibang” is not attractive to and cannot Figure 8. Aris’s “motin” which is
be used as bait for “arayu”. Once these conditions are met, Aris ventures into the open considered a good luck charm
sea in a “tataya” or small boat that is oar-powered that can usually accommodate only a when fishing for “arayu”.
single person (Figure 7).

Thus, “mataw” fishing is a solitary endeavor in the sea. Because of the perils of the sea
and the game of luck of “mataw” fishing, many fishers keep “motin”, an aqua-colored
stone bead (Figure 8), while fishing for “arayu”. This type of beads are obtained from
ancient dwelling sites (“idjang”) and are believed to possess supernatural powers, thus
considered as a good luck charm.

Figure 7. The oar-powered boats of “mataw” fishers called “tataya”, parked along
the shores of Sitio Diura, Mahatao.
When Aris is already in the open sea, he simultaneously releases at least 3-5 lines with
large hook and live “dibang” bait. When an “arayu” takes in the bait and is hooked, he
has to haul the fish slowly to his “tataya” while looking in the nearby surrounding waters
if there are some other fish following the captured one. If there are other “arayu” around,
he releases another line hoping to catch the other one.

During “mataw” season, the “arayu” catch is not immediately consumed. Aris fillets the
“arayu” called “pinpin” (Figure 5), which becomes sort of a local currency due to its value
akin to money. Among the “mataw” fishers, there is a sharing system for the “arayu” fillet
called “mapayatay”. As narrated by Aris, the sharing system of “pinpin” usually consists
of 11 shares: 2.5 shares for the “tataya” or boat owner; 2 shares for the “mataw” fisher;
2 shares for provider of the “mataw” fishing gears; 1.5 shares for the provider of bait;
1 share for the provider of salt in making “pinpin”; 1 share for the “mapawal” or the
person who took charge of the “mataw’s” cattle; and 1 share for the “mayayit” or the
one who did the weeding in the “mataw’s” farm.

After the “mataw” season, Aris will continue fishing but this time for “galunggong”
(Scad, Decapterus punctatus.) until the start of the typhoon season. Aris is a small-scale
fisher and the fish caught especially after “arayu” season are mainly for daily household
consumption. The Ivatan consider their livelihood strategies (farming, fishing and
livestock raising) as tightly intertwined. However, high weather variability disrupts the
rhythm of their livelihood cycle.

10 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 11

 Observations and Experiences Information and
The Climate Change Reality Disaster Preparedness

Batanes is an interesting province because aside from being isolated from other parts of The Ivatan indigenous knowledge system and traditional signs have been part of their
the Philippines, it is located in a catastrophe zone or typhoon belt (Blolong, 1996). In the disaster preparedness. For example, an orange horizon warns of an impending bad
past, strong typhoons used to hit the area almost the whole year round. However, recent weather or an upcoming extreme weather event or disaster. An observation of ants or
observations indicate that the frequency and intensity of typhoon have decreased (de other insects coming out from the sides of their houses means that there will be heavy
Guzman et al., 2014) despite three strong typhoons affecting the islands, e.g., Typhoons rains or west-blowing winds (“habagat”). The emergence of new buds of bamboo or
Odette, Dodong, and Ferdie in 2013, 2015, and 2016, respectively. “arius” plant (Podocarpus costalis) signals the coming of heavy downpour.

The farmer-fishers of Batanes have observed some changes in their climatic and weather With access to new technologies, radio programs, televisions, internet, and social
patterns which brought both adverse and positive impacts to their livelihood activities and media, the Ivatan are appropriately forewarned of any upcoming extreme weather
to their way of life. Some of the signs of climate change which have been observed and events. Hence, whenever they learned that there will be typhoon coming to their area,
experienced through the years are the following: they will immediately secure their roofs, shelter and protect their animals, and secure
the boats through “bayanihan”. The Local Government Units of Batanes also provide
1. Stronger winds and huge waves. Fishers, like Aris, have observed stronger announcements, precautionary measures, and relief goods/materials during and after
winds and bigger waves in recent years that reduce the time or prevent them the occurrence of bad weather.
from venturing into the sea to fish.

They also observed a decline in fish catch. Many years back, fishes such as the
most prized “arayu”, “dibang”, yellowfin tuna (Thunnus albacares), “tangigue”
(Acanthocybium solandri), and “lapu-lapu” (Ephinephelis sp.) were abundant
within one kilometer from the shore. Now, fishers have to go farther out into
the sea or visit other fishing grounds, which are far from their traditional
fishing areas, to catch these types of fish. However, they face the challenges of
adjusting their traditional fishing equipment, which is only ideal for small-scale
fishing.

2. Extreme weather events. Farmers and fishers have observed the increasing
variability in weather patterns and the occurrence of extreme temperature.
They shared that “if the weather is hot, it is very hot; if the weather is cold, it is
very cold” (Figure 9). They also experienced a dry spell in 2016 which resulted
in springs and creeks (“aksung”) to dry up. In addition, they observed the
occurrence of heavy downpour during rainy season.

As a farmer, Aris also experienced more frequent and intense dry period, and
with lesser occurrence of typhoons, the availability of water became a problem
which eventually affected his crops. Longer dry season, on the other hand, is
useful especially when drying his “arayu” and other fish catch.

3. Less frequent and intense typhoons. This has a relatively positive effect on
Aris and other fishers because they now have longer fishing season, thus, fish
catch dramatically increased. For farmers, this became an opportunity to plant
vegetables all year round (Figure 10), a commodity which is very much in
demand for the booming tourism industry of Batanes.
Figure 9. “If the weather is hot, it is very hot.” This is how farmers describe one
manifestation of climate change in Batanes.

12 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 13

Figure 10. Growing of vegetables all year round was made possible by less frequent
occurrence and less intense typhoons.

Stories of Adaptation
Rising from Climate Change
Over centuries of being isolated from the mainland and being highly vulnerable to
typhoons, the Ivatan have developed a sustainable and climate-resilient agricultural
Through the years, the Ivatan are adapting to climate change by caring for their system. In agriculture, farmers adapted to the climate change impacts through planting
environment and practicing sustainable agri-fisheries techniques and systems. They cope of root crops which are considered as climate-resilient crops, since the yield of these
with the new climate conditions by using indigenous knowledge to decide what and when crops is underground and are not affected by strong typhoons. Root crops can also be
to plant certain crops, practice of indigenous fishing and cropping systems, start specific grown all-year round and being a staple crop, it ensures food security for the household.
agri-fisheries activities, and predict incoming weather events, among others. Thus, farming and subsequent consumption of root crops can be considered as an
adaptation to the impacts of climate change.

14 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 15

Growing of vegetables all year round is a new development and came about only as a
result of climate change. The less frequent occurrence and less intense typhoons have The observed warmer climate in the past years had affected the working time in the
enabled the Ivatan farmers to produce short duration vegetables anytime of the year, farm. Due to the increase in temperature, the work schedules in the farm have been
which has greatly contributed to their food and nutrition security (de Guzman et al., adjusted. For example, Ivatan farmers now work as early as 3:00 AM to 9:00 AM
2014). The Ivatan have a high level of food sufficiency at the household level because and the resumption of work in the afternoon depends on the level of heat. In the past,
each household grows its own food, raises different farm animals and do seasonal farmers can work in the field until later than 10:00 AM.
fishing.
Fishers on the other hand have also adapted to the harsh impacts of the changing
The Ivatan’s unique trellis system (Figure 11) can also be considered as an adaptation climate. They change the timing and schedule of fishing due to unpredictability of
technique in agriculture. It is built close to the ground to prevent crops from being weather patterns and going farther than the usual fishing grounds is now a common
blown away by strong winds. Commonly used trellises are corn, “viyawu”, “palomaria” practice to increase fish catch. There are also technological innovations and improved/
(Calophyllum inophyllum), “bayakbak” (Syzygium sp.) and a small tree locally called modern fishing techniques – e.g. compressor fishing, use of bright lights, etc. developed
“vius” or “ahas” (Acalypha sp.). by fishers to cope with the impacts of climate change. However, there are social
tensions and ‘gear conflicts’ generated by the use of these ‘modern’ fishing technologies
(Mangahas, 2016).

The ordinances, such as establishing marine sanctuaries and ‘no net fishing zone’
in specific areas, are also adaptation strategies to protect their fishing grounds and
other marine resources. These ordinances are strictly followed by all the fishers in the
community.

Even though the Ivatan are used to unfavorable environments, they are aware that they
need to improve their resilience with the changing environment. Hence, they were able to
develop a sustainable agri-fisheries system, by adopting cropping and fishing calendar
based on seasons that consider the regular occurrence of typhoons (de Guzman, et.al,
2014).

Looking Forward
A Future of Hope
Figure 11. The Ivatan’s trellis system (foreground) and the use of plant-based windbreakers
(background) are some of the time-tested practices for climate change adaptation.
Despite the vulnerability of the Ivatan to extreme climate events, they rely heavily on
agriculture and fishing activities for their daily subsistence. Their livelihood activities may
have been affected by the impacts of the changing climate but the Ivatan, including Aris,
will continue to practice and assert their traditional “mataw” fishing and indigenous
farming practices to maintain and enhance their resiliency.

16 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 17

Literature Cited:
TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE
AND PRACTICES IN
Blolong, R.R. (1996). The Ivatan Cultural Adaptation to Typhoons: A Portrait of a
Self-Reliant Community from the Indigenous Development Perspective. ADAPTING TO CLIMATE
AghamTao, 8, 13–24.
CHANGE IN
Campos, F. (2013). Ichthyoarchaeological Investigation of Neolithic to Recent
Fishing Practices in the Batanes Islands. In P. Bellwood and E. Dizon
(Eds.), 4000 Years of Migration and Cultural Exchange (Terra Australis
LAKE BUHI
40): The Archaeology of the Batanes Islands, Northern Philippines (pp.
201–239). Canberra: ANU E Press. Nestorio C. Llanda1,
Carmelita N. Cervantes2,
Datar, F.A. (2015). The Batanes islands. http://ncca.gov.ph/subcommissions/ Michelle Alejado-San Pascual3,
subcommission-on-cultural-communities-and-traditional-arts-sccta/ and Julius A. Parcon3
northern-cultural-communities/the-batanes-islands. Accessed 23 May
2017.

de Guzman, L.E.P., O.B. Zamora, J.P.P. Talubo, and C.D.V. Hostallero. (2014).
Sustainable Agricultural Production Systems for Food Security in a
Changing Climate in Batanes, Philippines. Journal of Developments in
Sustainable Agriculture, 9(2), 111–119. https://doi.org/10.11178/
jdsa.9.111

Ethnic groups of the Philippines. (2017). Ivatan. In: http://www.ethnicgroups-

philippines.com/people/ethnic-groups-in-the-philippines/ivatan/. Accessed
01 June 2017.

Mangahas, M.F. (2008). Making the Vanua: Collective Fishing Technology in

Batanes and an Austronesian Archetype of Society. Philippine Studies -
Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints (Project Muse), 56(4), 379–412.
https://doi.org/10.3860/ps.v56i4.734

Mangahas, M.F. (2009). A History of Mataw Fishing in Batanes, Philippines. Asia-

Paficic Forum, 44, 109–135.

Mangahas, M.F. (2016). “Gear conflicts” and changing seascapes in Batanes.

AghamTao, 25, 174–200. “Tay” Nestor, a farmer-fisher of Sta. Cruz, Buhi, Camarines Sur

National Library of the Philippines. (2017). The Ivatans. Digital collections. http:// The people from the peripheral barangays of Buhi Lake rely heavily
nlpdl.nlp. gov.ph:81/CC01/NLP00VM052mcd/v1/v25.pdf. Accessed 23 on the lake’s resources for their lives and livelihoods. This includes
May 2017. the operation of fish cages and open lake fishing. Livelihood in the
lakeside communities is also supplemented with agriculture. Hence,
most fisherfolks are also farmers.
One of these fisher-farmers is Mr. Nestorio C. Llanda or “Tay”
Nestor, a native of Brgy. Sta. Cruz, a lakeside village. He finished his
elementary studies in 1960. He learned farming and fishing at the
age of 12 from his parents.
1
Farmer-fisher, Barangay Sta. Cruz, Buhi, Camarines Sur
2
Central Bicol State University of Agriculture, Pili, Camarines Sur
3
University of the Philippines Los Baños, Laguna
18 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change
At past 70 years old, he had gained much knowledge and skills in farming and fishing Lake Buhi is an inland freshwater body (Figure 1) located at 13o25’32.4”N and
through his personal experiences, and from attending various trainings and seminars 123o30’49.1”E at 91.44 masl. It is bounded on the east by Mt. Malinao, on the west
sponsored by the Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM), Central Bicol State by Mt. Asog (Mt. Iriga), on the north by the Sangay-Buhi mountain ranges, and on
University of Agriculture (CBSUA), Department of Agriculture (DA), and local government the south by the low-lying ranges of Polangui, Albay (Figure 2). It is about one hour
units. He participated in the Bicol Agri-water Project Climate Field School and the from Naga City, the capital of Camarines Sur and 10 hours from Metro Manila.
Coconut and Abaca Rehabilitation Program, as well as learned about organic farming
and good agricultural practices (GAP). He is a board member of Sta. Cruz Organic
Farmers’ Association (SCOFA) and former president of Sta. Cruz Fish Cage Association.
He was widowed in 2017 and has 4 children and 11 grandchildren. Now, he lives with a
son who also helps in his fishing and farming.

The Community of Buhi, Camarines Sur:

A Closer Look

The town of Buhi and its lake are culturally interlaced. Historical accounts indicated that
the town of Buhi was discovered and founded by a Spanish exploring party in 1578. The
Spaniards discovered a cluster of settlements of small huts in the valley and along rivers
and streams, inhabited by dark skinned pygmies called Aetas, subsisting on fishing and
hunting. These Aetas are now the prominent Indigenous Peoples (IP) group living in the
mountains of Buhi and Mt. Asog (Mt. Iriga). The resource-rich watersheds and Lake Buhi
nurtured a distinct culture and language of the inhabitants, who have made a legal claim
Figure 1. View of Mt. Iriga and Lake Buhi
of their ancestral domain. There are 25 organized IP groups in the town of Buhi and they
are engaged in farming and fishing as their main sources of livelihood (Binoya et al,
2008; CBSUDO and FPE, Inc., 2012).

Figure 2. Location map of Lake Buhi and Barangay Sta. Cruz, Buhi, Camarines Sur,
a research area of the project “Documentation and Assessment of Local/Indigenous
Knowledge (LInK) for Climate Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities”, from
which this article is based.

20 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 21

Lake Buhi used to be known as “minakawa”, because of its shape that looks like a
Livelihood and
small caldera (“maliit na kawa o kawali”). The size of the lake increased when Mt. Asog
erupted in the early 1600’s. Before the Spanish era, Aetas from Albay relocated in Buhi.
Local Knowledge
The town was protected from the Spanish colonizers due to a legend that made the
Spaniards afraid to set foot in the town. The legend narrates the story of a man who can
consume thousands of fishes all at once. The fish was actually a very small species locally “Tay” Nestor’s main sources of income are fishing and farming. He goes into fishing
called “sinarapan” (Mistichthys luzonensis) (Figure 3). after farm work is done. He grows lowland rice, abaca (Musa textilis) and coconut (Cocos
nucifera). For many years he was the sole breadwinner in the family, earning enough to
send his children to school and care for his wife who was bedridden for 11 years.

He recalls that in earlier days, fishing required no baits for their hook and line because
fish were very abundant. In the past, he and other fishers used traditional devices or
tools in fishing like “pana” (speargun) (Figure 5), “sumbiling” (fish trap for larger fish),
“salakab” (fish trap for small fish), “lambat/pokot” (mesh net) (Figure 6), “silo” (fish
Figure 3. “Sinarapan” (Mistichthys luzonensis), the world’s smallest commercial fish, can be trap for eel), “sarap” (fine mesh net for “sinarapan”), “siid” and “tambong” (fishtrap for
found only in Lake Buhi, Camarines Sur. “pantat” or catfish; Clarias batrachus). At present, only “sumbiling” (Figure 7), “silo”,
“pokot” and “sarap” remain useful for open lake fishing.
The lake became popular because of “sinarapan”, the world’s smallest edible fish. This
placed the town of Buhi on the world’s fisheries and tourism map. This smallest edible
fish derived its name from a fishing gear locally called “sarap”. It is a fine mesh net and
is the only fishing gear used to catch this species. With an average length of 12 mm, the
“sinarapan” is considered the smallest commercial fish in the world. It belongs to the
Goby family and was discovered by H.M. Smith in 1902. The fish can also be found in
Lake Bato and in two other lakelets, namely, Mapanao and Katugnay, along upper Buhi
at the foothills of Mount Iriga (Figure 4).

In many ways, Lake Buhi is the heart of the social and economic life of Buhi town. The
people are dependent on the many environmental and tourism services provided by Figure 5. “Pana” (speargun) used by
the lake. Aside from fishing, the lake is the source of water for farming, electricity, and fishers in Lake Buhi.
navigation.

Figure 6. “Pokot” (mesh nets) used for Figure 7. A local fisher’s catch using indigenous
Figure 4. Catching “sinarapan” in one of the lakelets of Buhi (Photo by C.N. Cervantes). open lake fishing (Photo by C.N. Cervantes). “sumbiling” (Photo by C.N.Cervantes).
22 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 23
“Tay” Nestor has vivid memory of the numerous endemic fishes caught in lake. This
include “biya” (Glossogobius giuris), “karpa” (Cyprinus carpio), “talusog” (Channa
striata), “gurami” (Trichogaster trichopterus), “palos” (Anguilla marmorata), “sinarapan”,
“hito” (Clarias batrachus), native “tilapia” (Oreochromis sp.), “mirapina”4 , “sugpo”
(Macrobrachium sp.), “ogama”4, “suso” (Jagora asperata), “kabakab”4, “uruon”4,
“wagwag”4, and “atas”4.

These fishes were bountiful in the lake until the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources
Figure 9. An example of
(BFAR) introduced “ayungin” (Leiopotherapon plumbeus) and “tilapia” (Oreochromis
fish kill (Photo by GMA News,
niloticus). The population of endemic species began to decrease and some even 2016).
disappeared. Local folks call the introduced species “kalaban” (enemy) because they eat
the endemic fishes and their juveniles.

Local fishers in Lake Buhi learned to culture “tilapia” in fish cages in the 1970’s. They
did not use commercial feeds during that time because natural food, like planktons,
was abundant. However, through time, commercial feeds were introduced to hasten
fish growth and harvest. The poor regulation in the number of fish cages (Figure 8) and
the increased use of commercial feeds were perceived to be the major causes of water
pollution and lake deterioration. “Tay” Nestor observed that problems and environmental
threats about 20 years ago persisted and have grown in magnitude as fish cages have In spite of the threats in fishing, “Tay” Nestor and some fishers still practice rituals for
occupied a major portion of the lake, among them low fish catch, deteriorated water bountiful harvest. Before fishing, they offer grilled fish wrapped in banana leaves and
quality, frequent “kanuba” (fish kill) incidence (Figure 9), and the “sinarapan” becoming placed over the waters. Before harvesting from the fish cages, they roast some “tilapia”
highly endangered. The lake’s turbidity decreased from 2.1-4.6 m in 1986 (BRBDP, and place in on the lake to be carried away by the current. They also save the “primirong
1986) to 0.42-0.57 m in 2011 (Plopenio and Bimeda, 2011) where the standard saldok” (first harvest from the net with the use of a pail) and this is shared for free to
transparency values should be more than 1m. other fishers. Additional fish are also offered as “pigaatang” or thanksgiving. Fishers
believed that these practices are “pampabuenas” (will bring good luck) and will result to
generous harvest.

As a farmer, “Tay” Nestor owns a 1.5 hectare lowland rice field (Figure 10), which can
produce 80-130 cavans per cropping. He relates that in 1960s-70s, there were several
traditional rice cultivars planted in the area, which can be harvested in 4-5 months.
These were “Dami”, “Dinaraga” (glutinous), “Iros”, “Dinorado” (aromatic), “Hinaway”
(white), “Gayanggang” (black grains, high eating quality and can be consumed even
without viand), “Senador” and “Wagwag”. At present, only a few upland farmers plant
these cultivars.

