Exploring the Cultural Beliefs of Manobo Tribe

in Agusan del Sur

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The present investigation will explore the cultural beliefs of the Manobo

farmers. Also, it aims to study about their practices and traditions as they believe in

the unseen spirits who can intrude in the lives of humans to accomplish their desires.

These spirits are both good and evil in nature and can raise anger and pleasure. It is

also believed that these spirits are having human characteristics.

Throughout the years, the world has changed as well as its people. The

Manobo are the people that had been undergone centuries of discrimination. The

discrimination of the Manobo tribe’s belief is the main issue and the reason as well

why new generation of natives has gradually forgotten and ignored the practices and

beliefs of their ancestors. They slowly forget their various rituals, tradition and

cultural identity to avoid discrimination. Furthermore, it explores the local wisdom of

local farmers in the country side.

The system governing the management and conservation of the ICCA is

rooted in traditional knowledge and belief systems. In fact, the Mamanwa-Manobo

ICCA has persisted for this long because of their culturally inherent respect for

nature and the unseen forces that somehow make everything work and allow them

to survive. However, dwindling pride for their own culture due to discrimination and
overwhelming external influences may eventually lead to its disappearance, hence

the ICCA may cease to exist. (ICCA (2015)

This study will be necessary to be conducted because it tackled about the

cultural beliefs of Manobo tribe. There are studies conducted of similar to this

investigation however, none were conducted exactly in the place where the

researchers are dwelling. As such, this study will fill-in the gap.

PURPOSE

purpose of this study is to describe, recognize, record and preserve the

beliefs and practices of Agusan Manobo tribe from the viewpoints of the elderly

Datu’s who will be the participants of this study. The intent will also gain insight if the

practices of Agusan Manobo tribe before can also be seen today as practiced by the

members. It also tried to understand the strategies and ways used by them so that

they can pass on their culture to the next generation, and also to determine what are

the hopes and aspirations of the tribe.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. What are the cultural beliefs of the Manobo farmers in Agusan del Sur?

1.1 What are the beliefs that they inherited from their forefathers?

1.2 What are the values that they inherited from their forefathers?

1.3 What are the indigenous farming ways that they inherited from their forefathers?

2. What strategies do Agusan del Sur Manobo tribe farmers used to preserve

their culture?
2.1 Are you still following the cultural beliefs of your forefathers?

2.2 What strategies do you use in order to preserve the culture of the Manobo

farmers?

2.3 What are the steps needed in order to preserve the culture of the Manobo

farmers?

3. What are the aspirations of the Manobo farmers?

3.1 What can you suggest to preserve the culture of the Manobo forefathers?

THEORETICAL LENS

This study is anchored on Cultural theory by Koentjaraningrat (2000). In the

theory of culture, Koentjaraningrat (2000) states that there are two groups of views

on the concept of culture, (1) lay groups, defining the culture is the whole totality of

the mind, the work and the work of human beings who are not rooted in the instincts,

but only triggered after going through a learning process; (2) a group of experts, to

understand culture through the 7 seven elements, namely: (a) the system of religion

and religious ceremonies; (b) system and community organizations; (c) knowledge

systems; (d) the language system; (e) the system of art; (F) livelihood systems; and

(g) technology and equipment system (Koentjaraningrat, 2000). He further explained

that culture can be seen in at least three states, namely: (1) the form of culture

(abstract), in the form of ideas, values, norms, regulations and so on; (2) the form of

culture as social systems, namely all forms of society behavior patterns, such as

ways to interact, relate and get along with each other; and (3) cultural manifestation

(physical), human's work which can be touched or seen. As Tylor said about culture
is, the whole complex in knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs, and other

abilities that a person earns the learning process in the community, such as

traditional knowledge systems - local, is as one of the forms of culture (Liliweri,

2014).

Furthermore, one of cultural theories of from Kluchkohn (cited in Koentjaranigrat,

2000), explained that culture from the essence of the culture of relationship between

human and nature and the essence of the relationship between human and other

people. On that theory, Kluchkohn reveals that the essence of relationship between

human and nature in human consciousness which considers that “nature is

powerful”, because human in general can only give up without a lot of effort that can

be done to strugle it, therefore, human has always tried to maintain the balance of

the world. Otherwise, there is also a culture view that considers nature is something

that can be fought by human, and therefore man is always trying to change and

conquer the nature (Koentjaranigrat, 2000). The implication of this theory that is that

people who have local knowledge and traditional knowledge systems about nature,

will not dare to destroy the nature, especially forests.

Cultural Theory gives us information and views on cultural concepts and

understanding about the study we are going to conduct. This theory explained that

culture from the essence of the culture of relationship between human and nature

and the essence of the relationship between human and other people, which are

relevant to our study as we are going to explore the local wisdom of the Manobo

tribe.

Cultural theory is supported by another theory called Local Wisdom Theory by

Sibarani (2012). Sibarani stated that local wisdom is the original wisdom or
knowledge of a community that comes from the noble values of cultural traditions to

regulate the order of community life. Local wisdom is used to regulate people's lives.

Sibarani added that the local wisdom theory has long been perceived benefits for the

life of the human being. Since the ancient Greece, when the law, the courts, and

lawyers do not yet exist, then “wisdom and discernment” are the only tools that can

be used by a leader to set order of people’s lives at that time (Sibarani 2012). To

understand the notions of local wisdom, it needs to put forward some definitions as

follows. According to Quaritch Wales (1949) the term of “local wisdom”, means as

“the ability of local culture is facing the influences of foreign cultural, when the two

cultures are related” (Rosidi 2011); (Mariane 2014:). While Keraf (2002) affirms that

local wisdom is all forms of knowledge, beliefs, comprehension or knowledge, as

well as custom, or ethics of human behavior in the ecological community’s lives.

Furthermore, Sibarani (2012) suggests the concept of “local wisdom” in two

perspectives, namely from culture value and wisdom perspectives. The cultural value

sees local wisdom as the application of local culture values, while custom

perspective utilizes set order of society as a wise. In this sense, the local wisdom is a

regulation/custom value based on customary law and cultural traditions that became

guidelines in regulating the order of people’s lives.

In addition, Mariane, (2014) affirms that local wisdom is all values in a society that is

believed to be the truth so that it becomes a policy reference to behave in local

communities. The trust influences the behavior and actions of human beings towards

the natural environment become very sensitive and cautious, especially in managing

and utilizing forest (conservation), so that the forests remain sustainable. Thus, the

treatment of such wise and sensible must be created in order to foster a collective

consciousness to the society for not destroying forests, do not violate the customs
and the natural resources, especially forests as area/ acreage that will be utilized for

human purposes.

Exploring the life of Manobo tribe can be very challenging, it needs a deep

understanding about their local wisdom because it is used to regulate people’s lives.

Local Wisdom Theory proved that our study exists as we will conduct study about

the cultural traditions, the practices and beliefs of Manobo tribe.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The researchers believe that this study will be beneficial to the following:

School administrators – As leaders of the institution, who are responsible to

provide quality service to their clients, the result of this study will be useful to them

as they can understand how to treat Manobo students and they can implement

strategies which the institution can use in implementing future programs to improve

their service addressing student’s future concerns.

Teachers – As learning facilitators, who are responsible in molding the students.

The result of this study will be beneficial to them as they can also learn how to deal

Indigenous students. Also, this study will make them understand and appreciate the

students’ uniqueness and efforts to be socialize with other students.

Students – As learners, this study will help the students to deepen understand their

fading beliefs and to learn to appreciate their beautiful practices.

Future Researchers – As contributors to the body of knowledge, this study will be

beneficial to them as this will serve as a source of information to their future research

studies.
Indigenous People – As part of the Indigenous people, IP can take pride that their

culture stands in the test of time. And this will help them to reminisce and read this

book in the future because somehow, they’re documented for them to be

remembered, the unique culture handed down by their forefathers.

DEFINITION OF TERMS

For a better understanding of this study, the following terms are defined in the

context of this research.

Exploring: this refers to the investigation that will be conducted to record and

document the cultural beliefs of a tribe in detail and to learn about it. It also refers to

travel or to explore, to study the place, the people, the culture, the beliefs and the

ways of living of a Manobo people of Agusan del Sur.

Cultural beliefs: This refers to the customary practices of the Manobo people in

Agusan del Sur. It is the manifestation of a culture of a particular cultural group. It

also includes their values, indigenous farming techniques and its manifestations to

the community.

Scope and delimitation of the study

The study will be limited to the group of Agusan Manobo tribe, we chose this

community for it is our home town. The in-depth interview will be limited to the elders

and Datus of the tribe for they are perceived to possess the traditional knowledge

and leadership. Observation is made to the members of the tribe.

To deepen the understanding about the current study, this chapter tackled the

different related studies of Indigenous people from different part of Philippines. This

review of related literature of the study focuses on the beliefs, practices and

traditions of Manobo people including the rituals understand the study.

Review of Related Literature

The Manobo Tribe

The Manobo tribe is one of the populous indigenous group of people in the

island of Mindanao, Philippines and that includes the Agusan Manobo tribe in the

Province of Agusan del Sur. The areas inhabited by Manobos covers from the

Pantaron Mountain Range of Bukidnon and Davao del Norte provinces to the west

and to the east is the Diwata Mountain Range. At the heart is the great Agusan

River. It runs from the south at the Municipality of Sta. Josefa and winding to the

north going to Butuan City to the mouth of Butuan Bay. The aborigines of Agusan

were the ancestors of the present-day Mamanwas who were driven to the

hinterlands by the waves of Malay immigrants from nearby Borneo, Celebes and

Malaysia. These people, in turn, sought the protection of the interior jungles because

of the forays and the constant raids of Moros. Being a sea-faring people, they

confined themselves to the coastal areas where they started settlements, leaving the

forestall area to the other native tribes. Based on the records of the National

Integration Commission, the Aeta, Mamanwa, Bagobo, Banwaon, and Manobo are

the five tribes who are found in Agusan del Sur. However, most of the Agusanon

speak Cebuano while some use Boholano and Ilonggo. English is usually spoken in

conversations with foreigners, in offices, and educational institutions. However,

Higaonon Tribes are distinctly identified since they live along the National Highway

and river towns of Davao del Norte while others live in the town of Esperanza

towards the boundaries of Misamis Oriental and Bukidnon. (Department of Tourism,

2014-2017)

In fact, the initial archaeological research in Maug, in the town of Prosperidad

at the eastern portion of the Agusan Valley, points to the emergence of the

Paleolithic period. Furthermore, a linguistic reconstruction study revealed that the

proto-Manobo language was spoken in northeast Mindanao about 500 AD or 1,500

years ago. With the arrival of the Spanish colonizers, missionaries, as well as French

and German anthropologists, reported on their encounters with the Manobo in the

forests of the Agusan Valley. (Cembrano, 2021)

On the other hand, Manobo tribe is a group of Indigenous People who live in

the Province of Surigao del Sur. They speak in minanuvu languages, according to

De Leon. Manobo tribe is one of the largest indigenous groups of people on the

island of Mindanao, Philippines, and that includes the tribe of Surigao Manobo in the

province of Surigao. The word Manobo came from “mansuba” meaning man and

“suba” meaning river, which means river people. Manobo settlers live in mountain

regions and hinterlands of Mindanao in the northernmost part along rivers, valleys,

and swamp. Manobo people are concentrated in Agusan, Bukidnon, Cotabato,

Davao, Misamis Oriental, and Surigao del Sur.

Along with that, the Manobo people has their leader who is the elder (igbujag)

of the tribe and they called him “Datu”, they choose their leaders by peoples’

consent, not through election. “No igbujag could proclaim himself a leader without
the consent of his people,” Datu Doming. “His leadership has to come from the

people who recognize his fairness and his character.” An igbujag earns the trust of

the people by his ability to lead (Masinaring, 2011).

Cultural Practices

As stated by Alforte (2016), the most common lifestyle of the Manobo is that

of rural agriculture. Unfortunately, their farming methods are very primitive. For

example, the Bukidnon grow maize and rice as their principal crops. Some of the

farmers have incorporated plowing techniques, while others have continued to use

the "slash-and-burn" method. The Cotabato use a farming system called kaingin.

This is a procedure in which fields are allowed to remain fallow for certain periods of

time so that areas of cultivation may be shifted from place to place. This is very

inefficient since many plots of land are not being used at one time. Social life for the

Manobo is patriarchal (male-dominated).

Meanwhile, in the study of Trinidad (2012), she stated that the island of

Mindanao, of which Agusan del Sur is a part, has densely forested areas where

logging became a major economic activity in the 1960s that lured people from the

northern islands of Luzon and the Visayas to migrate and settle in Mindanao. One of

the impacts of this influx of migrant settlers included increasing displacement of the

lumad or ‘indigenous’ groups into more isolated areas. As the lumber industry

developed, migrant settlers began to establish their livelihood in the lowland areas

where the lumad communities originally lived. As the lumad lands were exchanged

for goods such as sardines, tobacco, and commercially produced wines, the original

settlers moved farther into the mountains.

descendants of pre-invasion inhabitants of lands now dominated by others; they are

culturally distinct groups that find themselves engulfed by other settler who

encroached their lands. Report from United Nation Educational, Social and Cultural

Organization (UNESCO, 2001). It also mentioned that many rights of our indigenous

people have been disregarded and there is a difference between indigenous group

and the general population exists. This was played a major factor of contributing to

social marginalization, poverty and dispossession of indigenous people. As

supported by Dean (2003), while the human rights of the indigenous people are

continued to be neglected, these include cultural and linguistic preservation,

autonomy, environmental degradation, incursion and discrimination.

Moreover, polygyny (having more than one wife at a time) is common and is

allowed according to a man's wealth. However, among the other group of Manobo,

most marriages are monogamous. The only exception is that of the powerful Datu’s

(headmen). The political structures of the Manobo groups are all quite similar. A

ruler, called a Sultan is the head of the group. Beneath him are the royal and non-

royal classes. