Closing The Cognitive Gaps-HowPeopleProcessInformation
Closing The Cognitive Gaps-HowPeopleProcessInformation
Financial Times
Mastering Information Management Series
We often see "information" described as a "resource." This tends to imply that information
is some "thing" that resides in documents, information systems, or other artifacts. The
information is assumed to be constant, unchanging. Its meaning is fixed by its
representation in the artifact. A complementary view is to look at information not as an
object but as the outcome of people constructing meaning out of messages and cues.
Information resides not in artifacts but in the minds of individuals. Individuals actively
create the meaning of information through their thoughts, actions, and feelings. Since
individuals use information in order to solve a problem or perform a task, the social settings
in which the information is encountered determines its value and salience. When we treat
information as an object, we are concerned with how to acquire the information that we
need, and how to represent the information that we have in order to enable access and
processing. When we treat information as subjectively constructed, we are concerned with
understanding the social and behavioral processes through which information is enacted
and engaged. A fuller understanding of information seeking as social behavior helps us to
design better information processes and information systems. This article hopes to provide
a first step towards that understanding.
As shown in Figure 1, we divide the information seeking activity into three processes:
experiencing of information needs, information seeking, and information use. We examine
the cognitive, affective, and situational factors that influence each of these processes.
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Figure 1. Human Information Seeking Processes
Information Needs
Since the Second World War, a large number of "information needs and uses" studies
attempted to understand how different groups of people experience information needs and
how these needs are met (or not met). The information needs and uses of scientists,
engineers, physicians, academics, citizens, government officials, public sector employees,
special needs groups, managers, and professionals have all been investigated. In recent
years, Brenda Dervin of Ohio State University has been active in applying a sensemaking
approach to examine how humans perceive information needs as cognitive gaps. In the
sensemaking approach, a person is moving through space and time, taking steps through
experiences. As long as she is able to make sense of her experiences, movement ahead is
possible. From time to time, movement is blocked by the perception of a cognitive gap – a
situation that the person is unable to make sense of. To bridge this gap, the person seeks
information to make new sense and uses the information to help her continue her journey.
Dervin and her associates have completed over 40 studies in the past two decades based
on the sensemaking approach. Their research suggests that the ways in which people
perceive their cognitive gaps and the ways that they want information to help are good
predictors of their information seeking behaviors. Better yet, the ways in which people
perceive and define their sensemaking gaps can be coded into universal categories that
are applicable across different groups of information users. Dervin has identified 8 situation
gap categories:
Sensemaking Gaps
Cognitive needs are draped in affective responses so that they are as much felt as they
are thought about. When sense has run out, the lack of understanding creates a state of
uncertainty. Carol Kuhlthau of Rutgers University found that uncertainty causes a number
of affective symptoms, including anxiety, apprehension, confusion, frustration, and lack of
confidence. These affective states motivate and direct the individual’s information seeking
and information use experience. Affective responses influence, and are influenced by, the
individual’s ability to construct meaning, focus information needs, manage moods and
expectations, and deepen personal interest in the search. Tom Wilson of Sheffield
University suggests that uncertainty and its affective symptoms can constitute a state of
stress that the individual has to cope with. For example, research in health information
seeking has contrasted "monitors" who prefer high levels of information input to cope with
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a stressful event and suffer less psychological arousal when they have the information;
with "blunters" who prefer less information and suffer greater arousal when they receive a
high information input.
At the situational level, information needs arise from the problems, uncertainties, and
ambiguities encountered in specific contexts and experiences. Such situations and
experiences are composed of a large number of elements that relate not just to subject
matter, but also to situational conditions such as goal clarity and consensus, magnitude of
risk, amount and locus of control, professional and social norms, time and resource
constraints, and so on. As a result, the determination of information needs must not stop at
asking "What do you want to know?" but must also address questions like: "Why do you
need to know it?" "What does your problem look like?" "What do you know already?"
"What do you anticipate finding?" and "How will this help you?" Susan MacMullin and
Robert Taylor of Syracuse University suggest that problem situations be analyzed
according to eleven "problem dimensions" that amplify information needs and form the
criteria by which individuals assess the relevance and value of information (see Sidebar 1:
Problem Dimensions).
Information Seeking
At the cognitive level, the individual would select a source that he or she perceives to have
the greater probability of providing information that will be relevant, usable, and helpful.
Relevance and usability may depend on information attributes such as currency,
comprehensivesness, and appropriateness to the specific problem situation. In addition,
the individual would be concerned with the accuracy and reliability of the source. Source
and information selection would then be guided by the perception of cognitive authority and
trustworthiness. Research in information seeking often groups together some or all of
these source attributes under the rubric of "perceived source quality" in order to examine
its effect on source use.
At the affective level, the individual’s degree of personal motivation and interest in the
problem or topic would determine the amount of energy that he or she invests in
information seeking. Carol Kuhlthau noted that as the information search progresses, initial
feelings of uncertainty and anxiety fall as confidence rises. If a clear theme is developed to
focus the search, the individual may become more highly motivated, and if the search
proceeds well, there is a growing feeling of satisfaction and accomplishment. Drawing on
social learning theory, Tom Wilson postulates that since a strong feeling of self-efficacy or
personal mastery about using a source leads to greater source use, doubt about one’s
capacity to use a source properly would conversely lead to that source not being used,
even if the source might be perceived to contain relevant information.
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At the situational level, the selection and use of sources is influenced by the amount of
time and effort that is required to locate or contact the source, and to interact with the
source to extract information. At least three different kinds of "effort" or costs may be
pertinent: physical effort (e.g. to travel to source); intellectual effort (e.g. to learn a
classification system or user interface); and psychological effort (e.g. to deal with an
unpleasant source). These source attributes may be bundled together in a category called
"perceived source accessibility." The selection of sources then depends on their perceived
quality and perceived accessibility. Additionally, the complexity of the task or the
uncertainty of the task environment would also influence information seeking. A complex
task characterized by numerous interdependent task elements which interact unpredictably
may require broader information gathering and processing. Similarly, a complex, volatile
external environment may induce greater information scanning. (See Sidebar 2:
Environmental Scanning by CEOs.)
Information Use
Just as there are universal categories of information needs, Brenda Dervin and Robert
Taylor propose that there are eight general categories which describe how people use
information. Thus, information may be used to: develop a context; understand a particular
situation; know what and how to do something; get the facts about something; confirm
another item of information; project future events; motivate or sustain personal
involvement; and develop relationships, enhance status, reputation or personal fulfillment.
At the cognitive level, the individual’s cognitive style and preferences would impact on the
processing of information. A number of classifications have been developed to differentiate
personality types and cognitive preferences. The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator is a widely
used instrument for classifying personality types into 16 categories. Each personality type
would display distinctive preferences and modes when gathering and using information
(see Sidebar 3: Cognitive Styles). Another common cognitive style variable is "field
dependence." Field dependent individuals tend to respond uncritically to environmental
cues, whereas field independent individuals orient themselves correctly in spite of
environmental cues. Daniel Kahneman (University of British Columbia) and Amos Tversky
(Stanford University) discovered that when people use information to make judgments they
rely on heuristics to simplify information processing. In certain situations, these
simplifications can produce errors or biases. For example, to judge whether an event
belongs to a category, people rely on mental stereotypes, but they often ignore other
relevant information such as the distribution of the categories in the general population. To
judge the frequency or likelihood of an event, people over-rely on recent, vivid, easy-to-
recall information. To estimate a quantity they make adjustments from an initial anchor or
suggestion. Unfortunately the adjustments are often inadequate.
At the affective level, people avoid using information that will arouse strong, negative
emotions in others or in themselves. People use information selectively to avoid
embarrassment, conflict or regret; to maintain self-image; and to enhance personal status
or reputation. For example, decision makers are known to positively evaluate and continue
a course of action even when the available information indicates that withdrawal is
necessary to reduce further losses. One psychological factor behind this "escalation of
commitment" is the desire to save face. Decision makers persist because they do not want
to admit to themselves that they have made an error, much less expose their mistakes to
others. In organizations where error-free decision making is valued, managers may
attempt to hide their mistakes or postpone their discovery. Another example is the "not-
invented-here" syndrome: the tendency of a longstanding group to reject new information
from outside the group. Such behavior may be a natural consequence of individuals who
over time, increase order and stability in their work environments so as to reduce the
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amount of stress and uncertainty that they need to face. As a result, the longer the
individuals’ tenure in a group, the stronger their emotional attachment to beliefs and
decisions that they helped create, and the more resistant they become towards outside
new ideas and information.
At the situational level, the norms and rules of the social group, profession, or organization
can influence information processing and use. Irving Janis of Yale University has observed
how highly cohesive groups are susceptible to "groupthink." This happens when group
members seek concurrence to such an extent that they compromise the processing and
use of information, choosing to ignore or undervalue information that threatens group
beliefs and solidarity. Donald Schon of the MIT describes how each profession develops its
own language, values, overarching theories, and role definitions. Members adopt these as
frames of reference through which information is processed to describe reality, explain
phenomena, and reaffirm professional identity. Edgar Schein of the Sloan School of
Management defines organizational culture as a pattern of shared assumptions developed
by the organization as it learns to cope with problems of external adaptation and internal
integration. Because the assumptions have worked well enough, they are considered valid
and are therefore taught to new members as the correct way to perceive, think and feel in
relation to those problems. As a result, organizational culture develops a shared framework
for people in organizations to collectively make sense of information. An important part of
organizational culture is organizational politics. In a contest for influence and power,
information may be used as a resource to protect vested interests or to justify preferred
courses of action.
The three processes of information needs, information seeking, and information use may
be integrated into a general model of how humans seek information. As shown in Figure 2,
the individual experiences information needs as she perceives gaps in her state of
knowledge or her ability to make sense. The perception of information needs is shaped by
cognitive, affective, and situational factors. The individual may choose to suppress this
information need by for example, avoiding the problem situation, so that no information
seeking ensues. Alternatively, the individual may decide to bridge this gap of knowledge or
understanding through purposive information seeking. During information seeking, the
selection and use of sources and information depends on perceived source accessibilty,
perceived source quality, task complexity, and personal interest. Information may also be
received "incidentally" as a result of the individual’s habitual scanning of the media or
conversations with others, even though these activities were not directed at addressing
specific information needs. The outcome of information seeking is a set of noticed,
selected information that is a very small proportion of the total information that is received.
How this information is then processed and put to use depends on the cognitive style and
preferences of the individual, the emotional responses that accompany information
processing, and the social and cultural context surrounding information use. The final
outcome of information use is a change in the individual’s state of knowledge, allowing the
individual to make sense or take action. This in turn generates new experiences and new
information needs, so that the cycle of information seeking is continuous.
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(1) Design information systems not just to answer queries, but to provide useful and
useable information that would help individuals solve work-related problems and deal
with specific requirements of problem situations.
System designers need to move beyond analyzing flows of data to understanding
how the meaning of information is constructed, and how the context of organizational
work is negotiated. For example, users should be able to query systems not just with
account numbers or keywords, but also with life situations ("I am buying a house -
what government information sources should I consult"), task descriptions ("I am
writing a project plan on P — get me the information that would help me"), and
sensemaking questions ("What are the assumptions guiding our interpretation?").
(2) Increase awareness about the nature of human information seeking and
processing, including an understanding of cognitive styles and limitations, and the
ways that habitual routines and emotional defenses can block learning.
Cognitive diversity invigorates an organization, so the intention is not to pigeonhole
people according to their presumed strengths and weaknesses. Instead, the goal is
to ensure a lively mix of styles, skills and sensitivities in a group so as to heighten
vigilance in information processing.
at creating and sustaining affective systems and cultural climates which promote the
sharing of information and knowledge.
Most studies of how people use information sources found that the perceived accessibility
of a source was a major, sometimes the most important, determinant of source use. For
example, scientists, technologists, and managers are often sensitive to perceived source
accessibility, so that a library or information center on the next floor or even a few offices
away may be infrequently visited, even though the users recognize that the library contains
more complete and current information than their close-at-hand sources.
One of the most widely used personality assessment instrument in the world is the Myers-
Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) classification, which is developed from the work of Carl Jung.
MBTI analyzes personality types based on four pairs of traits:
Perceiving types keep their options open by taking their time to gather sufficient
information.
These four pairs of attributes are combined to create a matrix of 16 personality types. Each
personality type is expected to display distinctive styles and preferences when processing
and using information, as indicated above.
Choo, Chun Wei. 1998. The Knowing Organization: How Organizations Use
Information to Construct Meaning, Create Knowledge, and Make Decisions. New
York: Oxford University Press.
Dervin, Brenda. 1992. From the Mind's Eye of the 'User': The Sense-Making
Qualitative-Quantitative Methodology. In Qualitative Research in Information
Management, edited by J. D. Glazier and R. R. Powell. Englewood, CO: Libraries
Unlimited.
Chun Wei Choo is associate professor at the Faculty of Information Studies, University of Toronto, Canada.
His research interests include information management, knowledge management, and organizational
learning. He welcomes correspondence on this subject; e-mail [email protected]; web
http://choo.fis.utoronto.ca/.
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