In the 1980’s, the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) introduced new rice varieties
in the area. However, “Tay” Nestor observed that the introduced varieties required a
large amount of commercial synthetic inputs and needed frequent monitoring because
of pests and other problems. Hence, he shifted to certified inbred varieties provided
by the agricultural office of Buhi, in addition to his farm saved seeds. Presently, he is
converting into more sustainable farming methods. He started using organic fertilizers
and pesticides as replacement to synthetic ones. He also does not burn his rice straw but
instead incorporates these back into the field a month before planting or during land
preparation. According to him, this technique lessens the use of synthetic inputs (like
urea) by around 67%.
Figure 8. Fish cages in Lake Buhi (Google Satellite image).

4
Taxonomic identity of these fishes cannot be verified in the absence of actual specimens.

24 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 25

 Observations and Experiences
The Climate Change Reality

All areas in Brgy. Sta.Cruz are considered by the local Disaster Risk Reduction
Management (DRRM) unit to be highly vulnerable to disaster. “Tay” Nestor and village
Figure 10. “Tay” Nestor in folks keenly observed climate variations and their impacts on fishing and farming.
his rice field (Photo by C.N. Highly severe hazards, as observed by residents, were flooding, fish kill, massive growth
Cervantes). of water lily, health problems, and typhoons. In terms of frequency of occurrence,
flooding and typhoons occur about five times a year. A 2018 typhoon brought massive
destruction in low-lying areas and rice fields (Figure 11). Rivers changed their course and
were heavily silted. Landslides also occurred which took the lives of some local people.
Flooding now last from three days to two weeks in some areas and five to six months in
others. Floodwaters could reach 1.5-2 m in low lying areas, making transportation more
difficult and rice farming becoming unproductive along lakesides.

Aside from rice, “Tay” Nestor also grows other crops like abaca and coconut. For abaca,
he applies fertilizer and harvests once a year. Coconut, on the other hand, is harvested
every 45 days. He applied his learnings from seminars on GAP to his farming. He also
shared what he learned with other farmers in the community. In most cases, neighbors
would offer him their produce for free as sign of gratitude.

“Tay” Nestor shared that until now he and other farmers believe in traditional knowledge
and practices. In fact, they use cosmic and biological indicators as guides to their farming
and fishing decisions. Signs in cloud formation, wind directions, rainbow sightings, Figure 11. Destruction by floods and landslides in the
color of the horizon and moon phases are observed for weather predictions and farm low lying areas and rice fields in Sta. Cruz, Buhi, after
planning. Unusual appearances and behaviours of some animals like snails, snakes and a 2018 typhoon (Google Satellite image).
birds, and some plants are still used as good or bads signs in farming and fishing, and
also interpreted in weather forecasting.

Rituals, as part of the indigenous knowledge system, are still present and perceived to be
beneficial in fishing and farming especially among indigenous peoples (IP). Farmers pray
and do offerings before planting and harvesting. They cook small amounts of harvest
in coconut shells and offer these in the field for the deities and departed relatives. They
believe that doing the rituals will give them good harvest.

26 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 27

 “Tay” Nestor and other fishers also noticed the declining production in fishing. In the
past, the naturally occurring “kanuba” or fish kill was experienced only once every 5-10
years. Since 2010, fish kill occurred more frequently at 1-2 times a year. They blamed
these fish kills to polluted lake waters due to overfeeding of “tilapia” in the fish cages.
“Tay” Nestor observed that climate had become unpredictable. Erratic weather condition They now see the urgency of dismantling excessive cages and imposing strict regulations
and stronger typhoons greatly affected their farming and fishing activities. He reminisced in the lake.
that weather during the 1960’s-1970’s was still predictable and typhoons and heavy
rains were expected only from October to December. These past few years, typhoons The construction of National Irrigation Administration (NIA) dam in the outlet of the lake
and heavy rains occur anytime of the year, with stronger and more intense public is another huge problem in the area. Numerous public hearings were already conducted
storm warning signal number (e.g., 5) and bringing flooding hazards (Figure 12). High to protest the negative impacts of the dam but no action has been done yet. The dam
temperature also became a problem. In the past, they can still work in the rice fields and was constructed to provide irrigation to Nabua and neighboring municipalities. However,
go fishing in the lake up to 10:00 in the morning. Thus, there was high production and it was also the reason why siltation in the lake is very high because the dam prevented
income because the climate condition was favorable during those years. Now, they can the flushing out from the lake of silt and wastes from excessive feeds in fish cages. This
only stay out in the field until 8:00 in the morning because of scorching heat. has become a cause for frequent fish kills. In addition, instead of the recommended total
of 100 hectares for fish cages, the lake is now over-stacked with cages spread on 300
hectares of the lake’s area.

Decreasing crop yields was also observed due to changing climate patterns. They
observed the decline in local food supply and income, which consequently decreased the
ability to provide proper nutrition, resulting to more frequent occurrence of hunger and
sickness.

Information and
Disaster Preparedness

In the village of “Tay” Nestor, local sources of information about climate change are
from television and radio programs, seminars and reading materials. The community
Figure 12. “Tay” Nestor complains about the effect of flooding in their rice fields. Silt, members and associations are provided with information on climate change, its impacts
boulders, and trees covered the lowland rice fields in the village (Photos by C.N. Cervantes).
and local adaptation. These topics were also discussed during barangay assemblies and
family gatherings. Forewarning of impending disaster is made through early warning
The occurrence of rainy and dry months has become unpredictable that they can no system of the barangay (“batingting” or megaphone).
longer identify the type of season. They also experienced prolonged drought, which they
describe as “wala na sa panahon at mas mainit” (did not occur during its normal season “Tay” Nestor relates that many of the villagers also attended trainings and workshops
and more intense heat), making planning in farming and fishing activities difficult. Risks provided by government agencies such as BFAR, DA, and the Department of Environment
are higher for individuals living in low areas and the lakeside than those in the uplands, and Natural Resources to gain new knowledge in fishing and farming. Moreover, they
posing more challenges and threats to livelihoods. actively participated in the programs of the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and
Management Council for increased awareness of any disaster that may happen in their
community.

28 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 29

 In fishing, most fishers are engaged in “tilapia” culture. At the start, they put fingerlings
in a small fishpen then start rearing fingerlings during the months of January to March.
Stories of Adaptation After 3 months, they do recounting on how many fingerlings survived before transferring
Rising from Climate Change these to the fish cages. Then, feeding begins in the months of June until August. Many
fishers use sinker inorganic feeds (PO2) for fish nutrition. Harvest starts in the 3rd week
of August to September. If the cultured fish will not be harvested during these months,
“tilapia” in the cages will be susceptible to fish kill since the period from October to
December is typhoon season. During this period, the frequency of fish kill occurrence
in the lake is high. Thus, they do proper timing of releasing fingerlings in the fish cage
The strategies used to adapt and reduce the effects of climate change are still based on such that harvest does not coincide with the typhoon. Also, if fish kill occurs in the nearby
the residents’ local and indigenous knowledge gained through the years. Most of them areas, they just lift their fish net and transfer to another area. Some other fishers do not
are engaged in backyard gardening (Figure 13) - for sustained food supply. Standing own fish cages, and so, they go further than their usual fishing grounds to catch more
crops are harvested earlier before a typhoon hits the area. Most of the crops such as fish as well as conduct more frequent fishing forays in the rivers. Others venture into fish
banana (Musa sp.), cassava (Manihot esculenta) and sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) processing, food vending and other off-farm work, such as employment in construction
can withstand climate change-related hazards and are grown all year round. Because projects.
the area is highly prone to landslide and flooding, they grow trees, particularly the
indigenous ones, in fragile and denuded areas. They personally volunteer as forest
guards and help forest rangers seize illegal loggers. This practice significantly curb illegal
logging in the area. In addition, burning of plastic and rice straw is also banned in the
area.
Looking Forward
A Future of Hope

For “Tay” Nestor, learning is never-ending. He hopes to participate in more personal

exposures, seminars, and trainings to continuously enhance his knowledge and skills
in fishing and farming. Together with local leaders, he also plans to help build up
the access to formal education of the youth and IPs, and help in increasing local
employment, sustainable production, and livelihood in the village. He personally wishes
for his good health so that he can always be productive and be of assistance to his family
and the community.

With the threats and impacts of climate change to their community, residents still find
access to information and other needs difficult. Hence, “Tay” Nestor and community
leaders find the following needs very essential and urgent: More relevant trainings,
seminars and exposures for sustainable fishing and farming and climate change
adaptation; Partnership and linkages for better education and local livelihood programs;
Capital for sustainable livelihood programs; Creation of alternative learning school for
IPs; and Scholarship and awareness campaign for youth and IPs to take agricultural
courses.

Figure 13. Food garden in the backyard of the IP chieftain in Sta. Cruz, Buhi (Photo by C.N.
Cervantes).

30 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 31

Literature Cited:
Binoya, C.S., J.V. dela Trinidad, A.B. Estrella, C.B. Llesol, and G.B. Osea. 2008.
Managing and conserving Lake Buhi: An agroecosystems analysis for
sustainable development. SEARCA monograph. 61 pp. ISBN: 978-971-
560-145-0

Central Bicol State University Development Organization, Inc. and the Foundation
for the Philippine Environment, Inc. (CBSUDO and FPE). 2012. Lake Buhi,
Rapid Site Assessment Report. Technical Report 1. Review and Analysis of
Secondary Information.

Bicol River Basin Development Program (BRBDP). 1986. Watershed Development

Plan. Camarines Sur, Philippines.

Plopenio, J. and S. Bimeda. 2011. Water quality monitoring in Lake Buhi,

Camarines Sur. – Institute for Environmental Conservation and Research.
Ateneo de Naga University. Naga City. A report submitted to the Buhi-LGU.

Acknowledgement:
FARMING AND FISHING:
We gratefully acknowledge the cooperation and assistance of the following persons
and institutions in the preparation of this publication: THE TAGBANUA WAY
• The farmer-fishers and leaders of Barangay Sta. Cruz who willingly
shared their knowledge and practices on agrifisheries and adaptation to Aguilardo D. Deig1, Lita B. Sopsop2, and Annalissa L. Aquino3
climate change;
• To the staff and administrators of LGU of the Municipality of Buhi,
headed by Mayor Margarita M. Aguinillo, with special mention to the
Municipal Agriculture Office and MENRO, who facilitated the conduct of the Mr. Aguilardo “Agi” Decin Deig is a farmer-fisher, and a member of the Tagbanua
study in the area; indigenous peoples (IP) who live in the coastal area of Barangay Malinao, Narra,
• To Ms. Leah B. Banastao, who ably assisted in information gathering Palawan, Philippines. The municipality of Narra is located in Southern Palawan, 96
and field works; and km away from Puerto Princesa City, the capital of Palawan (Figure 1). It belongs to
• To all those who, in one way or another, helped in crafting this publication. Region IV-B (MIMAROPA) and lies between 9˚05’N and 118˚30’E. Narra has a total
land area of 83,229.84 ha and is subdivided into 23 barangays.

Agi, a Tagbanua farmer-fisher of Narra, Palawan.

1
Farmer-Fisher, Brgy. Malinao, Narra, Palawan
2
Western Philippines University, Aborlan, Palawan
3
University of the Philippines Los Baños, Laguna

32 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change

 The presence of KFI in the municipality of Narra
provided Agi and his companions alternative sources
of livelihood. It started with hog fattening project
wherein the Tagbanua were given seminars on hog
raising and taught to sell these after 3-4 months.
Buri-buring They were also given farm inputs like fertilizers and
pesticides and implements for rice farming such
as rice thresher and hand tractor. Their group also
received one unit of 16 hp Briggs and Stratton boat
that they use for fishing.

Agi owns a “basakan” or lowland rice field where he

grows both traditional and high yielding rice varieties.
Once the rice seeds are broadcasted he only visits
Kinogon
the field once, to apply fertilizer, then goes back
when it is time to harvest. His harvest is reserved for
household consumption and as planting material for
the next cropping season. Although Tagbanua farmers
practice monocropping of rice, they still maintain
some form of diversity by planting four different rice
varieties simultaneously in their “basakan” and “uma”
or upland swidden farm (Figure 2).
Kiyalumpang

Figure 1. Location map of Barangay Malinao, Narra, Palawan, a research area under the
project “Documentation and Assessment of Local/Indigenous Knowledge (LInK) for Climate Milagrosa Pino Piyot-tyukan
Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities”, from which this article is based.

Agi completed his secondary education at the Palawan National Agricultural College
(PNAC), now Western Philippines University (WPU). In the political structure of the
Tagbanua indigenous peoples, he is a “Pangarapan” or the equivalent of treasurer, a
position he inherited from his father. He is currently the Indigenous Peoples Mandatory
Representative (IPMR) of the Tagbanua and he is also a “Barangay Kagawad” since
2016. Agi is married to Rosita Diaz Deig with whom he has six children, three of whom Nene Tapal Tipak
are now teachers, one a police officer and the two others are still in school.
Figure 2. One unique feature of Tagbanua farming in Narra, Palawan is the simultaneous
Agi used to be a wildlife poacher but is now a warden for the Rasa Island Wildlife planting of four different rice varieties in their “basakan” and “uma”, thus conserving
Sanctuary (RIWS). Rasa Island is the last stronghold of the critically endangered Philippine traditional rice varieties
Cockatoo (Cacatua haematuropygia), locally known as “abukay” or “katala”. To save
the critically endangered birds, the Katala Foundation, Inc. (KFI), an NGO, works in the
RIWS. The founding chair of KFI made sure to hire poachers as wildlife wardens and Agi Another source of income for Agi and his family is the rental derived from his rice
was lucky to be chosen as one. In 1999, he was among the 9 members to be appointed thresher, which he acquired through a loan. He also grows corn and various vegetables
as Special Deputy Environment and Natural Resources Officer by the Department of and raises swine and chicken. From July to December, his time is occupied with rice
Environment and Natural Resources-Region IV. He was designated Officer-In-Charge of and vegetable farming while from January to April, along with other Tagbanua, he
the Sagip Katala Movement-Narra Chapter in 2004, and later became its president. temporarily moves to the Rasa Island Wildlife Sanctuary to fish and to gather “balatan”
(sea cucumber; Holothuroidea spp.).

Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 35

 It was in 1990s that the Tagbanua of Narra, Palawan, started to feel the effects of climate
change. Pronounced drought hit not just Narra but the whole Province of Palawan in
1997 and 2005. Then the following year, 2006, the La Niña phenomenon or continuous
rain was observed. It was in 2012 that they first observed the rise in sea level. When the
port at the RIWS was constructed, the builders made sure that seawater would not reach
the floor level (Figure 3). But in 2012, the Tagbanua noticed that the level of seawater
had gone higher than the floor level of the port. Eventually, the port was damaged and
was later on rebuilt by KFI.

Observations and Experiences

The Climate Change Reality
Figure 3. Port at Rasa Island Wildlife Sanctuary (RIWS) before it was damaged in 2012
(Photo by L.B. Sopsop).

Figure 4. A typical Tagbanua “uma” is a combination of annuals and perennials: corn,

Tauli-Corpuz et al., (2009) listed the general effects of climate change as irregularity coconut and some trees and two varieties of rice separated by a stick marker (below).
of rainfall, warmer weather, drying of wells, rise in sea level and warmer sea. Scientific
studies revealed that the province of Palawan is among the climate change risks hotspots Rainy season in Narra usually occurs from July to December, while dry season is from
in the Philippines based on frequency and intensity of extreme weather events including March to June. With climate change, the onset of rainy season has become abnormal,
prolonged drought, increased average annual rainfall, and drastic sea level rise (Yusuf raining when it is not rainy season and dry when it is not dry season. The dry months also
and Francisco, 2009). Likewise, north Palawan also experienced the onslaught of two became longer while the rainy months became shorter.
super typhoons, i.e., Pablo in 2012 and Yolanda in 2013 (international codename Bopha
and Haiyan, respectively). According to Agi, the primary impact brought about by climate change in their life was
the shift in their planting calendar. Since it is now difficult to predict the exact onset of the
Agi had observed the changes in climate patterns which directly affected his family and dry and rainy seasons, it also became difficult to determine when to start preparing the
the Tagbanua. He recalled that in 1997, a long dry spell of about 9 months occurred field for planting. Consequently, with the current climate pattern, farms should be fully
which resulted to forest fires destroying a wide area covering the municipalities of prepared by April or May which is a month earlier than the traditional planting calendar
Quezon, Rizal, Brooke’s Point, and Bataraza. This coincided with the 1997-1998 El Niño they practiced.
which was the longest of the century surpassing the intensity of the 1982-1983 events
(WMO, 1998; Changnon and Bell, 2000). He also recalled that in 2006, 2011 and The Tagbanua derive their income from crops planted in their “uma” (Figure 4) which is
2014, flooding occurred which damaged houses, crops and livestock. a combination of annuals and perennials like vegetables, corn, rice, banana (Musa sp.),
and sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas). Their staple crops are corn, millet (Pennisetum sp.),
Agi also observed several changes in the weather patterns that affected the conditions of “batad” (Sorghum bicolor), and rice.
his farm. He noticed that temperature nowadays is more irritating on the skin compared
to years ago. He said that in the past years, he can stay in the farm from 6:00 to 11:00
AM and can go back at 2:00 PM while at present, he can only stay in the farm from 6:00
to 10:00 AM and return to work at 3:00 PM because of the unbearable afternoon heat.
He also mentioned that weeds are now more problematic in the farms than in the past.

36 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change

Year-round food supply from the “uma” is not enough since harvest is only once a year.
The Tagbanua rely on alternative food sources such as tubers of “kudot” or “kurot” Learning About
(Dioscorea hispida), “alima” or “lima-lima” (Dioscorea pentaphylla), and “abagan”
or “white ube” (Dioscorea alata); flour of “buli” (Corypha utan) and young leaves of
“batbat” (Arenga undulatifolia) (Figure 5). These are taken from the wild to supplement
Farming, Traditional Weather
their food supply especially during the lean months of May to August. Forecasting and Climate
Change Conversations

Most of the Tagbanua families own a transistor radio, although those who can afford
to buy a television set have it at home. Mostly, they learn of impending bad weather
conditions from the radio or television. However, those who have no access to either
transistor radio nor television still rely on traditional weather indicators. Some of these
are shown by the position of stars, moon and other heavenly bodies. They also observe
the behavior of some animals and the conditions of some plants as their local weather
indicators.

The Tagbanua is observant and innovative. They learned some farming techniques and
style, as well as the use of pesticides from the “diwan”, the Christian non-indigenous
Figure 5. Survival or famine food in Brgy. Malinao, Narra, Palawan: tubers of “kudot” or
peoples from other parts of the country who settled in Palawan. The Tagbanua had
“kurot” (left) and leaves of “batbat”(right).
observed that pests and diseases become widespread as climate changes.

While the “uma” is adversely affected by the erratic onset of rain, the “basakan” The Tagbanua readily shares new information to their fellow members especially when
benefitted because more water became available for growing rice. Before the change in such are beneficial to the group. News on climate change, i.e., what it is, its effects and
climate, it was harder to obtain or find crops that are alternative to rice. But since then, other related concerns are disseminated by the leaders to the group members during
“kurot”, which serves as alternative to rice, became more available. informal gatherings. Discussion about climate change issues is also informally conducted
anywhere whenever an informed Tagbanua meets another group member.
According to Agi, La Niña is advantageous to some of them who own farm lands
because the availability of water allows them to grow crops. However, for most The information dissemination practiced by the Tagbanua helps them decide whether to
Tagbanua, life is harder during La Nina because the heavy rains prevent them from go out to the farm or to fish, depending on the weather condition. However, they do not
going out to gather wild plants while the strong winds prevent them from going out to make preparations for their basic needs like food, supplies and materials, and repair
fish. Whereas during El Nino, they can easily find off-farm work. of their houses, even if they are aware of the impacts of approaching extreme weather
conditions. Perhaps this could be attributed to their previous experiences that Palawan
Another impact of climate change in the area is the increased pest infestation. To make is seldom hit by typhoon or if a typhoon passes the province, the impact is not very
sure that crops are free from pests and that they will be able to harvest, the Tagbanua damaging. In the event of the occurrence of drought when their crops are not productive
are forced to apply pesticides which has increased their cost of production. In 1998 and and food is limited, they could easily go to the forest to gather wild foods and other non-
2005, the widespread drought intensified the infection caused by the coconut scale insect timber forest products.
or “cocolisap” on fruit trees, coconuts and bananas which eventually caused plant death.
A decline in the volume of farm produce was also observed. According to Agi, the low
level of crop production was aggravated by the difficulty in obtaining hybrid vegetable
and certified rice seeds. For their heirloom rice seeds, he shared that their group practice
seed exchange.

