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Daoism Handbook
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yilongwei.comCopyright
© © All Rights Reserved
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/ 26
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
DIVINATION AS DAOIST PRACTICE”
SAKADE YOSHINOBU
Descriprion
Chinese divination can be discussed under many different aspects: its means,
methods, objects and places. One cannot capture them all with one set defi-
nition or single presentation. Also, while divination plays an important role
in Daoist practice, it is not a specifically Daoist subject or activity, nor even
Confucian or Buddhist, but rather forms part of Chinese traditional culture
in general. In the late Zhou dynasty, there was even a royal Director of
Divination (Taibu X |+) who had administrative councellors and staff at his
disposal. The office was later, under the Han, placed under the surveillance
of the Superintendent of Ceremonies (Taichang X #), but continued to play
an important role in determining the calendar and made decisions of both
political and military import (sce Loewe 1988a, 88-90). As a result of divina-
tion’s official and pervasive position in Chinese culture, most materials on the
subject are found not in the Daoist canon but in manifold texts of various
origins. Most concepts involved in divination, similarly, cannot be linked with
a specific system but instead must be approached as a fortuitous mixture of
many, joined with some basic concepts of Chinese culture.
‘Confucius is famous for having said that he would “not speak of the ex-
traordinary or the spirit world.” Still, this attitude was considered inappro-
priate even for the Confucian elite who, whether officials in the imperial
administration or students and intellectuals, were among the most active
practitioners and recorders of divination. They made both official and pri-
vate decisions based on astrology, 2ajing or turtle-shell oracles, physiognomy,
dream interpretation and other methods. They hoped to be masters of their
future by discovering the proper ways to behave in the continuously unfold-
ing cycles of the universe. The common people, too, made frequent use of
divination in their efforts to fulfill their wishes and hopes and to avoid suf-
fering and hardships. Divination was thus an integral part of the daily lives
“Translated by Livia Kohn 542 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
of all Chinese, high or low, rich or poor (sce Loewe and Blacker 1981), Dao-
ist or Buddhist. It was therefore inevitable that it would also come to be a
form of Daoist practice.
‘Most of the divination forms found in traditional China were highly tech-
nical; they were based less on personal inspiration or intuition than on the
mastery of technical instruments, intricate correspondence patterns and
complex calculation systems. Still, intuition did play a role, and the true
Daoist master had more immediate and often truer insights into the workings
of the cosmos than his technical counterpart. A case in point is the story in
the Zhuangzi that contrasts the inscrutable Hugong % 2 (Gourd Master) with
the technical physiognomist. It ends with the latter, having tried without
‘success to analyze the master, running off in shame and confusion (ch. 7).
‘Among the many forms of divination, only one of a purely inspirational
nature has survived through the centuries and flourished—the consultation
of the gods or ancestors through spirit-mediums and shamans. These reli-
gious specialists entered into trance states to communicate directly with the
divine and either ascended into the heavens in ecstatic flight or allowed
themselves to be possessed by a supernatural agency whose words they spoke
or wrote on a tray of sand (the planchette). The latter method was frequently
employed by members of all social classes, and was common in both popular
religion and Daoism. In Daoism it has further gained popularity over the last
several centuries, leading to important new developments, especially during
the Qing dynasty (see “Daoism in the Qing”).
The following first presents the history of the more technical arts of divi-
nation in two sections: pre-Daoist and Daoist. Then it will introduce a selec-
tion of texts on divination from the Daoist canon that illustrate how Daoists
applied divination in their rituals and activities. It concludes by exploring
basic understandings of how fate and determination operated among Chi-
nese in general and Daoists in particular.
History
EARLY METHODS. It is not clear when the Chinese began divining.
