Sense of belonging among Tibetan refugees in India:

A case study of the Bylakuppe settlement in Karnataka State

Anne Grent (5908051)

Utrecht University
Master thesis International Development Studies
Supervisor: Dr. A. Bailey
10-08-2018
 Master thesis
Sense of belonging among Tibetan refugees in India: A case
study of the Bylakuppe settlement in Karnataka State

Utrecht, August 2018

A. Grent
Student number: 5908051
Master thesis International Development Studies (GEO4-3509)
Faculty of Geosciences
Utrecht University
Supervisor: Dr. A Bailey
Host organization: Manipal University
Word count: 26340

E-mail: [email protected]

Cover photo: Monks & Rickshaw, Tibetan Colony in Bylakuppe, Karnataka, India
(Photo: Marc Ducrest (2005))
Abstract
This study examines the Tibetan refugee diaspora’s sense of belonging towards Indian society.
A large number of Tibetans fled from Tibet after the Chinese People’s Liberation Army
crushed a Tibetan uprising in the spring of 1959. The Tibetan refugee settlements were meant
to be temporary and as such they were organised as separate from Indian society. However, as
Tibetans have been living in exile for nearly 60 years, the dream of a free Tibet seems to be
waning and an increasing number of Tibetans has been born in host country India. In this light,
the question arises how Tibetan refugees perceive their own situation in India, specifically how
they feel towards Indian society. This study examines this question by examining the Tibetan’s
sense of belonging through four main topics, namely receiving society receptivity, social
capital, economic integration and exposure to the host society. The study conducted thirty-nine
in-depth interviews with refugees in the Bylakuppe settlement, in addition to participant
observation and photography. The findings of this study indicate that Tibetan refugees arguably
have developed a sense of belonging towards Indian society to some degree, for example
through positive perceptions of the social climate and socio-economic success. However,
obstacles such as perceived discrimination and a limited language proficiency in the local
language Kannada prevent a feeling of complete belonging. In order to reduce these barriers,
policy recommendations include creating awareness of Tibetans among Indian citizens and
enhancing knowledge of Kannada.
Acknowledgements
This thesis would never have materialized without the support of several people I am greatly
indebted to. Firstly, I would like to thank my thesis supervisor Dr. Ajay Bailey of the
Department of Human Geography and Spatial Planning at Utrecht University, who has been
an ever-present pillar of support. Whenever I had a question about my research or writing, he
was there to steer me in the right direction and provide me with insightful comments.
I would also like to thank the Transdisciplinary Centre for Qualitative Methods
(TCQM) at Manipal University for allowing me sufficient time to prepare and reflect on the
research process. Here, my gratitude especially extends to Mr. Praveen Hoogar of TCQM for
his efforts in introducing me to the settlement Bylakuppe. Furthermore, I would like to
express my deepest appreciation to Mr. Phuntsok and Mr. Sangpo. Their extensive social
networks and translation skills enabled me to conduct many interviews, which would have
been impossible without them.
In addition, I must express gratitude to my aunt Nellie Grent for providing me with
theoretical and practical information, and introducing me to some of her Tibetan friends.
Without her, this thesis would have been significantly harder to complete and would not have
had the quality it has now. Additionally, I would like to thank my fellow student Demi Koehl
for her invaluable emotional and practical support throughout the fieldwork period. I am
grateful that I got to share this experience with her.
Finally, special and warm appreciation goes out to my parents and closest friends,
who have always supported me throughout the fieldwork period and process of writing this
thesis.

Thank you all for your invaluable insight and essential encouragement!
Table of Contents
List of Figures and Tables.......................................................................................................... 1
1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 1
1.1 Problem statement ....................................................................................................... 1
1.2 Research questions and objective ................................................................................ 2
1.3 Relevance .................................................................................................................... 3
1.3.1 Scientific relevance.................................................................................................. 3
1.3.2 Developmental relevance ........................................................................................ 4
1.4 Thesis outline .............................................................................................................. 4
2. Theoretical framework ....................................................................................................... 5
2.1 Refugee diasporas ....................................................................................................... 5
2.2 Sense of belonging ...................................................................................................... 6
3. Conceptual framework ....................................................................................................... 9
4. Literature review: The sense of belonging among migrants in the Western, Asian and
Tibetan context......................................................................................................................... 11
4.1 Sense of belonging among international migrants in the West ................................. 11
4.2 Sense of belonging among international migrants in Asia ........................................ 12
4.3 Sense of belonging among Tibetans in India ............................................................ 12
5. Regional context: Tibetans in India .................................................................................. 14
5.1 Tibetan migration towards India ............................................................................... 14
5.1.1 Three major migration phases ............................................................................... 14
5.2 Demographics of Tibetans in exile............................................................................ 15
5.2.1 Demographics on the global and national scale .................................................... 15
5.2.2 Demographics on the regional and local scale ...................................................... 16
5.3 Tibetan settlements in India ...................................................................................... 17
5.3.1 The process of settlement formation ..................................................................... 17
5.3.2 Cultural preservation within the settlements ......................................................... 18
5.4 Tibetan-Indian interactions ....................................................................................... 19
5.4.1 Around the settlements .......................................................................................... 19
5.4.2 Within the wider Indian society............................................................................. 20
5.5 Political and legal position of Tibetans in India ........................................................ 20
5.5.1 Political position of Tibetans in India: Government in exile................................. 20
5.5.2 Legal position of Tibetans in India: Documentation ............................................. 21
5.6 The settlement of Bylakuppe..................................................................................... 22
5.6.1 Formation of Bylakuppe ........................................................................................ 22
5.6.2 Housing in Bylakuppe ........................................................................................... 22
5.6.3 Livelihood of settlers ............................................................................................. 23
 5.6.4 Educational and religious facilities in the settlement ............................................ 24
6. Methodology..................................................................................................................... 25
6.1 Methods ..................................................................................................................... 25
6.1.1 Participant observation .......................................................................................... 25
6.1.2 In-depth interviews ................................................................................................ 27
6.1.3 Photography ........................................................................................................... 30
6.2 Strategies for participant recruitment ........................................................................ 31
6.3 Data analysis and management ................................................................................. 32
6.4 Limitations and risks of the research......................................................................... 34
6.5 Reflection on positionality ........................................................................................ 35
6.6 Ethical review ............................................................................................................ 36
7. Sense of belonging of Tibetan refugees in Bylakuppe ..................................................... 38
7.1 Receiving society receptivity .................................................................................... 38
7.1.1 Perceived discrimination by Bylakuppe residents ................................................. 38
7.1.2 Perceived discrimination by non-Bylakuppe residents ......................................... 42
7.1.3 Perceptions of the social climate in India towards Tibetan refugees .................... 44
7.2 Social capital ............................................................................................................. 49
7.2.1 Bridging social networks ....................................................................................... 49
7.3 Economic integration ................................................................................................ 54
7.3.1 Educational integration of Tibetan refugees in Indian society .............................. 54
7.3.2 Occupational integration of Tibetans in Indian society ......................................... 57
7.4 Exposure to Indian society ........................................................................................ 59
7.4.1 Regular visits to Indian towns and cities ............................................................... 59
7.4.2 Language proficiency ............................................................................................ 61
7.4.3 Commitment to remain in India............................................................................. 63
8. Discussion and conclusion................................................................................................ 73
References ................................................................................................................................ 80
Appendix 1: Interview guide ................................................................................................... 84
Appendix 2: Codebook ............................................................................................................ 86
List of Figures and Tables

Table 3.1: Definition and operationalization of concepts

Table 5.1: Place of residence Tibetans in exile
Table 5.2: Total population Bylakuppe settlement from 2007 to 2014
Table 6.1: Example of field note
Table 6.2: Overview participant characteristics
Table 6.3: Data analysis

Figure 3.1: Deductive conceptual framework for research on sense of belonging

Figure 5.1: Place of residence Tibetans in exile
Figure 5.2: Tibetan Settlements in India, Nepal and Bhutan
Figure 5.3: House in the old camp of Bylakuppe
Figure 5.4: Tashi Lhunpo monastery
Figure 7.1: Poster Thank You India concert
Figure 7.2: Indian tourists in the Golden Temple
Figure 7.3: Indian autos in Bylakuppe
Figure 7.4: Tibetan public at the Losar Mega Show
Figure 7.5: Golden Temple in Bylakuppe
Figure 7.6: Monastic school in Bylakuppe
Figure 7.7: Tibetan writing class in monastic school
Figure 7.8: Monastic university in Bylakuppe
Figure 7.9: Teacher in monastic school
Figure 7.10: Main street of Kushalnagar
Figure 7.11: Advertisement poster for a Bollywood movie in Bylakuppe
Figure 7.12: Tibetan monk preparing tsampa for breakfast
Figure 7.13: Steamed momo’s
Figure 7.14: Restaurant that serves both Tibetan and Indian food
Figure 7.15: Advertisement poster musical concert
Tenzin Tsundue – The Tibetan in Mumbai

The Tibetan in Mumbai

is not a foreigner.

He is a cook
at a Chinese takeaway.
They think he is Chinese
run away from Beijing.

He sells sweaters in summer

in the shade of the Parel Bridge.
They think he is some retired Bahadur.

The Tibetan in Mumbai

abuses in Bambaya Hindi,
with a slight Tibetan accent
and during vocabulary emergencies
he naturally runs into Tibetan.
That’s when the Parsis laugh.

The Tibetan in Mumbai

likes to flip through the MID-DAY,
loves FM, but doesn’t expect
a Tibetan song.

He catches the bus at a signal,

jumps into a running train,
walks into a long dark gully
and nestles in his kholi.

He gets angry
when they laugh at him
“ching-chong-ping-pong”.

The Tibetan in Mumbai

is now tired,
wants some sleep and a dream.
On the 11pm Virar Fast,
he goes to the Himalayas.
The 8.05am Fast Local
brings him back to Churchgate
into the Metro: A New Empire.
Tsundue (2018)
1. Introduction
Worldwide, 68.5 million people are forcibly displaced (United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees [UNHCR], 2018). In pursuit of safety from violent conflict or persecution, these
people are forced to seek shelter in other parts of their country, neighbouring countries or
countries further beyond (Van Hear, 2006). Although predominantly the refugee flows towards
the West seem to attract most attention, many of these flows take place in the Global South as
well. An increasing number of people flee from some of the world’s least developed countries
to other developing countries (UNHCR, 2016).
For most refugees, their displacement is an enduring reality. Two-thirds of all refugees
in the world face protracted displacement, which entails that they have been displaced for over
three years; half of all refugees have been living in exile for over ten years (Crawford,
Cosgrave, Haysom & Walicki, 2015). Some of these people live in refugee camps, which are
temporary settlements built to accommodate refugees (UNHCR, 2018).
One group of people that has faced protracted displacement for a particularly long time
is the Tibetan refugee diaspora, of which the largest share has resided in the neighbouring
country India for 59 years. After the Chinese People’s Liberation Army crushed a Tibetan
uprising – a result of a decade of coercive Chinese communist state policy and constant human
right violations in the Tibet region (Anand, 2003) – an estimated 80,000 Tibetans followed
their spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso, in his flight into India. Consequently,
Tibetan refugees were accommodated in refugee settlements all over India and largely still
reside there (Ahmad, 2012; Smith, 1996).

1.1 Problem statement

Tibetan refugee settlements were initially designed with the expectation that the exile would
merely be temporary (Palakshappa, 1978). However, the protracted stay of Tibetans in India
has led to an increasing realization that the dream of a free Tibet is in jeopardy and presumably
far from realization (Ahmad, 2012; Anand, 2000). This is reflected in the standpoint of the
Dalai Lama, who does no longer demand a free Tibet but considers it to be more realistic and
materially beneficial for his people to stay within China with genuine autonomy (Piltz, 2006).
Meanwhile, Tibetans remain officially stateless as they are not recognized by the People’s
Republic of China – currently governing the Tibet region as a part of China – nor have
documents of any other country. This has limited many Tibetans in practicalities such as

1
travelling or career opportunities for a prolonged period of time (Falcone & Wangchuk, 2008).
Could their precarious status and rather dim prospects result in attempts of Tibetan refugees to
attenuate their separation from Indian society?
Additionally, the Tibetan refugees as well as the Indian government consider it
desirable to keep the settlements separated from Indian society for the sake of preservation of
Tibetan society and culture (Palakshappa, 1978). However, this is likely to become more
challenging as the decades pass. An increasing number of Tibetans has been born in exile,
which entails that more and more members of the refugee diaspora have never been to Tibet
themselves and only get to know their homeland and culture through the stories of others
(Falcone & Wangchuk, 2008; Prakash, 2011). Swank (2011) argues that whereas much of the
older generation has continued many of the everyday practices of Tibet, most youth embrace
the fashion, music and language of urban Indian youth. Along these lines, Falcone &
Wangchuk (2008) pose the question: “Can a shelter ever become home?” (p.164)

1.2 Research questions and objective

This study aims to gain in-depth knowledge on individual perceptions of Tibetans in exile
regarding the ways they feel or not feel ‘at home’ in India. As sense of belonging can be defined
as a “personal, intimate, feeling of being ‘at home’ in a place”, it offers a suitable concept to
study this topic (Antonsich, 2010). The research location for this study was the Bylakuppe
settlement in Karnataka State, located in the South India, as it is the first and one of the biggest
settlements in the country (Prakash, 2011). This study aims to answer the research question
“What perceptions do Tibetan refugees in India have about their sense of belonging towards
Indian society?”

While conducting a literature review on the concept of the sense of belonging, the following
subtopics were identified as relevant: ‘receiving society receptivity’, how the host country
welcomes and treats immigrants (Hou, Schellenberg, & Berry, 2017); ‘social capital’,
immigrants’ social networks (Hou et al., 2017); ‘economic integration’, immigrants’
participation in the receiving society (Hou et al., 2017); and ‘exposure to host society’, contacts
immigrants have with the majority group of the host country (Amit & Bar-Lev, 2015 & Hou et
al., 2017). From this theoretical framework, which will be discussed further in the next chapter,
the following sub-questions were derived:

2
 1. How does the Tibetan refugee diaspora perceive their reception by Indian society?
2. In what ways do Tibetans in exile form social relations with both Indian nationals and
other Tibetans?
3. In what ways does the Tibetan refugee diaspora experience economic participation in
Indian society?
4. How do Tibetans in exile perceive their role in Indian society?

1.3 Relevance
1.3.1 Scientific relevance
The steady increase of migration is a central phenomenon in contemporary society. Migration
is no longer limited to flows of people from the south towards the north and west, but also
occurs between the south and east (Papastergiadis, 2018). This results in a growth of diasporas
in both the North and the Global South, creating a need to understand them more thoroughly
(Ahmad, 2012).
This study will result in a more comprehensive understanding of diasporas by
examining the concept of the sense of belonging. Whereas belonging has been seen as an
important aspect in academic literature since at least the 1950s, scholars have only recently
started to examine the concept of the sense of belonging (Hou et al., 2017). Raijman & Geffen
(2017) argue that further examination of a sense of belonging would complement our
understanding of diasporas.
In addition to an improved understanding of diasporas in general, this study will
specifically contribute to the understanding of the Tibetan case. Scholars have thus far
predominantly focused on Tibetan social and cultural practices. Arpi (2011) argues however
that there is a need for new perspectives on Tibetan culture and civilization. This study offers
such a new perspective by focusing on the relations between Tibetans in exile and their Indian
social environment, which is often neglected by scholars (Lau, 2010). Lau (2010) contends that
this aspect is highly significant for the understanding Tibetans have developed of their own
position in the Indian context. Similarly, Chen (2012) states that it is important to highlight
exiles’ feelings for local places in India itself, instead of merely focusing on the sentiment
towards their homeland. By focusing on this new perspective, this study will also provide
insights for future research on Tibetans in relation to their Indian localities.

3
1.3.2 Developmental relevance
The migration-development nexus has become a major focus for development policy since the
turn of the millennium (Sinatti & Horst, 2015). Global migration has increased tremendously
due to processes such as globalization and industrialization, as well as various push and pull
factors, such as economic and religious uncertainties and digital communication. Therefore,
diasporas will remain a topic on the international development agenda in the upcoming years
(Ahmad, 2012). Relatively little is known about diasporas, making it difficult for policy makers
to understand how diasporas affect and are affected by their policies (United Nations, 2008).
Regarding the increase of migration, more comprehensive knowledge of refugee
settlements will be beneficial for the international development agenda. Every day, 44,400
people are forced to flee from their homes due to conflict and persecution, often ending up in
refugee settlements (UNHCR, 2018). More knowledge about these settlements can be a tool
for both governments and non-governmental organizations to structure their refugee policies
and (international) aid.

1.4 Thesis outline

This thesis begins with outlining a theoretical framework, elaborating on important concepts
for this study. Subsequently, these concepts are translated to a conceptual framework. Then,
the sense of belonging among migrants in the Western, Asian and Tibetan context will be
discussed in the literature review section, followed by an overview of the regional context of
Tibetans in India, whereby specific attention is paid to the context of the research site
Bylakuppe. Thereafter, the methodology chapter aims to clarify how the results of this study
were acquired and what the risks and limitations of the research are. The consecutive empirical
chapter encompasses a comprehensive presentation of the data. Finally, the chapter of the
discussion and conclusion will discuss the findings relevant to the research questions, will
answer the main research question and offers some reflections regarding the study.

4
2. Theoretical framework
Butler (2001) and Bruneau (2010) both argue that diasporas should be assessed in the context
of the host country. In this regard, this study will focus on the sense of belonging of the Tibetan
diaspora towards Indian society. This chapter will outline a theoretical framework by first
elaborating on several complementary definitions of (refugee) diaspora. Subsequently, the
relevance, definition and conceptualization of a sense of belonging will be discussed. This will
be the basis of the conceptual framework in the next chapter.

2.1 Refugee diasporas

Since the second half of the twentieth century, there have been various interpretations of
diaspora as a concept. Originally, diasporas were merely viewed in the context of the Jewish
dispersion after 586BC (Anand, 2003). More recently, the term diaspora increasingly shares
meaning with communities once categorized as immigrant, refugee and exile (Butler, 2001;
Tölölyan, 2000). Sheffer (1986) provides a contemporary definition of the term by stating that
"Modern diasporas are ethnic minority groups of migrant origins residing and acting in host
countries but maintaining strong sentimental and material links with their countries of origin –
their homelands" (1986, p.3). In addition, Butler (2001) argues that a community can only be
termed a diaspora if there is a minimum of two destinations after dispersal, there is some
relationship to an actual or imagined homeland and there is consciousness of an overall
ethnonational group.
As the broad concept diaspora encompasses a rather large cluster of people, which
makes the term lose its ability to distinguish phenomena (Brubaker, 2005), it is useful to apply
the more specific term refugee diasporas to this study. In this study, refugee diasporas are
considered to be different from other types of diasporas, as members of a refugee diaspora were
forced to leave their homeland. Members of a refugee diaspora can be defined as people who
have consolidated themselves in their territories of refuge due to persisted displacement (Van
Hear, 2006).
Further distinctions of diasporas can be made by categorizing the concept into “state
linked diasporas” and “stateless diasporas” (Sheffer, 1986, p. 122). State linked diasporas entail
all those which are linked to societies of their own ethnic origin and that constitute a majority
in established states. In contrast, stateless diasporas include those groups of dispersed people
who have been unable to establish their own independent state.
Finally, Patterson & Kelley (2000) contend that diasporas can be analysed as both a
condition and a process. Analysing diasporas as a condition implies an emphasis on the

5
structural features of an exile population, such as gender and religion. In contrast, analysing
diasporas as a process implies a focus on lived refugee experiences, which are constantly in the
making. As a condition, diasporas are viewed by scholars to have a static identity, whereas as
a process, exiles can shape their identities.