Fish used to be abundant in their area, such that fishers can have a good catch without
going far from the shore. However, Agi personally attributes the decline in fish catch to
overfishing and not to the changing sea environment. In Narra, they were able to catch
tons of fish decades ago with the use of “palakaya” and “bolong” seine, but the volume
of fish catch declined over the years as a result of unregulated fishing practices

38 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 39

Stories of Adaptation
Rising from Climate Change
Figure 7. The backyard vegetable
garden of Agi’s family in Narra,
One of the local adaptation strategies of the Tagbanua is the shift in their farming and Palawan.
fishing calendar. Fishing proceeds during the months of January to April while farm
activities until harvest are concentrated during the months of July to December, when
the seas are rough. Harvesting of “balatan” (Figure 6) also coincides with the fishing
schedule of January to April, the season when these are of the right size thus, getting a
higher market price of about PhP 7,000.00/kg. Women or the wives are often tasked
to gather the “balatan”. To sustain their livelihood and as part of their work to protect
wildlife, the community learned to culture “balatan”, especially the “kurtido” type, which
was already declared endangered. With the help of the Department of Agriculture and The proclamation of the Rasa Island as Wildlife Sanctuary on February 23, 2006 through
the nets the agency provided, the community was able to expand the 6,400 m2 of their the Presidential Proclamation No. 1000 pursuant to the Republic Act 7586, otherwise
shoreline for “balatan” culture. The community learned to abide with wildlife regulations known as National Integrated Protected Areas System Act of 1992, is maybe one of
and gathered only the right kind and size of “balatan” during harvest season. the strategic policies that has the most impact on the Tagbanua of Narra. From 2000-
2005, the strict regulation and prohibition in fishing resulted to increase in mangrove
density, as well as the fish population, thus fishers are now able to catch more fish. The
proclamation of the Municipality of Narra as the Philippine Cockatoo Capital of the
World in 2010 increased the number of tourists that also helps contribute to the local
economy.
Figure 6. “Balatan” or sea cucumber
culture in a bed of seagrass in Narra, When the KFI was organized and wildlife poachers were recruited as wardens, the
Palawan (Photo by A.D. Deig). small income they earned helped the Tagbanua cope with the adverse effects of climate
change. The farm inputs, implements for rice farming, and fishing boat given by the
NGO also helped in their livelihood enabling them to cope with the adverse effects
of climate change. Initially, some Tagbanua were dismayed by the establishment of
the wildlife sanctuary due to its strict regulations and prohibitions and in declaring the
extraction of mangrove, hunting for “bayawak” or monitor lizard (Varanus palawanensis)
and getting the eggs of Tabon birds as illegal. The RIWS only permits harvest of honey,
crabs and shells and the culture of sea cucumber. Eventually, the strict regulations
brought about increased and sustainable harvest of marine resources making many
Tagbanua content and happy with the laws.
Harvesting honey in Rasa Island is an additional livelihood of the Tagbanua to cope with
the effects of climate change. This provides a good alternative livelihood since a gallon of
honey can be sold at farm gate price of PhP 1,000.00. The Tagbanua also learned how
to grow organic vegetables in their backyard (Figure 7) and to use rice hull as fertilizer.

40 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 41

Looking Forward The diverse crops utilized by the Tagbanua as well as the array of indigenous planting
materials they possess must be conserved as these are potential sources of breeding
A Future of Hope materials for traits such as resistance to drought and long wet seasons. Training and
seminars related to improved soil and water conservation could be given to them to
further enhance their conservation strategies.

The future personal plans of Agi include the continuance of “balatan” culture which is
currently a promising alternative source of income. He also would like to encourage
more members of their community to support the different plans and programs of the
LGU and of the KFI in the protection and promotion of the RIWS. Agi recognizes the need
of the Tagbanua community for good farm to market roads and to have access to good
quality planting materials and farming technology or innovations to continue farming Literature Cited:
amidst the challenges of climate change. He is now setting his goals and thinking of
plans on how they can realize these needs. Since rattan (Calamus sp.) is abundant in
Changnon, S.A. and G.d. Bell. 2000. El Niño 1997-98: The Climate Event of the
their area, he is also thinking of getting a permit to harvest rattan as added livelihood.
Century. Oxford University Press, USA.
A major challenge for the community is the awarding of their Certificate of Ancestral
World Metrological Organization (WMO). 1998. WMO Statement on the Status of
Domain Title (CADT). The community shared that in the 1970s their ancestral lands were
the Global Climate in 1997. WMO No. 877 (10). World Metrological
given to lowlanders and only 1% of the total Tagbanua land was left to them. Other
Organization, Geneva.
Tagbanua sold their lands for a small sum because of hunger. Agi and the community
noted that only the mountain was left of their ancestral domain.
Tauli-Corpuz, V., R. de Chavez, E. Baldo-Soriano, H. Magata, C. Golocan, M.V.
Bugtong, L. Enkiwe-Abayao, and J. Cariño. 2009. Guide on Climate
Change and Indigenous Peoples. 2nd ed. Tebtebba Foundation. Baguio
City, Philippines. 195 p.
Needs and Recommendations
Yusuf A.A. and H. Francisco. 2009. Climate Change Vulnerability Mapping
The Tagbanua in Narra, Palawan needs help to cope with the impacts of climate for Southeast Asia. EEPSEA Special Technical Paper tp20090lsl. Economy
change. The most important and urgent assistance they need is funding and expertise and Environment Program for Southeast Asia (EEPSEA). revised Jan 2009.
to facilitate the grant of their CADT. They believe that if they could secure their ancestral
lands, they would be more resilient to the impacts of climate change. This is because the
Tagbanua are farmers and the land is their lifeblood. During the period when agricultural
production is difficult and food is scarce due to unpredictable weather conditions, their
ancestral land serve as their source of food because it is where they gather wild food,
thus, making them resilient. They harvest honey from the forests, the sales of which is
enough to buy their basic needs. They do not want other people to take possession of
their lands, like what happened in the past, or by private companies which are doing
extractive projects. They know that if their ancestral lands are destroyed, they will also be
destroyed.

The Tagbanua recognizes the need to cope with the emerging trend in the food
processing business, hence they need to be trained on the proper processing of their
farm and marine produce to avoid post harvest losses and to get higher price for their
products. They need appropriate facilities like solar drier to enable them to produce
quality dried fish. They also need training to process their excess vegetables and other
farm produce into other products that are more in demand in the market. They also need
training on marketing and financial literacy, and facilities for standard packaging.

42 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 43

 DIVERSIFICATION AMIDST
CLIMATE CHANGE
IN HAMTIC, ANTIQUE Her dedication and innovativeness have been recognized by the Department of
Agriculture (DA) in the region, winning its contest for two consecutive years. The most
recent one had the theme “Juana: Agri Negosyo Kaupod Mo sa Pagnenegosyo” (Juana:
Maria Luz Matandac Sarad1, Glenda B. Mabaquiao2, Noel M. Montaño2 Your Companion in Entreprenuership), where she and her teammates from Hamtic won
and Aileen Paguntalan Mijares3 first prize of Php 10,000 that was divided among the 10 team members. Although not a
big amount, Luz takes pride in being selected as the sole participant from Antique and
it was a bonus that the regional team won. She attributes her success to her “katandus”,
Maria Luz Matandac Sarad, is a 46-year old farmer from Barangay Funda, which is badly needed in these uncertain times. Luz also takes pride in her work ethics
Hamtic, Antique. Luz is married to Felix Dumaraog Sarad and they have which she has instilled in her own children, allowing them to maintain their farm despite
three children. She proudly proclaims that she is able to send her children so many setbacks brought on by changing times.
to private schools. Her eldest child goes to a local private college; while the
other two are in grades 12 and 10. As she says, “himorat” (perseverance) and
“katandus” (industriousness) are keys to overcoming the unpredictability of
farming as a way of life.

1
Farmer, Brgy. Funda, Hamtic, Antique
2
University of Antique-Hamtic, Antique
3
University of the Philippines Los Baños, Laguna

Luz in her diversified farm in Brgy. Funda, Hamtic, Antique.

Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 45
 The Community of Barangay Funda is a rural coastal barangay located at the southern part of Hamtic,
Barangay Funda, Hamtic, Antique: Antique. It is geographically situated at 10.64oN, 121.98oE. It is bounded on the north
by Barangay Guintas, on the northeast by Barangay Linaban, on the east by Barangay
A Closer Look Calacja II, on the south by Barangay Villavert-Jimenez, and on the west by Cuyo East
Pass.

With 476 households and an average growth rate of 4.81%, the total population of
the barangay is 2,141, based on the 2010 census. Of this population, 58.44% are
Hamtic is one of the 18 municipalities in the province of Antique in Western Visayas or
gainfully employed, 14.62% are unemployed, 26.94% are not in the labor force, and
Region VI (Figure 1). It was formerly called Antique, after which the province was named.
4.20% are OFW. About 30% of the barangay population are in the productive age while
Hamtic is the oldest town and the first capital of the province before it was transferred to
the dependents (i.e., ages 15 years old and below and ages 65 years old and above)
San Jose de Buenavista in 1802.
comprise 23.39% of the total.
Hamtic has a land area of 113.03 km2 with a total population of 48,592, based on the
2015 census. It is politically subdivided into 47 barangays including Barangays Funda Barangay Funda is 6 km south of the Poblacion, and 13 km away from the capital town
and Banawon, the LInK project sites. of San Jose de Buenavista. It has flat terrain, with slope ranging from 0-3%, with a
combination of upland, lowland, and coastal areas. The barangay has a total land area
of 155.57 hectares wherein agricultural land covers 96% or 149.0964 hectares of the
total. Seventy percent (70%) or 104.37 hectares of the total agricultural area is utilized
for crop production, mostly planted with “paray” (rice), while 12% or 17.80 hectares is
planted with coconut and fruit trees. Roads and waterways occupy 18% or 26.84 hectares
of the total area.

Figure 1. Location map of Barangays Banawon and Funda, Hamtic, Antique, the research
areas under the project “Documentation and Assessment of Local/Indigenous Knowledge
(LInK) for CLimate Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities”, from which this
article is based.

46 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 47

 Livelihood
Nurturing the Farm
through Local Knowledge

As her story reveals, Luz has had to adjust to the changing conditions of farming brought
Since her farm is mainly rainfed, Luz had to adjust to the weather patterns. First cropping
on by climate change. She narrates that she started farming at a young age, where she
is May to July while second cropping is September to October when there is still rain.
remembers helping out her parents. Farming then was mainly for subsistence. They
“Patubas” (yield) per hectare of rice farming can reach up to 120 sacks. Some portions of
planted “paray”, “mais” (corn, Zea mays) and “monggo” (mungbean, Vigna radiata).
the farm are planted with vegetables.
They also lived off “panggurot” or logging during that time. Her training in farm work
since childhood molded her to be the successful farmer she is now.
Luz says farm expenses can reach up to PhP 15,000.00 - 20,000.00 for farm inputs.
After deducting these expenses, she shares 10 sacks per hectare per cropping to the land
She likewise trained her children to help in their farm. Although they go to school, they owner while the harvesters and use of thresher are given 2 sacks per 10 sacks harvested
form part of Luz’s farm labor during school breaks. This kind of training, she says, will or threshed. It is good that her family helps out in the farm, and as such there is less
sustain them later in life, as they learn to persevere and work hard. Farming is their need to hire laborers which saves them a lot of money.
main source of livelihood, and their 5-hectare farm (3 hectares of which is rented) is
planted to rice, corn, mungbean and “laswa”. “Laswa” is a Visayan term that refers to the
following vegetables: eggplant (Solanum melongena), squash (Cucurbita maxima), okra
(Abelmoschus esculentus), saluyot (Corchorus olitorius), string beans (Phaseolus vulgaris),
etc. Crop production is also supplemented by raising livestock (pigs, goats and cattle)
and poultry (chicken and ducks), as well as producing fish in a pond (Figure 2).

Figure 2. Luz, as an innovative farmer, practices crop-livestock integration to

maximize earnings for the family (Photos by G.B. Mabaquiao).
48 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 49
 In Barangay Funda, the residents note that the most obvious manifestation of climate
change is the unpredictability of weather patterns that altered their planting cycle. Long-
held notions about seasonal calendars that guide planting have to be discarded as the
dry and wet months have become interchanged at times, “ang bulan kang tag-init, naga
Observations and Experiences uran” (it rains even during the dry season). This has resulted to a one-month adjustment
in their planting calendar, from April or May to June or July.
The Climate Change Reality Prolonged drought has significantly affected the volume and quality of harvested “paray”
and “mais”. The decrease in “patubas” is due to lack of water as a consequence of
decreased rainfall. There have also been increase in natural calamities like typhoons and
earthquakes. Stronger typhoons that are “wala sa panahon” (occurring not according
“Lain na gid ang panahon kadya” (The climate is really different nowadays), Luz says
to its normal season) can come as early as January. Stronger typhoons mean that from
when asked about her experience with climate change. In her many years of farming,
an intensity 3, signal have increased to intensity 4 , bringing higher amount of rains that
she admits being baffled by the changed conditions (“walang katiyakan ang takbo ng
swiftly flood the rivers.
panahon”) and farming has been likened to gambling (“gasugal ikaw sa panguma”).
Luz and other community members have noticed the prolonged dry spell that has greatly
Luz mentions the extreme changes in weather patterns that have greatly impacted
affected their yield, “malawig ang tag-irinit kay sa tag-ururan” (the dry season is longer
farming productivity. She says, “ang aking naobserbahan sa klima ngayon ay sobrang
than the wet season). The intensity of heat has also increased, even during the early
init kapag tag-init at sobra naman ang pag-uulan kung tag-ulan” (What I observe of
morning hours, resulting in parched and cracked soil, “nagbangag-bangag ang lupa”
the present climate is that it is too hot during the dry months and there is too much rain
(Figure 3) and “lamgud” (very acidic soil). This also means adjusting farm and fishing
during the wet months). These weather extremes affect rice production, as too much heat
activities so as not to be affected by extreme heat.
or too much rain reduce crop yield, forcing Luz to be more resourceful and innovative in
finding solutions to this common problem brought on by climate change.

Luz also decries the increased crop vulnerability, noting the proliferation of pests and
diseases resulting to lower quality of harvest. Although not directly attributing this to
climate change, she has observed that this may be linked to certain temperatures. Too
much rains bring fungi, while too much heat attracts pests like “tanangaw” (rice black
bug, Scotinophara coarctata) and “tamasok” (yellow stem borer, Scirpophaga incertulas).
She prefers using organic pest control over chemical pesticides.

Climate change has been a buzzword in academia and development circles, but how is
it understood in local communities? When asked this question, local communities often
break this jargon into actual observations and experiences.
Figure 3. Cracked soil as a result of intense heat.

As with many coastal communities, fishing is done side by side with farming. In Funda,
families have been experiencing the pressures of climate change on their farms as well
as in the seas, particularly their fishing areas. According to some residents, fishing has
become less reliable these days, hence the importance of farming as the primary source
of subsistence and/or income generation. Fishers have been experiencing significantly
reduced catch since the 1980s-90s, “kato binanyera4 o kinasko5, karon tsamba-tsamba”
(in the past, fish catch was abundant, but now, the likelihood of catching fish happens
by chance). This was brought about by changes in water temperature, sea level rise, and
“sulug” (strong current).

Sea level rise has been observed in the decreasing distance between the houses/
settlements and the seashore, putting residents at risk of resettlement and relocation
(Figure 4). Siltation has likewise become a problem due to heavy rains, affecting bodies
of water like the Linaban River.
4
Fish catch filled many fish tubs
5
Fish catch filled the hull of the fishing boat

50 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 51

 Luz has been active in other DA programs, and has attended their Integrated Pest
Management and Good Agricultural Practices trainings. She also participated in their
Rural Women’s Summit where various topics were taught and discussed, with violence
against women and children (VAWC) as among the most notable one.

Luz’s trait of being active and participative in community organizations and undertakings
enabled her to gain support from government agencies, like the DA. The agency
Figure 4. Sea level rise in barangay Funda has been observed in the decreasing provided her family with farm inputs such as fertilizers and vegetable and rice seeds and
distance between houses/settlements and the seashore. equipment like power tiller, water pump and hose, and rice reaper (Figure 5). The water
pump conveys water from the river to the field while the reaper is helpful since availability
of manual labor for harvesting has become limited.
Fishers pointed out the significant loss and decline of fish species that used to be
bountiful in their seas, namely, “tulingan” (mackerel/frigate/bullet tuna, Auxis rochie),
“bilong-bilong” (moonfish, Mene maculata), “galunggong” (round scad, Decapterus
punctatus), “tamban” (sardine, Sardinella fimbriata), “dalagang bukid” (fusilier, Caesio
cuning), and “olandis” (red tail scad, Decapterus kurroides). They used to be able to
catch fish just by using “pangawil” (hook and line). The loss and decline of these fishes
are attributed to several factors, that include those that are climate change-related (i.e.,
changes in sea conditions like bigger waves and increased sea temperatures) and those
that are caused by human activities.

Figure 5. Rice reaper and water pump and hose received by Luz from the Department
of Agriculture.

Learning about In addition to the assistance from DA, the Philippine Coconut Authority provided
Climate Change and Farming planting materials for coconut (Cocos nucifera), cacao (Theobroma cacao), pineapple
(Ananas comosus), peanut (Arachis hypogaea), banana (Musa sp.), and ginger (Zingiber
officinale). With the trainings Luz had attended in food processing, she produces and
sells peanut butter, banana chips, and cassava cake, as extra source of income. To
ensure that all her products are sold, she sells these in bulk to businessmen in the public
The DA’s School on the Air radio program provides farmers, like Luz, much-needed market, as well as retailing these in the community.
information regarding farming methods and techniques, as well as information on
climate change. In fact, an agriculturist from the local DA office was present during the In barangay Banawon, there used to be a non-government organization (NGO) that
focus group discussion conducted under the LInK project, and it can be assumed that taught farmers about climate change. Sadly, the NGO did not last long, due to funding
government programs are more effective with the constant presence and assistance from problems.
field-based staff. This was clear in the case of Hamtic, where residents of barangays
Banawon and Funda showed different responses to similar programs.

52 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change 53 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 53
Stories of Adaptation
Rising from Climate Change Luz observes how the high humidity during the rainy season invites fungi and insects. She
comes up with ways to ward off these pests from her rice crop, such as planting marigold
(Tagetes sp.), the flowers of which serve as natural pest repellant (Figure 7). Putting
coconut fronds also serves the same purpose. A dead frog is also hung up on stakes and
The need to adjust to a new planting cycle is brought on by the drastic effects of having placed on the rice paddy. This is used as bait for rice bugs and is a good alternative to
longer dry spells as well as increased amount of rainfall that greatly affect productivity insecticides.
and yield. Longer dry periods result to poor harvest while increased amount of rainfall
makes crops vulnerable to a host of pests and diseases.

Luz says she is forced to think of other ways to mitigate the effect of climate change.
Among the new practices she does is to plant early maturing rice variety like PSB Rc 10
(Pagsanjan), which is tolerant to high temperature and can be harvested in about 100
days. She plants high yiedling rice varieties at the onset of rainy season, when water
supply is not a problem, and where yield is almost doubled. Luz reiterates the importance
of choosing high yielding rice varieties to avoid wastage amidst the unpredictability of
weather conditions.

The rice variety NSIC Rc 216 (Tubigan 17) is often used for second cropping but many
complain about its quality. When cooked, this variety tends to be a bit soft such that one
needs to eat more to feel full. Since one tends to easily get hungry with this variety, it has
a tendency to be “makonsumo” (increase in consumption). There are other varieties,
though, that are more filling like the PSB Rc 82 (Peñaranda), PSB Rc 10, and NSIC Rc
222 (Tubigan 18). As Luz’s co-farmers shared, eating good quality rice enables them to FIgure 7. Marigold flowers used as insect repellant in the rice field (left) and a dead
be more productive with farm work. frog used as bait for rice bugs (right) .