Traditional historiography has it that the very earliest Xia dynasty (on the
borders of early history) used a method known as “Connected Mountains”
(Lianshan ii 1), while its successor, the Shang dynasty, used a technique
called “Safe Repository” (Guizang Wt #&; see Imai 1974), Nothing is known
about these practices today and we cannot be sure whether they really ex-
isted or belong to the realm of myth. The earliest archaeological materials of
divination, the so-called oracle bones ff", date from the Shang
They are the carapaces of tortoises and scapula of cattle which were drilled
and heated to allow the development of fine cracks, then interpreted as “yes” DIVINATION AS DAOIST PRACTICE 543,
or “no” answers to questions (see Smith 1991, 14-17). Later the Zhou dy-
nasty used a method known as milfoil divination (shizhan 3 45 ; Smith 1991,
19-22). Here fifty stalks of this long-stemmed plant were divided first into two
random piles, then counted off into sets of four until any number from one
to four remained, determining the quality of either yin (even number) or
yang (odd number). Each cast of the milfoil thus created a yin or yang pat-
tern, which was then written down as either a broken (yin) or unbroken
(yang) line and interpreted with the help of the Tying 5 48 (Book of Changes).
Tying divination was a highly prominent method early on, and linked with
senior sages such as the Duke of Zhou and Confucius. It has remained
popular through the ages and is still applied today (see Wilhelm 1950; Suzuki
1963; Smith 1991, 93-130). Oracle-bone divination ended in the Han (see
Loewe 1988b).
In addition to these methods, the Zhou, from the Spring and Autumn pe-
riod onwards, also divined by observing the winds (Sakade 1991, 45-127), gi
or “ethers” (hougi # .; see Bodde 1959), the stars (astrology; see Eberhard
1970), people’s looks (physiognomy #8; see Lessa 1968) and their dreams (see
Lackner 1985; Smith 1991, 245-58; in Daoism, see Strickmann 1987). The
Zuochuan % tf (Mr. Zuo’s Commentary) accordingly describes the lives and
deeds of many divination masters, documenting the tremendous flourishing
of various methods at this time. Whether Confucius was inspired by them is
unclear, but an apocryphal story in the Hanshi waizhuan #8 & 918 (Separate
Commentary on Mr. Han’s Poems) says that his future kingly status was
foretold by the physiognomist Gubu Ziging # 4 #9.
In the Warring states period numerous techniques were applied, as has
become increasingly clear from recent excavations, especially from the terri-
tory of the state of Qin, which later succeeded in unifying the states and
creating the first empire. One such excavation, of a tomb from Shuihudi
BE Htin Yunmeng 2 ¥ (Hubei), provided textual materials on a number
of hemerological (i.c., day selection) and calendrical (i.c., determination of
auspicious times and places) methods (see Kalinowski 1986; Loewe 1988a;
Kudé 1998). Among these methods, the Jianchu 3 He (Use/ Avoid or Intalla-
tion/Expulsion) technique, also described in the Huainanai ¥# #j $ (Writings
of the Master of Huainan, ch. 3), was especially prominent. It divided the
days into twelve categories—stagnation, exultation, installation, decline,
destruction, equilibrium, calmness, emptiness, stability, recovery, accom-
plishment and growth—then associated these with the stems and branches
of the sixty-day cycle to determine the inherent tendency in every day of the
calendar (Kalinowski 1986, 199). In the manuscripts this appears clearly, one
text instructing to “use yin Bf, avoid mao 9P and go for chen IR,” says:
‘The first: useful day, advantageous ... It is most advantageous to wear cap, belt
and sword. No problem riding in a carriage. 544 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
The second: avoidance day, but one can go out on a private visit. (Kalinowski
1986; Loewe 1988a)
Much like the almanacs still popular in China today (see Smith 1992), these
instructions during the Han dynasty were formalized into a system of good
and bad days linked with twelve deities, which is mentioned in the Shiji
#2 I (Historical Records, ch. 127). Similar ideas were associated with the
stars and interpreted through astrology, as is documented in the Huainanzi
(ch. 1), Further archaeological evidence of the same beliefs was excavated
from Fangmatan # 6 i in Tianshui % x (Gansu; see Harper 1994).