2.2 Sense of belonging

Several scholars have emphasized the relevance of belonging for human development. Maslow
(1954), for instance, highlights the concept as a basic human need in the third layer of his
famous hierarchy of needs. In addition, Kestenberg & Kestenberg (1988) regard the importance
of a sense of belonging beyond the scope of the individual by stating that “As the child grows,
he develops a sense of belonging not only to the family, but to the community, the nation, and
a cultural group” (p. 536).

When defining a sense of belonging, it is important to distinguish it from the concept of

belonging. Belonging can be defined with three meanings that the Oxford Dictionary gives to
the concept, as highlighted by Yuval-Davis (2003): (1) “to be a member (of a club, household,
grade, society, state, etc.)” (p. 129); (2) “to be resident or connected with” (p. 129) and (3) “to
be rightly placed or classified to fit in a specific environment” (p. 130). A sense of belonging,
however, is defined by Hagerty, Lynch-Sauer, Patusky, Bouwsema, & Collier (1992) as “the
experience of personal involvement in a system or environment so that persons feel themselves
to be an integral part of that system or environment” (p. 173). Antonsich (2010) specifies this
by defining a sense of belonging as a “personal, intimate, feeling of being ‘at home’ in a place”
(p. 645). In addition, Fenster (2005) discusses the process in which a sense of belonging is
established. He reasons that accumulated knowledge, memory, and everyday corporal
experiences create attachment and sentiments to a place. A sense of belonging changes with
time as these daily experiences increase. For instance, participants in his research described
daily rituals as walking their dog as contribution to their sense of belonging. Thus, whereas
belonging highlights a multi-dimensional membership component (Yuval-Davis, 2003), a
sense of belonging emphasizes a more affective dimension (Hagerty et al., 1992).

This descriptive nature of the sense of belonging is interesting, but needs to be conceptualized
in order to be studied effectively within academic research. According to Hagerty et al. (1992),
the empirical referents – phenomena that show the presence of the concept – for a sense of
belonging would be: (1) “statements from the person that he or she feels valued, needed or

6
important with respect to other systems or environments” (p. 175); and (2) “statements from
the person that there are shared or complementary characteristics that promote a sense of fitting
with other systems or environments” (p. 175). In more recent work from Hou et al., (2017),
four aspects regarding a sense of belonging can be derived: receiving society receptivity,
exposure, economic integration, and social capital. Each of these aspects contains several
indicators by which immigrants’ sense of belonging can be influenced. The four aspects are
discussed below and to get a more comprehensive view of the concept, the framework of Hou
et al. (2017) has been complemented with work of other scholars.
Firstly, the aspect of receiving society receptivity indicates how the host country
welcomes and treats immigrants (Hou et al., 2017). Perceptions of the social climate about
immigrants in the host country and perceived discrimination are commonly used indicators.
The development of a sense of belonging is generally being discouraged by discrimination and
a negative social climate towards immigrants (Antonsich, 2010; Hou et al., 2017).
Secondly, social capital refers in this regard to immigrants’ social networks. Their sense
of belonging can be influenced by the features of these social networks. Commonly used
indicators are bonding and bridging social networks. Hou et al. (2017) state that bonding social
networks – “ties with other members of same immigrant or ethnic group” (p. 7) – may
strengthen immigrants’ identification with the source country. In contrast, bridging social
networks – “relationships beyond a tight-knit community” (p. 7) – may enhance sense of
belonging towards the receiving society. Additionally, Raijman & Geffen (2017) contend that
contacts with members of the host society facilitate and strengthen ties to the new home.
Thirdly, Hou et al. (2017) contend that economic integration offers a reflection for
immigrants’ participation in the receiving society. Commonly used indicators to measure this
aspect are economic outcomes and socio-economic position. The sense to belong is arguably
being enhanced by socio-economic success (Amit & Bar-Lev, 2015). Conversely, immigrants’
sense of belonging decreases when there is a loss of status compared to pre-migration socio-
economic position, unemployment or poverty (Hou et al., 2017).
Lastly, exposure to the host society emphasizes the contacts immigrants have with the
majority group of the receiving country. Generally, a stronger sense of belonging towards the
host country occurs when immigrants are more exposed to the host society. Important
indicators are: proficiency in the host country’s language, age at immigration, tenure in the
country and commitment to remain in the host country (Amit & Bar-Lev, 2015; Antonsich,
2010; Hou et al., 2017; Raijman & Geffen, 2017). Proficiency in the language of the host
country is important for the immigrants’ feelings of attachment towards the new society, as
7
language is both a symbol of national identity and cultural solidarity. Moreover, language
facilitates the immigrants’ emotional identification with the host society, as it enables the
transmission of cultural heritage (Raijman & Geffen, 2017). Regarding age at immigration,
Raijman & Geffen (2017) argue that sense of belonging towards to receiving country is more
evident in immigrants arriving as children or young adolescents – whose socialization proceeds
in the new country – than as adults. Besides, tenure in the country is important as the exposure
often increases when immigrants reside for a longer period in the host country. Although it
should be noted that the presence of a large immigrant enclave may decrease the exposure but
can provide support and prevent from marginalization (Hou et al., 2017). Additionally, more
commitment to stay in the host country for a longer period generally motivates immigrants to
develop a sense of belonging (Amit & Bar-Lev, 2015).

Moreover, cultural norms, values and practices – broadly defined as the manifestation of a
culture (Zimmermann, 2015) – influence the concept of the sense of belonging as well.
According to Vora (2008), culture is considered central to belonging. Weedon (2004)
elaborates on this by arguing that belonging is influenced by what one has in common and what
differentiates one from others. Thus suitable indicators to measure this topic would be cultural
similarities and differences.

8
3. Conceptual framework
The previous chapter elaborated on (refugee) diasporas and the factors and indicators that
influence the sense of belonging of their members. From this theoretical framework, the
conceptual framework depicted in figure 3.1 is derived.
The conceptual framework consists of the factors ‘receiving society receptivity’, ‘social
capital, ‘economic integration’ and ‘exposure to host society’. These factors directly influence
the sense of belonging of Tibetan refugees. Cultural norms, values and practices of the refugees
have an influence on the factors, the sense of belonging, as well as the process between the
two. The definition and operationalization of these concepts can be seen in table 3.1

Figure 3.1: Deductive conceptual framework for research on sense of belonging

(Source: Based on Hou et al. (2017), Antonsich (2010), Amit & Bar-Lev (2015) and
Raijman & Geffen (2017))

9
Table 3.1: Definition and operationalization of concepts
Concept Definition Operationalization
Sense of “Personal, intimate, feeling of - Receiving society receptivity
belonging being ‘at home’ in a place” - Exposure
(Antonsich, 2010, p. 645). - Economic integration
- Social capital
- Cultural norms, practices and
values
[Operationalized further at
concepts below]
Receiving society How the host country welcomes - Perceptions of social climate
receptivity and treats migrants (Hou et al., towards immigrants in host
2017). country
- Perceived discrimination

Social capital Immigrants’ social networks (Hou - Bonding social networks

et al., 2017). - Bridging social networks

Economic Reflection of immigrants’ - Economic outcomes

integration participation in the receiving - Socio-economic position
society (Hou et al., 2017).
Exposure to host The contacts immigrants have with - Proficiency in the host
society the majority group of the receiving country’s language
country (Hou et al., 2017). - Age at immigration
- Tenure in the country
- Commitment to remain in the
host country

Cultural norms, The manifestation of a culture - Cultural similarities

values and (Zimmermann, 2015). - Cultural differences
practices

10
4. Literature review: The sense of belonging among migrants in the
Western, Asian and Tibetan context
This chapter will first shortly set out some studies on the sense of belonging among
international migrants in the West, before summarizing studies that are focused on the Asian
context. Subsequently, studies focusing on the sense of belonging among Tibetans in India will
be discussed. However, it should be noted that little literature specifies on the sense of
belonging of (refugee) diasporas in particular. Consequently, the first two paragraphs of this
literature review are mainly based on studies regarding the overarching category of migrants.
Antonsich (2010) states that there is a tendency of scholars to focus on belonging as a
synonym of collective identity or citizenship, instead of as an emotional feeling of being at
home in a place. This is, for instance, also true for the study of Siu (2001) on the Chinese
diaspora in Costa Rica, which claims that it is through the process of claiming political-cultural
citizenship in the country of residence that one’s belonging increases. However, as this research
has a focus on sense of belonging – thus the affective aspect of belonging – this literature
review will focus on studies that consider this concept in particular.

4.1 Sense of belonging among international migrants in the West

Hou et al. (2017) found that post-migration experiences – e.g. receiving society receptivity –
and immigrant entry status – e.g. age at immigration – affect immigrants’ sense of belonging
in Canada. The results of their study show that 93% of all immigrants had a strong sense of
belonging towards Canadian society. As Hou et al. (2017) offer a recent and comprehensive
model for studying the sense of belonging, a considerable share of the theoretical framework
of this thesis is derived from their study.
The factors identified by Hou et al. seem to be confirmed by multiple other studies.
For instance, an empirical study of Kaptani & Yuval-Davis (2008) on the Kosovan, Kurdish
and Somali refugees in East London showed that there was a stronger sense of belonging in
the British society when they had built a professional life, instead of merely being engaged in
casual work. Also, the study of Archambault & Haugen (2017) on refugee children in
Norway shows through narratives of refugee children that a stronger sense of belonging
occurs when children share common interests with the majority. Conversely, feelings of non-
belonging are created by boundaries, such as a different language or way of dressing. By
emphasizing economic participation and language acquisition (an indicator of exposure to

11
society), these studies partially substantiate the claims made by the conceptual model of this
thesis.

4.2 Sense of belonging among international migrants in Asia

Several studies on the sense of belonging among migrants in Asia also support the conceptual
model of this thesis. For instance, the importance of social networks is emphasized in the
studies of Lam & Yeoh (2004) and Murris (2014). Lam & Yeoh (2004) studied the way
Chinese-Malaysian trans-migrants in Singapore perceive the concepts of home and national
identity. Their results show that over a third of the respondents define home in terms of social
relations, which entail family ties and social networks. In addition, the study of Murris (2014)
on belonging in Malaysia within two generations of Chinese Malaysians emphasizes the
relevance of the generational aspect in these social relations. The results of this study show that
youth construct their own sense of belonging and ethnic identification in interaction with family
and peers.
Furthermore, the importance of receiving society receptivity is enhanced by the studies
of Schram (2009) and Raijman & Geffen (2017). Schram (2009) studied the children of
Bhutanese Lhotshampa refugees in Nepal and their attachment to their homeland. This study
concludes that their feelings of homelessness were enforced through discrimination by local
Nepalese locals. Similarly, the study of Raijman & Geffen (2017) on the sense of belonging of
post-1990 immigrants in Israel emphasizes that sense of belonging to Israeli society seems
partly determined by the ways in which immigrants perceive how Israelis define them – as
either a member of the majority group or as a member of an ethnic group.

Interestingly, whereas in the Asian context there seems to be an emphasis on the aspects of
both social networks and receiving society receptivity, the studies on the Western context focus
more on economic participation and exposure to the host society.

4.3 Sense of belonging among Tibetans in India

Earlier in this chapter, it was mentioned that there is a tendency of scholars to focus on
belonging as a synonym of collective identity or citizenship. A large share of the study of
Falcone & Wangchuk (2008) on the extent to which Tibetan refugees in India feel at home in
their host country focuses on this aspect of belonging. In this light, they extensively discuss the
difficulties for Tibetans in exile to acquire Indian citizenship and the difficulties that come with
their current official statelessness. Interestingly, however, they also make some comments on

12
Tibetans’ sense of belonging – the emotional feeling of being at home in a place. They state
that Tibetans express ambivalent feelings towards Indian society. For example, on the one
hand, they support the Indian cricket team, on the other hand, they express prejudice against
Indians. Falcone & Wangchuk conclude that Tibetans in exile might benefit from embodying
a ‘third space’ between being Tibetan and Indian. They argue that this might close the gap
between the two disparate categories, but they do not go into detail what this third space would
resemble.
Similarly, the study of Lau (2010) on emotional attachments and personal identity in
the Tibetan refugee diaspora in India contends that conflicting senses of belonging for Tibetans
in exile lead young Tibetans to characterize themselves as a remix between Tibetan, Indian and
Western. Younger Tibetans in exile engage with Indian popular culture such as Hindi films,
which present them with social tensions between old and new ways to view certain aspects –
e.g. romance and marriage. Consequently, Lau emphasizes the importance of social networks
across the lines of the diasporic community. These social interactions are significant for the
understanding Tibetans have developed of their own position in the Indian context.
Along these lines, the study of Piltz (2006) on internet and public identity among
Tibetan youth also emphasizes the interaction of Tibetan youth with people outside of the
diasporic community. Piltz argues that social interactions through the internet cause Tibetan
youth to lose their sense of belonging by crossing both the visible and invisible boundaries that
exist between Tibetan and anti-Tibetan views.

Unfortunately, few studies have focused on the sense of belonging of Tibetans in India. The
studies that do make notion on their sense of belonging largely focus merely on social networks
and especially on youth. The factors of economic participation, receiving society receptivity
and exposure to the host society are not highlighted in these studies, whereas these are
emphasized in studies on the Western and Asian context.

13
5. Regional context: Tibetans in India
This chapter provides an overview of the regional context of Tibetans in India. It will first
provide a summary of the Tibetan migration towards India from 1949 onwards, after which the
demographics on the global and national, as well as the regional and local scale will be
explained. Then the process of settlement formation and cultural preservation within these
settlements will be discussed, followed by an introduction to Tibetan-Indian interactions, both
around the settlements and in the wider national context. After examining the political and legal
position of Tibetans in India, this chapter will conclude by focusing on the settlement of
Bylakuppe in particular.

5.1 Tibetan migration towards India

While some of the Tibetan refugees that followed the Dalai Lama in his flight eventually sought
refuge in Nepal and Bhutan, India was the final destination for most. In the years since, a steady
flow of Tibetans fled to India. There are several reasons for the fact that most Tibetans sought
refuge in India. Most importantly, no other country was ready to welcome such a large number
of Tibetans. In addition, India is geographically proximate to Tibet, making it in that sense an
obvious choice. Furthermore, as the Tibetans generally believe that the proximity of the Dalai
Lama is the only thing that can bring happiness when in exile; the settlement of this spiritual
and political leader in India is an important pull factor for Tibetans to reside in this country.
Equally important is that the headquarters of the Tibetan government in exile were established
in Dharamsala, making India the locus of Tibetan political life in exile. Lastly, the refugee
settlements that were established in India enabled Tibetan refugees to live among themselves,
creating a sense of common Tibetan identity (Bentz, 2012).

5.1.1 Three major migration phases

Tibetan migration first began to take shape in 1949, when communist China’s invasion of Tibet
was followed by on-going human rights violations. Fundamentally, broadly three major
Tibetan migration phases can be traced in the history of Tibetan displacement (Ahmad, 2012).
The first phase began in 1959 when the Chinese People’s Liberation Army crushed the
Tibetan uprising against the Chinese communist authorities (Federal Office for Migration
Switzerland, 2013). Communist China annexed Tibet, which resulted in the previously
mentioned escape of the 14th Dalai Lama, followed by an exodus of 80,000 Tibetans through
the Himalayas into India (Ahmad, 2012).

14
 The second phase of Tibetan displacement began in the early 1980s, caused by three
major events. Firstly, the Bhutanese government forced the exiled Tibetans living there to owe
allegiance to the country by accepting its citizenship and adopt Bhutanese culture. After India’s
approval, approximately 3,100 Tibetans migrated from Bhutan to India. Secondly, after Tibet
was opened to trade and tourism between 1986 and 1996, another estimated 25,000 Tibetans
arrived in India (Ahmad, 2012). Thirdly, a lot of Tibetans fled from their homeland in 1988,
when martial law was proclaimed in Tibet (Federal Office for Migration Switzerland, 2013).
The third phase of Tibetan displacement can be said to have started from 1996 until the
present date and comprises todays Tibetan New Arrivals. However, this phase is not as distinct
and can be seen as an extension of the second phase (Federal Office for Migration Switzerland,
2013). Prakash (2011) states that 3,000 refugees per year make the rather dangerous crossing
over the Himalayas to India.

5.2 Demographics of Tibetans in exile

Available data on the numbers of Tibetans in exile vary from source to source and are often
outdated. According to Childs (2009), the most reliable available sources on demographics are
the Tibetan Demographic Surveys of 1998 and 2009, conducted by the government in exile.
However, one needs permission to acquire these documents. Consequently, this paragraph
makes use of documents that are based on information from these surveys.

5.2.1 Demographics on the global and national scale

According to Bentz (2012), the latest Tibetan Demographic Survey of 2009 states there are
94,203 Tibetans in India out of the 127,935 Tibetans who live outside Tibet (73,63%). In the
Tibetan Demographic Survey of 1998, there were 85,000 Tibetans in India out of 111,170
Tibetan refugees worldwide (76.46%). Thus, the Tibetan community does not grow very
rapidly throughout the years. This is caused by a high mortality rate in the first years of exile
(due to harsh living conditions, which will be elaborated in the next paragraph), a process of
further dispersion and a relatively low birth rate due to the large percentage of monks (Bentz,
2012).
Tsekyi & Thimmaiah (2014) more extensively describe the current place of residence
of the total population of Tibetans in exile. In figure 5.1 and table 5.1, one can see that India is
the country where most exiles live (74%), followed by Nepal (10%) and a small percentage in
Bhutan (1%). Also, a considerable percentage of Tibetans live in other parts of the world (15%).
Subramanian (2002) describes that this particularly concerns Switzerland, Canada, Germany

15
and the United States of America – as some Tibetans were sponsored to go there by individuals
and organizations.

Number of Tibetans in
Country
exile
India 94,203
Nepal 13,514
Bhutan 1,298
Elsewhere 18,92
Total 127,94

Figure 5.1: Place of residence Tibetans in exile Table 5.1: Place of residence Tibetans in
(Source: Tsekyi & Thimmaiah (2014)) exile (Source: Tsekyi & Thimmaiah
(2014))

5.2.2 Demographics on the regional and local scale

The settlement of Bylakuppe consists of an old and a new camp, as will be described more
extensively in the last section of this chapter. As shown in table 5.2, the old camp of Bylakuppe
has significantly more inhabitants than the new camp – although the population of the old camp
is slightly decreasing and the population of the new camp slightly increasing.

