Case Digest
Case Digest
JURISPRUDENCE:
FACTS:
Beginning January 2002, personnel from the armed forces of the United States
of America started arriving in Mindanao to take part in "Balikatan 02-1." These
so-called "Balikatan" exercises are the largest combined training operations
involving Filipino and American troops. In theory, they are a simulation of joint
military maneuvers pursuant to the Mutual Defense Treaty, a bilateral defense
agreement entered by the Philippines and the United States in 1951.
Prior to the year 2002, the last "Balikatan" was held in 1995. This was due to
the paucity of any formal agreement relative to the treatment of United States
personnel visiting the Philippines. In the meantime, the respective governments
of the two countries agreed to hold joint exercises on a reduced scale. The lack
of consensus was eventually cured when the two nations concluded the
Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) in 1999.
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ISSUE:
Whether Balikatan 02-1 in accordance with the VFA is valid in the context of
the 1987 Constitution.
HELD:
Both the Mutual Defense Treaty and the Visiting Forces Agreement, as in all
other treaties and international agreements to which the Philippines is a party,
must be read in the context of the 1987 Constitution. In particular, the Mutual
Defense Treaty was concluded way before the present Charter, though it
nevertheless remains in effect as a valid source of international obligation. The
present Constitution contains key provisions useful in determining the extent
to which foreign military troops are allowed in Philippine territory. Thus, in the
Declaration of Principles and State Policies, it is provided that:
The Constitution also regulates the foreign relations powers of the Chief
Executive when it provides that "[n]o treaty or international agreement shall be
valid and effective unless concurred in by at least two-thirds of all the members
of the Senate."
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The foregoing premises leave us no doubt that US forces are prohibited / from
engaging in an offensive war on Philippine territory.
The Supreme Court found that the holding of "Balikatan 02-1" joint military
exercise has not intruded into that penumbra of error that would otherwise call
for correction on our part. In other words, respondents in the case at bar have
not committed grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of
jurisdiction.
JURISPRUDENCE:
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FACTS:
Petitioner alleged that at the October 8, 2014 Senate Blue Ribbon Sub-
Committee (SBRS) hearing on P.S. Resolution No. 826, former Makati Vice
Mayor Ernesto Mercado (Mercado) testified on how he helped former Vice
President Jejomar Binay (VP Binay) acquire and expand what is now a 350-
hectare estate in Barangay Rosario, Batangas, which has been referred to as
the Hacienda Binay, about 150 hectares of which have already been developed,
with paved roads, manicured lawns, a mansion with resort-style swimming
pool, man-made lakes, Japanese gardens, a horse stable with practice race
tracks, an extensive farm for fighting cocks, green houses and orchards.
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The petitioner in his Motion to dismiss invoked his privileged immunity under
Article 6 Section 11 of the 1987 Constitution.
ISSUE:
HELD:
No, the petitioner’s statements do not fall within the Speech and Debate Clause
of the Constitution.
The Speech or Debate Clause in our Constitution did not turn our Senators
and Congressmen into "super-citizens" whose spoken words or actions are
rendered impervious to prosecution or civil action. The Constitution conferred
the privilege on members of Congress "not for their private indulgence, but for
the public good." It was intended to protect them against government pressure
and intimidation aimed at influencing their decision-making prerogatives. Such
grant of legislative privilege must perforce be viewed according to its purpose
and plain language. Indeed, the privilege of speech or debate, which may
"(enable) reckless men to slander and even destroy others," is not a cloak of
unqualified impunity; its invocation must be "as a means of perpetuating
inviolate the functioning process of the legislative department”. As this Court
emphasized in Pobre "the parliamentary non-accountability thus granted to
members of Congress is not to protect them against prosecutions for their own
benefit, but to enable them, as the people's representatives, to perform the
functions of their office without fear of being made responsible before the
courts or other forums outside the congressional hall."
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GRIO-AQUIÑO, J.:
JURISPRUDENCE:
Sec. 17 of Art. VI provides that the Electoral Tribunal is the sole judge of all
contests in relation to the election, returns and qualification of their members.
It is created as non-partisan court to provide an independent and impartial
tribunal for determination of contests. The House cannot just shuffle and
manipulate the political component for their benefit and interests.
FACTS:
On May 11, 1987, the petitioner (NP) and Pineda (LDP) were rival candidates
for Congressman of the Fourth District of Pampanga. Pineda was proclaimed
the winner having garnered a total of 31,700 votes compared to Bondoc’s
28,400 votes. The petitioner filed a protest with the HRET, composed of 9
members, 3 Justices of the Supreme Court, 6 members of the House chosen on
the basis of proportional representation from political parties. A decision was
reached declaring Bondoc as the winner by 23 votes, another recount was
insisted by the LDP members of the tribunal which increased Bondoc to 107
votes more than Pineda’s. Congressman Camasura (LDP) along with the
Justices, voted to proclaim Bondoc as the winner. Thereafter, Congressman
Camasura received a letter informing him that he was expelled from the LDP
for allegedly helping organize the Partido Pilipino of Eduardo Cojuangco and
inviting LDP members to join. The House voted for Cong. Cmasura’s removal
from the HRET and that his vote be withdrawn.
ISSUES:
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2. May the Supreme Court review and annul that action of the House?
HELD:
No, the House of Representatives cannot interfere with election protests in the
HRET by reorganizing the representation of the majority party in the HRET.
Sec. 17 of Art. VI provides that the Electoral Tribunal is the sole judge of all
contests in relation to the election, returns and qualification of their members.