Another strategy is choosing vegetable varieties that are early maturing (2-2½ months)
such that these will not be subjected to extreme weather conditions and would result to
higher production and income. In addition to this, Luz subscribes to the non-burning of Luz added that current capital investment in rice production is very high due to expenses
rice straw (Figure 6), which when decomposed and incorporated to the soil during land in fertilizers and pesticides, and yet net income is low. That is why she prefers growing
preparation adds to soil fertility. vegetables which requires minimal investment and less labor yet promises bigger returns.

Intercropping also helps maximize productivity and profit in Luz’s farm. For instance,
corn is intercropped with squash and okra; onion (Allium cepa) with pechay (Brassica
rapa subsp. chinensis) and sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas). She thinks, this method is
not common among other farmers in her area but testifies to its efficiency in terms of
maximization of land area and results to higher total yield. This method also makes
efficient use of limited water supply.

Being dependent on the rains, the long dry spell has had significant impact on crop
production. One way of adapting to the long dry spell is to plant vegetables which has
a lower water requirement compared to rice. Luz makes use of a nearby river to irrigate
her vegetables. From her ¼ ha land, she is able to harvest 4 tons, spending around
PhP 5,000.00 - 7,000.00 to dig a canal to irrigate the vegetables. She recalls digging a
well by the river and installing a water pump to irrigate her rice field. This method also
includes “pagpatasok”, where a tube is inserted into the ground to collect water.

Figure 6. Non-burning of rice straw which when decomposed and incorporated to the
soil adds to soil fertility (Photo by G.B. Mabaquiao).

54 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 55

For fishing, community members have been constantly improving their technology,
mainly by adding devices, like additional motor and generator to increase the speed of
their boat, or by enhancing fish-attracting implements like the flasher. The flasher consists
of additional light bulbs attached to the side of the boat to attract more fish (Figure 8). Looking Forward
The fishers shared that they adopted this technology from what they have observed from
Cebuano fishers. A Future of Hope

On a personal level, Luz shares how she plans to continue on attending programs of
the DA which she said has helped her a lot in terms of farming methods and strategies,
as well as farm inputs and equipment. She plans to put these trainings to good use but
does not rely on these alone, as she believes in one’s own innovativeness in dealing with
farming-related issues.

She has gained confidence in her own practices, as her farm continues to produce
good harvest despite the changes in climate and problems that come along with it.
Despite the boundless odds faced by farmers like her, she is proud that she is able to
send all her children to private schools. She believes in continuously finding solutions
that will enhance her farming practices. Her intercropping, irrigation and use of natural
pesticides, are among her sources of pride. Moreover, with her family helping out
diligently in their farm, labor cost is minimized.

For now, she is happy with the recognition bestowed on her as one of the successful
farmers in the region. She gets to be invited, mostly by the DA, to trainings where she
is able to learn, as well as share her knowledge to other farmers and women in the
community as President of a women’s association.

However, not all farmers in Funda are like Luz. During the focus group discussion, it was
clear how Luz can be considered an outlier in her community – owning bigger farmland
and engaging in money lending. She herself acknowledges the disparity between her and
other community members. She always stresses “himorat” and “katandus” as keys to her
success, traits which she found lacking in others.

For some community members, however, there is an expressed need for more inputs in
terms of knowledge, technology, and even support for them to overcome the impacts
of climate change on both farming and fishing. Their narratives of getting by should be
seen as a result of lack of other options. Of course, they have been adapting to climate
change which continues to affect their livelihood. What choice do they really have? Their
Figure 8. Flasher or additional light bulbs attached to the side of the boat to attract adaptation can be seen in how they continue to rely on high yielding rice varieties to
more fish. lessen the effect of decreasing yield. However, they have pointed out the negative quality
of NSIC Rc 216, as earlier mentioned. Ways of managing the farm in terms of digging
small wells, like what Luz did to address the long dry spell, needs more systematic
Fishers, however, also lament modifications in their everyday routines brought on by support from government.
climate change. Their fishing hours have become limited by the extreme heat they
experience, leading them to adjust their fishing hours. They also mentioned spending
more hours fishing but with lesser catch, as well as fishing in more distant waters,
reaching up to Palawan.

56 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 57

 Although there have been individual innovations that are usually shared with fellow
For fishers, illegal fishing, mainly the intrusion of bigger trawls, has worsened their farmers and fishers, and government agencies have support programs (example is DA’s
already dangerous situation. Apart from the drastic decline in fish catch brought School on the Air), these communities are asking for further assistance. Support in terms
about by climate change, greed has also contributed further to the risks of fishing. of efficient technologies, together with sufficient training would be beneficial to these
The practice of catching small or juvenile fish and destruction of fish sanctuaries have farmer-fishers. Moreover, there is a need to review the types of assistance that may have
been proven damaging to the sustainability of fishing. Community members are now potential harm or adverse impacts on communities. Foremost of this is ensuring the
conscious in observing and practicing sustainable fishing like placing huge concrete appropriateness of species or varieties introduced, may it be for farmers or fishers. In the
jackstone-like structures in the sea to serve as fish spawning grounds (Figure 9). They are case of Antique, high yielding rice varieties aimed at increasing yield may be good, but
likewise interested in learning simple yet effective strategies to improve fishing and are the quality of some of these varieties might not be desirable.
continuously testing simple technological fixes to make fishing more efficient, like their
coming up with flashers and similar methods. Farmers in Antique also need crop insurance to enable them to withstand the fluctuations
brought about by climate change and cushion their losses. This will also help them avoid
relying on unscrupulous money lenders that take advantage of their desperate situation.
In relation to this, capital was also mentioned as a need, or government-sponsored
money lending schemes that will not charge excessive rates.

Luz adds that the presence of middlemen, which adds to their hardships, should be
looked into. It might be good to consider alternative markets for the produce of small
farmers in Antique, who need not tolerate the very low prices offered by middlemen, for
lack of better options.

Although the laws are in place to curb illegal fishing, enforcement continues to be a
problem for fishing to become sustainable. This can be traced to incapacitation mainly
due to lack of resources (e.g., lack of faster patrol boats, lack of Global Positioning
System or GPS), and worse, lack of political will, which may be attributed to corruption.

Changes in planting and fishing cycles have been practiced due to climate change
effects (e.g., unpredictable weather patterns, prolonged dry season) and have impacted
livelihood outcomes. Social inequities (e.g., presence of trawlers; inability of LGUs to
enforce laws) can further aggravate livelihood difficulties. On the other hand, enabling
conditions (e.g., active engagement of line agencies) can also provide support for local
farmers and fishers. Having said that, there is a need for adoption of cross-scale, multi-
Figure 9. Huge concrete jackstone-like structures to be placed in the sea to serve as
stakeholder approach that can pinpoint constraints and enabling conditions (resource-
fish spawning grounds.
wise, government services, etc.) of the community. Climate change adaptation must
go beyond looking at individual success stories and focus on how best to mitigate the
hazards faced by farming and fishing communities in the time of climate change and
There are also cooperative efforts between the local community and local government
inequity.
units (LGUs) in enforcing sustainable fishing laws and endeavors such as the “Bantay
Dagat” to stem overfishing especially of big trawls. These trawls are usually owned
by non-residents who encroach on municipal waters and use harmful methods like
inappropriate mesh size of nets. These types of collaborative efforts are welcomed by
References:
fishers in Hamtic.
Crate, S.A. 2011. Climate and Culture: Anthropology in the Era of Contemporary
Fishing and farming communities, as narrated by Luz and her townmates, have certainly Culture Change. Annual Review of Anthropology 40:175–94. DOI:
been affected by climate change. Despite their numerous efforts at adapting to the 10.1146/annurev.anthro.012809.104925.
changed conditions of farming and fishing, the livelihood of these communities have
been made uncertain by both climate change, as well as structural/systemic factors. Orr, Y., S. Lansing, and M. Dove. 2015. Environmental Anthropology: Systemic
While it is good to alleviate the impact of climate change, there is likewise a need to Perspectives. Annual Review of Anthropology 44:153–68. DOI: 10.1146/
address other interlocking factors that have further pushed these communities into annurev-anthro-102214-014159.
additional hardships -- efforts that would enable them to sustain their livelihoods and
raise their quality of life and well-being.

58 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 59

 Being the eldest out of seven children, Victor has learned to navigate the challenges of
life early on where he has to help in responding to the basic needs of the family. In 1988,
during his third year in high school, Victor decided to quit school and helped in farming
activities. With the belief that college education could alleviate the economic status of the
family, Victor then pursued Bachelor of Elementary Education (1996-2000) at the nearest
state university in Northern Samar, the University of Eastern Philippines (UEP) Main
Campus. Academic life in UEP was made colorful, savoring the flavor of completing
the academic and personal needs with a tight allowance of Php 300–500.00 a week.
Hoping to improve his lot, he then worked at the La Filipina Soya Feeds Company in
Manila as receiving and checking officer in 2000-2002. This is where he met his wife.
With a plan of raising a family, he returned to Capul with high hopes that the farms and
the seas, abundant as they are in the island, could provide his family’s needs.

In 2001, Victor married Rizza Rosales who is from Sawang, another barangay southwest
of Capul Island. The couple has five children whom they support primarily through
Victor’s diverse livelihood strategies. Since 2003, Victor has been a fulltime farmer
and fisher residing in the southernmost part of Barangay Oson. As a farmer, Victor has
about a hectare of “salukaan” (a farm planted with coconuts, Cocos nucifera) which he
intercrops with vegetables, various types of banana (Musa sp.), and other crops such
as “calamansi” (Philippine lime; Citrofortunella microcarpa), citrus, palm (Saribus sp.,
primarily used for thatching), jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus), and guava (Psidium
guajava). The “uma” (farm) that Victor tends to is about 9.7 hectares, which is part of his
inheritance from his parents. When farm expenses are taken out from the gross income,
the net is usually divided into half between the land owner and Victor.

He used to have a “kaingin” (swidden farm) but because of the dominance of coconuts
in most of the farm areas, it was no longer tenable to continue and maintain it. This
is virtually the same for most farmers in Capul Island where coconut farming has
dominated the island’s landscape. Coconut farms do not allow swidden as the latter
entails burning which is detrimental to the coconut. Although intercropping is possible in
coconut farms as practiced by Victor, the crops that can be planted are limited to shade-

THE ABAKNON’S INGENUITY:

tolerant ones. Crops that were planted by Victor in his former swidden include rice, corn
(Zea mays), and abaca (Musa textilis).

CREATIVE STRATEGIES Part of Victor’s farming portfolio is rearing of livestock. He currently has four cattle and
AMIDST UNCERTAINTIES a backyard piggery in the past. Victor maintains his cattle as an emergency cash source,
which could be butchered for meat or sold live whenever the need arises. Most of the
time, backyard piggery is not for meat production but to sell piglets to save on feed
Victor O. Cabacang1, Tito M. Cabili2, and Jessie G. Varquez, Jr. 3
expenses. In addition, raising 45-day old broiler chicks is practiced as this commands
good cash to support the educational and other needs of his children.

Victor Oliverio Cabacang, born on the 24th of July 1971 in the island municipality As a small-scale fisher, Victor employs various fishing methods and gears which are
of Capul, has been employing diversified livelihood strategies throughout his adult dependent on fishing time (day or night), sea current, phases of the moon, and wind
life. Just like most families in the island, where the difficulty of island dwelling is directions, among others. Just like most fishers in Capul, Victor possesses rich ecological
widely experienced, Victor’s life has been marked by constant struggle to make knowledge of the seascape, as a result of his extensive experience in small-scale fishing.
ends meet. In terms of fishing gears, Victor invests in all possible types, thus having most, if not all,
of the fishing gears known in the island. His most immediate plan is to replace his old
Victor’s diversified farm located just beside the road. boat with new types of “pamangaraw” (hook-and-line gear), “urang-urang” (passive bait
for squid), and “pana” (spear), among others.

1
Farmer-fisher, Brgy. Oson, Capul Island, Northern Samar
2
University of Eastern Philippines, Catarman, Northern Samar
3
University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City

61 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 61

 The Community of Capul Island
A Closer Look
Apart from fishing and farming, Victor is also known in their community as a local The inhabitants of Capul Island are called by various names – Abaknon, Abaknon
healer. In fact, during the first visit in Barangay Oson to conduct a focus group discussion Sama, Capuleño, Kapul, or Sama (Simons and Fennig, 2017). The language they
(FGD), Victor gave the project staff a tour of his farm where he identified and explained speak is Inabaknon, which according to linguists, belongs to the family of Sama-Bajau
the medicinal properties of plants that he uses for his healing practice. “This is a gift languages (Blust, 2005; Simons and Fennig, 2017). This makes the Abaknon unique as
from God, a calling and a mission,” Victor described his healing abilities which started the “concentration of Sama-Bajau has historically been found in the Sulu archipelago”
when he was an active member of the University Church Choir of the Our Lady of the (Kazufumi, 2013). Despite the linguistic affinity of the Abaknon with the Sama-Bajau
Miraculous Medal (1997-1998). His great grandfather was once a healer but he believed groups, they are fundamentally different in terms of religious affiliation – the latter adhere
he acquired his healing abilities while in the Church, as a choir member. He got all his to Islamic faith while the former are mostly Catholic. Thus, even though the Abaknon are
“orasyon” (prayers) from the dictate of Mama Mary through a Spanish “libreta” (prayer linguistically grouped with Sama-speaking peoples, they are no longer culturally affiliated
book) which he got from the foot of the image of Mama Mary. with any present-day Sama-Bajau groups because they were “colonized quite early by the
Spaniards” (Maglana, 2016).
From then on, he heals patients who are not treated in typical hospitals, cases such as
those suffering from “hubag” (inflammation), “tabardilyo” (“pasma”4), diabetes, and “pi- This linguistic peculiarity stems from the historical and cultural experience of the island
ol” (sprains), by using herbal plants. Some people would come to him submitting their attributed mainly to its geographic location. Although it is not known yet how exactly a
prayer intentions to pass their licensure examinations. In his healing and other related Sama-speaking group of people has inhabited the island, it is historically established
activities, donations given are usually offered to the church for whatever purpose it may that Capul Island was an important landmark and strategic location during the Manila-
serve. Acapulco Galleon trade that lasted for more than two centuries. According to one
historian, “In some Spanish sources, the San Bernardino Strait was also called Capul
embocadero, referring to a small island in the north of Samar, the last piece of land
where the galleons would stop before entering the boundless Ocean” (Ollé, 2012). San
Bernardino Strait was considered as one of the difficult waters of the Manila-Acapulco
Galleon route.
4
Pasma (from Spanish espasmo) refers to a “folk illness” unique to the Filipino culture that is said to
be most commonly brought about by exposure of “cold” and water in many forms: water is believed to
facilitate the unhealthy coldness that enters the body. (https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pasma)

62 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 63

 In 2013, Capul Island had a population of 12,552 individuals with 2,520 households
A Filipino historian further describes Capul Pass as “most dangerous with Diamante Rock
(Municipality of Capul, n.d.). The town proper, locally called “Bungto”, is where most
and Rubi Shoals along the way” (Isorena, 2015). It is characterized with strong eddies,
economic, social, and political interactions take place.
whirlpools, and tide rips that resulted to many maritime disasters in the entire duration
of the galleon trade (ibid.). Aside from the galleon trade, Muslim pirates during the
At present, most Abaknon engage in diversified yet intertwined livelihood strategy (Cabili,
18th-19th centuries bartered captives for rice in Capul Island, after they pillaged Bicol
2008). This mainly includes coconut farming intercropped with vegetables and root
villages (Mallari, 1986). Capul was also the site of staging the tensions between Spanish
crops, and a number of fishing methods, including shellfish gathering and seaweed
and Dutch forces in the early 1600s, making the islanders suffer for punitive expeditions
farming. Thus, Victor’s case as fisher-farmer is not atypical among the island dwellers. In
(Muijzenberg, 2001). These historical experiences have resulted to the present linguistic
terms of farming, corn used to be a significant crop but due to the absence of corn mills
distinctiveness of the Abaknon in the Visayas region as well as their cultural identity as
in the 1980s, it eventually declined. Rice is grown in relatively flat areas but not in the
dwellers of Capul Island.
uplands. Thus, “rice farming has minimal effects on the coastal subsystem” (ibid.). Abaca
In an official document of the present local government of Capul, they reckon the is also reportedly farmed, as in Victor’s case, but was no longer visible to the project
naming of their island municipality as Abak, after a Javanese ruler named King Abak, staff when fieldwork was conducted in the island. There were some farmers though, who
widely believed to have settled in the island (Municipality of Capul, n.d.). Further, the started to plant coffee in other barangays of the island.
name Capul is commonly regarded as corrupted term from ‘Acapulco’, reminiscent of
its recorded history as one of the significant maritime posts of the galleon trade. The Oson is a coastal barangay southeast of Capul Island (Figure 2). The eastern part of the
present-day landmarks on the island further attest to Capul’s historical importance. These barangay is facing the sea called Capul Pass and is directly in front of Dalupiri Island,
include the Fuerza de Capul or the Capul catholic church, that was built with a fort by also known as the Municipality of San Antonio. The coastal front of Oson serves as one
the Jesuits in 1596, and the Faro de Isla Capul or Capul Island Lighthouse, that was of the key fishing grounds of the residents, where harvesting activities of coastal resources
constructed by the Spaniards in 1893 (Figure 1). such as shell gleaning are done. Oson fishers are near to “Madiki Takut” (Rubi Shoal)
and “Mahaya Takut” (Diamante Rock) that are both considered rich fishing grounds and
sacred places (Cabili and Cuevas, 2016). On the western side of Oson are the slopes of
a hilly terrain where most of the residents’ coconut farms are located. This geographic
feature of Oson makes fishing and farming the key livelihood strategies of its residents.

Figure 1. Capul Island’s historical

landmarks: the Fuerza de Capul, which
was built by the Jesuits in 1596 (top)
and the Faro de Isla Capul, constructed
by the Spaniards in 1893 (left.)

Figure 2. Location map of Barangay Oson, Capul, Northern Samar, a research area under
the project “Documentation and Assessment of Local/Indigenous Knowledge (LInK) for
Climate Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities”, from which this article is based.

64 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 65

One of the known natural landmark features of Oson is the “Timon-timon” described Aside from the barangay proper, Oson is comprised of 3 “sitios” or villages, namely:
as “a stiff cliff with an erosion resistant rock shaped like a rudder” (Cabili and Cuevas, Lungib, Suryawan, and Catandukulan where Victor lives with a few families who are
2016). The waters near “Timon-timon” are locally considered to be a rich fishing ground. mostly kin-related to him. In 2016, Oson had a recorded population of 863 individuals,
Residents are, however, careful in fishing near “Timon-timon” because supernatural 431 of whom are male while 432 are female (Barangay Oson LGU, 2016). The
spirits are believed to be residing in its vicinity. According to Cabili (2008), the belief in community has one primary education institution – Oson Elementary School – where
supernatural has facilitated the protection and conservation of “Timon-timon” waters most residents went to for their grade school education. The barangay has an efficiently
against destructive fishing practices in the past, such as the use of dynamite. functioning political structure, headed by the Barangay Captain, where the basic social
services are delivered and coursed through.
Another interesting natural feature of Oson coast is the occasional appearance of a
large rock on the shore, locally called “kallong-kallong” (“kallong” means ‘nose’ in
The “patron” or barangay fiesta is celebrated every April 11-12 with San Rafael as the
Inabaknon) (Figure 3). “Kallong-kallong” is not typically found in the shores south of
patron saint. “Patron” is the largest community event in Oson, which is also the case for
Oson. It shows up when strong waves wash away the sand and significantly altering the
other barangays in the island. The biggest “patron”, however, is that of the town proper
shoreline. This signifies, according to the beliefs of old people, the end of “habagat”
celebrated every 31st of July to honor St. Ignatius of Loyola. During “patron”, whether
(southwest monsoon). This entails changing of the calendar of activities related to fishing
in barangay or town proper, the Abaknon who are living or working outside the island
and farming.
would usually go home and pay homage to their hometown and patron saint. It could be
said that the “patron” is the most anticipated and largest social gathering and event in
Capul Island.

Figure 3. The appearance of this rock, called “kallong- kallong”, signals the end of
“habagat” or southwest monsoon.

Oson residents claim that the visible part of “kallong-kallong” is only the top part of a
very large rock underneath. Thus, its location is believed to be stationary while other big
rocks surrounding it may be carried away by strong waves. Victor’s house is very near the
location of the “kallong-kallong”.