Table 5.2: Total population Bylakuppe settlement from

2007 to 2014 (Source: Tsekyi & Thimmaiah (2014))
Year Old camp New camp
2007-2008 16017 4555
2008-2009 15903 4581
2009-2010 15881 4618
2010-2011 15713 4636
2011-2012 15681 4664
2012-2013 15652 4681
2013-2014 15611 4705

16
 It should be noted that the monks from the monasteries are being counted into the old
camp (Tsekyi & Thimmaiah, 2014). Furthermore, in the new camp of Bylakuppe, 72.7% of the
monks were born in India in 1994-96. Naturally, the number of Tibetans of Indian origin
increases (Prakash, 2011).

5.3 Tibetan settlements in India

Of the approximately 94,200 Tibetans in India, most live in refugee settlements, while some of
them live in so-called ‘scattered communities’ among local communities or outside of these
communities (Federal Office for Migration Switzerland, 2013). A rudimentary understanding
of these settlements facilitates a comprehensive understanding of the context of Bylakuppe.
Therefore, this section will elaborate on the number of settlements, how these were formed and
the relevance of cultural preservation within these settlements.
A map of the settlements is presented in figure 5.2. The figures on the precise amount
of Tibetan refugee settlements in India vary slightly from one official source to another. For
example, according to the Department of Home – one of the seven departments of the Central
Tibetan Administration (CTA) that forms the government in exile – 39 of the 58 settlements
are situated in India (CTA, 2018). However, Bentz (2012) argues that the Tibetan government
in exile states that India is home to 35 of the 52 refugee settlements. This variance in numbers
can be explained by several fusions of settlements throughout the years.

5.3.1 The process of settlement formation

When tens of thousands refugees arrived in India in the months after the Dalai Lama arrived in
April 1959, the Indian authorities established two transit camps: Buda Duar in West Bengal
and Missamari in Arunachal Pradesh. Tibetans soon had to cope with overpopulation, heat and
a dysentery epidemic that broke out in the first months. To deal with overpopulation and to
simultaneously answer some of India’s needs, some Tibetans were sent to build roads in
mountain areas. Living conditions there, however, were not much better than in the transit
camps (Bentz, 2012).
It soon became evident that another solution was required to accommodate Tibetan
refugees, resulting in the construction of refugee settlements. This marked a change of
perspective on the part of Tibetan refugees, as they had to acknowledge that the exile might be
more permanent than initially hoped. Most refugee settlements were established in the 1960s,
on land given by either the central government or by state governments (Bentz, 2012). The
settlements were established according to local conditions and varying sources of funds

17
(Pulman, 1983). Several states leased forest reserve and unused land to the refugees for
settlements and agriculture, in consultation with the Indian Prime Minister Nehru (Jorden,
2000). In the beginning, living conditions were very harsh within these settlements. Especially
in South India, Tibetans faced a hot and humid climate, animals from the jungle and new
illnesses such as tuberculosis (Bentz, 2012).

Figure 5.2: Tibetan Settlements in India, Nepal

and Bhutan (Source: Central Tibetan Relief
Committee (2002)

5.3.2 Cultural preservation within the settlements

Both the Tibetan government in exile and the Indian government intent to keep the Tibetan
refugees in the settlements isolated from Indian society. The government in exile’s aim is to
preserve the Tibetan culture and population. The social, religious and geographical distribution
of each settlement is meant to match that of Tibet as a whole. This entails that refugees should
belong to all social classes and to the four main Buddhist schools, similar to the proportions of
Tibet. Also, they should come from the three regions of Tibet: U-Tsang, Amdo and Kham.

18
Consequently, the more permanent refugee settlements in India were meant to represent a Tibet
in exile (Bentz, 2012).
This re-creation of Tibetan culture and society in India was encouraged by the Indian
government as a matter of policy. Norbu (2004) highlights two aspects of India’s policy
towards Tibetan refugees: “(1) the liberal ‘non-assimilative’ framework as reflected in the
separate settlements, and (2) the broad ‘delegated’ authority of the Tibetan leadership headed
by the Dalai Lama over the Tibetan settlements in India” (p. 204). This reveals that interference
with the organization of Tibetans in exile is to be limited to a strict minimum, which is
considered to be in the best interest for the exile community. After some basic rules were set –
Tibetans are not allowed to take part in any political activity and there is no recognition of the
government in exile – Tibetans were free to organize themselves. Prime Minister Nehru
allegedly even encouraged the Dalai Lama to establish a separate education for cultural
preservation. Moreover, Indian authorities did not try to push Tibetan refugees towards
integration into India in any way, let alone assimilation (Bentz, 2012).
However, it should be noted that scholars are still undecided on whether this reciprocal
goal of cultural preservation has worked or not. Whereas some scholars remain sceptical, others
argue that the goal of preserving Tibetans as a group has been achieved (Bentz, 2012).

5.4 Tibetan-Indian interactions

Despite the discouragement of Tibetans in exile to integrate into Indian society, interactions
between Tibetans in Indians do occur both around the settlements and within the wider Indian
society. It is, however, important to note that in some regions Tibetans and Indians have closer
relationships than in others. In Ladakh, for instance, the presence of Tibetans goes back to a
time before exile and Buddhism is present in the whole region (Bentz, 2012). Consequently,
the interactions between Tibetans and Indians described in this paragraph may or may not be
valid for the Tibetans in Bylakuppe in particular.

5.4.1 Around the settlements

Palakshappa's study (1978) on Tibetans in the Mundgod settlement in Karnataka showed that
Tibetan-Indian interaction occur first and foremost through the economy. When Tibetans in
Mundgod were given a plot of land to cultivate, local Indians assisted them, thereby making
them familiar with agricultural work. Subsequently, Tibetans required assistance from local
Indians during busier periods in the agricultural cycle, e.g. the weeding and harvesting seasons.
The agricultural surplus produce was sold at the local market. Tibetans also went to these

19
markets to buy basic products, visit banks, hospitals and schools, all predominantly staffed by
Indians. Because of these interactions, friendly relations formed between Indians and Tibetans,
which is according to Bentz (2012) valid for Indian-Tibetan interactions in most settlements.
However, there have also been tensions between Indian and Tibetan communities. For
instance, economic disparities between the two communities have resulted in some incidents
around Dharamsala. Here, the gap between the Indian and Tibetan communities widened as
Tibetans were receiving a lot of tourism money, as well as amenities from the Indian
government and international community. Consequently, Tibetans accomplished to achieve a
much higher living standard within a single generation than the local Indian population had
ever known. This enabled them to employ Indians, for instance as waiters or to build Tibetan
monasteries, which was not always appreciated by the local Indian communities (Prakash,
2011).

5.4.2 Within the wider Indian society

Economic interaction between Tibetans and Indians does not only occur around the settlements,
but also within the context of Indian society through, for instance, the sweater business. Over
the winter months, Tibetans leave the settlements to sell cheap clothes on the sidewalks of
bazaars and marketplaces across India. These clothes include sweaters – not homemade but
bought from the factories in Punjab – to which the business owes its name (Bentz, 2012). As
the sweater business is a lucrative source of income, over half of the Tibetans from Dharamsala,
Manali, Orissa and Bylakuppe engage in these activities (Dhondup, 1994).
In addition, interaction with Indian society occurs through Tibetan students who enrol
in Indian universities. Tibetan education stops at the secondary level; for tertiary education
Tibetans have to attend an Indian university. In these universities, they build lasting friendships
with Indian nationals – established through regular meetings in classes, dorms and cafeterias.
Besides, student groups such as Students for a Free Tibet serve as a form of interaction. These
interactions provide a bridge between the Indian and Tibetan communities (Bentz, 2012).

5.5 Political and legal position of Tibetans in India

5.5.1 Political position of Tibetans in India: Government in exile
The CTA formed after negotiations of the Dalai Lama with the Indian authorities, soon after
he arrived in India. Although the CTA is not officially recognized by any country, it has been
organized as the sole and legitimate government of the Tibetans. The CTA takes care of the
overall wellbeing of the settlements, with minimum interference of the Indian government. It

20
has itself set the task to both rehabilitate Tibetan refugees and to restore the freedom of Tibet,
headed by the Dalai Lama. The CTA has an elected Parliament and Prime Minister, thereby
functioning as a constitutionally democratic state. Furthermore, each refugee settlement has a
settlement officer who functions as the representative of the Department of Home and is
appointed by the CTA (Prakash, 2011).
Furthermore, Tibetan refugees are not registered with the UNHCR, but with the CTA
instead. The CTA receives its financial support from various governments and international
organizations across the world. Furthermore, the CTA collaborates closely with the Tibet Fund
that provides health care, education, refugee rehabilitation, religious and cultural preservation,
elder care, as well as community and economic development programs for the communities in
exile (Prakash, 2011).

5.5.2 Legal position of Tibetans in India: Documentation

Indian legislation regarding Tibetans has become stricter since the beginning of this century.
Since 1950, Tibetans need to possess a Registration Certificate (RC), no matter whether they
have been born in India or whether they have come to India for education, pilgrimage or other
purposes – just like other foreigners. The duration of these RCs varies from one month up to
one year, meaning that every Tibetan needs to reapply for a RC at least once a year. On top of
that, Tibetans that entered India after 2002 need a ‘Special Entry Permit’ (SEP) issued by the
embassy of India in Kathmandu, Nepal. In addition, Tibetans can now only enter India through
two check-posts, Sonauli in Uttar Pradesh and Raxaul in Bihar, which makes it more difficult
for Tibetans to come to India (Bentz, 2012).
Tibetan refugees in India have several options regarding their legal position, which are
often debated among Tibetans. Firstly, they can choose to stick to their Tibetan identity and
live with a restrictive refugee status. Secondly, all children of Tibetan refugees born in India
before 1 July 1987 are entitled to Indian citizenship. Lastly, any foreigner who legally resides
in India for twelve years can acquire naturalization (Bentz, 2012). In general, Tibetans rarely
claim Indian citizenship, a result of the social pressure generated by the proclaimed
discouragement by the CTA and other Tibetan refugees (Falcone & Wangchuk, 2008).

21
5.6 The settlement of Bylakuppe
According to Prakash (2011) the name Bylakuppe means “a place of rains” (p. 504). Whilst
the average rainfall in India is 300-650 mm annually, the average annual rainfall in Bylakuppe
is 1027 mm. The settlement lies on a flat plain about 87 kilometres from the southwest of
Mysore City (Prakash, 2011). The average temperature is 38° Celsius in the summer months
from March until June and 24° Celsius in the winter months from November until February
(CTA, 2018). In order to provide adequate context for this study, the research site will be
discussed in detail in the following section.

5.6.1 Formation of Bylakuppe

The government of Mysore, now Karnataka, allocated 3,000 acres of land to the 3,000 Tibetans
of the initial population of Bylakuppe (Bentz, 2012). These distributed lands were largely
uninhabited and consisted of dense forests with wild animals. The Indian government
employed and paid the Tibetans to clear these forests (Kantharaj, 2006).
Nowadays, Bylakuppe officially consists of two separate settlements, often referred to
as the old and new camp. The old camp is called the Lungsung Samdupling settlement and
counts numbers around 15,600 residents. Established in 1960, it is the oldest settlement in
India. The new camp. Dickyi Larsoe, was set up in 1969 and has a smaller population of
approximately 4,700 people (Kantharaj, 2006; Tsekyi & Thimmaiah, 2014).

5.6.2 Housing in Bylakuppe

The settlement is divided into 23 villages, of which 16 villages belong to the old camp and 7
to the new camp (CTA, 2018). These villages are located about 2 to 3 kilometres apart from
each other in the old camp and 4 to 6 kilometres in the new camp (Prakash, 2011) – except for
two villages of the old camp which are located in Chowkur 25 kilometres away. The villages
are numbered in sequence according to the order in which they were initially formed, and each
has its own Tibetan name as well. Each village consists of approximately 30 families, ranging
from four to fourteen family members (CTA, 2018; Prakash, 2011).
Figure 5.3 shows one of the larger houses of the old camp, demonstrating that houses
in the settlement are considerably Indian instead of Tibetan. Huts – common in Tibet (Prakash,
2011) – are rare in the settlement, as most houses are made of brick. Furthermore, a
considerable number of houses in Bylakuppe are fenced, which is also unlike Tibetan houses.
Most of the houses have toilet facilities and a sizeable hall with a bedroom and kitchen
(Prakash, 2011).

22
 Figure 5.3: House in the old camp of Bylakuppe (Photo:
Anne Grent (2018))

5.6.3 Livelihood of settlers

In the beginning, technical and financial assistance was provided by the Indian government,
non-governmental organizations, foreign-funded agencies and individuals (Bentz, 2012). For
instance, houses were provided by the Mysore Rehabilitation and Development Agency
(Prakash, 2011), the Swiss sent agricultural experts and equipment, and the National Christian
Council of India participated in the establishment of a dairy farm. Furthermore, the Tibetan
refugees themselves started a cooperative society to execute the trading activities of all
Tibetans in Bylakuppe. Within a few years, the refugee settlement managed to become self-
supportive – effectively serving as a model for the other agricultural based settlements (Bentz,
2012).
Nowadays, most families in Bylakuppe own a small piece of agricultural land for their
living. However, due to a lack of irrigation facilities, the Tibetans have to practice rain fed crop
agriculture. Consequently, agriculture is not sufficient to sustain the families, requiring the
settlers to engage in other activities as seasonal sweater selling, trading, shop-keeping and food
service. Furthermore, the abovementioned cooperative society runs a few small enterprises,
such as a flour mill, a poultry farm, a carpet weaving centre, a mechanical workshop, several
shops and an animal husbandry program (CTA, 2018).

23
5.6.4 Educational and religious facilities in the settlement
The Save Our Souls (S.O.S.) Tibetan Children Village school in Bylakuppe serves
simultaneously as a boarding house and an educational facility. Only 55% of the students at
the S.O.S. school have parents, who reside either in Tibet or throughout India. The school
system is modelled off the traditional Tibetan system, whereby songs, art and activities form
the main teaching methods. In addition, the children are taught about their motherland and
Tibetan culture (Prakash, 2011). According to Prakash (2011), the school is well organized and
has plenty of supplies. Education is perceived to be an important factor to eventually dispel the
Chinese out of Tibet (CTA, 2018).
Lastly, Bylakuppe is home to some of the largest monasteries of Tibet, such as Sera,
Namdroling and Tashi Lhunpo. These monasteries play an important role in both the
preservation of Buddhism and community development. The Sera monastery is the biggest
among them, with an occupation of almost 3000 monks (CTA, 2018). This monastery is the
re-establishment of one of the most important monasteries existing in Tibet (Arpi, 2011). Tashi
Lhunpo (figure 5.4), inaugurated by the Dalai Lama in December 2015, is the newest
monastery in Bylakuppe (CTA, 2018).

Figure 5.4: Tashi Lhunpo monastery (Photo: Anne Grent

(2018))

24
6. Methodology
This explorative research aims to gain more in-depth knowledge on the sense of belonging
among Tibetan refugees in Bylakuppe towards Indian society. The selected study site was the
Tibetan settlement Bylakuppe in Karnataka State due to it being the first and one of the biggest
settlements in India (Prakash, 2011). The characteristics of Bylakuppe have been discussed in
the previous chapter on the regional context. The study was conducted in collaboration with
Manipal University‘s Transdisciplinary Centre for Qualitative Methods, which assisted with
the preparations for the data collection by reviewing the research instruments and introducing
me to the study site.
This methodology chapter will first elaborate on the research methods employed to
measure the concepts operationalized in the third chapter of this thesis. Following, the used
strategies for participant recruitment are discussed. After an elaboration on the data analysis
approach, limitations and risks of this study are considered. Finally, both the positionality of
the researcher and an ethical review are presented.

6.1 Methods
The data for this study was acquired by mixed qualitative research methods, derived from the
interpretive paradigm (Hennink, Hutter, & Bailey, 2010). The methods used were participant
observation, in-depth interviews and photography. This paragraph will discuss these methods,
their suitability, as well as their contribution to the validity and reliability of this study.

6.1.1 Participant observation

In order to get an understanding of the context being studied, participant observation was
applied throughout the fieldwork period. Schensul, Schensul, & LeCompte (1999) define this
method as "the process of learning through exposure to or involvement in the day-to-day or
routine activities of participants in the researcher setting" (p. 91). Importantly, however,
Kawulich (2005) notes that observations are not data unless they are recorded into field notes.
Therefore, a field diary was maintained during the fieldwork period. In this field diary, both
elements of the physical environment – involving the surroundings of the setting and providing
a written description of the context – as well as a description of the participants, and recorded
activities and interactions that occur in the setting were included. Furthermore, short summaries
of informal conversations were added to the field notes as well. This concerns the informal

25
conversations during social gatherings that were considered relevant for this study. An example
of a field note is demonstrated in table 6.1.
Participant observation is suitable for this study for a number of reasons. Firstly, this
method enables the researcher to get a better understanding of the context and phenomenon
being studied (Kawulich, 2005). In this study, for instance, participant observation brings the
possibility to identify how Tibetans in Bylakuppe behave and interact in social situations –
especially occasions in which they interact with Indian people. This is fundamental to answer
the sub-question "In what ways do Tibetans in exile form social relations with both Indian
nationals and other Tibetans?" Secondly, participant observation helps with establishing
rapport with the study population, often a necessity for conducting in-depth interviews
successfully (Hennink et al., 2010). Thirdly, participant observation enhances the
understanding of the direct context in which the interview was conducted. This is important,
as an in-depth interview does not occur in a vacuum and as a significant amount of
communication occurs through non-verbal cues. As such, ignoring these aspects of the
interview would erode the total possible value of the in-depth interview. Therefore, participant
observation was also applied during the interviews, for example by observing the body
language and social environment of the interviewee (Kawulich, 2005 & Schensul et al. 1999).

Table 6.1: Example of field note

Date Observation
17/3 In the closest Indian town, called Kushalnagar, Tibetan people and monks
can be seen in shops and restaurants – although most of the people are
Indians. The physical environment of Kushalnagar is different from
Bylakuppe. There are more people, shops and traffic.
→ In an informal conversation, I was told that Tibetans usually do their
shopping in Kushalnagar because there are more vegetables available than
in Bylakuppe and it is a possibility to bargain for a cheaper price.

Moreover, participant observation enhances the validity of this study in multiple ways. It
enables the researcher to observe what people do, which can differ from what people say they
do (Bryman, 2016). Additionally, participants are likely to act more naturally in a natural
setting – as opposed to a more formal setting during interviews (Bryman, 2016). Lastly, Lincoln
& Guba (1985) argue that data is considered more valid when there is a prolonged observation

26
period through a considerable amount of time spent in the setting. This prolonged interaction
with the community enables the researcher to have more opportunities to observe and
participate in a variety of activities over time. In this research, the observation period within
the settlement was two and a half months.
However, participant observation also has two important downsides for the reliability
of the research that have to be taken into account. Firstly, it is almost impossible for other
researchers to repeat this method similarly, as it relies on the personal skills and characteristics
of the researcher. The use of a field diary minimizes this risk, as it gives other researchers
insights in the way the observations were conducted. Another disadvantage of participant
observation is that involvement and sympathizing with the research population can lead to
biased data (Bryman, 2016). This risk was minimized by efforts to avoid making assumptions
and sufficient reflection on the observations, whereby multiple plausible explanations were
considered.

6.1.2 In-depth interviews

In addition to participant observation, the study conducted in-depth interviews with Tibetans
that live within the Bylakuppe settlement. According to Hennink et al. (2010), in-depth
interviews allow researchers to identify individual perceptions, beliefs, feelings and
experiences. With this reasoning, this method is suitable to investigate the perceptions of
Tibetans about their sense of belonging.
In total, this study conducted 39 interviews with Tibetan refugees from both genders
and a wide variation of ages, as can be seen in table 6.2. As it turned out to be challenging to
interview more women, the point of saturation was considered despite this data bias. When
approximately 35 interviews were conducted, it became apparent that no new perspectives were
derived from the interviews (Hennink et al., 2010). Abovementioned data bias will be more
extensively discussed in the section on limitations and risks.
The interviews generally lived up to the expectations, although some participants were
more able than others to answer the rather broad and often challenging questions about, for
example, similarities and differences between the Tibetan and Indian culture. Important to note
is that some participants were significantly more fluent in English than others, which generally
enabled them to not only give more extensive and nuanced answers, but also to express their
thoughts and feelings better. In some cases, interviews were conducted through a translator,
which will be further discussed in the section on limitations and risks of the research. Overall,

27
depending on the abovementioned circumstances, some interviews took about half an hour,
whereas others lasted for more than one hour.

An issue regarding the validity of in-depth interviews is that it is difficult to ensure that the
participants’ understanding of a concept is similar to that of the researcher. To minimize this
risk, the interview guide (Appendix 1) was pilot tested with the help of two gatekeepers.
Initially, it turned out not to be necessary to make any changes to the guide, as the gatekeepers
seemed to understand both the concepts and the questions correctly. However, after eight weeks
some minor changes were made to the interview guide to enhance the validity. For instance,
the opening question “Can you tell me something about your life in Bylakuppe?” provoked
some participants to give a rather extensive answer, which was not too relevant for the research
at all. The more specific opening question “What do you do during an average day in
Bylakuppe?” resulted in a more relevant answer, which enabled the topic to change smoothly
towards the key questions regarding economic integration. Another example is that most of the
participants required clarification for the key question “When do you get outside of the
settlement?” Therefore, this question was made more specific by asking “When do you visit
Indian towns or cities?” instead. This resulted in more specific and relevant answers, as
participants could understand the question more easily, effectively enhancing the validity of
this study.
Similarly to the method of participant observation, the reliability of this research is
threatened by in-depth interviews, as it depends on the personal skills and characteristics of the
researcher (Bryman, 2016). However, the reliability of this study was enhanced by the semi-
structured nature of the interviews, as this enables other researchers to repeat the research more
easily. This entails the usage of an interview guide with a list of questions and topics, as can
be seen in Appendix 1. Consequently, the interviews were guided, but had the flexibility to
follow topics that participants brought up themselves (D. Cohen & Crabtree, 2006).

28
Table 6.2: Overview participant characteristics

Number Pseudonym Gender Age Generation Age when Occupation

leaving
Tibet
(when
applicable)
1 Gyatso Male 56 First 2 Teacher
2 Tenzin Male 38 Second Teacher
3 Sangye Male 41 Second Field officer
4 Lobsang Male 39 First 19 Monk
5 Pasang Male 41 Second Teacher
6 Sonam Male 41 Second Postman
7 Ngawang Male 41 Second Employee
NGO Animal
care
8 Tsering Male 28 Second Teacher
9 Rinchen Male 28 First 13 Provider of
internet
services
10 Dolma Female 43 Second Shop owner
11 Dorje Male 38 Second Administrator
of monastery
12 Tashi Male 64 First 4 Retired
(former
teacher)
13 Tsetan Male 33 First 13 Teacher
14 Dawa Male 21 First 8 College
student
15 Lhundup Male 23 First 8 Teacher
16 Pema Male 26 Second Teacher
17 Metok Male 27 Second Teacher
18 Dhondup Male 53 Second Librarian
19 Gyemtsen Male 19 Second School prefect
20 Yangkey Male 30 First 9 Teacher
21 Phuntsok Male 51 Second Teacher
22 Rigzin Male 28 Second Accountant
23 Tsundue Male 26 First 7 Teacher
24 Bhuti Male 28 First 8 Teacher
25 Kelsang Male 18 First 6 10th grade
student
26 Namdol Male 53 Second Tibetan
traditional
doctor
27 Chokey Female 32 Second Assistant
accountant
Tibetan
Agricultural

29
 Co-operative
Society
28 Nyima Female 38 Second Employee
Tibetan
Agricultural
Co-operative
Society
29 Gelug Male 36 Second Shop owner
30 Jampa Male 50 Second Founder
Karuna Home
for disabled
children
31 Norbu Male 43 Second Supervisor
32 Tinley Male 74 First 15 Retired
(former nurse)
33 Wangchuk Male 76 First 17 Retired
(former
farmer)
34 Lhamo Female 38 Second Teacher
35 Yama Male 19 First 6 12th grade
student
36 Yonten Male 37 First 18 Monk
37 Thokmay Male 87 First 27 Monk
38 Thekchen Male 22 Second Monk
39 Duga Male 29 First 11 Electrician

6.1.3 Photography
Lastly, photography was used as a research method. Collier & Collier (1986) argue that a
camera is an instrumental extension of our senses that decreases our subjectivity; thus, the
inclusion of photography enhances the validity of this study. Although photographs also gather
selective information, the scope of the camera captures a comprehensive representation of the
circumstances concerned. As photographs provide a context that is usually absent from written
notes, it is a suitable addition to participative observation.
Photography was conducted during the fieldwork period to, among other things, capture
the interactions between Tibetans and Indians, as well as influences of the Indian culture in the
settlement. In order to build rapport, people were asked permission for taking their photograph.
These photographs will be presented and elaborated upon in chapter 7.

The main issue with using merely qualitative approaches is that one has to be extremely careful
to make generalizations about the results, as the small sample size and non-probability
sampling methods inhibit this severely (Bryman, 2016). Although qualitative methods are

30
needed to explore the research topic in-depth, quantitative methods such as surveys can
enumerate opinions, behaviour and attitudes. The survey, which is a standardized interview
format, also ensures that each candidate is asked the exact same questions. Thus, the use of
surveys in addition to the other methods would be a suitable alternative approach which could
have led to a more reliable research. For instance, Hou et al. (2017) used surveys in their study
on immigrants’ sense of belonging in Canada, enabling them to generalize their results.
Therefore, this study cannot make broad generalisations and future research into this thesis
topic should consider including methods to gather quantitative data.

6.2 Strategies for participant recruitment

Considering the recruitment of participants, Hennink et al. (2010) argue that the process
involves two stages. The first stage includes defining the appropriate study population, which
takes place during the research design phase. Regarding this, a generational aspect was first
included in the study population of this thesis. The original idea was to compare first-generation
Tibetans in exile – which entails people who were born and have lived in Tibet – with second-
generation refugees, who were born in India (Bruneau, 2010).
Inductive refinement of the study population took place during the data collection phase
(Hennink et al., 2010). It turned out to be unfeasible to make a comparison between first- and
second-generation refugees. The main reason for this is the lack of participants that belong to
the first-generation refugees who fled Tibet during the first migration phase. Many first-
generation refugees were New Arrivals, who arrived in the past 20 years. In addition, the study
population varied considerably in characteristics such as occupation and length of tenure in
India. Therefore, the comparative aspect of this study was not considered as sufficiently
substantiated and would merely jeopardize the validity of this research. Therefore, the specific
generational aspect was removed from the research questions, as well as the theoretical and
conceptual framework.

The second stage of participant recruitment entails the identification of strategies for recruiting
participants from the defined study population. Several complementing recruitment strategies
were used to recruit different types of participants (Hennink et al., 2010). Due to the qualitative
nature of this research, strategies of non-probability sampling were considered suitable to get
an in-depth understanding of the study population (Blackstone, 2012).

31
 The strategies for this research included the use of gatekeepers and snowball
recruitment. The use of gatekeepers – people with a prominent and recognized role in the local
community (Hennink et al., 2010) – was a central form of participant recruitment in this study.
One of the gatekeepers was a prominent monk from one of the biggest monasteries in
Bylakuppe, who offered assistance in the process by introducing me to his fellow monks and
families that he was acquainted with. Another gatekeeper was the headmaster of a monastic
secondary school, who introduced me to both the teachers of the school and some of his friends.
The study was attentive to identifying any potential problems in the gatekeepers’ selection of
participants, as gatekeepers might purposely select participants they would like the researcher
to include in the research (Hennink et al., 2010). To prevent this as much as possible, multiple
gatekeepers were consulted and snowball recruitment was used as an additional recruitment
strategy.
Once the gatekeepers had introduced me to some participants, more people were
involved in the study through snowball recruitment. For instance, participants were asked
whether they knew others in the settlement that would be interested to participate. An
advantage was that participation in the study increased, as a trusted person could describe the
interview process to potential participants. A disadvantage of this method is that oversampling
a particular network of peers can lead to a bias, as participants’ social networks are not random
and usually consist of people who, for instance, have the same occupation (Robinson, 2018).
In this study, this became evident as many participants are occupied as teachers. Efforts were
made to minimize this effect by having several different starting points for snowball
recruitment in order to acquire participants with varying characteristics.

Participant recruitment turned out to be quite challenging in the first data collection phase, as
the arrival in Bylakuppe took place just before Losar, the Tibetan New Year. During that time,
people – among which the gatekeepers – were busy with preparations for the festival. The
actual Losar celebrations lasted from 16 February until 3 March, during which people spent
time with their family and did not go to work. However, once Losar was finished, the
participant recruitment went smoothly.

6.3 Data analysis and management

The data of this study was analysed through thematic analysis as developed by Braun and
Clarke (2006). This analytic approach was selected as it enables researchers to identify patterns

32
within the data, which is useful given the explorative nature of this study. The thematic analysis
by Braun and Clarke (2006) includes six phases: familiarization with data, generating initial
codes, searching for themes among codes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and
producing the final report. Table 6.3 shortly summarizes what each of these phases entail and
what the results of these phases were. The corresponding codebook is included in Appendix 2.
As data analysis is a cyclical process, it involved going back and forth between the
different phases. In addition, tasks are often conducted simultaneously at different points in the
analysis. The circular nature of qualitative data analysis enables researchers to develop a more
extensive understanding of the issues (Hennink et al., 2010).

Table 6.3: Data analysis

Phase Process Results
1. Familiarization To prepare for data analysis, the audio - Transcripts of
with data recordings of the interviews were single- interviews
handedly transcribed and simultaneously - Document with field
anonymized. The data from the observation notes
field dairy was typed out and anonymized as
well. The data was re-read to enhance
familiarity with it – which gave a first
indication of patterns that occur (Braun &
Clarke, 2006).
2. Generating Initial recurring patterns of the data were - Initial codes (Appendix
initial codes labelled into codes using the software 2)
program NVivo (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

3. Searching for Previously generated codes were merged into - Code families and
themes among code families and overarching themes (Braun overarching themes
codes & Clarke, 2006). (Appendix 2)
4. Reviewing The ways in which the themes support the - Reviewed codes
themes data and overarching theoretical perspective
were reviewed (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
5. Defining and The overarching themes were defined and - Renamed codes
naming themes named, to give readers an understanding of
the meaning and importance of them (Braun
& Clarke, 2006).
6. Producing the In this phase, it was decided which themes - Thick description of
final report make meaningful contributions to the results (Chapter 7)
understanding of the data (Braun & Clarke,
2006).

33
6.4 Limitations and risks of the research
The data collection phase faced a number of limitations and risks, concerning culture, language
and data bias:

Culture
The Tibetan culture differs quite a lot from the Dutch culture. Consequently, the data collection
process may have been unwittingly influenced by risks such as misunderstanding. Effort was
made to minimize these risks by taking time to get more familiar with the settlement before
collecting the data, to better understand the local culture of Tibetans in exile. For example, I
have taken several tours, guided by local Tibetans, to Buddhist temples and monasteries in the
first weeks of my stay. Also, by pre-testing the interview guide with the help of the gatekeepers
it was ensured that the interviews were culturally appropriate.

Language
Although many participants spoke English rather well, their mother tongue is Tibetan.
Additionally, my native language is Dutch, and I do not speak any Tibetan. Although the
communication in English generally went quite well, some important information might have
got lost in translation – such as nuances in emotions or descriptions. These risks were
minimized by formulating more specific questions in case of ambiguities.
Furthermore, some participants did not speak English at all. Consequently, working
with a translator was sometimes necessary. As Bujra (2006) highlights, the interference of a
translator has some risks. Due to misunderstanding of either the context or language, a
translator could transform the message. Furthermore, a translator that is familiar to the
participant may influence the results of the research, as participants may feel hesitant to open
up about their opinions and give socially desirable answers. These risks were minimized by
collaborating with a translator that is familiar with the settlement but did not have a personal
relationship or live close to the participants in question. However, people who were willing to
translate were not trained to do so and often were not fluent in English themselves.
Consequently, during these interviews it is likely that more information got lost in translation.

Data bias
Data bias has occurred in this study in several ways. Firstly, as is apparent from table 6.2,
participants of this study are predominantly male. In the second phase of data collection, efforts
34
were made to interview more women. However, this appeared to be challenging as
considerably less woman were willing to participate. One reason for this is that I was located
in the lama camp, where mainly male Tibetan monks live, which made it more difficult to build
rapport with women before asking them to participate. In addition, my colleague’s research
focused specifically on women. Whenever we visited a family together, she usually
interviewed the female participants. Only few were willing to participate in multiple
interviews. Thus, the results of this study unintentionally predominantly represent male
opinions. For example, Tibetan men might maintain different social relations with Indian
citizens than Tibetan women. Although the underrepresentation of female opinions in this study
is unfortunate and arguably jeopardizes the validity to a certain extent, the interviews
themselves revealed no explicit differences between the perceptions of women and men.
Nonetheless, in order to more clearly include the female perspective, future research should be
especially aware about gender dynamics when designing their data collection strategy.
Secondly, the data regarding economic integration is biased as Tibetans who work in
Indian society are likely to be excluded from the study, as most of them do not live in
Bylakuppe due to a lengthy daily commute to Indian cities.

Chances are that that some limitations and risks remain unexposed, although efforts to prevent
this were made by remaining critical of oneself and the research process.

6.5 Reflection on positionality

The researcher’s values will always have some impact upon research processes, meaning that
research methods are essentially not value-free. Therefore, it is important to consider the
researcher’s position in relation to participants (Holmes, 2014). In the section on limitations
and risks of the research, the positionality regarding language and culture has already been
discussed. However, there are more factors that influence my positionality as a researcher that
require consideration.
Firstly, when I arrived in the field I noticed that the stereotypical image of Tibetans in
exile that I had formed turned out not to be correct. Before I went to the field, I read significant
amounts of literature about the preservation of Tibetan culture within the settlements.
Consequently, I had expected Tibetan culture to be predominant in all aspects of the
participants’ lives, except for maybe some influences of Indian culture. However, it turned out
that Western culture quite significantly influenced the lives of Tibetans as well. For instance,

35
almost everyone in Bylakuppe seemed to listen to Justin Bieber and One Direction – even the
Tibetan monks. Thus, regarding this aspect, reality turned out to be quite different from my
expectations. By maintaining an open mind I was able to adjust my expectations appropriately.
Secondly, my positionality was also influenced by the fact that I went to the field with
a colleague. One of the most important consequences was that we sometimes interviewed the
same participants, occasionally influencing the participant’s answers. Most notably, in
occasions where my colleague interviewed a participant first, the answers I received from such
a participant sometimes tended to be more focused on the role of women – uncoincidentally
the focus of my colleague’s research. For example, when I asked about differences between
the Tibetan and Indian culture, these participants tended to bring up the topic of gender
equality. Furthermore, as previously discussed, a data bias concerning gender has also occurred
partly due to these circumstances. However, the presence of this colleague also formed an
advantage as it enabled me to discuss practical issues regarding this research.

6.6 Ethical review

This paragraph provides a review on the way ethical issues have been dealt with throughout
the research process. As a researcher, I have attempted to remain culturally sensitive as this is
necessary to assess ethical issues in qualitative research (Hennink et al., 2010).
Core ethical issues during participant recruitment in qualitative research include
seeking permission for the research and providing adequate information (Hennink et al., 2010).
The process of seeking permission already began at the Indian Embassy, where I applied for
an internship visa, formally registering the purpose of my travel. Furthermore, I acquired a
Protected Area Permit, which allowed me to legally stay within Bylakuppe. This meant that
both the Indian government and the Central Tibetan Administration were informed about my
motivation to come to India and gave me permission to do so. Furthermore, upon arrival I
sought permission from a prominent monk to conduct my research in Bylakuppe.
The participants were provided with adequate information by providing them with an
information sheet. Before starting the data collection, it is important to provide sufficient
information about yourself as an interviewer, the purpose of the research, how the data will be
used and what the outcomes of the study will be. Before the start of the interview, written
informed consent for participation and recording of the session should be acquired (Hennink
et al., 2010). The participants were handed an information sheet, for which they were given
sufficient time to carefully read and ask questions about. Consequently, all participants have

36
signed the informed consent form – through which they stated to be informed sufficiently and
agreed with voluntarily participating in the research. While conducting participative
observation, however, giving too much information to participants that they are taking part in
a research might influence the data collection process.
As the study findings will be included in a master thesis, confidentiality – referring to
not disclosing information that is discussed between the researcher and the participant
(Hennink et al., 2010) – cannot be completely ensured. It has been ensured to the extent that
only I have access to the recordings of the interviews, while only me and my supervisor can
access the transcripts of the interviews. Furthermore, by arranging a location where the
interview cannot be overheard by others also partially ensured confidentiality. Anonymity,
however, is completely ensured as all identifiable information will be removed from the data.
Participants were informed that they cannot be identified from the documents that will be
published (Hennink et al., 2010). Consequently, all participant names used are pseudonyms.

37
7. Sense of belonging of Tibetan refugees in Bylakuppe
After the important discussions about the background, the conceptional framework and the
methodology, this chapter finally presents the data obtained during the fieldwork. Each section
focuses on one of the sub-questions, which relate to the concepts of the conceptual framework.
Consequently, the subtopics ‘receiving society receptivity’, ‘social capital’, ‘economic
integration’ and ‘exposure to host society’ will be discussed. Furthermore, there will be an
overall focus on Tibetan cultural norms, values and practices which are occasionally influenced
by both the Indian and Western culture.
Throughout the empirical chapter, a distinction will be made between Indian people
that are native to the Bylakuppe area and those who are non-Bylakuppe residents. This
distinction is made because the findings of this study indicate that Bylakuppe residents –
Indians who live near the Tibetan settlement and are directly associated with Tibetans – mostly
got used to the Tibetan complexion and have knowledge of their origin. Non-Bylakuppe
residents, on the other hand, are not familiar with their appearance and have little knowledge
of Tibet – as they usually do not get in touch with Tibetans on a regular basis.