The Styi also contains a rather critical record of Emperor Wu who, in his
urge to determine the correct partner and way of marriage, assembled a
large number of fortune-tellers at his court. Among them were masters of the
five phases (wuxing jia E 47 %), of geomancy (kanyu fia Ht MR), constellation
analysis (congchen jia % RK), calendrics (iia A RK), correspondences between
heaven and humanity (tianren jia KA &) and of the Great Unity (taiyi jia
K—&). In addition, the Shi describes astrology, watching the ethers and
wind observation in some detail (ch. 27). The bibliography in the Hanshu
3K-4F History of the former Han) lists large numbers of texts on many differ-
ent kinds of divination: 21 on astrology (in 445 j.), 8 on calendrics (606 j.), 31
on the five phases (652 j.), 15 on milfoil and tortoise (401 j.), 18 on dream
interpretation (313 j.) and 6 on physiognomy (122j.; see also “Han Cosmol-
ogy and Mant Practices”).
‘The Han dynasty saw a great rise in divination activity, much of which
was described and criticized by various authors. Thus Wang Fu = # (ab.
85-163 C.E.) in his Qianfs bn if & te (Discussion of Hidden Things; see
Kinney 1990) has specific chapters on oracles, shamans, dream interpretation
and physiognomy (to which he paid particular attention). Wang Chong
EF (ab. 27-100) in his Lunheng t@ ft (Balanced Discussions; see Forke 1972)
mentions different practices in different sections, yet reveals a strong belief
in the analysis of personality according to physiognomy. He says: “Human
beings receive fate from Heaven, and this is reflected in their bodies” (ch. 3).
Analyzing the bodily form, people can know their inner tendencies and
predict the good and bad fortune likely to befall them. At the same time,
when he says that people receive their fate from Heaven, he refers to the
belief that all people are born under a particular star (benming & #). Their gi
matches that of the star; the star’s position in the sky, brightness and move-
ments determines their development and opportunities. This method was
practiced not only by astrologers but also by the masters of the correspon-
dences between heaven and humanity.
The great advance of divination under the Han also caught the attention
of the historians, as is documented in the chapter on fangski biographies in the
Hou Hanshu {ki & (History of the Later Han, ch. 82; see Ngo 1976; DeWos- DIVINATION AS DAOIST PRACTICE 545
kin 1983; Sakade 1991, 23-44). Fangshi 7 +, the masters of recipes and
methods (fangshu 7 #7), were practitioners of methods that included longevity
techniques, medicine, astronomy and calculation (mathematics) together with
the many arts of divination. They excelled at them not only through superb
technical skills, but also because allegedly they developed certain supernatu-
ral powers. Among their divination methods were wind-direction analysis
(fengiao Bi ff; see Loewe 1988c, 509-16; Sakade 1991, 45-127), calendrics
(ayia i& F; see Liu and Zhou 1993), Dipper astrology (gizheng t 3), primal
gi examination (yuangi 7%), hemerology (nize Bl ##), hexagram hemerology
(uri gifen * 6 5)), encounter analysis (/engzhan 3 45), gi observation (wanggi
¥% Si) and cloud-pattern analysis (wngi Hl).
‘To give a sample description, the latter two involved the observation of
qi and were usually executed at the beginning of the year to determine the
tendencies and major events to be expected in the coming cycle. Wangqi or
+hougi involved the burial of bamboo pitch-pipes of varying length in the earth
in certain strategic places, A thin layer of ashes was then placed on their top,
which would be disturbed in accordance with the various movements of the
rising earth-gi, allowing predictions of weather and other tendencies (see
Bodde 1959; Sakade 1991, 128-55.) Ysmngi was a method of interpreting the
formations and coloring of clouds in the sky as they appeared in certain
places, again typically at the beginning of the year. For example, if a cloud
that looked like a dog appeared over the city wall, this wall would not be
taken in battle during the year. If a pig-shaped cloud appeared over a
camped army, its commanding general would die (see Loewe 1988c, 502-3;
Sakade 1991, 156-83). Predictions of a more personal nature would be made
on the basis of wind. For example, if the wind came from the south, it was
likely to carry heat and would harm the people's veins and hearts; if it came
from the west, it would carry dryness and bring harm to the lungs and the
skin; if it came from north, it often carried cold, which could infect the kid-
neys and bones; and if it came from the east, it would have a heavy feeling
to it, which impacted on the liver and the flesh (Sakade 1991, 62).
Alll these were also taken up, to a greater or lesser degree, by Daoists of
the second century C.E. For example, Zuo Ci & % was described as a re-
nowned fangshi, an expert in the “way of the gods” (shendao #38), a great
magician and fortune-teller (How Hanshu; Shenxian zhuan ## {Lf ch. 4). He
was an influential Daoist, and teacher of Ge Xuan & &, the great-uncle of
Ge Hong % #; much of the latter's alchemical knowledge originates with
him (see his Baopuzi; see Ware 1966).
One method of great import during the Han dynasty was the so-called
Yijing calcalations (xiangshu yi %# J). This methods was used actively in
the theories of the Cantong i $F] $2 (Tally to the Book of Changes, CT 999-
1008; see Pregadio 1996), allegedly written by the alchemist Wei Boyang
$4{4M) of the second century C.E. and influential in the later practice of 546 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
inner alchemy. It goes back to the Han thinkers Meng Xi Z #(01. 50 B.C.E,),
the author of the Tilin % # (Forest of the Changes; see Smith 1991, 28;
Nylan and Sivin 1988), who combined the hexagrams of the Tying with the
twenty-four solar stations of the year, and Jing Fang # (79-37 B.C.E.),
who matched a series of twelve hexagrams with the twelve months of the
year and the twelve double-hours of the day. The twelve hexagrams were
waxing and waning (xiaoxi gua iff 3h), that is, they changed from all yang
lines to all yin lines and back. They were used to visually demonstrate the
alternating patterns of yin and yang. Later the method was further developed
by Xun Shuang 4 # (128-190) of the Later Han dynasty, who proposed a
more intricate theory of the rise and fall of days and hexagrams (Smith 1991,
29), and by Yu Fan i fl (164-233), who set up a system that included pat-
terned hexagram changes, moving lines, reversed yin and yang lines, dia-
grams consisting only of two lines and the association of various line combi-
nations with certain days in the sixty-day cycle. All these techniques and
calculations, complex and intricate, greatly influenced not only the Tying
interpretation of later ages, but were also activated in the religious Daoist
practice of inner alchemy.
‘The Han dynasty also saw a development of a new instrument for fate
calculation, the diviner’s compass or cosmic board (shi ). It consisted of
a square bottom plate that represented earth and was divided according to
the eight directions. A round, movable plate was attached to it that repre-
sented the sky/heaven. The latter contained not only the sixty-day cycle, but
also the twenty-eight lunar mansions and the twenty-four solar stations of the
year (Kalinowski 1986, 212). Several examples of this compass have been
excavated from Han tombs, the oldest from that of the Lord of Ruyin ik ## in
Shuanggudui # 24 in Fuyang #/% (Anhui; see Harper 1978; Kalinowski
1983). It is based on the fiuren 7 £ method, which also incorporates the
Great Unity and the Nine Palaces, constellations of great import that also
played a key role in Daoist cosmology (see Kalinowski 1985; Sakade 1991,
184-209). The oldest surviving text on this method is the Huangdi longshou
chenjing FMT JG (The Yellow Emperor's Perfect Scripture of the
Dragon Head, CT 283; see also CT 284), which dates from the Six Dynasties
(Kalinowski 1986, 211-16). This was used also in the analysis of the appear-
ance of forms (both earthly and celestial), and was a key instrument in the
imperial department of astrology under the Tang, when its application fo-
cused on the patterns of the sun and its influence on human destiny.
DAOIST PRACTICES. The cosmological and alchemical theories de-
veloped in the Later Han through Wei Boyang, and formulated in his Canumg
qi, not only influenced the practice of operative and inner alchemy, but were
also essential to Daoist Yijing calculations. Here Jing Fang’s way of
matching trigrams with the stems and branches of the sixty-