Apart from farming and fishing, some residents are employees in the local government
unit in the town proper or in the elementary school, while some are into small-scale
enterprises, particularly as buyers of copra and fish catch. At present, there are two
buying stations in Oson where copra and fish catch are sold. The local buyers sell the
copra and fish either in “Bungto” or in the nearby municipality of Matnog in the province
in Sorsogon. Since there are no large-scale commercial ventures, fish catch that are
not sold to local buying stations are circulated and consumed within the community or
processed into dried fish. This ensures a fresh supply of food items, mostly seafood, as
viand for a typical meal.

66 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 67

Livelihood and Knowledge
in Farming-Fishing

Oson residents engage in both fishing and farming, depending on the season (Figure 4).
As in the case of Victor, most Oson residents are into coconut farming, which has been
the preferred crop as it does not require close supervision like rice or corn. The FGD
participants have described their coconut farming as “year-round”, where “aglugit” or
copra harvesting usually takes place every three months. However, occasionally, copra
harvesting is done in “palitada” or trimester. They also suspend their copra harvesting in
preparation for their barangay or Capul town fiesta, in the hopes that they will earn more The “pamukahan” or coconut shell is used for another important livelihood called “pag-
due to higher copra yield. However, some participants lamented that during these times uring” or charcoal making. As one farmer emphasized, “dito sa Barangay Oson, ang
copra price drops due to oversupply. first priority dito talaga ay copra” (the first priority really here in Barangay Oson is copra).

Figure 4. An overview of the livelihood calendar reconstructed from the results of FGD in
Barangay Oson, Capul, Northern Samar. Coconut farming is an all-year round venture. Figure 5. In producing copra, the coconut is no longer husked but just cut into half for the
meat to be extracted.

In producing copra, the coconut is no longer husked, as typically practiced in other parts While coconut is produced mainly for the market economy, Oson farmers also plant
of the country, as it is just cut into half using a bolo (Figure 5). The meat is then extracted other crops for subsistence. The most prominent of which are root crops, where different
from the shell using a “panlulukab”, a tool akin to a knife specially designed for this types are being cultivated. In addition, as in the case of Victor, many households are into
purpose. The coconut meat is dried or ‘cooked’ in an “agunan” or dryer. backyard gardening where vegetables are grown for domestic consumption. Fruit trees
such as breadfruit (Artocarpus altilis), mango (Mangifera indica), “santol” (Sandoricum
koetjape), and others, are also notably seen in the barangay.

68 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 69

 Table 1. Overview of Abaknon fishing consolidated from the outputs of FGD
participants in Barangay Oson, Capul Island, Northern Samar.

Fishing is also central to the lifeworld of the Oson residents. “Tiglinawon” or summer,
which is around March-June, is considered as the ideal season for fishing. The key Fishing Gear Fish Catch Fishing Grounds Months
consideration, however, are the two monsoon seasons, namely: “habagat” (southwest
monsoon) around June to September, and “amihan” (northeast monsoon) around “Dalagang bukid”,
October to May (see Figure 4). This seasonal duration is not constant as there are “tamban”, “turay”,
“Pamburugkas” (net) “Kabuda-Saknib” April – May
“burugkas”,
variations from year to year. “Amihan” is considered as ideal fishing season due
“bulinaw”, “tubo”
to favorable winds and less rainfall. Apart from the monsoon seasons, another
consideration in their fishing activity is “tuig” or phase of the moon. Oson fishers identify “Rapala”
four phases, namely: (1) “gimata” or new moon where sea current is strongest; (2) (artificial
wooden bait “Mamsa”, “bat-og”
“kaudto” or first quarter; (3) “kadayaw” or full moon; and (4) “kaudto katin” or last
designed as
quarter, after full moon. fish)
“Mahaya Takut”,
Typically, an Oson fisher starts fishing at 11:00 am and ends at 6:00 pm. The fishing “Lago’lo” (hook- “Isda” (fresh “Madiki Takut”,
“Tangige”, “budlis” April – July
ground is usually 4-5 km from the shore of the barangay. Shoals and atolls called “takut” and-line) fish as bait) “Kaburihan”
found near Oson, especially on the southern parts of Capul, are generally considered as
“Rambo” “Dugso”, “baraka”,
good fishing grounds.
(artificial “danggit”, “lipti”,
wooden bait “mangagat”,
As mentioned in the historical background of the place, the waters surrounding Capul designed as “kirawan”, “iyo/
Island is notoriously known for its strong currents, locally called “landos”. Fishers shrimp) pating”, “panangitan”
therefore pay close attention to the movement of “landos” to efficiently and safely
“Malasugi”,
carry out their fishing activities. Poor knowledge of the sea currents would have serious “manimbarol”, yellow
repercussions for fishers. Victor is known in Oson to be knowledgeable about dealing “Kitang” (long line fishing gear fin tuna, “baraka”,
with “landos”. He claims that younger fishers would sometimes consult him regarding the with perpendicularly attached “danggit”, “kaslob”, “Bihing” April – June
timing and techniques of fishing, such as understanding how “landos” works. However, lines with hooks) “mamsa”, “aha’an”,
“landos” also brings many materials from flotsam and other ocean debris which fishers “tiki-tiki/iyo”,
use to reinvent and recreate their fishing gears (Cabili, 2014). “dugso”, “kirawan”
“Kuhot-kuhot”,
Just like many fishing communities, Oson fishers employ a variety of fishing gears “Pana” (spear) “mumol”, “balawis”,
intended for specific fish catch (Table 1). Illegal fishing methods such as use of dynamite “turos”
and compressor machine were used in the past. But these have been reportedly stopped June –
by Oson fishers due to their cultural beliefs that eventually “helped in the conservation “Urang-Urang” “Noos”
December
of fishery resources of the island” (Cabili and Cuevas, 2016). Another livelihood in the
island, apart from traditional fishing methods, is “guso” or seaweed farming, which is “Pangkwita” “Kuweta”
practiced by only a handful of Oson residents. September
– December
“Panno’os” “Noos”

70 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 71

Observations and Experiences The other major disaster that hit Capul Island was “huraw” or drought, which was
remembered by Victor sometime in 1983-1984 and in 2000-2002. When drought
The Climate Change Reality occurred, Victor recalled that the productivity of his farm was severely affected, which
means that harvest of crops was almost impossible. He also observed that coconut that
were harvested for copra became smaller, thus consequently affecting income. The
coastal ecosystem was also observed to be adversely affected, particularly species of
seaweeds that were used for passive fishing.
As farmer and fisher, Victor has observed and continues to experience the impacts
of climate change. The most significant climate change that he remembers are Since coconut is a major crop, the attack of coconut leaf beetles (Brontispa longissima)
natural disasters, particularly “bagyo” or typhoon and “huraw” or drought (Table was also remembered by Victor as one of the significant disasters that took place in
2). In 1981, Typhoon Dinang (international name Lee) hit the Eastern Visayas, which their island. When brontispa devastated the coconut farms of Capul, Victor recalled
affected Catarman, with a maximum wind speed of 175 km/h and a recorded that they were almost helpless in arresting the damage. Fortunately, the Philippine
casualty of 2,764 individuals (Warren, 2016). The entire Capul island was affected Coconut Authority (PCA) intervened by providing them with chemical solution to combat
by Typhoon Dinang which destroyed agricultural crops and fishing boats and gears. brontispa, where the farmers bored holes on the coconut to apply the solution. Through
Other aspects of social life were also interrupted such as schooling due to the the collective efforts of Capul farmers, they were able to contain and eventually stop
havoc brought by the typhoon. Similarly, when Typhoon Caloy (international name the devastation caused by brontispa, thus life goes on for Victor and the rest of Capul
Chanchu) landed in the Philippines in 2006, almost the same extent of damage was farmers.
experienced by the islanders. There were many typhoons throughout the years but
the above mentioned are what retains significantly in Victor’s memory. As dwellers in an island ecosystem, the Abaknon have experienced the effects of climate
change that particularly affect their livelihood strategies. During the FGD among Capul
Table 2:The environmental conditions that Victor experienced as manifestations of climate fishers and farmers, Victor shared that it is now extremely hot in the sea. This extreme
change in Capul Island, Northern Samar. temperature rise at sea continues to affect the fishing activities, particularly the fishing
duration and fish catch. As a result, fishing duration becomes shortened and fish catch
Environmental Condition / becomes lesser. Of the many observed effects and impacts of climate change, lesser fish
Observed Effects Adaptation Mechanisms catch has been consistently experienced by Victor and other Capul fishers through the
Climatic Variation
years.
Typhoon (“bagyo”) •Entire island was affected Resorted to:
• Typhoon Dinang •no copra, no agricultural (1) “gulaman” as substitute to
(International name: Lee) crops copra
Aside from volume, dwindling fish catch also means lesser varieties of fish. Capul fishers
December 1981 •Destruction of motorized (2) Survival food such as observed that fish such as “kalapi-on6”, “abilong6”, “lipatang6”, “turingan” (frigate tuna;
• Typhoon Caloy and non-motorized banca, “ba’ay” (Pueraria sp.), Auxis thazard), and “sirum-sirum6”, among others, are now rarely or even no longer
(International name: and fishing gears “ad’dot” (Dioscorea hispida), caught. The shores are also observed to be impacted with climate change, particularly
Chanchu) •Interrupted/stopped “badungay5”, “tarasan5” the loss and death of algae that used to be vibrantly thriving. Victor further observed that
May 2006 schooling “sumaw5”, “ampayang5”, and the topography of the seashore has become flat, as compared to the beautiful contoured
“talyan5” shores in the past. Aside from this, Victor and FGD participants also observed erratic high
•Heads of families went to
tides (“malalim na ang tambang”).
Metro areas (Manila and Cebu)
for employment
Similarly, extreme heat impacts the agricultural aspect of Abaknon livelihood. Coupled
with the absence of rainfall attributed to high climatic variability, extreme heat leads to
Drought (“huraw”) • Unproductive rice fields/ • Resorted to:
“huraw” and is considered as the extreme manifestation climate change on agriculture.
•1983-1984 upland farms (1) “gulaman” as substitute to
• 2000-2002 • Drying of coastal copra The effects of drought include stunted growth of crops that affects its yield. Victor
ecosystems; affected the (2) Survival food such as lamented, “dati maganda ang tubo ng pananim, ngayon ay stunted dahil walang
seaweeds that are used “ba’ay”, “ad’dot”, “badungay” ulan” (our crops used to grow well but it’s now stunted due to less rainfall). Due to high
for passive fishing climatic variability that poses a high risk to their farming, Victor noted that many are now
• Smaller coconut size discouraged to cultivate different crops and instead focus only on coconut farming, since
coconut is deemed drought-tolerant. As expected, their coconut farming is also affected
Brontispa (coconut leaf •Unproductive coconut • Shared response from PCA by climate change, particularly its yield. In the FGD, farmers noted that in the past they
beetle) stand (unopened young and other coconut farmers in could produce 6 sacks of copra that weigh about 300 kg. Nowadays, copra harvest is
coconut fronds were application of chemical control reduced to half, to only 3 sacks, with the price constantly decreasing over time.
eaten)
6
Taxonomic identity of these fishes cannot be verified in the absence of actual specimens.
5
Taxonomic identity of these plants cannot be verified in the absence of actual specimens

72 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 73

 Stories of Adaptation
Thus, the impacts of climate change are largely felt in the livelihood of the people Rising from Climate Change
and reverberates in other domains of social life such as disruptions in community
activities, suspension of everyday routines, decline in economic productivity, and
unfortunately destruction of properties. Fortunately for Victor, none of the impacts To cope with the impacts of climate change, certain immediate adaptation strategies are
of climate change have significantly altered his life course, as he knows many practiced by Victor especially during the aftermath of a major disaster, like typhoons,
adaptation strategies in dealing with the adverse impacts of climate change. or a sustained practice in response to the enduring effects of climate change. The
However, if the impacts worsen, it could be too devastating for Victor and the rest of adaptation strategies of Victor and the rest of the Abaknon to reduce the effects and
the Abaknon. But they are a resilient people, and life goes on. impacts of climate change can be broadly categorized into innovations and traditional
ecological knowledge. Innovations could be further broken down into technological
or behavioral categories. Technological innovations refer to physical, mechanical,
or material changes to technologies that are used in either agricultural or fishing
practices. It is important to note that technology is understood here as either a tool or
Learning Traditional Knowledge, a process, such as digging sticks as tool and cropping system as process. This means
that technology may not necessarily entail a material manifestation as in the case of
Learning about Climate Change technological process (Pfaffenberger, 1992).

and Adaptation Behavioral innovations, on the other hand, pertain to adaptation strategies that
include changes in the typical activities that are practiced in a specific domain, for
instance adjustment in farming time. Behavioral innovations need not have changes in
technology. The innovations made by Victor and other Abaknon, whether technological
or behavioral, are practiced in a sustained mode. This means that they constantly
Victor gained the rich ecological knowledge, both terrestrial and coastal/marine, through adapt and fine-tune their practices in order to continuously respond to the impacts
knowledge transmission not just from his parents but also from his grandparents. Close caused by climate change. This is in contrast to traditional ecological knowledge as
observation of veteran farmers and fishers (e.g., determination of the wind direction in adaptation strategy where the practices are often immediate in mode, meaning that the
relation to sea current) has allowed Victor to build adaptation strategies to the many adaptations are made in quick response to the impacts of climate change. Thus practices
impacts of climate change. on traditional ecological knowledge as adaptation strategy become suspended when
impacts of climate change are least experienced.
Moreover, this intergeneration of transmitting traditional knowledge is strengthened by his
membership to some civic organizations. Victor’s attendance to meetings, fora, and the The traditional ecological knowledge as adaptation strategy could also be broken down
like helped him gain information on new technologies and techniques and significantly into two categories, namely: terrestrial and coastal. These categories pertain to the
in preparation to any phenomenon such as “huraw”, “bagyo”, “linog” or earthquake, location where traditional ecological knowledge is practiced, passed on, and nurtured
and many others. A practice called “bandilyo”, which is a house-to-house and/or public intergenerationally. Food foraging is the key domain where traditional ecological
forum, is usually the information dissemination mechanisms used by the Barangay knowledge becomes an adaptation strategy. The practice, nurturance, and passing on of
Council in Capul Island. As electricity has already reached most of the barangays in the traditional ecological knowledge is important in order to maximize the full potentials of
island, radio and TV also became the constant source of information. These mass media, the foraged food sources as well as to avoid complications as some of the food sources
coupled by SMS and other phone network services, disseminate whatever information such as wild tubers have toxins that are harmful when consumed. Without the traditional
is needed. Agriculture-related information are usually broadcasted by the Municipal ecological knowledge, the adaptation strategy to forage food will bring harm than good.
Agriculture Office while the LGU is responsible for any disaster-related information.
In terms of agricultural practices where technological innovations are made, the concrete
example is multi-storey cropping. Victor’s farm, as mentioned earlier, consists of a
myriad of crop varieties such sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), vegetables, banana,
cassava (Manihot esculenta) and taro (Colocasia esculenta). Capul farmers have
also developed a multi-slope rotating crop calendar system where crops are farmed
according to its seasonal and locational suitability (Figure 6). But because land-use in
Capul island is almost entirely dominated by coconut farms, the choice of other crops
for multi-storey and multi-slope cropping is limited to shade-tolerant crops This explains
why certain crops, such as corn, are no longer planted as it needs full sunlight which is
not possible when planted under coconut. It could be said, therefore, that coconut is the
prime crop and the technological innovations that are practiced as adaptation strategy
must be suited to coconut farming.
74 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 75
 All three types of bodies for the “tora-tora” are filled with cement in order for the fishing
gear to sink on the seafloor. Makeshift tentacles are attached to the main body and
the other end is installed with shiny iron sheets to attract the catch. “Tora-tora” is just
one of the few examples of technological innovations practiced by Capul fishers. Other
examples include ingenious designs of spear gun, flippers, goggles, and other key fishing
devices. Oftentimes, the materials in making these innovative fishing gears come from
flotsam brought by ocean currents, which attests to the resourcefulness of Abaknon
fishers (Cabili, 2014).

Along with technological innovations in fishing gears are also behavioral innovations
in fishing practices. A concrete example of this is the reduction of fishing time in order
to avoid the extreme heat in the sea. Victor narrated that during the months April to
June, he could only endure two hours of fishing time. As he quipped, “hindi ka tatagal
Figure 6. Slope category and the type of crops cultivated in Barangay Oson, Capul ng limang oras dahil sa sobrang init na. Iba na ang init ngayon, sobrang init na
Island, Northern Samar (Cabili, 2008).
talaga” (you cannot anymore fish for five hours because of excessive heat. The heat
nowadays is different, it is really intense). The same is true when they fish at night
where the temperature becomes so cold. Fishing time is dependent on the fish catch
Technological innovations on fishing practices are mainly manifested in fishing
that a fisher wants to target. Either way, however, whether daytime or nighttime, the
gears. Some of the innovations Victor made for his fishing gears include their
extreme temperatures are felt by Victor and other Capul fishers that led them to adjust
own local designs of “urang-urang” (shrimp-like), although some of these were
their fishing time at sea. This behavioral adjustment is also linked to the technological
bought as pre-made baits in the market. “Urang-urang” (Figure 7) is used as bait
innovations earlier discussed. Because fishing time is shortened, they have to innovate
for long lines especially for fishing in deep sea. Another technological innovation
their fishing gears to improve its efficiency in catching fish.
are the ingenious designs of a passive fishing gear called “tora-tora”, which is
used primarily to catch octopus or cuttlefish. “Tora-tora” is fashioned to resemble
Another manifestation of behavioral innovation in fishing practices is the expansion of
the catch, with parts coming from local materials. The “baboy” type of “tora-tora”
fishing grounds. Victor claimed that fish catch has decreased in fishing grounds near the
refers to the cowrie shell used as the main body of the fishing gear where makeshift
shore, which is perceived to be a consequence of the warming water. As the fish goes
tentacles are attached. Similarly, the “murokay” type is named after a large puka
deeper to find cooler areas of the sea, the fishermen also expanded their fishing grounds
shell that is used as the main body of the fishing gear. Finally, the “bu-ang saluka”
and followed where the fish are. Thus, it is not uncommon for Capul fishers to go to
literally refers to ‘crazy coconut’ as it uses an underdeveloped coconut as the body.
other fishing grounds than traditionally practiced. However, other practical considerations
are taken such as the need for more gasoline and ice if one decides to fish further out
to sea. Since the mode in which the performance ot these innovations is sustained, it is
constantly practiced and attuned to the environmental factors and changes as closely
observed by the Abaknon fishers and farmers.

In terms of traditional ecological knowledge as an adaptation strategy, food foraging

is done either in terrestrial or coastal environments. The specific examples in terrestrial
foraging is wild tuber harvesting. This is usually done in the aftermath of a disaster such
as typhoon or drought. Because these climate change manifestations often devastate and
interrupts Victor’s livelihood strategies, he had to resort to food-getting means in order
to surpass the challenges of a post-disaster scenario. Just like most of the households
in Capul, Victor accessed and processed certain plant resources that are dependable in
times of dire and emergency situations.

Figure 7. “Urang-urang”, an active fishing gear used as a bait for hook-and-line The most common harvested wild tubers in times of emergency situation are “ad’dot”
deep sea fishing (left) and different types of “tora-tora” or passive fishing gear that is (Dioscorea hispida) (Figure 8) and “ba’ay” (Pueraria sp.) (Figure 9). These tubers are
imitative of its intended catch, primarily octopus and also cuttlefish (right). usually found in the untended areas of coconut farms and are considered ‘wild’ because
they are not intentionally planted. However, the manner in which they are harvested
could be considered as indirect cultivation and plant management.

76 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 77

 Figure 8. A typical “ad’dot”
dish cooked in coconut milk
and sugar.

“Ad’dot” is harvested when the plant is already nearing its maturity stage, which is
primarily indicated by its wilting leaves. Using a typical bolo, the roots are unearthed
from the ground with utmost care because the tiny spines on the plant, as well as the
sap, causes itchiness when in contact with the skin. Because “ad’dot” has high content of
the alkaloid dioscorine that is poisonous for human ingestion, a careful and meticulous
preparation is done once its roots are harvested. After thinly slicing the tubers, it is
soaked in seawater for several days. Afterwards, it is soaked for another number of days
in freshwater, usually in small creeks. This process ensures that the dioscorine from the Figure 9. An Abaknon harvests “ba-ay” roots deeply buried in the ground (left); Fibrous
tubers are effectively removed. “ba-ay” ready to be cooked in coconut milk and sugar (right).

Another dependable wild tuber is “ba-ay”, which is also found in untended areas of The example of coastal foraging as a means of adaptation strategy is gathering of
coconut farms but prepared differently compared to “ad’dot”. There is an old belief that “gulaman” (Gracilaria sp.) (Figure 10). “Gulaman” is typically found in the rocky and
“ba-ay” only appears when the people are really in the most difficult situation (“tag- sandy substrates of reef flats found in the eastern part of Capul Island. It used to be an
hirap talaga”). Thus, it is difficult to find when life is relatively easy. It is not surprising that intensive local industry where a number of households were involved in the gathering,
“ba-ay” is typically harvested after a strong typhoon or intense drought. Unlike “ad’dot” processing, and selling of “gulaman” in the 1980s. However, mainly because of external
roots, which are found in shallow portions of the ground, “ba-ay” roots are much more market factors, the gathering and selling of “gulaman” has been virtually abandoned in
difficult to harvest because its tubers are long and deeply penetrating the soil. Capul. Nonetheless, there are still Abaknon who gather and process “gulaman” not only
in periods of difficulty but also during community events such as “patron” or fiesta and
Another belief on “ba-ay” harvesting is the silence required of the ones digging it if they birthdays.
want to have a good harvest. If they are noisy, by laughing, for example, “ba-ay” would
not generously offer its roots. “Gulaman” processing includes drying and then boiling (mixed with acidic substance
coming from local citrus) to extract its gelatinous properties. The end product is a dessert
In terms of preparation, “ba-ay” does not require soaking in either sea or fresh water locally called “dulce gulaman”, which is essentially a sweetened jelly.
since it does not contain any toxin. It is boiled for a couple of hours, cooled, and then
pounded with mortar and pestle. The pounding is necessary because of the fibrous Another typical example of coastal foraging is the gathering of edible seaweeds called
texture of the tuber (Figure 9). In fact, eating “ba-ay” is likened to eating bubble gum “guso” (Eucheuma sp.) (Figure 10). Although this is now farmed by a few Abaknon
because of the leftover fibrous material. The cooking method is also similar to “ad’dot” in Capul, especially in the eastern shores of the island, “guso” could still be harvested
where coconut milk and sugar are added. Some of the islanders claim that starch could in the coastal reefs. “Guso” is typically eaten like a salad, with seasoned vinegar as
be harvested from “ba’ay” and made into local cakes. Although “ba-ay” and “ad’dot” dressing. Aside from seaweeds, other foraged food sources include a brown mussel and
are the typical wild tubers that are depended on by the Abaknon in times of difficulty, other “panagaton” or food sourced from the reef. These include edible seashells and
there are other emergency food sources such as “sumaw”, “badungay”, “ampayang”, small edible fauna found in the coast that are usually harvested during low tide. When
“tarasan”, and “talyan”, among others. These are all harvested terrestrially. these coastal foraged food sources are not domestically consumed, they can be sold to
neighbors or in the town proper for added income.

78 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 79

 Looking Forward
A Future of Hope

Victor always desires a simple life. Like most Abaknon in Capul Island, Victor considers
education of his children as his greatest investment. He said:

“Akatapos hamok e mga dadi ko sip ag eskwela ngan akatrabaho

tikang sipag-uma pati pandaying malipayon na ako.” (Seeing them
Figure 10. Examples of coastal foraging: freshly harvested “gulaman” that could be (my children) finish school and land a job through my being a farmer/
processed into jelly (left) and “guso” that is typically eaten like a salad (right). fisherman is my greatest accomplishment.)

In all the examples discussed above and summarized in Figure 11, traditional ecological
knowledge is crucial to be able to successfully and safely harness the full potential of Getting his children to complete their formal education is Victor’s most immediate plan.
various food sources, whether coming from terrestrial or coastal sources. It must be However, he also desires to become a vehicle in encouraging the community people to
noted, however, that the traditional ecological knowledge pertaining to food foraging look back and again use their local knowledge systems and practices both for farming
now largely rests in the older Abaknon. The younger generation are no longer privy, and and fishing without closing the doors for modern techniques and technologies. The use
perhaps no longer interested, to learn and pass on their local knowledge. of both the traditional and conventional strategies could be institutionalized but not
jeopardizing environmental sustainability and the future of their children’s children.

Victor and his fellow Abaknon said that they need to retrieve the old varieties of
agricultural cash crops as those seem to be pest-resistant and resilient to the impacts of
climate change. Considering this need, it is recommended that technical and competent
assistance from relevant agencies and institutions such as the DA-Bureau of Agricultural
Research and UP Los Baños be extended and implemented in Capul Island.

It must be noted, however, that Victor considers this potential adoption of new
technologies and techniques to combat the effects of climate change as not necessarily
a complete departure from their traditional knowledge as farmers and fishers. Rather,
the adoption of new technologies is building on and enhancing of their traditional
knowledge which could be passed on and owned by future generations of Abaknon.
This very project on documenting their local knowledge on climate change adaptation is
Figure 11. Summary of adaptation strategies employed by Victor and rest of the Abaknon considered as the first step in fulfilling this need.
in Capul Island.

80 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 81

Literature Cited: Simons, G.F. and C.D. Fennig (Eds). 2017. “Inabaknon.” In Ethnologue: Languages
of the World, 20th ed. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. https://www.
Barangay Oson LGU. 2016. Barangay Development Plan 2014-2016. Capul, ethnologue.com/language/abx
Northern Samar: Oson Local Government Unit.
Warren, JF. 2016. “Philippine Typhoons Since the Seventeenth Century.” In Natural
Blust, R. 2005. “The Linguistic Macrohistory of the Philippines: Some Speculations.” Hazards and Peoples in the Indian Ocean World: Bordering on Danger,
In Current Issues in Philippine Linguistics and Anthropology: Parangal Kay edited by Greg Bankoff and Joseph Christensen, 105–41. New York:
Lawrence A. Reid, edited by Hsiu-Chuan Liao and Carl R. Galvez Rubino, Palgrave Macmillan.
31–68. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines and SIL Philippines.

Cabili, T.M. 2008. “Livelihood Strategy and Conservation of Small-Island Ecosystem

in Capul, Northern Samar, Philippines.” Unpublished PhD Manuscript.
School of Environmental Science and Management. University of the
Philippines Los Baños.

Cabili, T.M. 2014. “Technological Adaptations of Abaknon Fishers In Capul,

Northern Samar: How Ocean Currents Contribute To Resourcefulness And
Transformation.” Innovative Systems Design and Engineering. 5(3):27–35.

Cabili, T.M. and V.C. Cuevas. 2016. “Cultural Beliefs, Practices and Productivity
of the Fishery Resource in the Island Municipality of Capul, Northern
Samar, Philippines.” Journal of Environmental Science and Management.
19(1):72–84.

Isorena, E.B. 2015. “Maritime Disasters in Spanish Philippines: The Manila-

Acapulco Galleons, 1565-1815.” International Journal of Asia-Pacific
Studies. 11(1):53–83.

Kazufumi, N. 2013. “Spatial Data on Distribution of Sama-Bajau Population in the

Southern Philippines.” Hakusan Review of Anthropology. 16:139–47.

Maglana, M.C. 2016. “Understanding Identity and Diaspora: The Case of the
Sama-Bajau of Maritime Southeast Asia.” Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha.
1(2):71–80.

Mallari, F. 1986. “The Maritime Response, 1793-1818.” Philippine Studies.

34(4):462–92.

Muijzenberg, O.V.D. 2001. “Philippine-Dutch Social Relations 1600-2000.”

Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde. 157(3):471–509.

Municipality of Capul. n.d. Capul Cultural Profile. Capul, Northern Samar: Capul
Local Government Unit.

Ollé, M. 2012. “The Straits of the Philippine Islands in Spanish Sources (Sixteenth
and Early Seventeenth Centuries).” Journal of Asian History. 46(2):181–92.

Pfaffenberger, B. 1992. “Social Anthropology of Technology.” Annual Review of

Anthropology. 21:491–516.

82 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 83

 Both Ronald and Ting are elementary school graduates and did not anymore pursue
further studies because of poverty. Starting at age 7, Ronald already helped his father
with fishing especially on weekends, which meant giving up playtime with friends in
the neighborhood. Back then, Ronald and his father manually paddled their boat to a
distance just near the shore. His father used indigenous tools such as simple fishing rods
made of bamboo, which caught only minimal volume of fish. Nonetheless, they would
sell their fresh catch directly to local retail markets in the “barangay” and the “poblacion”
or town proper. When he assisted his father on school days, which regrettably entailed
skipping classes, Ronald would be able to obtain his “baon” or pocket money for school
from their direct sales. He mentioned that he was able to buy some provision for his
siblings as well. He studied twice as hard, finished his elementary education, and then
continued to help his father in their family’s main livelihood. Ronald also recounted
fortunate days when they had big volume of fish catch in their boat, referring to the time
when the seas were productive and bountiful, from which they earned higher income.

The Community of
Barangay Mana,
Malita, Davao Occidental

BACK TO BASICS: The municipality of Malita is located at 6.3843°N, 125.5816°E, in the southwest coast
of Davao Gulf. It is a first-class municipality and the capital of Davao Occidental. Malita

ORGANIC FARMING has a land area of 883.37 km2 and is divided into 30 “barangays”, 10 of which are
coastal, 12 are lowland, and 8 are upland. The populace is a mix of indigenous peoples

IN MALITA, DAVAO like B’laan, Manobo, and Tagakaolo, and the predominantly Cebuano or “Bisaya” who
also settled in Malita.

OCCIDENTAL
Ronald and Ting, a Tagakaolo husband and wife farmer-fishers of Malita.

Ronald D. Recamora1, Modesta S. Recamora1, Junarie Joy M. Tuba2,

Della Grace Galope-Bacaltos2, and Hildie Maria E. Nacorda3

Ronald Recamora, born on August 8, 1965, and his wife Modesta (Ting), live in a
small house in “Sitio” Pagatpat, near the coast of Barangay Mana in the town of
Malita. Like most of the indigenous Tagakaolo residing in Mana, Ronald and Ting
spend most of the day maintaining crops in their small farm.

1
Husband and wife farmer-fishers, Brgy. Mana, Malita, Davao Occidental
2
Southern Philippines Agri-business and Marine and Aquatic School of Technology (SPAMAST) - Malita Campus, Davao Occidental
3
University of the Philippines Los Baños, Laguna

Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 85

Barangay Mana, one of the 10 coastal barangays of Malita (Figure 1), has a total
population of 4,201 in 20154. It is made up largely of resident indigenous groups who
take credit for the development of and sustained agrifishery activities in the barangay.
Livelihood and Knowledge
Ronald and Ting are proud of Mana, their home place, because it provides members of
their community with fertile land for growing crops and trees and for raising livestock, The important crops in the area are cacao (Theobroma cacao), coconut (Cocos nucifera),
especially for those who are hard up in owning farm areas. Most of them are also fishers and banana (Musa sp.) (Figure 2). Fruit bearing trees, like mango (Mangifera indica) and
in the coastal and marine waters of Davao Gulf. Because of these, Mana continues to timber trees, such as falcata (Falcataria sp.) are also abundant in the area. Weather is
deliver its crop and livestock produce, and a variety of fresh fish catch to the local retail described as “di masabtan” or unpredictable, which has a big impact on their farming
markets of Malita. and fishing activities. When the weather is extremely hot, drought follows.

Figure 2. Coconut, cacao, banana, and mango are some of the important crops in Brgy.
Mana, Malita, Davao Occidental.

Fishers in Malita engage in “manalom” or dive fishing. They either walk from the shore
or use a non-motorized boat to go to the fishing grounds, where they typically use
Figure 1. Location map of Barangay Mana, Malita, Davao Occidental, a research area makeshift spears to catch reef fishes. Because of the decline in fish catch from their own
under the project “Documentation and Assessment of Local/Indigenous Knowledge fishing areas, some fishers would access the fishing grounds in Sarangani using the
(LInK) for Climate Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities”, from which this same dive fishing gear and techniques. The change that they have observed through the
article is based. years of dive fishing includes the presence of trash, such as plastic and diapers, littered
on the seafloor. One participant in the focus group discussion revealed that the pipelines
of the coal-fired power plant of the SMC Global Power Holdings Corporation became
abundant with fish. They speculated that the pipelines had served as both feeding and
breeding grounds of fish.

Over time, the agrifishing community of Mana adopted and employed various
combinations of farming and fishing methods and technologies in order to meet the
increased demand of their produce. For instance, Ronald has designed his boat with
a sail to take him fishing further offshore. He also employs different fishing techniques
and tools at sea, i.e., fishing rod and cast net to catch small pelagic fishes such as
“matambaka” (big eye scad; Selar crumenophthalmus) or “galunggong” (round scad;
Decapterus punctatus), and his own fabricated “sapyaw” or scoop and “pahawin” or
4
PhilAtlas (2019). Mana: Municipality of Malita, Province of Davao Occidental. https://www.philatlas.com/mindanao/r11/davao- long-line to catch small fishes and prawns, respectively.
occidental/malita/mana.html. Accessed on 5 Feb 2019

86 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 87

Observations and Experiences Those floods, Ronald recalled, seriously affected Sitio Katumbal in Mana, with
The Climate Change Reality floodwaters that reached the houses and destroyed crops and other plants in household
gardens. In addition, Ronald and Ting described that starting in the 2000s, their
shoreline, i.e., facing Davao Gulf, became noticeably much nearer at about 5 m from
where they lived (Figure 4). They shared that the shoreline was further away before at
approximately15 to 20 m from houses and settlements.
Ronald and Ting confirmed that their immediate environment has changed over the last
50 years. For them, the 1970s was the decade of unfavorable weather condition, when
the community experienced frequent and often strong typhoons and subsequent flooding.

They recalled that Typhoon “Titang” in 1970 was the strongest typhoon that hit Mindanao
Island (Figure 3). They also felt the weather becoming warmer in the 1990s, during
which they had experienced drought for three long months. They witnessed their “tubod”
or spring running dry; this was their source of water for drinking, washing, and even
for irrigating plants. They were made aware, later on, that the drought in the country
back then was connected to the El Niño, and that sometimes, subsequent rains were
associated with the La Niña.

Figure 4. Starting in the 2000s, the shoreline facing Davao Gulf became noticeably much
nearer at about 5 m from houses/settlements.

Ronald and Ting shared that coastal communities, i.e., small-scale agrifishers like
themselves, are among the highly vulnerable groups to the impacts of climate change.
Typhoon “Titang” in 1970 caused damage to agricultural land and deprived the people
of Malita of their livelihoods. Frequent typhoons have limited the fishing activities of the
community in Mana, with fisherfolk often returning home with very little catch. Back then
there was nothing in place yet in Mana, even a response system, to reduce the effects of
flooding incidences, which wiped out almost all the crops that they have grown. Members
of the community waited for the land to dry up so they can harvest the remaining crops
Figure 3. Track map of Typhoon “Kate” from the Pacific Ocean (13-26 October 1970), which that were still good for home consumption.
approached the Philippine Area of Responsibility (PAR) and Davao Region as Category 4
Typhoon “Titang”, with maximum sustained winds between 209 and 251 kph (indicated by
orange circles)5.
Drought in the 1990s, on the other hand, led to low crop production despite application
of more water and fertilizers. The increased incidence of pests and other harmful insects,
however, decreased the volume and quality of their harvest, thus, reduced the quantity of
Ronald did mention about flooding of the Lais River due to torrential rains after the vegetables and other agricultural produce that they were able to supply to the local retail
drought in the 1990s. They went through another drought experience again in 2010, a markets. During the severe drought of 2010, Ronald added that coconut did not produce
severe one, to which flooding in the river also followed from heavy rains during the last much, a case they refer to as “sandaw”. After the “tubod” dried up, the community
months of the year. searched for other sources and made use of a pump to access water.

5
Supportstorm using WikiProject Tropical cyclones/Tracks; background image from NASA; tracking data from IBTrACS
88 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 89
Stronger winds and huge waves during the “amihan” or northeast monsoon and
inclement weather have prevented Mana fishers from attaining good catch volumes. Information and
Huge waves have also caused erosion that had slowly eaten up the shores. Their current
proximity to the sea will further expose the community and their livelihoods to sea-related Disaster Preparedness
hazards like storm surge. With the intent to protect coastal communities from destructive
waves, the Local Government of Malita invested in a concrete seawall in Brgy. Fishing
Village. Huge waves destroyed this hard infrastructure in early 2017 (Figure 5). To date, Ronald and Ting, with their community, still live through the effects of the
changing climate, i.e. warmer weather, sea level rise, unfavorable sea conditions, as well
as drought and flooding episodes. They believe that this climate change phenomenon
will continue to pose threats and make their lives as agrifishers more difficult.

However, the barangay local government unit (BLGU) of Mana, led by “Kagawad” or
Councilor Nathaniel Flores, Jr. and “Kapitan” Norman Mariano, recently organized the
community and established the Mana Agrifisheries Association (MAA) (Figure 6). The
organization’s goal is to provide the farmers of Mana with the necessary information
on disaster preparedness as well as good agricultural practices (GAP) in the production
and marketing of their produce, as an approach to adapt to the negative impacts of
climate change. Flores leads the activities and plans of the organization as head of the
Committee on Agriculture.

Figure 5. A portion of the concrete seawall in Brgy. Fishing Village which was destroyed by
huge waves in early 2017.

Overall, the phenomenon observed and experienced by Ronald and Ting, together with
their community, have threatened their major sources of livelihood, i.e., fishing and
farming. The seas sometimes become inaccessible for fishing and even cause damage
to agricultural areas, which results to lower, or in a worse case scenario, loss of income.
Less fish catch and lower crop yield, if at all, may mean less food on the family’s table
and limited food supply in the local retail markets. Traders, on the other hand, may
increase the price of their commodities, which may not be affordable to most of the
residents. The community may then temporarily opt for low-priced and low quality hence,
not necessarily nutritious food items, which may potentially put their health at risk.

Figure 6. The newly organized Mana Agrifisheries Association (MAA) composed of farmers
and fishers of Bgry. Mana, Municipality of Malita, Davao Occidental. “Barangay” Councilor
Nathaniel Flores, Jr. (front row, third from left) is currently the Head of the Committee on
Agriculture (Photo by J.J.M. Tuba).

90 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 91

 Stories of Adaptation
Rising from Climate Change
Producing crops as well as raising livestock have been the default option whenever the
sea turns inhospitable to the fisherfolks of Mana. Thus, for food and income, Ronald and
Ting continued to grow crops in their own farm, like cucumber (Cucumis sativus), which
they believe can survive some level of drought. Together with relatives, they also grow
coconut, banana, and a variety of vegetables. The income from farming, however, is not
immediate and may take weeks, months or even a year before harvest. Ronald and his
fellow agrifishers have developed some ingenious approaches to adapt to the changes in
climate.

The MAA has pushed for the adoption of organic farming in the organization’s
communal farmland, since this provides healthy food options, as well as extra income.
The association believes that organic farming can reduce the negative effects of their
previous inorganic farming practices, improve soil quality, and protect the environment
as well as the consuming public. The common plants that they cultivate in their
Among the above activities is the Farm Business School (FBS), a local government- organic farms are squash (Cucurbita maxima), eggplant (Solanum melongena), okra
initiated program implemented through MAA, in which Ting has been attending. The (Abelmoschus esculentus), leafy vegetables such as “alugbati” (Basella alba), “kamote”
MAA also supports farmers by supplying seedlings, equipment, and fertilizers, and by (sweet potato; Ipomoea batatas), and corn (Zea mays). In addition, the MAA extends its
providing assistance and access to education. Meanwhile, Ronald has begun to hone his reach to non-members, who are also considered to be beneficiaries of the relatively safe
agricultural skills and began practicing crop rotation in their vegetable farm. and low-cost organic produce of members.