7.1 Receiving society receptivity

As previously discussed in the theoretical framework, receiving society receptivity relates to
the ways in which a host country welcomes and treats immigrants. Perceived discrimination
and a negative social climate towards immigrants discourage the development of a sense of
belonging (Antonsich, 2010; Hou et al., 2017). Consequently, this section focuses on the sub
question: How does the Tibetan refugee diaspora perceive their reception by Indian society?
To answer this question, first the ways in which participants perceive discrimination by
both Bylakuppe and non-Bylakuppe residents will be discussed, followed by a discussion on
the perceptions of the social climate towards Tibetan refugees in India. To fully understand the
latter, similarities and differences between the Tibetan and Indian culture are explained.

7.1.1 Perceived discrimination by Bylakuppe residents

Reported experiences of discrimination by Bylakuppe residents jeopardize the receptivity of
Indian society and thereby the development of participants’ sense of belonging. Regarding this,
it is important to note that participants solely note instances of discrimination on the individual
level. Some even explicitly state that no problems have occurred on the community level, such

38
as Yonten (Monk, 37 years): “Between some individuals and the local Indians there are some
cases, but on the community level there are no problems.”
Participants that do experience discrimination by Bylakuppe residents often elaborate
on two kinds of discrimination. Firstly, most participants mention overcharging as a common
form of discrimination. When Sonam was asked if he ever saw occasions of Tibetan people
being treated differently by local Indians, he answered:

“I would say, that is a bit of an everyday thing. If I want to go to the next town, I have
to go by auto rickshaw. They charge Tibetans a little bit more, where they don’t charge
that much to their local Indians.” (Postman, 41 years)

Overcharging does not only occur in taxis, but also in shops. Duga explains:

“Sometimes I am going to buy things for my shop. They [Bylakuppe residents] see that
I am a Tibetan and they raise their rate. But I am also a worker, so I need every rupee.
I should also be able make a profit.” (Electrician, 29 years)

Secondly, participants reportedly experience discrimination by Bylakuppe residents that insult

Tibetans without clear reasons. Gelug speaks about one of these occasions:

“The Indian that was working in this service station, he was using a lot of bad language
in local Kannada. He thought that I did not know any Kannada. (…) He was saying a
lot of bad things to me and to my wife also.” (Shop owner, 36 years)

Additionally, participants mention that discrimination by Bylakuppe residents in the form of

overcharging and insults are exacerbated by several circumstances. Firstly, they indicate that
communication gaps between Bylakuppe residents and Tibetans might fuel disagreements.
Many Tibetans who were born in Bylakuppe speak Hindi and Kannada to some degree. Tibetan
New Arrivals, however, often merely speak Tibetan. Consequently, participants note that these
Tibetans and, for instance, taxi drivers are sometimes not able to understand each other – which
may lead to disagreements. Nyima substantiates:

39
 “Sometimes, due to the communication gap, they [the Bylakuppe taxi drivers] used to
fight. Those who come from Tibet, they can’t speak Hindi but only speak in Tibetan.
The Indians can’t speak Tibetan, so then something goes wrong in the communication.
Sometimes when discussing the auto fare, some disagreements come up.” (Employee
Tibetan Agricultural Co-operative Society, 38 years)

Secondly, jealousy of Bylakuppe residents towards Tibetans is often reported as a motive for
the perceived discrimination. Tashi explains how he thinks Tibetans have managed to develop
rather quickly while Bylakuppe residents did not manage to develop quite as fast and still suffer
from poverty:

“This settlement started in the 70s; in the beginning there was nothing. The Tibetans
had to cut the forest and then make a living out of that, it was a very though life. And
then slowly, the Tibetans developed. They had a lot of help from around the world and
they prospered. And now the Indians around feel a little jealous. Why are the Tibetans
developing so fast? Now they are going abroad and all these things. They carry
money!” (Retired, 64 years)

Financial aid and remittances from all over the world, as well as hard work of the previous
generation are mentioned as reasons why Tibetan exiles in Bylakuppe developed faster than
Bylakuppe residents. Regarding this, Gelug (Shop owner, 36 years) says: “Our parents have
worked very hard to have a better life for us. In terms of finances, in terms of getting all the
basic needs.”
Furthermore, according to some participants, Bylakuppe residents are jealous because
the Indian government provided Tibetan refugees with land while they did not get anything
themselves. Tsering (Teacher, 28 years) mentions that this results in Indians abusing him by
saying: “Why are you here? Indian people are suffering, but you guys are like bugs; coming
over here and taking over everything.’’
However, Tinley (Retired, 74 years), sees discrimination as something for which no
explanations are necessary, as it is a natural phenomenon. He states: “Indians treat Tibetans
as something different from them, that is natural.’’

Conversely, whereas the majority of the participants says to have experienced discrimination
by Bylakuppe residents or have seen it happening to others, it is important to stress that this is
40
not the case for all participants. Some participants state that Bylakuppe residents have only
ever been friendly. Yangkey (Teacher, 30 years) says: “Usually when two communities meet,
there is always discrimination. But with Tibetans, there is no discrimination at all.’’
Also, the importance of not generalizing is often stressed by participants. Participants
that do experience discrimination, mostly emphasize that this is not always the case. As Chokey
(Assistant accountant Tibetan Agricultural Co-operative Society, 32 years) states: “Most of the
times, it is ok. It is everyday life, so you can’t expect the ideal life. Sometimes I face problems,
but normally it is ok.” Similarly, Tenzin (Teacher, 38 years) says: “Out of 100 persons, maybe
5 or 10 persons are bad people.”

Whereas communication gaps and jealousy reportedly exacerbate discrimination, financial

benefits and knowledge of the local language were highlighted as elements that prevent some
Bylakuppe residents from discriminating – supposedly enhancing the receptivity of Indian
society towards Tibetan refugees.
Regarding financial benefits, participants note that Bylakuppe residents are friendly to
them because they financially prosper due to their presence. Tibetan people go to their shops,
make use of their auto [auto/taxi rickshaw] services, eat in their hotels [restaurants] and hire
them for construction work. Wangchuk notes:

“We live here in Bylakuppe. This whole area is given to the Tibetans by the Indian
government. We have used it to such an extent that the Indians around it have
developed. They prosper because the Tibetans live here.” (Retired, 76 years)

Pasang specifies this by stating:

“Indians who are directly associated with the Tibetans, like the people who run shops,
they are very close with the Tibetans because they also get benefits. Tibetans (…) go to
Kushalnagar and they do some shopping. The money is invested in the shops. The
shopkeepers, they feel very good seeing Tibetans.” (Teacher, 51 years)

Another participant, Namdol (Tibetan traditional doctor, 53 years), says: “If you do business
with more Indians, they will like you. If you don’t do so, they are not so friendly.” This indicates
that financial benefits do not always merely keep Bylakuppe residents from discriminating, but
sometimes form more of a condition.
41
 Furthermore, regarding knowledge of the local language, numerous participants report
that their ability to speak the local language Kannada enhances positive feelings of Bylakuppe
residents towards Tibetans. They explain that some Bylakuppe residents have little knowledge
of the Indian national language Hindi but are fluent in Kannada – as will be elaborated upon in
the section of exposure to Indian society. Rigzin explains:

“If you speak in the local language, they [Bylakuppe residents] feel very happy. I notice
that if I speak one word, they immediately respond to me. If I say ‘did you eat lunch?’
in the local language, they can immediately reply. If you speak in another language,
they don’t understand. Then it is very hard to get response.” (Accountant, 28 years)

Moreover, communication gaps and jealousy reportedly exacerbate discrimination by

Bylakuppe residents, supposedly decreasing the participants’ development of a sense of
belonging. On the other hand, financial benefits and knowledge of the local language reportedly
prevent some Bylakuppe residents from discriminating – arguably enhancing the development
of a sense of belonging.

7.1.2 Perceived discrimination by non-Bylakuppe residents

Participants do not merely experience discrimination by Bylakuppe residents, but also report
to face discrimination caused by non-Bylakuppe residents, which is likely to decrease the
receptivity of Indian society as well. Similar to the perceived discrimination by Bylakuppe
residents, perceived discrimination by non-Bylakuppe residents has also merely occurred on
an individual level.
Experienced forms of discrimination by non-Bylakuppe residents can be illustrated by
the case of Dorje, a 38-year-old monk from Bylakuppe. Firstly, Dorje speaks about the
prejudices that he thinks non-Bylakuppe residents have about Tibetan monks:

“Most Indians don’t know why we are here. They think that we monks, because we wear
those robes, are from China and know Kungfu. (…) I used to tell them that we are not
Chinese, we are from Tibet. If I get the chance to tell them, I always try to make them
understand about the situation between China and Tibet.”

42
When Dorje visits Indian cities, people regard him as a Chinese and call him chinkie – which
means something along the lines of ‘Chinese person’ or ‘flat eye’. He also feels like Indian
people often stare at him in an inappropriate manner when he walks through the city streets.
Whenever this happens, he feels like an outsider. He states: “In the settlement, we don’t feel
like outsiders. But when you move out of the settlement into the city, at that time I sometimes
feel like an outsider.”
The case of Dorje is one of many cases, as many participants report to have been called
chinkie. For instance, Gyemtsen (School prefect, 19 years) states: “I met lots of Indian people
who thought of our Tibetan face as a yellow type, so they call us chinkies. They treat us
differently this way.”

Other than perceived discrimination by non-Bylakuppe citizens, discrimination by Indian

government officials is also an issue that participants mention. It has been mentioned multiple
times in both interviews and informal conversations that Tibetans experience difficulties with
processing paperwork, as they feel like they are regarded as foreigners. For example, it
frequently takes more time for them than for Indian citizens to acquire necessary signatures. In
addition, they are often expected to pay more money, as Tsundue comments:

“They [the Indian government officials] always try to extract more from us than from
the locals. Whenever you have to do some work, they come up with high prices. If the
official amount is 50 rupees, and everybody has to pay 50 rupees, they will ask more
from us. Because we look different, and then they think we are better off than people
from their own society. They consider us as outsiders.” (Teacher, 26 years)

Multiple participants indicate that these forms of discrimination by non-Bylakuppe residents

and Indian government officials are fuelled by a lack of awareness of the Tibetan identity and
heritage. Participants mention that whereas Indian people around Bylakuppe are familiar with
Tibetans, in bigger cities – such as Bangalore and Mysore – Tibetans form a minority group.
Pema explains: “Some people know about Tibetans, for them it is not that much of a problem.
Some don’t know about us. They think of us as outsiders or foreigners.” (Teacher, 26 years)

Some participants report that the perceived discrimination can be diminished by explaining the
Tibetan origin and situation to non-Bylakuppe residents, which substantiates the argument that
a lack of awareness is an incentive for discrimination. Metok shares his experience:
43
 “When I went to college, they called me Chinese. I told them that I am not Chinese, I
explained that I am a Tibetan. They asked me whether Tibet is a country, and I
explained them our situation. Later on, in the fourth year, Indian students knew about
me and called me a Tibetan.” (Teacher, 27 years)

Similarly, Dolma (Shop owner, 43 years) argues: “It depends on the knowledge and awareness
of Tibetans among the Indians. If they know our nature, then Indian people are very kind to
us.” (Shop owner, 43 years) Thus, according to participants, more awareness leads to a more
receptive Indian society and arguably enhances participants to develop a sense of belonging.

Although many participants mention instances of perceived discrimination, multiple

participants also state that they never encountered any problems with non-Bylakuppe residents.
Tenzin says:

“Tibetans and Indians have a huge understanding. There is generally a huge sympathy
for the Tibetan cause among Indians. They help us a great deal. They have a tremendous
affection for us. Wherever Tibetans live, there are no problems.” (Teacher, 38 years)

Regarding this, Tsetan (Teacher, 33 years) comes up with a web page of Quora, a website
where questions are asked and answered by its community of users. On this page, the following
question was asked: “Do Indians hate Tibetans?” (Quora, 2018). The Indians who answered
this question were overwhelmingly positive. For Tsetan, this is a confirmation of his perception
that Indian society is receptive towards Tibetans.

7.1.3 Perceptions of the social climate in India towards Tibetan refugees

Similar to perceived discrimination, the social climate towards Tibetan refugees supposedly
influences the development of participants’ sense of belonging towards Indian society. Positive
perceptions of the social climate should enhance their sense of belonging, whereas negative
perceptions have the opposite effect.

Gratitude towards India

Participants largely imply a positive social climate in India towards Tibetan refugees through
the expression of their gratitude towards the way Indian people and the Indian government
have welcomed them as refugees. Tashi elaborates on this:

44
 “Indians provided us with everything really. No other country in the world can provide
what the Indians have done for the Tibetans. They have given us school systems, paid
for the school systems, gave us huge pieces of land to settle in. We have our own
government, we have our own administration, everything. And their government does
not say anything. If we try to do this in Holland, they will shut us down in one minute.
They will say; assimilate! Now you are in Holland, behave like a Dutch person! It is
ridiculous actually, the amount of help that the Indians have given us, the space to
function.” (Retired, 64)

Figure 7.1: Poster Thank You India concert (Photo: Anne

Grent (2018))

To show their appreciation of the positive social climate towards Tibetan refugees, Tibetans in
exile organized the ‘Thank You India’ event in Dharamsala – residence of the Dalai Lama –
on 31 March 2018. This event marked the beginning of the 60th year of the Tibetan people’s
arrival in exile. For this same purpose, the ‘Thank you India’ concert in Majnu-ka-tilla, New
Delhi was organized, of which an advertisement poster is shown in figure 7.1. Regarding this,
Tsundue elaborates on how this event is celebrated throughout India:

“On the 31st of March, we have been living here for almost 60 years. We are
celebrating this 60 years of political asylum in India. Many of our people are
performing Tibetan dances and songs which say thanks to India. In many parts of India

45
 where Tibetans live, they are going on a market to say thank you to India. These are
Tibetans who are happy in India. They are feeling thankful for the Indian government
and the Indian people for letting us stay here. We will never forget what they did for
us.” (Teacher, 26 years)

Similarities between the Tibetan and Indian culture

Furthermore, similarities between the Tibetan and Indian culture are likely to increase positive
experiences of the social climate towards Tibetan refugees. According to Weedon (2004), a
sense of belonging is influenced by what one has in common and what differentiates one from
others. Consequently, perceived similarities arguably enhance participants’ sense of belonging
towards Indian society.
Cultural similarities between participants and Bylakuppe residents are largely focused
around religion. Similarities between Buddhism – which is the predominant religion in Tibetan
culture – and Hinduism – one of the main religions in India – are often mentioned by
participants. These similarities are often explained by the fact that Buddhism originates from
India. Gelug states that:

“Tibetan culture is all about Buddhism. Buddha was born in India. He was enlightened
in India. All of the Tibetan culture comes from India. So, there is a very huge connect.
I think India’s biggest gift to the world is Buddhism. Not just to Tibet, but to the whole
world.” (Shop owner, 36 years)

This religious connection reportedly takes the form of similar religious practices between
Buddhism and Hinduism, such as certain rituals. Jampa (Founder Karuna Home for disabled
children, 50 years) states: “Lots of rituals are similar to that of Indians. Even if the way they
do it is a little different, there are a lot of similarities.” Chokey (Assistant accountant Tibetan
Agricultural Co-operative Society, 32 years) explains: “Tibetans do meditation, Indians also
do meditation. They are doing puja [worship], we are doing puja. Also, Hinduism and
Buddhism have some similarities, in terms of believing in karma.”

Differences between the Tibetan and Indian culture

Whereas perceived similarities in religion and religious practices arguably enhance positive
perceptions of the social climate towards Tibetan refugees, differences between the Tibetan

46
and Indian culture may have the opposite effect. Some participants perceive the Indian culture
to be completely different from the Tibetan culture, such as Norbu (Supervisor, 43 years): “Our
culture is 100% different, nothing is the same.” Dawa (College student, 21 years) has a milder
opinion: “As Tibetans coming to India, settling in here, we are not totally 100% Indians, so
there will always be some differences. The culture is different, the race is different, there always
will be.”
While religion is mentioned by some as a similar ground between the two cultures,
other participants mention several differences regarding this aspect. Some state that, although
Buddhism originates from India, Hinduism is the predominant religion in India nowadays. The
Buddhism that is still present in India these days is Hinayana Buddhism, whereas Tibetans
follow Mahayana Buddhism. Furthermore, whereas Tibetans are mainly Buddhist, India has a
great diversity in religions. Bhuti (Teacher, 28 years) says: “India is a land of diversity. There
are so many different cultures and religions around here. We don’t practice Hinduism. There
are so many differences.”
Furthermore, some participants mention physical differences. Thokmay (Monk, 87
years) explains: “Our traditional dress is different. We came from the Himalaya region. The
way we look, our complexion, is also different. The way we dance and the way they dance is
totally different.”

Whereas abovementioned differences in religion and physical characteristics concern non-

Bylakuppe residents as well, some participants emphasize more personal differences that
mainly relate to Bylakuppe residents.
Firstly, participants perceive the mindset of Bylakuppe residents regarding
conservatism, finances and gender equality to be different from that of Tibetans. Multiple
participants regard the Bylakuppe residents to have a more conservative mindset. Tinley names
an example of this conservative thinking:

“Most of the times, we wear Western clothes, which might not be offensive in our eyes,
but it might not suite their culture. So sometimes, they point at us and sometimes they
tease us in the market. But not often, only sometimes. Especially with the girls, when
they wear shorts. People will stare, and people will point at them. Because of the
thinking. Ideologically, they are more conservative. Because of which, they hardly
accept those things.” (Retired, 74 years)

47
Also, some participants perceive the financial mindset of Bylakuppe residents to be different
from that of Tibetans. Pasang elaborates on this by saying:

“Most Tibetans, when they got money, they do not save. They love showing off. They
spend their money, they buy things, they enjoy. Most of the Tibetans have the same
mentality as foreigners. We do not put a lot of money in the save. Money comes, and
money goes. But when it comes to Indians, like 99%, they save lots of money. This is a
dissimilarity between the Indian and the Tibetan culture. Although these days Indians
are increasingly going out as tourists and spend their money [figure 7.2]”
(Administrator of monastery, 38 years)

Lastly, some participants regard the mindset of Bylakuppe residents to differ from that of
Tibetans when it comes to gender equality. They argue that gender equality is more
predominant in Tibetan culture, whereas in Indian culture it occurs that women are not treated
equally to men. Pema (Teacher, 26 years) argues: “In Tibetan society, there is not much
discrimination against the girls, however there is in Indian society. At least in our localities.”