It is created as non-partisan court to provide an independent and impartial
tribunal for determination of contests. The House cannot just shuffle and
manipulate the political component for their benefit and interests. The alleged
“party disloyalty” of Cong. Camasura, as a reason for his removal from the
party, when he voted in favor of Bondoc, undermines the independence of the
HRET. Such members of the HRET have security of tenure. They can only be
replaced in cases of term expiration, death, permanent disability, resignation
from the party. Disloyalty is not a valid cause of termination.
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JURISPRUDENCE:
FACTS:
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Republic Act No. 920, entitled "An Act Appropriating Funds for Public Works",
approved on June 20, 1953, contained, in section 1-C (a) thereof, an item (43
[h]) of P85,000.00, "for the construction, reconstruction, repair, extension and
improvement" of "Pasig feeder road terminals.
At the time of the passage and approval of said Act, the aforementioned feeder
roads were "nothing but projected and planned subdivision roads, not yet
constructed within the Antonio Subdivision situated at Pasig, Rizal". This
projected feeder roads "do not connect any government property or any
important premises to the main highway" and that the aforementioned Antonio
Subdivision were private properties of respondent Jose C. Zulueta, who, at the
time of the passage and approval of said Act, was a member of the Senate of
the Philippines.
Petitioner prayed that the contested item of Republic Act No. 920 be declared
null and void; that the alleged deed of donation of the feeder roads in question
be "declared unconstitutional and, therefore, illegal"; that a writ of injunction
be issued enjoining the Secretary of Public Works and Communications, the
Director of the Bureau of Public Works, the Commissioner of the Bureau of
Public Highways and Jose C. Zulueta from ordering or allowing the
continuance of the above-mentioned feeder roads project, and from making and
securing any new and further releases on the aforementioned item of Republic
Act No. 920, and the disbursing officers of the Department of Public Works and
Communications, the Bureau of Public Works and the Bureau of Public
Highways from making any further payments out of said funds provided for in
Republic Act No. 920; and that pending final hearing on the merits, a writ of
preliminary injunction be issued enjoining the aforementioned parties
respondent from making and securing any new and further releases on the
aforesaid item of Republic Act No. 920 and from making any further payments
out of said illegally appropriated funds.
Acting upon said motions to dismiss, the lower court rendered the decision,
dated October 29, 1953, holding that the legislature is without power to
appropriate public revenues for anything but a public purpose and that the
construction and improvement of the feeder roads in question, if such roads
were private property, would not be a public purpose;
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ISSUE:
Whether appropriation laws be made for purposes other than for public
purpose.
HELD:
No, the legislature is without power to appropriate public revenue for anything
but a public purpose.
The test of the constitutionality of a statute requiring the use of public funds is
whether the statute is designed to promote the public interests, as opposed to
the furtherance of the advantage of individuals, although each advantage to
individuals might incidentally serve the public.
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SALVADOR H. LAUREL, petitioner,
vs.
RAMON GARCIA, as head of the Asset Privatization Trust, RAUL
MANGLAPUS, as Secretary of Foreign Affais, and CATALINO MACARAIG, as
Executive Secretary, respondents
DIONISIO S. OJEDA, petitioner,
vs.
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY MACARAIG, JR., ASSETS PRIVATIZATION
TRUST CHAIRMAN RAMON T. GARCIA, AMBASSADOR RAMON DEL
ROSARIO, et al., as members of the PRINCIPAL AND BIDDING
COMMITTEES ON THE UTILIZATION/DISPOSITION PETITION OF
PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT PROPERTIES IN JAPAN, respondents.
JURISPRUDENCE:
It is not for the President to convey valuable real property of the government on
his or her own sole will. Any such conveyance must be authorized and
approved by a law enacted by the Congress. It requires executive and legislative
concurrence.
FACTS:
The petitions above are consolidated for the purpose of preventing the sale of
the Roppongi Properties of the Philippines under the Reparations Agreement
with Japan.
The subject property in this case is one of the four (4) properties in Japan
acquired by the Philippine government under the Reparations Agreement
entered with Japan on May 9, 1956.
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The properties and the capital goods and services procured from the Japanese
government for national development projects are part of the indemnification to
the Filipino people for their losses in life and property and their suffering
during World War II.
The Roppongi property was acquired from the Japanese government under the
Second Year Schedule and listed under the heading "Government Sector",
through Reparations Contract No. 300 dated June 27, 1958. The Roppongi
property consists of the land and building "for the Chancery of the Philippine
Embassy" (Annex M-D to Memorandum for Petitioner, p. 503). As intended, it
became the site of the Philippine Embassy until the latter was transferred to
Nampeidai on July 22, 1976 when the Roppongi building needed major repairs.
Due to the failure of our government to provide necessary funds, the Roppongi
property has remained undeveloped since that time.
On July 25, 1987, the President issued Executive Order No. 296 entitling non-
Filipino citizens or entities to avail of separations' capital goods and services in
the event of sale, lease or disposition. The four properties in Japan including
the Roppongi were specifically mentioned in the first "Whereas" clause.
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ISSUE:
Whether the President, her officers and agents, have the authority and
jurisdiction, to sell public property?
HELD:
No, the Chief Executive and her officers do not have the authority to sell the
Roppongi Property.
It is not for the President to convey valuable real property of the government on
his or her own sole will. Any such conveyance must be authorized and
approved by a law enacted by the Congress. It requires executive and legislative
concurrence.
It is indeed true that the Roppongi property is valuable not so much because of
the inflated prices fetched by real property in Tokyo but more so because of its
symbolic value to all Filipinos — veterans and civilians alike. Whether or not
the Roppongi and related properties will eventually be sold is a policy
determination where both the President and Congress must concur.
Considering the properties' importance and value, the laws on conversion and
disposition of property of public dominion must be faithfully followed.
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