Every citizen of Malita knows about his/her right to be informed and to deepen his/her As organic farming advocates, the members of MAA have also adopted and
knowledge about climate change. Thus, schools and government institutions have been implemented some local innovations. First, they started producing and applying their
constantly disseminating information to the public about the manifestations, effects, and own vermicast as organic fertilizer, instead of using commercial inorganic ones. Second,
impacts of climate change in the Davao Region, and how communities must prepare to they formulated their own bio-organic insecticide that can drive away all harmful insects
reduce the risks from climate change-related hazards. and other pests. This is made up of a combination of lemongrass (Cymbopogon citratus),
“madre de cacao” (Gliricidia sepium), tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum), onion (Allium cepa),
The Local Government of Malita already conducted a climate change-related forum. In garlic (Allium sativum), pepper (Capsicum annuum), molasses, and vinegar (Figure 7).
relation to this, government agencies, like the Department of Environment and Natural Third, they devised a simple low-cost trap, consisting of a light source placed on top of
Resources, Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, and a basin of water, to catch flying insects. Fourth, the organization established a functional
Department of Science and Technology, also agreed to work together in disseminating plant nursery. Fifth, they made use of coconut leaves, containing a mixture of vermicast
information on climate change as well as specific actions to take in order to mitigate and and sandy loam soil, as bagging material for seeds (Figure 8) until these germinate and
adapt to climate change scenarios. are ready for transplanting. Overall, the production and application of organic inputs like
fertilizers and those for pest control, as well as the use of locally available materials are
In Mana, the BLGU is ready to do its share in educating more communities, especially not only environment-friendly but also meant reductoin in their cost of production.
those in the upland, as well as the indigenous groups in preparing them to become
resilient to climate change-related disasters. The agrifishers of Mana, including Ronald
and Ting, who were fortunate to learn about climate change mostly from experience,
have signified their interest to be of assistance to the campaign.

92 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 93

 Looking Forward
A Future of Hope
The communal farmland of the MAA has continued to provide crops from which
members obtained an income for their daily sustenance. The sea has been accessible
and gave Mana fisherfolk the required provisions and additional income. Local
adaptation strategies that have been planned out by the BLGU of Mana together with the
MAA are being initiated, e.g., (a) the assessment of fishing practices and promotion of
appropriate fishing techniques, (b) improvement of and more innovations on GAP, and,
(c) awareness and compliance campaigns on local and national policies that protect
fisheries and agricultural resources.

The BLGU has also identified and put forward the following immediate needs of its
agrifishing communities to the municipal LGU of Malita:
Figure 7. The bio-organic herbicide and insecticide formulated and used by the members of • Technologies and equipment for livelihood;
the Mana Agrifisheries Association (MAA) are not only environment-friendly but also meant
• Training on: (a) innovative and sustainable farming methods and
reduction on the cost of production (Photos by J.J.M. Tuba).
techniques; (b) urban farming technologies (hydro-, aqua-, and
aeroponics); and (c) introduction to social enterprise;
• Sustained assistance from the academe and national government
agencies on capacity building and enhancement of communities related
to climate change adaptation;
• Sustained support for communication planning;
• Financial assistance and individual capital for fishing and farming; and,
• Technical and financial support to the MAA.

Although 2018 was not a year of disaster or calamities in Malita, the LGU has included
the set-up of appropriate irrigation and flood control systems as well as the greening of
the environment (e.g., through tree-planting activities) among its priority projects. Initially,
the MAA could further promote the use of the bio-organic fertilizers and insecticide to
other farmers and farmer groups of Mana and Malita. Ultimately, the best agrifishing
Figure 8. Making use of coconut leaves as bagging material for seeds is done by forming practices in Mana may be showcased by the LGU to become a platform for educating
them into round containers (left); planting medium composed of a mixture of sandy loam
fellow agrifishing communities about climate change and for reiterating everyone’s share
soil and vermicast (middle); and bagging material ready for use (right) (Photos by J.J.M.
Tuba). in the responsibility to mitigate impacts and adapt to climate change scenarios.

With drought as one of the most serious problems that the community has experienced
so far, the “barangay”, through “Kagawad” Flores, has also planned to provide better
irrigation services to Mana, in order to support small-scale or backyard farming activities.
The MAA members believe that better irrigation coupled with GAP will result to higher
crop yields. In addition, residents of Mana are looking forward to an improved flood
control system that the LGU has promised to provide.

94 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 95

 Figure 1. Ahmad with his wife, Palmarinda Burundi (third and fourth from the right,
respectively), with some members of his family (Photo by R.N. Muallil).

The Community and Livelihood

in Barangay Lakit-Lakit:
A Closer Look
From Logging to Farming Lakit-Lakit (Figure 2) is one of the 35 barangays of Bongao, the capital town of Tawi-
Tawi. The livelihood of the majority of the residents is farming. In fact, Lakit-Lakit is the

in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi major source of agricultural produce in Bongao. Some residents are also engaged in
fishing. However, since the barangay is located along the Sibutu Passage of the Sulu Sea,
it is exposed to turbulent waves and strong currents, making fishing difficult most of the
Ahmad Kani Sansawi1, Richard N. Muallil2, Khalid D. Adam2, and time (Figure 3).
Lucille Elna P. de Guzman3

Ahmad, a Tausug farmer, of Barangay Lakit-Lakit, Bongao, Tawi-Tawi (Photo by R.N.Muallil).

Ahmad Kani Sansawi was born on February 10, 1969, the 8th of 10 children. He is a
Tausug, whose family originally came from Jolo, Sulu. He was still a boy when his family
moved to and settled in Barangay Lakit-Lakit, Bongao, Tawi-Tawi, where he grew up
among the Sama people. He eventually married a Sama, Ms. Palmarinda Burundi who
bore him 10 children (Figure 1). With his eldest child now in the mid-30s, Ahmad already
have 10 grandchildren. A high school graduate, logging and farming became his main
sources of livelihood.

Figure 2. Location map of Barangay Lakit-Lakit, Bongao, Tawi-Tawi, a research area under
1
Farmer, Brgy. Lakit-Lakit, Bongao, Tawi-Tawi
2
Mindanao State University - Tawi-Tawi College of Technology and Oceanography (MSU-TCTO), Bongao, Tawi-Tawi
the project “Documentation and Assessment of Local/Indigenous Knowledge (LInK) for
3
University of the Philippines Los Baños, Laguna Climate Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities”, from which this article is based.

Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 97

 In 1990, Ahmad came back home to Lakit-Lakit to continue logging but he was surprised
to find out that there were no more huge trees in what used to be the Lakit-Lakit forest.
He and other loggers had to go as far as Baldatal, Sapa-Sapa, further north of mainland
Tawi-Tawi, to find big trees. They would stay for two to three months in the forest logging.
Back then, they were paid PhP 2.00 per board foot and each of them would produce
500 to 1,000 board feet of wood per day. The logs were brought to and sold in Bongao,
the commercial center and the capital of the province. Ahmad quit logging in the early
2000 due to increasing conflict with other groups and settlers who claimed the land for
themselves. Logging deep into the forest was no longer safe for small-time loggers like
their group.
Figure 3. The shoreline of Brgy. Lakit-Lakit, Bongao, Tawi-Tawi, located Ahmad then devoted most of his time to farming, in the land that he used to cultivate
along the Sibutu Passage of the Sulu Sea (Photo by R.N. Muallil). with his father when he came back from Malaysia. The land is owned by a local who
later sold it to the family of the current Mayor of Bongao. The previous owner, and later
the mayor, entrusted the land to Ahmad’s family and allowed them to farm the area. He
has been farming the land for over twenty years already.
Growing up, Ahmad used to go logging with his father, which was his family’s main
source of income. He learned to use a chainsaw when he was only 16 years old and Farming in Lakit-Lakit is very traditional. There is no irrigation system in the barangay
logging also became his main occupation in the following years. Back in the 1980s, and farmers mainly depend on rainwater to be able to produce crops. The nearest
Lakit-Lakit was still a densely forested area. Huge trees with trunk diameter of more source of water is the small well, which is about a kilometer away from the farm (Figure
than a meter were common. Big trees like “Talisay” (Terminalia catappa) (“Gasob” and 4). Even so, the water from the well is salty as this is located close to the sea. The
“Tandoh pagtapi kumpit”), “Kangkong4“, “Nato4” (“Tagayan” and “Buwas”), “Bayo4”, residents could not dig their own wells because the water table is too deep and it has to
“Mainggang4”, and “Bulluh4” (“Sangey”) used to be abundant in the forest. However, the be done manually through several layers of rock.
area was rapidly deforested due to extensive logging activities. Ahmad recalled that there
were about 15 chainsaw operators cutting down the trees on a daily basis during that
time.

In 1987, Ahmad went to Felda, Malaysia and continued logging in the much bigger
and denser forest there for a living. Sabah, Malaysia is very close to Tawi-Tawi and
much nearer than Zamboanga City, such that many people from Tawi-Tawi usually go to
Malaysia as it is considered greener pasture, even to this day. Eventually, they returned to
Tawi-Tawi because of the risk of getting caught by the Malaysian authorities for having no
legal travel documents. There is no immigration office in Tawi-Tawi, so entering Malaysia,
directly from Tawi-Tawi, is technically illegal.

Figure 4. A communal well in Brgy. Lakit-Lakit, Bongao, Tawi-Tawi, which is mainly for
household use. The water level has been reported to be lower in recent years, even during
high tide.

4
Taxonomic identity of these trees cannot be verified in the absence of actual specimens.

98 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 99

As with other areas of Tawi-Tawi, cassava (Manihot esculenta) is the main crop, since
it can thrive even under conditions where water is limited. Traditionally, cassava is the
staple food in Tawi-Tawi. It is normally sold as semi-processed “tampin”, the grated and
dehydrated tubers (Figure 5). “Tampin” can either be cooked by frying or steaming,
locally called “tompeh”/“siyanglag” or “putu”/“piyutu”, respectively. “Tampin” used to be
sold at PhP 20.00 but its market price surged to PhP 100.00 last year when there was a
shortage in rice supply due to the stricter border security by the Malaysian government.
Due to its proximity, rice and many other processed goods in Tawi-Tawi are imported
from Malaysia. The increasing market price of “tampin” is favorable to farmers like
Ahmad who are dependent on their cassava crop as their main source of income. Figure 6. Coconut, cassava, and corn intercropped with vegetables, in some farms in
Brgy. Lakit-Lakit.

Aside from lack of water supply, “kusah” or “baboy damo” (wild pig, Sus barbatus)
is a major problem of farmers in Tawi-Tawi. These are considered pests because they
destroy farms by digging out and eating cassava and other crops. As Muslims, residents
do not eat pork, so wild pigs are not hunted. Fortunately, the problem of “kusah” has
been considerably reduced after the concreting of the main roads going to the farms in
2014. Also, the Armed Forces of the Philippines assigned in Tawi-Tawi had been hunting
the wild pigs, which helped reduce their population. Harvests have increasingly become
better. However, goats replaced the problem of “kusah”, although the former are quite
manageable since these are domesticated animals.
Figure 5. Raw packed “tampin”, the grated dehydrated cassava, ready for sale (left) and
Ahmad’s other sources of income are the salary he receives as President of the “Bantay
steamed “tampin” called “putu”/“piyutu” (right).
Dagat” of the barangay’s Marine Protected Area (MPA) and as “Barangay Tanod” in
Lakit-Lakit. These two positions give him an additional income of PhP 1,700.00 per
month, supplementing his meager income from farming. In addition, as the second in
During rainy season, which normally starts in April, farmers also plant corn that can
rank Imam or religious leader of the mosque, he also receives alms from the community.
usually be harvested after two months. After harvest, farmers have to wait for the
From time to time, he is also contracted to cut down coconut and other trees near the
following year before they can plant corn again. Ahmad does not plant vegetables
residential areas, where he earns PhP 1,000.00 as payment, minus the rental of the
because these do not grow well unless regularly irrigated, but have cassava, coconut
chainsaw, since he does not own one.
(Cocos nucifera) and banana (Musa sp.) in his farm (Figure 6).

100 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 101
Observations and Experiences
The Climate Change Reality Ahmad also recognized that climate change do not seem to have significant impact
on their farming system. In fact, harvest is higher now with better roads and means
of transportation. The availability of short maturing cassava varieties provided by the
Department of Agriculture (DA) has helped a lot in the barangay’s food and nutrition
security. These new varieties, “Sapikul” and “Goma-Goma”, can be harvested in six
As far as Ahmad is concerned, the climate in Tawi-Tawi has been more or less the
months and can be grown all year round.
same over the past 30 years or so. There has been no significant change in terms of
temperature, rainfall and storminess. However, he noticed that the weather has become
Houses built with light materials can still be found aplenty in Tawi-Tawi (FIgure 7),
unpredictable at times. Rainfall, for example, does not occur during the season as
an indicator that the province does not experience climate change extreme impacts.
expected, while heavy rains sometimes occur even during summer time.
However, the province has a very low adaptive capacity to such impacts because the
residents are used to calm weather condition. Any change in climate, especially sea level
The unpredictability in weather started about three or four years ago when they
rise and storminess would greatly affect the community and their way of life. Accordingly,
experienced extreme drought when rain did not occur for seven months. The soil was
the sea level rise in the province is high compared to other parts of the country (David et
too dry that even cassava did not survive. Grasses and coconut died out too. When the
al, 2015).
rains came and it became suitable again for crop production, farmers had to purchase
cassava stem cuttings from Panglima Sugala, an adjacent municipality, as planting
materials were no longer available in Lakit-Lakit.

Figure 7. Houses built with light materials in Tawi Tawi. Any change in climate, especially
sea level rise and storminess, would greatly affect the community and its people.

102 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 103
 Information and Stories of Adaptation
Disaster Preparedness Rising from Climate Change
Ahmad first learned about climate change and adaptation strategies during the
Ecosystem Approach to Fisheries Management training conducted at MSU Tawi-Tawi Changing to cassava varieties with shorter maturity and with bigger tubers is one of the
in 2017. He also heard about it from local radio. Living in a remote area like Lakit- adaptation strategies in Lakit-Lakit. They no longer plant “tarigu” because it takes longer
Lakit, he and his fellow residents are not very much aware about certain issues such as to harvest, i.e., 10 months, and also produces small tubers. “Sapikul” and “goma-
climate change. In fact, he is very thankful to the researchers from the University of the goma”, the two varieties distributed by the DA in 2015 and 2017, respectively, replaced
Philippines Los Baños in Laguna for visiting their village and for giving lectures on climate “tarigu”. These two varieties produce bigger tubers and are faster growing as compared
change, its impact on agrifisheries system and how to alleviate these impacts. to “tarigu”. “Sapikul” has now become the most common variety planted in the barangay
since one tuber can already produce two to five “tampins” after 6 to 10 months. “Goma-
goma”, on the other hand, has white skin with tubers slightly bigger than “sapikul”. By
changing to a new variety, farmers can have higher yield and income in shorter time
period even during adverse weather conditions.

Livelihood in the community is highly dependent on natural resources (Figure 8). With
the impending impacts of climate change, they need to ensure that their environment
is healthy. Currently, the residents are working closely with the local government unit
(LGU) and other agencies to eliminate all the illegal and destructive activities that are
detrimental to the environment, such as illegal logging and sand quarrying.

They have also established an MPA in 2018 with the help of the LGU of Bongao, MSU-
TCTO and the PNP Maritime First Special Operation Unit (1st SOU) through the latter’s
Adopt a Marine Protected Area program (Figure 9). Before the MPA was formed, the
coast used to be an open fishing ground and illegal fishing operations such as the use
of dynamite and poison was rampant. The establishment of the MPA and strengthening
of law enforcement led to the complete elimination of illegal fishing activities within
the MPA. Ahmad and his community are fully supported by the 1st SOU in enforcing
the MPA. They are also planning to make the MPA as a diving site for tourist that could
provide more income and job opportunities to the community.

Figure 8. Livelihood in the community is highly dependent on natural resources. With

the impending impacts of climate change, the community needs to ensure that their Figure 9. The guardhouse overlooking the Lakit-Lakit Marine Protected
environment is healthy. Area (MPA) in the barangay (Photo by R.N. Muallil).

104 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 105
Looking Forward
A Future of Hope
Ahmad plans to diversify his farming activities by planting squash (Cucurbita maxima)
and watermelon (Citrullus lanatus), because these crops are also drought tolerant. He
will also continue planting the new cassava varieties given by the DA since these have
shorter maturity period from which he can earn more.

He also intends to have his own cattle. At present he is taking care of two cattle. The
normal arrangement with the owner is that if the cattle he is taking care of has not yet
given birth, the first born will go to him while the second one goes to the owner of the
cattle. Otherwise, the first-born goes to the owner. Since cattle reach maturity in less than
two years, Ahmad can have his own animal in about three years time.

He also wants to diversify his livelihood. Bongao is becoming progressive as of late.

Tourism is booming in the province. Ahmad thinks that Brgy. Lakit-Lakit has a big chance
to become a tourist spot, since it is not only located next to the airport but it has also an Figure 11. The other side of the Boloboc rock shelter in Brgy. Lakit-Lakit, a potential tourist
MPA that is beaming with marine life that is best for diving and snorkeling. The barangay attraction.
is also the site of the Boloboc rock shelter where artifacts dating back to 3,000 – 6,800
BC have been found (Figures 10 and 11).
Ahmad emphasized that for them to be able to diversify and cultivate vegetables and
other crops, aside from cassava and corn, they need to have access to sufficient water
supply. An efficient rainwater harvesting system, aside from the common practice of
having a tin roof and water tank to collect and store rainwater, would also be useful.
Unfortunately, they cannot afford these things, given their meager income from cassava
and coconut farming. It would also be helpful if they can have a source of water in their
farm equipped with water pump to irrigate their crops, as they cannot do manual digging
of wells because the area is generally rocky with very thin layer of top soil.

They also hope to learn new farming and animal husbandry techniques since many in
the barangay are raising cattle but do not have proper training on this matter. Good
seeds and other farming inputs are also among their constant needs. They also need hog
wire as fence material for their farms as protection from “kusah”, as well as cattle and
goats, both of which are not usually tethered.

Lastly, they look forward to supplemental source of income especially from tourism and
small businesses. With these, they expect to learn new skills and take advantage of the
booming economy of Bongao.

Literature Cited:
David, L.T., R. Borja-Del Rosario, E.L. Peñaflor, K. Cordero-Bailey, C.L. Villanoy,
P.M. Aliño, et al. 2015. Developing a Philippine climate-ocean typology
as input to national vulnerability assessments. Paper presented at the 36th
Asian Conference on Remote Sensing (ACRS), Manila, October 19–23.
Figure 10. One side of the Boloboc rock shelter in Brgy. Lakit-Lakit, a potential tourist
attraction.

106 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 107
 The Community of
Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi:
A Closer Look
Sibutu Island is one of the 11 municipalities of Tawi-Tawi found at the south-western
part of the province (Figure 1). Sibutu and the neighboring Sitangkai municipalities
are the southernmost frontier of the Philippines and share sea borders with Malaysia
and Indonesia. Sibutu is approximately 28 nautical miles from Bongao, the capital
of Tawi-Tawi, and 18 nautical miles from Sabah, Malaysia. It is surrounded by Sibutu
Passage in the east, Sulu Sea in the north, Celebes Sea in the south, and Tumindao
Channel in the west. Sibutu was part of Sitangkai until it was created as a separate
municipality in October 2006 (Sibutu Local Government Unit, 2018).

From Fishing to Farming

in Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi
Mohammad Yasin B. Muallil1, Khalid D. Adam2, Richard N. Muallil2, and
Lucille Elna P. de Guzman3

Yasin, a Sama farmer-fisher of Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi.

Figure 1. Location map Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi, a research area under the project
Born on August 30, 1977 in Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi, Mohammad Yasin Barawi “Documentation and Assessment of Local/Indigenous Knowledge (LInK) for Climate
Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries Communities”, from which this article is based.
Muallil is the 7th of 8 children of Mr. Hamsali Sapal Muallil and Mrs. Pulang Barawi
Muallil. He is married to Almalyn Muallil and they have 5 children, the eldest of
whom has a family of her own. Yasin’s family are Sama, the dominant ethnic The island of Sibutu has a total land area of 11,432.75 hectares and is comprised
group in Tawi-Tawi. Fishing, “agal-agal” (seaweed; Kappaphycus sp.) farming, and of 16 barangays with a total population of 28,532 according to the 2015 local
“panggi kayu” (cassava; Manihot esculenta) production is his family’s main sources census. Barangay Tongsibalo has the largest land area (2,221 hectares) while
of livelihood. Barangay Taungoh has the largest population (2,610). Half of the 16 barangays are
located on the west side of the island while the other half are located on the eastern
side.
1
Farmer-fisher, Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi
2
Mindanao State University - Tawi-Tawi College of Technology and Oceanography (MSU-TCTO), Bongao, Tawi-Tawi
3
University of the Philippines Los Baños, Laguna

Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 109

 The land cover of Sibutu Island is composed mainly of brushland (41.51%), forest/
woodland (32.25%), shrubs (10.77%), and coconut areas (10.68%) (Figure 2).
Others include brushland/coconut (2.2%), built up (2.06%), mangroves (0.34%),
orchard (0.08%), open grassland (0.06%) and barren areas (0.04%). Sama, the major ethnic group in Sibutu, consists of a large and diverse
ethnolinguistic group including the nomadic Sama Dilaut or Badjaos. The Tausugs,
who originally came from Sulu, also constitute a major part of the population.
Intermarriages between the Tausug and the Sama of Sibutu are common, but
rarely with the Sama Dilaut who normally do not socialize well with other groups.
Majority of the residents are Muslims and the language used in the municipality is
called Sinama. Seaweed farming, fishing, indigenous boat building, woodcarving,
mat weaving, and “tabil-”, “luhul-” and “turung”-making are the major sources of
income in the island. “Tabil” and luhul” are very colorful tapestries which are hung
as house decorations from the ceiling or on the wall while “turung” is a round food
cover made of colored palm leaves (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Weaving mats and the making of “tabil” (left) and “turung” (right) are
among the main sources of livelihood in Sibutu island (Photos by K.D. Adam).

Basic infrastructure facilities in Sibutu include the municipal port, an airstrip, one
hospital, and national and barangay roads. The Tawi-Tawi Electric Company
(TAWELCO) provides electricity 24 hours a day while communication is provided
by GLOBE and SMART. The municipality has ten elementary schools, six secondary
schools and extension campuses of two tertiary institutions offering up to second
Figure 2. Land use map of year college only. The main campuses of the two institutions are located in Bongao.
Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi Literacy rate in the municipality is at 89%.

110 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 111
 Livelihood and
Indigenous Knowledge

Yasin have been into fishing for as long as he can remember. Growing up, he
used to go fishing with his father until he learned how to do it on his own. His
family has a seaweed farm about 10 km away from the community, where they
have a stilt house to stay in temporarily during seaweed farming season (Figure 4).
While waiting for the harvest, which takes about six weeks, they fish for their daily
sustenance. They also have a small farm where they plant cassava, corn (Zea mays)
and vegetables during farming season. Fishing and farming has become Yasin’s
routine since childhood. Now that he is a father, he brings his own kids when he
goes to fish or farm just like what he used to do with his father. Hopefully, he will be
able to pass on the knowledge and skills to his children so that they will learn how
to make a living when they have a family of their own.

Figure 5. Yasin showing some of his fishing gears.

Yasin had literally lived his entire life at sea farming seaweeds and he had been a
little adventurous himself. He has been to almost the entire seas of Sibutu and the
surrounding islands, fishing and exploiting its bounties. He had employed every
fishing technique utilized in their community, using every fishing gear (Figure 5) –
spears, hook and lines, gill nets, jigs, traps, including dynamite and compressor
fishing. He once joined a group of compressor fishers where they would dive tens of
fathoms deep and stayed for weeks at sea exploiting whatever of value they could find
underwater. He had also been into dynamite fishing, which used to be very common
in their place, that he did not know it was illegal. He would normally throw ten
dynamite bombs almost on a daily basis. Unfortunately, in 2015, he had an accident
with dynamite fishing that cost him his right hand.

His personal experience taught him further about nature of the seas around him. He
learned to locate where productive fishing grounds are and predict fishing season.
According to him, reef fishes stay on the same fishing grounds except when the
corals, which serve as their habitat, are destroyed. Undisturbed, fishers can go back
from time to time to the same fishing ground and can catch as many fish as they
can without seemingly affecting the number of fish in the sea. It is almost like every
fish caught is automatically being replaced by a new one. Sometimes, it makes him
wonder where all these fish come from.

Figure 4. Counter-clockwise from top: Yasin and his wife, Almalyn Muallil; seaweeds
being dried on top of their stilt house walkway; and seaweeds being dried by hanging
(Photos by R.N. Muallil).

112 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 113
 Several times, when spearfishing at night, he encountered hundreds of large “kat”
(bumphead parrotfish; Bolbometopon muricatum) and “kuhapo” (groupers; family
Serranidae) aggregating on shallow reefs. Locally, this phenomenon is called “bullah
palabey”, which last for about three days, after which all the fish are miraculously
gone. This phenomenon usually occurs from April to June which is also the time when
various reef fishes spawn. Other fishes observed during “bullah” season are groupers
(“kukkut”, “batta-batta”, “kulung”, “bagahak”), “ulapey” (parrot fish; Scarus sp.),
“mangilap” (Siganus sp.), and “mameng” (Napoleon wrasse; Cheilinus undulatus).
“Bullah” of rabbitfish, such as “bollong” (Siganus guttatus) and “bawis” (S. fuscesens),
is also observed on the 7th to 11th moon and 5th to 7th moon in a year, respectively.

Ever since he lost his right hand from dynamite fishing a few years ago, Yasin turned
to farming as it became too hard for him to fish with only one hand. As he is now
tending to their family farm, he brought his wife and kids to the farm and built a
house there.

“Ngalapug” or “nunuh” (“kaingin” or slash-and-burn farming) season usually

commences in April when it starts to rain. Farmers start “tabbas” (clearing the farm)
a month before then do “magtunuh” (burning) of the cleared and dried vegetation
to make the farm ready for “nanom” (planting) when the rain comes in April. Among
the first crops to be planted are “gandum” (corn), “kalang” (squash; Cucurbita
maxima), “buwah-buwah” (cucumber; Cucumis sativus), melon (Cucumis melo),
and “kundur” (watermelon; Citrullus lanatus). Except for “kalang” and sweet corn,
which can be harvested in seven and two months, respectively, all these crops can be
harvested in three months. After harvest of above crops, “panggi kayu” is planted on
the same area (Figure 6). Depending on the variety, “panggi kayu” can be harvested
5 to 7 months after planting. Older varieties like “Pitukal”, “Tarigu” and “Itum” can
be harvested after one year. These varieties have large tubers, even as big as a
man’s leg, with harvest from one plant capable of filling up a 25 kg rice sack. Except
for “gandum”, which from observation cannot survive when planted together with
“panggi kayu”, “buwah-buwah”, “pitukal” (pineapple; Ananas comosus), “tubbu”
(sugarcane; Saccharum officinarum) and “saging” (banana; Musa sp.) are also
Figure 7. Yasin with his native free-range chicken and cattle.
planted during this time. Aside from crops, Yasin is also raising free-range chicken
and cattle (Figure 7).

In general, crop production and livestock raising are for subsistence only, though
these can be done year round and income is more assured. Compared to farming,
sea-based livelihoods are more profitable and provide more immediate income. Even
though seaweeds are prone to diseases such as “ice-ice” which could damage the
entire farm, Yasin’s capital could increase 3 to 5 times in just over a month during
good harvest. And even if fishing is very risky and catches are not assured especially
when the weather is bad, he could earn more than a thousand pesos from fishing
alone on a lucky day.”

Figure 6. Yasin’s farm planted with “panggi kayu”.

114 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 115
 Figure 8. Houses on stilts, in Sibutu Island, made of light materials as evidence that the
impacts of climate change extremes is not yet experienced in the area.

Reading the Stars and Ecological Signs:

“Pandoga”
Yasin’s knowledge on fishing and farming is traditional which he learned from his
father and from his personal experiences. He depends much on his skills in reading
the “pandoga” or ecological signs, to locate productive fishing grounds and to predict
fishing/farming season. He uses his knowledge of “mamahi” (stars) and its positions in
the night sky and the direction of the winds and ocean currents as guide when fishing
at night. This is very important because there are no mountains which can be seen from
afar, except for the 150 m tall hill, in the largest island of the Sibutu group of islands.
There is also no electricity in most areas and in their “agal-agal” farms. One cannot see
the islands and the “agal-agal” farms from the middle of the sea so Yasin practically uses
the stars and the moon as guide.

Farmers also use the position of the stars in predicting “musin” or the farming season.
Among the signs that “musin” is approaching is when “Mamahi pitu”, which is composed
of seven stars, are positioned directly overhead at sunset, thus they would start clearing
the farms. “Magtunuh” or burning of the cleared vegetation starts when “Mamahi tallu”,
which is composed of three stars, are seen approximately 100 degrees westward from
the east. Shortly after that, rains would come and the farms would be ready for planting.

“Mamahi” are also used to determine fishing season. “Talang-talang” season is when
Observations and Experiences
the stars aggregate 45 degrees from the east which serves as guide for fishermen to
catch “tangilih lenko” (rumpi; Sphyraena barracuda), “kobal-kobal” (hard tail scad;
The Climate Change Reality
Megalaspis cordyla), and “deyng halo” or fish inhabiting the lagoons such as “lumahan”
(Indian mackerel; Rastrelliger kanagurta). “Mamahi tunggal” is the Venus planet or the
morning star which Yasin uses for direction.
The ability of residents of Sibutu to thrive is partly due to factors of climate and culture.
Other “pandoga” or ecological signs which guarantees big fish catch is the observance The small islands of the Sulu Archipelago, where Sibutu is located, are habitable due
of extremely hot weather (“panas ullow”) followed by rain with wind (“ulan maka kesog to the favorable climatic conditions. The region is free from climatic hazards such as
baliyu”) and “gunggung” (calm in the middle of the sea but waves break at shore). typhoons and rainfall is more or less evenly distributed throughout the year, providing
Highest “bullah” for reef fishes caught by hook and line during September-December ample water supply to the island communities. Culturally, the local communities are
include emperor fishes (“Lowsuh”, “Anupin”, “Kutambak”, “Alipapa”) of the Lethrinidae adapted to living at the water’s edge which is possible because of mild climatic condition.
family and jacks (“Inggatan”, “Mangsa”) of the Carangidae family. Catches are also high
during “Uttara” or northeast monsoon which occurs from December to March where Yasin have little to no knowledge of climate change and its impacts. As far as he can
very cold water from the deep rises during high tide, as well as during “hows” or strong remember, there are no recorded incidence of typhoon in Tawi-Tawi. Increase in seawater
predominantly southward currents along the Sibutu Passage. temperature was also not observed, nor its manifestation in terms of coral bleaching.
Tawi-Tawi’s offshore waters remain cold as it join two big bodies of water, the Sulu Sea
and the Celebes Sea.

Since Tawi-Tawi is outside the typhoon passage area, it is not prone to storm surges. This
is one of the factors that allow the local population to build their houses on stilts, made
of light materials, along the shores and in the middle of reef flats near their “agal-agal”
farms (Figure 8). These types of houses can still be found aplenty in Tawi-Tawi and is an
indicator as well as evidence that the province does not experience the impacts of climate
change extremes.

116 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 117
Sea level rise in the province, though, is high compared to other parts in the country. Stories of Adaptation
The houses on stilts are only three inches above the sea surface during the highest high
tide. There had been reports that during extreme high tide occurrences, houses are Rising from Climate Change
inundated with sea water. Seastems, Inc. (2010) reports that inundation of some areas
of Sibutu Island is inevitable with the rising sea level. The low-lying areas at the southern
end of the island will be inundated but the higher elevations at the northern half (>7 m
elevation) will remain above sea level. Coastal cultivated lands will also likely be affected Residents said that in the past, everything that they put on the ground grows. This is no
by increased salinization. longer the case these past few years. When rain did not come as expected in April 2016,
farmers were not able to plant their usual crops like corn, squash, cucumber, melon, and
The predicted effect of sea level rise on coastal aquifers, particularly unconfined ones watermelon. Instead, they just planted cassava, which is more tolerant to drought.
like in Sibutu, can dramatically reduce water availability. This situation would pose little
problem in Sibutu since freshwater is plentiful in the Island, although decline in storage The manual sprinkling of crops from dug-up or natural wells (Figure 9) is another climate
volume may be expected during a substantial increase (>0.50 m) of sea level. change adaptation of farmers. This was not practiced in the past as most if not all of
Specifically for agriculture, Yasin and other farmers have observed that weather in Sibutu the farmers depended on rainfall. Another climate change adaptation is adjustment of
has recently become unpredictable. Also, the ecological signs or “pandoga”, which working hours in the farm. Farmers start to attend to their farms when the sun is not yet
have been depended on in the past to predict the weather, is becoming less discernible. burning hot, usually around 6:00-9:00 in the morning and 3:00-6:00 in the afternoon.
Eventhough rainfall is more or less evenly distributed throughout the year, rain has
become less predictable and the dry season has been happening for longer duration in Aside from the abundant groundwater in Sibutu, the residents also practice rainwater
the past three years. Lesser rainfall, as experienced lately, has adversely affected their collecting for drinking and cooking purposes (Figure 10). Besides, they have adapted
crops. Corn, one of the affected crops, has become “tekok-tekok” or stunted. It is also a system of water usage, allowing them to use brackish and saline water for certain
infested by “olot” or worms which residents perceived to be caused by high weather requirements.
variability.

Figure 9. Digging a well in a newly opened “ngalapug”.

118 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 119
 Figure 10. Rainwater collection
system in stilt houses for drinking
and cooking purposes.

Fishers, on the other hand, have also observed changes in the climate. They have
reported that winds are now continuous, where there used to be breaks in the past.
This results to lower fish catch and fishing became more challenging. Fishers also
claimed that the sea has become turbid because of the continuous wind. Apart from
the abnormal wind duration, fishers have also observed that “sollog” or sea current
has become stronger. Stronger “sollog” results to lesser fish catch.
Looking Forward
Since fishing is now practiced in a subsistence mode due to “agal-agal” farming, A Future of Hope
the fishers would simply attend to their “agal-agal” farms if fishing is not that viable.
Lesser fish catch though, as compared in the last decades, is a strong sentiment Figure 11. Yasin started fishing again, using hook and line.
shared by Sibutu residents. Illegal and unsustainable practices like dynamite fishing,
which have been done in the past, are reportedly not practiced anymore. Recently,
initiatives are made to establish Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) within the island Yasin had been fishing and farming his whole life and he will likely do so for the
municipality, as part of the overall efforts of academics from MSU-TCTO ‘to mitigate rest of his life. Little by little, he has become used with his handicap and had started
the impacts of overfishing and arrest further deterioration of coastal ecosystems’ fishing again lately, using hook and line (Figure 11). Nevertheless, his focus now is
(Muallil et al., 2014). more on farming because it is a lot easier physically. He needs to keep doing both
farming and fishing for the sake of his family. He will do everything in his power
In relation to the “pandoga” for both fishing and farming, it seems that Sibutu to send his kids to school and finish college so that they can find better and more
Island residents are very vulnerable to climate change. This is because any change stable jobs.
in the present ecological and environmental setting would undermine and destroy
High quality “agal-agal” seedlings, high quality crop seeds for his farm, irrigation
their established indigenous knowledge systems.
facilities, and training on appropriate farming techniques, are the needs expressed
by Yasin and other community members. He recommended the implementation of
an awareness program on climate change and the strict implementation of the ban
on dynamite fishing.

Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 120 Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 121
 Literature Cited:
Sibutu Local Government Unit. 2018.

Seastems, Inc. 2010. Assessment of the Vulnerability of Sibutu and Sitangkai to

Geologic Hazards and Climate Change. Report submitted to WWF-
Philippines. Quezon City. August. 37 p.

Muallil, R.N., S.S. Mamauag, R.B. Cabral, E.O. Celeste-Dizon, and P.M. Aliño.
2014. Status, Trends and Challenges in the Sustainability of Small-Scale
Fisheries in the Philippines: Insights from FISHDA (Fishing Industries’
Support in Handling Decisions Application) Model. Marine Policy 44:212–
21. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.marpol.2013.08.026.

122 | Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change Stories of Adaptation to Climate Change | 123
 THIS BOOK WAS MADE POSSIBLE THROUGH THE
SIGNIFICANT CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE FOLLOWING:
CHAPTER AUTHORS
The Ivatan: Resilient Through the Years
Ariston Laurel
Cesar Doroteo V. Hostallero ([email protected])
Nestor G. Doplito PROJECT STAFF AND CONSULTANTS
Oscar B. Zamora+
Traditional Knowledge and Practices in Adapting to Climate Change in Lake Buhi Lucille Elna Parreño-de Guzman ([email protected])
Nestorio C. Llanda Rosario Velasco-Tatlonghari ([email protected])
Carmelita N. Cervantes ([email protected]) Annalissa L. Aquino
([email protected])
Annalee S. Hadsall
([email protected])
Farming and Fishing: The Tagbanua Way Aileen May Paguntalan-Mijares
([email protected])
Aguilardo D. Deig Hildie Maria E. Nacorda
([email protected])
Lita B. Sopsop ([email protected]) Julius A. Parcon
([email protected])
Joseph Lydio R. Roble III
([email protected])
Diversification Amidst Climate Change in Hamtic, Antique Michelle dR. Alejado-San Pascual ([email protected])
Maria Luz M. Sarad Jessie G. Varquez, Jr. ([email protected])
Glenda B. Mabaquiao ([email protected])
Noel M. Montaño ([email protected]) RESEARCH ASSOCIATES
Anacorita O. Abasolo ([email protected])
The Abaknon’s Ingenuity: Creative Strategies Amidst Uncertainties Alma Katrina Blesilda M. Gonzales ([email protected])
Victor O. Cabacang
Tito M. Cabili ([email protected]) COVER DESIGN AND LAYOUT
Joseph Lydio R. Roble III
Back to Basics: Organic Farming in Malita, Davao Occidental
Ronald D. Recamora/ Modesta S. Recamora PHOTO CREDITS
Junarie Joy M. Tuba ([email protected]) Project Staff, unless otherwise specified
Della Grace Galope-Bacaltos ([email protected])

From Logging to Farming in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi

Ahmad Kani Sansawi
Richard N. Muallil ([email protected])
Khalid D. Adam ([email protected])

From Fishing to Farming in Sibutu Island, Tawi-Tawi

Mohammad Yasin B. Muallil
Richard N. Muallil ([email protected])
Khalid D. Adam ([email protected])
 P
A
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BATANES

A NORTHERN
N SAMAR
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U CAMARINES
E SUR

TAWI-TAWI

DAVAO OCCIDENTAL
This book is an output of a research project titled “Documentation and Assessment of
Local/Indigenous Knowledge (LInK) for Climate Change Adaptation of Agrifisheries
Communities”, funded by the Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Agricultural Research
(DA- BAR). The research was implemented by a multidisciplinary team headed by
the Institute of Crop Science, College of Agriculture and Food Science, University of
the Philippines Los Baños in collaboration with the following: Provincial Agriculture
Office of Batanes, Central Bicol State University of Agriculture, Western Philippines
University (Aborlan Campus), University of Antique (Hamtic Campus), University of
Eastern Philippines, Southern Philippines Agri-business and Marine and Aquatic School
of Technology and Mindanao State University - Tawi-Tawi College of Technology and
Oceanography. This book tells specific stories of how the Ivatan of Batanes, Buhinon of
Camarines Sur, Tagbanua of Palawan, farmer-fishers of Hamtic in Antique, Capul Island
in Northern Samar and Malita, Davao Occidental, as well as the Tausug and Sama of
Bongao and Sibutu Island in Tawi-Tawi adapt to climate change.
STORIES OF

ADAPTATION
TO CLIMATE CHANGE

The Bureau of Agricultural Research (BAR) is one of the staff bureaus of the
Department of Agriculture (DA) which was established to lead and coordinate the
national agriculture and fisheries research and development (R&D) in the country.
BAR is committed to consolidate, strengthen, and develop the agriculture and
fisheries R&D system for the purpose of improving its effectiveness and efficiency by
ensuring customer satisfaction and continuous improvement through work excellence,
teamwork and networking, accountability and innovation.

The University of the Philippines Los Baños-College of Agriculture and

Food Science is a premier institution of higher learning in agriculture
and food sciences promoting the development of a robust agriculture
sector and industry that meets the challenges of food security and
safety, poverty, climate change and environmental sustainability.