Figure 7.2: Indian tourists in the Golden Temple

(Photo: Anne Grent (2018))

In summary, most participants experience some discrimination by both Bylakuppe residents

and non-Bylakuppe residents in several forms, possibly decreasing participants’ development
of a sense of belonging. However, factors such as financial benefits, knowledge of the local
language and creating awareness are mentioned as preventing some to discriminate, possibly
48
enhancing the receptivity of Indian society towards refugees. Furthermore, gratitude towards
India and cultural similarities possibly enhance perceptions of a positive social climate towards
Tibetan refugees, arguably increasing the receptivity of Indian society and simultaneously the
development of a sense of belonging. On the other hand, perceived differences regarding
religion, physical characteristics and mindset are likely to give participants a more negative
perception of the social climate towards Tibetan refugees.

7.2 Social capital

Social capital relates to the social networks of Tibetans, which influences their sense of
belonging (Hou et al., 2017). Both bridging social networks – ties with Indian people – and
bonding social networks – relationships with fellow Tibetans – are considered relevant for an
assessment of social capital. Consequently, the following sub-question will be a central focus
of this section: In what ways do Tibetans in exile form social relations with both Indian
nationals and other Tibetans?
This section will predominantly elaborate on the nature of bridging social networks
between participants and Indian citizens, whereby both Bylakuppe and non-Bylakuppe
residents are being considered. A short notion will also be made on the bonding social networks
of participants, even though these are considered less relevant to this study.

7.2.1 Bridging social networks

Bridging social networks between participants and Bylakuppe residents

Bridging social networks between participants and Bylakuppe residents seem to be
predominantly centred around business, which may strengthen feelings of attachment towards
Indian society to some extent. Sonam (Postman, 41 years) states: “I would consider the
relationship with local Indians more as a business deal. We need them, we pay them. It is of a
business deal from two sides.”
Regarding these business relationships, multiple participants speak about the economic
functions that Bylakuppe residents occupy within Bylakuppe. Firstly, Tashi (Retired, 64 years)
talks about the construction work that they do: “Indians come here into our settlements to work,
they do all the skilled and repair work.” During interviews, participants argue that Tibetans
are generally not that interested in undertaking construction work themselves. Furthermore, a
Tibetan monk shared during an informal conversation that Bylakuppe residents usually do all

49
the construction work because planning permission from the Indian government is required –
which is harder to obtain for Tibetan people due to their refugee status.
Jampa confirms that many Bylakuppe residents do construction work, but also
elaborates on other economic functions that they occupy in the settlement:

“They [Bylakuppe residents] work as shop keepers, waiters, businessmen, taxi drivers
and so many people work in construction. So many constructions are going on, and all
the people working in construction are Indian people.” (Founder Karuna Home for
Disabled Children, 50 years)

Figure 7.3: Indian autos in Bylakuppe (Photo: Anne

Grent (2018))

Many participants state that the autos in Bylakuppe are always driven by Bylakuppe residents
(figure 7.3). Consequently, participants often get touch with them when they use the autos to
travel in the settlement and towards Kushalnagar. Additionally, shops and hotels within the
settlement reportedly and visibly often employ or are run by Bylakuppe residents.
Furthermore, participants state that Tibetans frequently hire Bylakuppe residents to
cultivate their land, as they do not have enough manpower and skills themselves. Tenzin
explains:

50
 “The Indian government has given us some agricultural land. But our family is very
small, so we had to hire Indians from around the settlement. Some of the Indian people,
they come as laborers, and we give them daily wages. (…) They also have more skills
for it.” (Teacher, 38 years)

Additionally, some participants occupy jobs whereby they maintain a business relationship
with Bylakuppe residents as colleagues. Rinchen (Provider of internet services, 28 years)
explains: “There is so many Indian staff in our company. Half of the people are Indian.”

Except for business relationships, some participants note they maintain some social
relationships with Bylakuppe residents as well, which may also enhance feelings of attachment
towards Indian society. Gyatso (Teacher, 56 years), for instance, states: “It is a Tibetan
tradition. When somebody comes home, we have tea. We just say: come on, sit down, have tea.
And the Indians sometimes offer us tea as well.” Along these lines, Lhamo elaborates:

“A couple of times when I visited my cousin, I saw an Indian guy come over and bring
Indian food during the Tibetan festivals. My cousin wanted to taste some Indian
homemade food. When the Indian guy came over, he also tasted Tibetan homemade
food. So, there is a give and take kind of policy. There is a healthy relationship between
the local Indians and the Tibetans.” (Teacher, 38 years)

However, these bridging social relations are often not regarded as friendships, supposedly
reducing the development of a sense of belonging towards Indian society – although opinions
about this matter vary slightly between participants. On the one hand, Lobsang (Monk, 39
years) states: “I just talk and drink tea with Indian people, but we are not friends.” Similarly,
Rigzin (Accountant, 28 years) says: “For my work concern, I have some contact with local
Indians. I have contact with contractors and some workers, but not as friends.”
Nyima (Employee Tibetan Agricultural Co-operative Society, 38 years), on the other
hand, does regard the relationships with some Bylakuppe residents as friendships, although not
close friendships. She says: “We don’t have close friendships with local Indians. We have
friends, but I would not invite them to my house.” Tsundue (Teacher, 26 years) agrees to this:
“I have one Indian friend, who drives auto. His name is Anil. We are just friends. Not close,
but friends.”

51
Moreover, some participants do not have much business nor social relationships with
Bylakuppe residents at all. This is especially reported by monks, who mostly live quite
segregated in the separate lama [monk] camp within Bylakuppe. Thekchen (Monk, 22 years)
highlights his lack of relations with Bylakuppe residents by saying: “Usually, we don’t have
that much communication and that much time with local people. What I know, I have learned
from looking at their movies.”

Bridging social networks between participants and non-Bylakuppe residents

Whereas there largely seems to be a lack of bridging social networks based on friendship with
Bylakuppe residents, participants allegedly maintain more friendships with non-Bylakuppe
residents, presumably increasing feelings of attachment towards Indian society. This merely
concerns participants who have pursued their studies in Indian cities such as Mysore or
Bangalore, which will be elaborated upon in the section on economic integration. Metok
(Teacher, 27 years) explains: “When I was in college, I was the only Tibetan in my class. All
the other 60 students were Indians. I made so many Indian friends there.” Along these lines,
Tsering (Teacher, 28 years) states that he even has more Indian than Tibetan friends: “In
college, all my friends were Indians. I had the best moments of my life at college. I explored so
many things. I have even fallen in love with an Indian lady. It was my first love.”

Figure 7.4: Tibetan public at the Losar Mega Show

(Photo: Anne Grent (2018))

52
Participants that made non-Bylakuppe friends in college indicate that they primarily stay in
touch with them through social media. Tsetan (Teacher, 33 years) states: “They [non-
Bylakuppe friends] usually have WhatsApp, so I usually communicate with them through
WhatsApp and Facebook.”
A reported reason for this is the distance between the participants and their non-
Bylakuppe friends, which makes it easier to communicate through social media than to visit
each other. When asked whether he maintains contacts with his Indian friends in real life, Pema
(Teacher, 26 years) answers: “When time permits, they live quite far away you know.”
Given the reported scarcity of face-to-face communication, friendships with non-
Bylakuppe residents arguably do not play a predominant role in the daily lives of participants
after their college time. This raises questions as to what extent these friendships influence
participants’ feelings of attachment towards Indian society.

Figure 7.5: Golden Temple in Bylakuppe (Photo:

Anne Grent (2018))

Moreover, although some participants mention to have acquired friendships with non-
Bylakuppe residents, participants primarily seem to maintain friendships with fellow Tibetans.
This can also be observed during public Losar celebrations, such as the Losar Mega Show. In
figure 7.4 can be seen how the public of this show merely consists of Tibetans, with many
Tibetan monks in particular. There were no Bylakuppe residents noticeable in the public,
although they were working in the food stalls, confirming the notion that the ties with local
Indians are mainly business relationships. In addition, Tibetans occasionally meet among
themselves in the monasteries and Buddhist temples (figure 7.5), where some participants do
prayers on a daily basis. These predominantly bonding social networks may strengthen the
53
identification of participants with Tibet, reducing their sense of belonging towards Indian
society.

In summary, bridging social networks mainly consist of business relationships with Bylakuppe
residents and friendships with non-Bylakuppe residents maintained through social media.
Bonding social networks – i.e. friendships with fellow Tibetans – are predominant among
participants. Consequently, the social capital of participants largely seems to facilitate their
strengthened identification with Tibet and arguably has a rather minor influence on their
development of feelings of attachment towards Indian society.

7.3 Economic integration

Economic integration offers a reflection of the participation of Tibetan refugees in Indian
society – indicated by economic outcomes and socio-economic success (Hou et al., 2017).
Regarding this concept, this section focuses on the sub-question: In what ways does the Tibetan
refugee diaspora experience economic participation in Indian society?
To give a comprehensive description of participants’ economic integration, this topic is
divided into educational integration and occupational integration. These sub-topics are
discussed successively in this section – focusing on the school- and college-time, as well as the
working life of participants.

7.3.1 Educational integration of Tibetan refugees in Indian society

Educational integration may enhance participants’ development of a sense of belonging
towards Indian society. To assess the educational integration of Tibetan refugees in Indian
society, it is important to have an understanding of the Indian school system. Pasang explains:

“Here in India, you go through 5 years of primary education, 3 years of middle school
education, 2 years of secondary education and then plus 2. So that is basically 12 years
of schooling. After 12 years of schooling, you go to college. In India, an undergraduate
degree takes 3 years. After this, you go on to do your master’s.” (Teacher, 41 years)

Participants note that they have been to Tibetan schools until the 12th grade. The origin of the
Tibetan school system is explained by Tashi, a 64-year-old retired teacher. In the 1960s,
Tibetan refugees who had just arrived in India lived in harsh conditions in so-called road camps
in the North, where they made roads for the Indian government. Tashi was orphaned soon after

54
arrival when he was only 4 years old, along with many other Tibetan children. He explains
what happened thereafter:

“The older sister of the Dalai Lama, Tsering Dolma, sent officials, people responsible
for education and things like that and told them to collect all the children from these
road camps and bring them down to Dharamsala. This project was a wonderful thing
for me, because I was left on the side of the road with my parents dead. It was easy for
them to pick me up and carry me on their backs. They brought me all the way to
Dharamsala. That is where I started my real life.”

Tashi arrived at the Tibetan nursery for Tibetan refugee children, what would later become a
large educational institution called Tibetan Children’s Villages (TCV). He remained in this
school until the 12th grade. Another educational institution for Tibetans is the Central School
for Tibetans (CST), also present in Bylakuppe. The majority of the participants went to either
TCV or CST until the 12th grade. This indicates that until the 12th grade, there is little
educational integration into Indian society, presumably limiting attachment towards Indian
society.

Figure 7.6: Monastic school in Bylakuppe (Photo:

Anne Grent (2018))

On the other hand, some participants state that both TCV and CST abide the Indian
school curriculum. This means that Tibetan children get to learn about subjects such as Indian
history and the Hindi language. This may enhance attachment towards Indian society.
55
However, special attention is paid to Tibetan cultural values as well, enhancing attachment to
the Tibetan community simultaneously. Gyatso (Teacher, 56 years) elaborates on this by
stating that: “The Dalai Lama speaks the language of compassion, kindness and altruism. In
our school, teachers very often tell children to be compassionate.”

Whereas TCV and CST reportedly mainly focus on the Indian curriculum with some Tibetan
value education, Tibetan values are arguably more predominantly present in the monastic
schools of Bylakuppe (figure 7.6). According to some participants who either teach or study at
one of these schools, the school system works slightly different there. For instance, specific
attention is paid to Tibetan subjects – such as a Tibetan writing class (figure 7.7).

Figure 7.7: Tibetan writing class

in monastic school (Photo: Anne
Grent (2018))

Reportedly, once monks have completed the 10th grade, they go on to study Buddhist
Philosophy at one of the monastic universities (figure 7.8). Thekchen (Monk, 22 years)
explains what happens after class 10 by saying: “If you want to get the highest degree, which
we call geshe and is like a PhD, we have to study about 24 years.” Consequently, for monks
the educational integration into Indian society remains limited – which means that even after
the 12th grade their education will likely not stimulate the development of a sense of belonging.

Whereas monks will study within the Tibetan settlements for an indefinite period and
experience little educational integration in Indian society, most lay participants – those who
56
are not Monks – mention that they pursued their college education and sometimes master’s
degree in Indian cities. Tsering elaborates on this:

“I did my bachelor’s degree in Mysore city. It was a four-year integrated course, a

bachelor Science and Education. After that, I went to another city. It is called Madras,
now Chennai, where I pursued my master’s degree in Science.” (Teacher, 28 years)

Consequently, once some lay participants pass the 12th grade, their educational participation
in Indian society increases considerably, which is likely to positively affect their sense of
belonging towards Indian society. However, not all participants have finished a bachelor’s or
master’s degree, as Sonam (Postman, 41 years) elaborates: “I went to school up till year 10.
After that I have been helping the family business.”

Figure 7.8: Monastic university in Bylakuppe (Photo:

Anne Grent (2018))

7.3.2 Occupational integration of Tibetans in Indian society

Although the educational participation in Indian society of most participants is enhanced after
class 12, the occupational integration of participants is rather limited. This entails that most
participants are employed within the settlement itself. For instance, numerous participants are
employed as teachers (figure 7.9) – as seen in table 6.2. The schools where they work are all
located within Bylakuppe. Other participants are, for instance, part of the monasteries in
Bylakuppe – either as monk or as employee – or work for the Tibetan Agricultural Co-
operative Society.

57
 Figure 7.9: Teacher in monastic school (Photo: Anne
Grent (2018))

Not many participants work outside of the settlement. Rinchen (Provider of internet services,
28 years), however, works both in and outside the settlement. He says: “My job is to provide
internet service, rural broadband, in Bylakuppe and in Indian towns. But my office is only
here in Bylakuppe.” Consequently, few participants experience a higher level of occupational
integration in Indian society – which can enhance their development of a sense of belonging.

Some participants indicate that their occupational integration is being compromised by their
refugee status – as will be elaborated upon in the next section on exposure to Indian society.
If these participants would possess an Indian passport, they would have picked a job in Indian
society and thereby enhance their occupational integration. Tsering (Teacher, 28 years) says:
“The problem for us is that our official status is still that of refugees. I thought maybe I should
go and enter the Indian market, but that is difficult with a refugee status.”
The majority of the participants, however, indicates to be content with their occupation
within Bylakuppe – despite the lack of a high salary. This entails that those participants would
not pick another job when given the chance, which might indicate that they feel no desire to
enhance their sense of belonging through enhanced occupational integration. Tsetan is
overwhelmingly positive about his job:

“Even though the salary is not high, I love this place. I love to teach monks and to
learn about Tibetan Buddhism. I love this environment and I love to stay with the
monks as well.” (Teacher, 33 years)
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Alongside income from work, income from international aid and remittances improve the
socio-economic position of participants, arguably enhancing their sense of belonging towards
Indian society. Socio-economic success is likely to enhance a sense of belonging (Amit & Bar-
Lev, 2015). As previously discussed in the section of receiving society receptivity, Tibetans
are generally more developed than Bylakuppe residents due to abovementioned factors. Nyima
(Employee Tibetan Agricultural Co-operative Society, 38 years) elaborates: “Tibetan people
use to go abroad and work, they send money to their parents over there. They sometimes build
a house for their parents.”

In summary, the educational integration of lay participants remains limited until the 12th grade.
Although some participants experience a higher level of educational integration during their
college-time in Indian cities, they usually start working within the settlement afterwards. So,
after their sense of belonging is supposedly enhanced for a short period of time, it is likely to
decrease again soon thereafter. Monks, however, form an exception as they usually complete
their education with a stronger focus on Tibetan values within the settlements – which is likely
to limit their development of a sense of belonging towards Indian society. Furthermore, the
enhanced socio-economic position that partly derived from international aid and remittances
might result in the development of a sense of belonging towards Indian society.

7.4 Exposure to Indian society

The topic exposure to the host society emphasizes the contacts immigrants have with the
majority group (Hou et al., 2017). Consequently, this section is centred around the sub-
question: How do Tibetans in exile perceive their role in Indian society? To answer this
question, this section will elaborate on the topics ‘regular visits to Indian towns and cities’,
‘language proficiency’ and ‘commitment to remain in India’.

7.4.1 Regular visits to Indian towns and cities

According to Fenster (2005), sense of belonging changes as corporal experiences create
attachment and sentiments to a place. Therefore, regular visits to Indian towns and cities could
influence participants’ sense of belonging. Regarding this, the majority of the participants
mentions that they visit the nearest Indian town Kushalnagar (figure 7.10) the most often – at
least once a week. These regular visits arguably enhance attachment towards Indian society.

59
 Figure 7.10: Main street of Kushalnagar (Photo: Anne
Grent (2018))

A typical case is that of Sangye, a 41-years-old field officer. Every Tuesday, he takes
an auto or rides his motorbike to Kushalnagar to visit the weekly market. When he goes there,
he buys vegetables or necessities for his house. He explains why he does not do his shopping
in Bylakuppe itself:

“Before, when I was small, the settlement was not much developed. Compared to the
last 20 years, the settlement has improved a lot. You can get almost everything inside
the settlement, but in Kushalnagar things are very cheap. We bargain with the shop
owners and more items are available.”

However, Sangye does not only go to Kushalnagar for the market but also for other purposes:

“Kushalnagar is only 10 to 15 minutes away, so occasionally I use to go there. (…) I

get a haircut there and get Xerox copies. Also, I go there to get petroleum or repairing
services for my bike and car.”

Like Sangye, many participants frequently visit Kushalnagar, although not all of them go to
run errands. Lobsang (Monk, 39 years) explains: “Sometimes I am walking to Kushalnagar
with my friend monks. On the way, we talk about Buddhism. When we get there, we drink sweet
tea.”

60
Whereas Kushalnagar is frequently visited, participants less often go to more distant Indian
cities, indicating that a sense of belonging is mostly being developed towards local Indian
society. Participants mostly state to visit Mysore and Bangalore. Mysore is the nearest city,
two hours by bus from Bylakuppe. Participants go there sometimes for recreational purposes.
Ngawang (Employee NGO animal care, 41 years) explains: “We go there because Mysore is a
big city you know. We can get whatever we need; medicines, movies, whatever.” Similarly,
Dawa (College student, 21 years) says: “Sometimes I go to Mysore with friends, just to go to
the mall and watch movies.”
Bangalore is less frequently visited by participants, as it takes five hours by bus to get
there. An often-mentioned reason to go there is to visit Tibetan friends that live there, as Tsetan
(Teacher, 33 years) explains: “Some of my friends are in Bangalore. Sometimes I go there, and
I spent one or two nights, then I come back. I just go there to meet my friends and enjoy with
them.”
Except for towns and cities in Karnataka, a few participants also visit northern states of
India sometimes. However, whenever participants go to the North they mostly seem to stay in
Majnu-ka-tilla in Delhi or McLeod Ganj in Dharamsala. Both places have a large population
of Tibetans, which indicates a limited exposure to Indian society when participants visit there.
Along these lines, Gyatso (Teacher, 56 years) explains:

“Sometimes I go to Delhi to meet my sister’s son and his family. He is working there at
the Tibetan Reception Centre. (…) And sometimes I go to Dharamsala also, when there
is a training for teachers or a workshop on a new teaching methodology.” (English
teacher, 56 years)

7.4.2 Language proficiency

Language serves as a symbol of national identity and cultural solidarity, facilitating emotional
identification with either the home or the host country (Raijman & Geffen, 2017). Regarding
language proficiency, the majority states that they feel most comfortable communicating in
their mother tongue, the Tibetan language. This indicates more attachment towards the Tibetan
community than towards Indian society. Tsering (Teacher, 28 years), for instance, says: “I
prefer to speak in my own mother tongue, in Tibetan.”
A few participants indicate that they feel similarly comfortable communicating in
English. Pasang (Teacher, 41 years) says: “When it comes to speaking both Tibetan and

61
English but writing in English. I stopped learning Tibetan when I finished my class 12. That
was in 1996, almost 22 years ago.”

A large share of the participants, however, feels more comfortable communicating in Hindi
than in English. Proficiency in Hindi supposedly enhances feelings of attachment towards
Indian society. Chokey (Assistant accountant Tibetan Agricultural Co-operative Society) says:
“I choose the Tibetan language first, then the Hindi language, and then English.”
Participants who speak Hindi have usually learned this in two ways. Firstly, Hindi is
taught in school. Yama (12th grade student, 19 years) explains: “We learn Hindi in class 6, 7
and 8. Only three years. We learn the alphabet and some words.” This also substantiates the
argument that the Indian curriculum at Tibetan schools enhances educational integration.
Secondly, some participants state that they learned the Hindi language from Bollywood movies
(figure 7.11) – which the majority of the participants like to watch. Tsetan (Teacher, 33) says:
“When I was in school, I used to love movies. Most of the movies are Hindi. I learned Hindi by
seeing movies.” Consequently, those who understand the national language arguably get more
insights into the Indian culture that is distributed through movies – enhancing the development
of their sense of belonging.

Figure 7.11: Advertisement poster for a Bollywood

movie in Bylakuppe (Photo: Anne Grent (2018))

Whereas some participants state to be fluent in Hindi, most participants say their
knowledge of the Hindi language is limited – arguably preventing them to develop their sense
of belonging towards Indian society. Rigzin (Accountant, 28 years) says: “Most of the time I

62
try to communicate in Hindi, but I only have some basic knowledge.” Dhondup explains that
he faced difficulties by not being fluent in Hindi:

“Local people in this area are speaking very less in Hindi. We have to study Hindi until
class 8, after that we do not have Hindi. We only have English and Tibetan. After class
12, we have to choose a second language. Most of the universities are not giving
additional English, so I was forced to choose Hindi. It is very hard to choose a language
that is unfamiliar to us. Because of Hindi, I got lower grades in my BA.” (Librarian, 53
years)

Furthermore, Bylakuppe residents usually speak Kannada instead of Hindi. Participants that
belong to the category second-generation refugees – those who were born in India – and grew
up in Bylakuppe mostly speak the local language Kannada. Knowledge of Kannada supposedly
enhances a sense of belonging towards the local Indian society. Dolma (Shop owner, 43 years)
says: “Mostly in Bylakuppe itself, Tibetans speak Kannada very fluently. People do get better
relations with the local people by learning the Kannada language.”
On the other hand, participants who are first generation refugees – people who were
born and have lived in Tibet – or those who grew up in another state often do not speak
Kannada. Their attachment towards local Indian society is likely to be limited by this factor.
Kelsang (10th grade student, 18 years), who is a first-generation refugee, says: “I don’t even
know how to say ‘what is your name?’ in Kannada. I just know how to count to three. But I
forgot about it now.”

7.4.3 Commitment to remain in India

According to Amit and Bar-Lev (2015), more commitment to stay in the host country for a
longer period of time generally motivates immigrants to enhance their efforts made to belong.
With regard to this, numerous participants state that they view India as their second homeland.
Tsetan (Teacher, 33 years) says: “I must say that India has become my country, my second
homeland.” Similarly, Tashi (Retired, 64 years) elaborates: “My entire life, as a child,
education and working, everything was in India. So, I am a Tibetan, but in my heart I am an
Indian in that sense.”
Feelings of India as a second homeland may be enhanced by the fact that a large share
of the participants was born in India or arrived as children or young adolescents. This results

63
in their socialization being proceeded in India and a lengthier tenure in the host country –
making the development of a sense of belonging more likely.

That many participants see India as a second homeland becomes apparent in the ways Indian
culture has influenced their lives throughout the years. First, although some prefer to listen to
Tibetan music, participants mostly enjoy listening to Bollywood music as well. Namdol
(Tibetan traditional doctor, 53 years) says: “I like Bollywood music. Indians make great
traditional and modern-day music. Sometimes we sing Indian songs together.”

Figure 7.12: Tibetan monk preparing tsampa for

breakfast (Photo: Anne Grent (2018))

Second, although Tibetan food – like tsampa (figure 7.12), momo’s (7.13) and thukpa
– is consumed within Bylakuppe, participants often say they enjoy Indian food as well. In
restaurants, it is not unusual that both Indian and Tibetan food is being served – as is illustrated
in figure 7.14. Participants consume Indian foods such as puri, parotta and dosa. Some
participants even prefer Indian food to Tibetan food. When Pema asked what kind of food he
prefers, he answers:

“Definitely Indian. I was born and raised in India. I always had the Indian diet, which
is rice and all these things. I didn’t have our own diet much. In the sense of food, I am
more towards Indian food. They have multiple cuisines, whereas in Tibetan society
there are hardly 8 to 10 cuisines, that’s it. So, there is more choice in Indian food. And

64
 we are used to Indian food. When we were in school, there was Indian food, rice and
dahl. Dahl is not grown in Tibet at all, but now we are used to it.” (Teacher, 26 years)

However, Lhamo (Teacher, 38 years) says: “If we have a party, we have Tibetan food, such as
momo’s, and Indian food. If we have the maximum amount of momo’s, then momo’s are always
completed. They barely eat the Indian food.”
Also, participants state that whereas Tibetans originally used to drink butter tea, they
now usually drink Indian chai. Sonam (Post man, 41 years) explains: “My grandparents did
not drink chai, we had butter tea. Nowadays, people do not drink much butter tea, they prefer
more Indian chai, sweet tea.”
Abovementioned influences of Indian culture in the daily life of participants possibly
enhance their commitment to remain in India, effectively increasing efforts to belong in India.
Gyatso (Teacher, 56 years) has gotten so used to India that he wishes to stay there. He says:
“Given a choice, I would love to stay in India. I feel very comfortable here.”

Figure 7.13: Steamed momo’s

(Photo: Anne Grent (2018))
Figure 7.14: Restaurant that serves
both Tibetan and Indian food (Photo:
Anne Grent (2018))

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Opinions about Tibetans taking up Indian citizenship
With regard to the commitment of participants to remain in India, the topic of Indian citizenship
is often debated within the Tibetan community. Under certain circumstances, it is a possibility
for Tibetan refugees to apply for an Indian passport, which reportedly brings about individual
benefits, but a communal disadvantage for Tibetan society.
One of the individual benefits often mentioned by participants is that applying for an
Indian passport would expand employment opportunities for Tibetan refugees. Tashi
elaborates:

“Being separated from India, not being an Indian citizen, there are certain things you
can’t do and certain jobs you can’t get. Like for example government jobs, or in the
military, in the navy, armed forces, whatever. As a Tibetan, you can’t get a job there,
because we are not Indians. Our young people, they have to go in private companies
for jobs. Privately, they employ us. All the government things are blocked for us.
Starting a business is easier when you are a citizen; it is more difficult if you are not a
citizen.” (Retired, 64 years)

Those who wish to expand their employment opportunities in Indian society arguably are more
prepared to stay in India for a longer period than those who do not wish to do so.
Another reported individual benefit is that taking up Indian citizenship would make
travelling easier, which is difficult now due to the lack of a passport. Nyima explains:

“If you travel on an IC [Identification Card], you have to go for an exit permit for the
visa. It will take time. We have to go to Mysore for the police clearance, and then go
back to Bylakuppe police station. If we have Indian passport, we don’t have to go for
all of this.” (Employee Tibetan Agricultural Co-operative Society, 38 years)

Moreover, taking up Indian citizenship would allegedly expand employment opportunities and
make travelling easier – indicating a stronger commitment to remain in India.
Other participants, however, emphasize the communal disadvantage for Tibetan
society. For them, the wish to return to Tibet is likely to be stronger than their commitment to
stay in India. Phuntsok explains the main communal disadvantage:

66
 “Once we have an Indian passport, then the whole purpose of being in India in exile is
lost. The reason why we have a separate school system, separate parliament, separate
Tibetan administration is to preserve our Tibetan identity.” (Teacher, 51 years)

This implies that one cannot have an Indian passport and simultaneously keep the Tibetan
identity, but should choose between these nationalities. Consequently, according to some,
applying for Indian citizenship would undermine the Tibetan cause to eventually return to
Tibet. Yangkey, however, does not agree with the notion that documents are central to one’s
identity. He explains:

“In order to keep our identity, it is not necessary to keep Tibetan documents
specifically. It is the 21st century; we have to move on. Even though it is so important
to keep our Tibetan culture and Tibetan rituals going, it is not necessary to keep the
Tibetan documents to prove that you are from the Tibetan community. You are not
Tibetan because you got a green book. It is not necessary to show them. (…) There are
some people who really need to apply for Indian citizenship in order to ease their
personal issues. Not because they don’t like the Tibetan identity, it is not because they
hate Tibetans. They did that because they need to do that.” (Teacher, 30 years)

Moreover, the communal disadvantage of a jeopardized Tibetan cause seems to outweigh the
individual benefits for most participants, as only few would apply for an Indian passport
themselves, indicating a weak desire to remain in India. Only those who would like to expand
their employment opportunities or travel more frequently would consider applying. However,
some participants did not make up their mind about the matter yet, as in the case of Tsering:

“Since my childhood days, my parents have been telling me the same thing: there is a
reason why you are still a refugee, there is a cause you have to fight for. One aspect is
that I want to do great business, and then one is my family’s wish to serve the country,
to fight for our own country. So, I am still in the middle. I am still not able to decide.”
(Teacher, 28 years).

Nonetheless, most participants seem to have feelings of solidarity towards those who choose
to do acquire an Indian passport. Bhuti elaborates:

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 “We were born and brought up only here in Bylakuppe. Here, I have my land which is
given by the government, so there is no reason to apply for citizenship. My advice is for
those who stay in college or work in the city, [they] should apply for Indian citizenship.
Because, those students who stay in city life, they don’t have any agriculture land, they
don’t have any property given by the central government. They are working on their
own and staying on their own feet.” (Teacher, 28 years)

Wish to return to Tibet

Moreover, as already indicated by the fact that most participants do not wish to apply for Indian
citizenship, most participants express a strong desire to return to Tibet. This debatably reduces
efforts made to belong to Indian society. Lobsang states:

“My mother used to tell me that we are to get back to our country. Our ancestors are
all from Tibet. If we get our independence, we will definitely go back to Tibet. Why do
we have to stay in India? This is our second home; our main home is Tibet. Every year
me and my mother pray for Losar to go back to Tibet very soon.” (Monk, 39 years)

Reported reasons for the wish to return to Tibet seem to vary between first- and second-
generation refugees but seem to have nothing to do with dislikeable characteristics of Indian
society. First-generation refugees – those who were born and have lived in Tibet – often report
a wish to return to see their family. Dawa (College student, 21 years), who was born in Tibet,
says: “I have two sisters and one brother who still live in Tibet. I want to meet them and them
also want to meet me.” Second-generation refugees, on the other hand, have never been to
Tibet themselves and express a wish to see their homeland. Rigzin, a second-generation
refugee, explains that he merely has ideas about Tibet from stories of others and pictures but
wishes to go and experience the reality:

“I was born in India. People say that we are Tibetans. The first thing that came to mind
was ‘where is Tibet?’. I wonder what our capital Lhasa looks like, the Potala and
everything. It is just the pictures I can see, not the reality. We don’t have freedom yet.
(…) We are hoping that soon we can go back.” (Accountant, 28 years)

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Participants who want to return to Tibet predominantly express that they will remain in India
until the Chinese government agrees with the middle way approach, as is proposed by the Dalai
Lama. This entails that Tibet can stay within the People’s Republic of China but acquires
genuine autonomy. Tsetan explains:

“We are looking for genuine autonomy, not full independence. This is the middle way
approach. Tibet was an independent country before, but if you see the current situation,
China is very powerful. The Tibetan population is also very small. Many Chinese have
come to Tibet, and Tibetans are already a minority in our country. This is the problem,
that is why we are not looking for complete independence. It is a win-win proposition.”
(Teacher, 33 years)

Whilst many agree with the middle-way approach, some participants state that they wish for
rangzen [freedom] for Tibet. Norbu (Supervisor, 43 years) explains: “I wish for complete
independence, I need it. I don’t want Tibet to be a part of China.” Along these lines, Tsetan
continues to argue: “There is a non-governmental organization which is called the Tibetan
Youth Congress. They fight for rangzen, which means they want complete independence for
Tibet.”

Although many participants express a strong desire to return to Tibet, some explicitly state that
they do not feel the need to do so. Participants indicate to imagine the current Tibet region as
backward with a lack of health care, employment and educational facilities. Consequently,
returning to Tibet would mean they would have to lower their living standards. This indicates
a stronger desire to remain in India as of now. Furthermore, many feel that the Chinese have
influenced Tibet too much. Sonam elaborates on this:

“It is not Tibet anymore, the Chinese completely changed it. It is not like you can see
lots of yaks and sheep, see these rivers and forests, it is not anymore. The Chinese have
polluted it. It is not like the old Tibet, it has been changed so much. They just literally
destroyed everything. From the monasteries, to the daily lives of people, to the
landscape, or even the rivers and forests. There is nothing to see in Tibet now. It is just
the name Tibet, but it does not feel like my land anymore.” (Postman, 41 years)

69
On the other hand, some participants have not made up their mind about whether they wish to
return to Tibet yet. Gyemtsen (School prefect, 19 years) says: “If we were allowed to go to
Tibet, then I don’t know. I was raised here, my thoughts are developed in this country, but I
really want to meet my parents. I want to help them.”

Desire to go to the West

Whereas many express the desire to return to Tibet and some wish to remain in India, many
participants make notion of the tendency of mainly young Tibetans in India to move to Western
countries. This desire to go to the West implies a weak commitment to remain in India, arguably
reducing the efforts made to belong to Indian society. Tashi explains this phenomenon:

“Now, slowly what is happening is that going back to Tibet as a free people is becoming
more and more difficult. Young people don’t see that happening now. So many young
Tibetans are looking towards the West to settle. Not so much India. If they get a visa
today, they will go. They see the West to be wonderful, the land of milk and honey,
money to be picked from the trees. Everything is shiny, wonderful, clean, spotless, you
know. They see that. They want to go there. So that is what they do. There is a huge
effort to try to go anywhere. Holland, Germany, French, Denmark, Sweden or
whatever, it does not matter. Not towards Tibet, nobody goes to Tibet.” (Retired, 64
years)

Some, mainly young, participants expressed a desire to go to Western countries themselves to

either study or work there. They generally believe there are more opportunities for them there.
Lhundup (Teacher, 23 years) says: “I am planning to join one of the universities in Australia.
I am still working on this. I don’t give up. I was a big dreamer when I was in school, and I will
remain a big dreamer.” Dawa (College student, 21 years) adds that he would like to study
abroad, but afterwards return to India to serve the Tibetan community: “If I get the opportunity
to study abroad, I go there and then return to the Tibetan community to serve here.”

Furthermore, participants indicate that Tibetan refugees have been influenced to go to the West
by people they know. Phuntsok (Teacher, 51 years) says: “I am 99% sure I am going abroad.
(…) I want to go to the United States, because my brothers are there.” Namdol explains:

70
 “Some of the Tibetans have a very peculiar mindset. For example, in your family one
or two members are in Western countries. So other people are thinking: oh my god, in
our family none have gone across the ocean, so we have to go.” (Tibetan traditional
doctor, 53 years)

However, many older participants, like Tashi who has studied and worked in the United States,
are not eager to settle in the West at all, showing a commitment to remain in India. Tashi says:

“I never really had the desire to live in America. The way of life there is very different,
you don’t get the time to think and reflect, you are hurrying all the time. The American
dollar is very good when you compare it to Indian rupees. That makes you work hard.
For me it is far better to live a peaceful live in India.” (Retired, 64 years)

Tashi continues to argue that a more peaceful life in India connects better to Buddha’s teachings
that say to be content with what you have and not to be deceived by wealth. According to him,
the priorities of Western countries clash with Buddhism. He says:

“Buddha says to be content with what you have. Don’t hunger, don’t thirst, don’t crave,
don’t rush. When you do that, you will suffer. The more you have, the more you want.
When you try to invite these teachings into your life and then go to a country where
everything is about competition, materialism, success, achieving and individualism,
then there is a problem, because it is clashing all the time.”

Moreover, influences of the Western culture have become apparent in Bylakuppe when it
comes to music, possibly indicating an increasing sense of belonging towards Western
countries. When sitting in coffee cafés [coffee shops] or walking through the streets, one can
hear Justin Bieber blaring from the speakers. You can also buy bags with the face of Bob
Marley on it in many shops. Sangye (Field officer, 41 years) states: “I love English songs. Now,
there is Justin Bieber. In my time, there were Michael Jackson, Charlie Chaplin and Bob
Marley.” Ngawang (Employee NGO Animal care, 41 years) adds: “I love Western music. To
be honest, nowadays, the younger generation of Tibetans is more attracted to the Western
culture.” With regard to this, Rinchen (Provider of internet services, 28 years) reasons: “It is
not like because I am Tibetan I only should like Tibetan songs, that is not necessary.”

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 Generally, participants appreciate Tibetan, Bollywood and English music equally –
reflecting the mix of Indian, Western and Tibetan influences in their daily life. Dolma (Shop
owner, 43 years) says: “I listen to Hindi, Tibetan and English music, all mixed up. I don’t have
a preference. I like music with a lot of beats.” At musical concerts, Tibetan, Bollywood and
Western dances are performed, shown on the advertisement poster for a musical concert in
figure 7.15.

Figure 7.15: Advertisement poster

musical concert (Photo: Anne Grent
(2018))

In summary, participants most frequently visit nearby Indian towns and cities – indicating an
enhanced sense of belonging towards local Indian society. Regarding language proficiency,
participants prefer to speak their mother tongue Tibetan, which indicates a strong attachment
to Tibet. Most participants do speak Hindi, although not fluently. Those who speak Hindi
mostly watch Bollywood movies and are arguably more knowledgeable about the Indian
culture due to more exposure, enhancing their sense of belonging. Second-generation refugees
who grew up in Bylakuppe mostly speak the local language Kannada as well. Furthermore,
although some participants would prefer to stay in India, most report a strong desire to return
to Tibet, reflected in the lack of willingness to take up Indian citizenship. Others, mostly young
participants, wish to go towards the West, showing little attachment to Indian society.
Interestingly, a mix of the Western, Indian and Tibetan culture is noticeable if one considers
participants’ musical preferences.
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8. Discussion and conclusion
On 31 March 2018, the ‘Thank you India’ event marked the beginning of the 60th year of exile
for the stateless Tibetan refugee diaspora in India. Ever since 1959, Tibetan refugees have
resided in India in separate refugee settlements – designed to preserve the Tibetan society and
culture. The settlements were initially designed to be temporary, but after all these decades the
dream of a free Tibet seems inconceivable in the foreseeable future (Palakshappa, 1978;
Ahmad, 2012). Consequently, the aim of this study was to gain in-depth information of
Tibetans refugees’ individual perceptions regarding the ways they feel ‘at home in India’. The
main research question was: What perceptions do Tibetan refugees in India have about their
sense of belonging towards Indian society?
In order to answer this question, this study has focused on four main topics and
corresponding sub-questions in the context of the sense of belonging, namely ‘receiving society
receptivity’, ‘social capital’, ‘economic integration’ and ‘exposure to host society’. In this
section, this study will first discuss the results presented in the previous chapter along the lines
of these topics by reflecting on the findings and making suggestions for possible policy
recommendations. Following, it will discuss the interesting dynamic between the overall
findings and the concept of identity in this case study. Lastly, it will answer the main research
question, reflect on this study’s limitations and hindsight improvements, and propose routes
for future research.

The first topic discussed is ‘receiving society receptivity’, which entails how the host country
welcomes and treats immigrants. For this study, this topic was translated into the sub-question
How does the Tibetan refugee diaspora perceive their reception by Indian society? In
answering this question, this study looked specifically at two indicators: ‘perceived
discrimination’, which entails experienced instances of discrimination by Indian citizens; and
‘perceptions of the social climate with regard to immigrants in the host country’, which
includes how Tibetan refugees feel towards Indian citizens.
The findings of this study show that most participants perceive instances of
discrimination on an individual level by both Bylakuppe and non-Bylakuppe residents. Most
reported were instances such as overcharging and being insulted. Although these instances of
discrimination do occur, most participants emphasize that this is not always the case and merely
inflicted by few Indian nationals. Regarding the social climate towards Tibetan refugees in
India, most participants express positive perceptions by emphasizing their gratitude towards

73
Indian society for the way they have been and are being received. Furthermore, similarities
between the Tibetan and Indian culture possibly increase positive perceptions towards the
social climate, although perceived cultural differences simultaneously jeopardize this.
According to Antonisch (2010) and Hou et al. (2017), the development of a sense of
belonging is generally being encouraged by a lack of discrimination and a positive social
climate towards immigrants. Furthermore, Weedon (2004) states that belonging is influenced
by what one has in common and what differentiates one from others. The findings of this study
therefore indicate that whereas participants’ development of a sense of belonging is arguably
being discouraged by perceived discrimination and cultural differences, positive perceptions
regarding the social climate towards Tibetan refugees and cultural similarities simultaneously
enhance it.
In terms of policy recommendations, since participants state that more awareness
reduces instances of discrimination, it would be worthwhile to take steps to create more
consciousness of the Tibetan situation among Indian citizens, for example through the
organization of information-evenings in which Tibetan refugees can raise awareness about their
situation. It would be especially relevant to focus on non-Bylakuppe residents, as they are less
familiar with Tibetan refugees than Bylakuppe residents.

The second topic discussed is ‘social capital’, which entails immigrants’ social networks. For
this study, this topic was translated into the sub-question In what ways do Tibetans in exile
form social relations with both Indian nationals and other Tibetans? In answering this
question, this study looked specifically at two indicators: ‘bonding social networks’, which
entails ties with fellow Tibetan refugees; and ‘bridging social networks’, which entails ties with
Indian citizens.
The findings of this study indicate that bonding social networks are predominant among
participants, which means that they predominantly maintain friendships with fellow Tibetan
refugees. Conversely, most participants indicate to have only few and limited bridging social
networks. Their relationships with Bylakuppe residents reportedly mainly evolve around
business, for example in hotels or during auto rides. Merely participants who pursued their
education in Indian cities maintain ties with non-Bylakuppe residents, which mainly take place
through social media once these participants returned to Bylakuppe.
According to Hou et al. (2017), bridging social networks may enhance sense of
belonging towards the receiving country, whereas bonding social networks may strengthen
immigrants’ identification with the source country. Therefore, the findings of this study
74
indicate that the presence of primarily bonding social networks and scarce nature of bridging
social networks allegedly discourage participants’ development of sense of belonging towards
Indian society and strengthen their sense of belonging towards Tibetan society instead.
As the enhancement of bridging social networks is likely to make Tibetan refugees feel
more at home in Indian society, a policy to create opportunities for Tibetans and Indian citizens
to bond socially would possibly have effect. To establish social interactions between Tibetans
and Bylakuppe residents, setting up a community centre may be beneficial.

The third topic considered is ‘economic integration’, which reflects participants’ participation
in the receiving society. For this study, this topic was translated into the sub-question In what
ways does the Tibetan refugee diaspora experience economic participation in Indian society?
In answering this question, this study considered two indicators: ‘economic outcomes’, which
relates to the jobs Tibetan refugees occupy and the education they have pursued; and ‘socio-
economic position’, which reflects the position of Tibetan refugees in Indian society based on
their wealth.
Regarding economic outcomes, this study found that participants experience a rather
low level of economic integration during their school-time and working life, since they go to
Tibetan schools and are predominantly employed within Bylakuppe. The phase in which many
participants experience most economic integration is during their college years in Indian cities.
Monks, however, form an exception as they usually complete their education with a stronger
focus on Tibetan values within the settlements. Furthermore, most participants regard their
socio-economic position to be developed, especially compared to the generally less developed
position of Bylakuppe residents. This enhanced socio-economic position is partly due to
international aid and remittances.
According to Amit and Bar-Lev (2015) and Hou et al. (2017), sense of belonging is
likely to be enhanced by positive economic outcomes and socio-economic success. Thus
whereas the general lack of economic integration is likely to reduce the sense of belonging of
participants, their developed socio-economic position arguably enhances it simultaneously.
In order to enhance the economic integration of Tibetan refugees, policy could focus
on offering them more employment opportunities within Indian society without the condition
of becoming Indian citizens. For example, since Tibetan refugees are prohibited to work for
the government, the government could allow them to occupy certain jobs in order to stimulate
economic integration. This would make life easier for those who want to expand their

75
employment opportunities and develop themselves but want to stay loyal to the Tibetan cause
simultaneously.

The fourth topic discussed is ‘exposure to host society’, which emphasizes the contacts
immigrants have with the majority group of the receiving country. For this study, this topic
was translated into the sub-question How do Tibetans in exile perceive their role in Indian
society? In answering this question, this study looked specifically at four indicators:
‘proficiency in the host country’s language’, which concerns the extent to which Tibetan
refugees are able to communicate in Hindi and Kannada; ‘commitment to remain in the host
country’, which relates to whether Tibetans want to stay in India; ‘age at immigration’, which
entails the chronological age of Tibetans upon arrival in India; and ‘tenure in the country’,
which concerns the number of years individuals have resided in India.
Regarding language proficiency, the findings of this study indicate that the majority of
participants feels most comfortable communicating in their mother tongue Tibetan. Most
participants speak Hindi to some degree, although generally not fluently. Mostly participants
that grew up in Bylakuppe are able to communicate in the local language Kannada, whereas
others usually are not. Furthermore, most participants retain a strong desire to return to Tibet
and show little willingness to take up Indian citizenship – indicating little commitment to
remain in India. Young participants often express a desire to go to the West, which could be
explained by the dream of a free Tibet being in jeopardy. In addition, a large share of the
participants was either born in India or arrived as children or young adolescents. Thus, their
socialization proceeded in India and their tenure in the host country has been lengthy.
Moreover, participants are exposed to local Indian society by regular visits to Kushalnagar.
According to several authors, proficiency in the host country’s language, more
commitment to remain in the host country, a young age at immigration and prolonged tenure
in the country are beneficial to the development of a sense of belonging (Amit & Bar-Lev,
2015; Antonsich, 2010; Hou et al., 2017; Raijman & Geffen, 2017). Furthermore, Fenster
(2005) states that sense of belonging changes as corporal experiences create attachment to a
place. Therefore, the generally limited proficiency in both Hindi and Kannada and little
commitment to remain in India are likely to reduce participants’ feelings of attachment towards
Indian society. On the other hand, their generally young age at immigration, long tenure and
regular visits to nearby Indian towns and cities arguably enhance their development of a sense
of belonging.

76
 To make it easier for Tibetan New Arrivals and others who did not grow up in
Bylakuppe to communicate with Bylakuppe residents, Kannadan language classes could be
facilitated. As most participants only learn Hindi in school, they face difficulties with acquiring
language skills in Kannada. Improved proficiency in Kannada could make it easier for Tibetans
to enhance their role in Indian society on a local level.

Overall, this study found a mixed picture when it comes to participants’ sense of belonging.
Positive indicators as well as negative indicators were found, arguably indicating a limited
sense of belonging among participants. This limited sense of belonging also becomes evident
if one reflects on the language of participants. During interviews and informal conversations,
Tibetans often used words as ‘our’ and ‘us’ when referring to Tibetan nationals, and words as
‘their’ and ‘them’ to refer to Indian citizens. This reflects a perceived distinction between the
participants and Indian citizens, indicating that they regard themselves not to be a part of Indian
society.
In order to better understand the ways in which participants develop a sense of
belonging towards Indian society, it is helpful to reflect on the concept of identity. As discussed
in the literature review, previous work of Falcone & Wangchuk (2008) conclude that Tibetans
in exile might benefit from embodying a ‘third space’ between being Tibetan and Indian. This
notion of a third space is derived from the ‘third space theory’ of Homi Bhabha and entails the
space where people (re)construct their own identity, without becoming this or that (English,
2002). Similar to the study of Lau (2010), this study found that the lives of participants are
being influenced by the Tibetan, Indian and Western culture simultaneously – which, for
instance, becomes evident in the musical preference of participants. Consequently, the identity
that Tibetans (re)construct in Bhabha’s third space is likely to be a mix of Tibetan, Indian and
Western identities. This entails that they would be able to develop a sense of belonging towards
all those places, as one identity does not exclude the other but are being mixed. Hereby, the
importance of analysing diasporas as a process whereby refugees can shape their identities is
stressed (Patterson & Kelley, 2000).
Concluding, through extensive field research this thesis sought to answer the research question
What perceptions do Tibetan refugees in India have about their sense of belonging towards
Indian society? In order to answer this question, this thesis first developed a theoretical
framework, resulting in the focus on four main topics and corresponding research questions,
namely: ‘How does the Tibetan refugee diaspora perceive their reception by Indian society?’;
‘In what ways do Tibetans in exile form social relations with both Indian nationals and other
77
Tibetans?’; ‘In what ways does the Tibetan refugee diaspora experience economic
participation in Indian society?’; and ‘How do Tibetans in exile perceive their role in Indian
society?’. The detailed answers to these sub-questions have been discussed earlier in this
chapter; therefore, at this point it suffices to specifically focus on providing an answer to the
research question.
The findings of this study seem to suggest that development of a sense of belonging
among Tibetan refugees is possibly both enhanced and reduced in abovementioned subtopics
and depends on the specific aspects. Ultimately, of course, this depends on how representative
the participants were for the larger population, but at the very least this study arguably gives a
valuable indication. Overall, participants were more likely to create feelings of attachment
towards Indian society due to positive perceptions of the social climate, cultural similarities
with Indian society, socio-economic success, a young age at immigration and a long tenure in
the country. On the other hand, perceived discrimination, cultural differences with Indian
society, primarily bonding social networks, a lack of economic integration, limited language
proficiency in Hindi and Kannada and a weak commitment to remain in India simultaneously
jeopardize participants’ development of a sense of belonging. Consequently, the findings of
this study seem to indicate that Tibetan refugees feel like they belong to Indian society to some
degree, but that obstacles remain, preventing a feeling of complete belonging.
In addition to contributing to the understanding of the Tibetan refugees in India, this
study also provides some insights into the broader topic of refugee diasporas and settlements.
Firstly, the focus on topics such as perceived discrimination and bridging social networks offers
insights in the relations between diasporas and their local social environment. Secondly, topics
such as educational and occupational integration offer insights in the realities of refugees in
settlements. These insights could provide development policy makers with a better
understanding of how diasporas are connected to their policies, and for both governments and
non-governmental organizations to structure their refugee policies and (international) aid.
While the findings of this study are of interest and arguably a valuable addition to the
understanding of the case specifically and the broader topic of diaspora’s in general,
importantly this study has also discussed a number of its own limitations. Two of the most
important limitations were the difficulties regarding generalization of the results and the
underrepresentation of female perceptions. In hindsight, this study could have made alternative
approaches in these areas, which would have increased the reliability of this research. The
issues regarding generalization could for example have been minimized by including some

78
form of standardized survey, whereas the gender-issue could have been largely prevented by a
stronger focus on women.
Recommendations for future research on this topic include the comparison of different
Tibetan refugee settlements with regard to how the Tibetan diaspora develops a sense of
belonging towards Indian society. Especially receiving society receptivity may vary
significantly between different settlements, as this indicator strongly depends on the local
context. Perceived discrimination could be similar or differ between several localities. It would
be particularly interesting to compare a settlement in the north of India with one in the south,
as the context where Tibetan refugees live in may differ a lot between these places.
Furthermore, future research could include the host population in the target group to facilitate
a different perspective on the matter. In this study, merely the view of Tibetans is included.
Lastly, a quantitative survey based on the theoretical framework presented in this study could
either confirm or contradict the results of this qualitative research.

79
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Appendix 1: Interview guide

Introduction
Thank you for making time available for this interview. My name is Anne Grent and I am
conducting this research for my master’s course International Development Studies at Utrecht
University in The Netherlands. I am interested to find out how Tibetans relate to Indian
society, and whether this differs between generations. The information you tell me will be
used only for this research project and will not be shared with anyone outside the research
team. Your name will not be used, which means that you cannot be identified in any of the
information that is presented in the report. Now that you know all of this, do you consent to
take part in this interview? Is it okay for you if the interview is being recorded? This will only
help me to process the information of this interview and will not be made available to other
people. Do you have any questions before we begin?

Background information
No. of interview:
Gender:
Age:
Place of birth:

Opening question
1. What do you do during an average day in Bylakuppe?
Probes: Family? House? Leisure activities?

Questions about exposure to host society

2. For how long have you been living in India?
Probes: Born here/moved here? Age? Same settlement?
3. Which languages can you speak other than Tibetan?
Probes: Understand, write and read? Fluently? Feel comfortable communicating?
Speak them often?
4. When do you visit Indian cities or towns?
Probes: Often? Work, obligations or leisure time? Positive experience?
5. What do you like about Indian society?
Probes: People? Culture? Regulations? Dislikes?
6. Do you see yourself staying in India in the long term?
Probes: Why? How? Indian citizenship?
7. Some Tibetans have applied for Indian citizenship. What do you think about this?
Probes: Do you know people who did this? Would you do it? Why or why not?
8. When would you be comfortable to go back to Tibet?
Probes: Political/Economic/Social conditions? Would you go back?

84
Questions about receiving society receptivity
9. How do you think Indians look at Tibetans?
Probes: Positive/negative? Accepting? How can you tell? Does it differ from the
attitude towards other refugees?
10. Have you seen instances of Tibetans being treated differently by Indians?
Probes: What happened? Example? Once or more often? Did it happen to you?
11. Having lived in India for some time; what do you think of Indians around you?
Probes: Food? Culture? Movies?

Questions about economic integration

12. How many years have you gone to school in total?
Probes: Elementary/Secondary? Highest level achieved? Study?
13. What do you do for a living?
Probes: Employed? Within or outside of Bylakuppe? Prefer another job? Satisfied
with income?

Questions about social capital

14. In what context do you have contact with Indian people?
Probes: In real life, by phone or through the internet? In leisure time, for work?
Indian friends? Is language a problem?
15. Do you feel like it is easy for you to get in touch with Indians?
Probes: Reasons? What way? Example?
16. In what context do you have contact with Tibetan people?
Probes: Same settlement? Friends or family? Means of contact? Context? Preferable
over contact with others?

Questions about cultural norms, values and practices

17. Which elements of Tibetan culture are important for you in your daily life?
Probes: Religion? Education? Music? Food?
18. Which elements of Indian culture are part of your daily life?
Probes: Clothes? Bollywood movies? Food? For others as well?
19. In what ways are the Tibetan and Indian culture similar?
Probes: Norms and values? Practices?
20. What are the major differences between the Tibetan and Indian culture?
Probes: Norms and values? Practices? Religion?

Closing questions
21. In what ways do you see India as a second home?
Probes: Could it ever truly be your home?
22. Would you like to add something?

85
Appendix 2: Codebook
Codes level 1: Codes level 2: Codes level 3:
Overarching themes Code families Initial codes
Personal characteristics

Age

Place of birth

Cultural norms, values

and practices

Differences Tibetan and

Indian culture

Eating habits

Gender roles

Language

Mindset

Physical differences

Religious differences

Similarities Tibetan and

Indian culture

Culture in North India

Origin Tibetan alphabet

Personality

Religion

Elements of Indian culture in

daily life

Bollywood movies

Bollywood music

Indian food

Elements of Tibetan culture

in daily life

86
 Tibetan Buddhism

Tibetan values and traditions

Tibetan eating habits

Tibetan music

Elements of Western culture

in daily life

Hollywood movies

Western clothes

Western music

Economic integration

Education

Highest level achieved

Length of studies

Location of educational facility

International aid

Community level

Individual level

Occupation

Income satisfaction

Job satisfaction

Jobs within the Tibetan

community

Exposure to host
society

Commitment to remain in
India

Desire to go to the West

India as a second home

87
 Return to Tibet

Languages

Language proficiency

Most comfortable language

Way of acquiring Hindi and

Kannada language skills

Opinion about Tibetans

applying for Indian
citizenship

Individual willingness to take up

Indian citizenship

Regular visits to Indian cities

or towns

North India

South India

Receiving society
receptivity

Non-Bylakuppe residents'
perception of Tibetans

Perceived discrimination by
non-Bylakuppe residents

Positive perceptions

Bylakuppe residents'
perception of Tibetans

Perceived discrimination by
Bylakuppe residents

Positive perceptions

Tibetans' general perception

of Indians

Negative perceptions

88
 Positive perceptions

Social capital

Contact with non-Bylakuppe

residents

Social relations

Contact with Bylakuppe

residents

Social relations

Business relations

Ease of contact

Contact with Tibetan people

Social relations

89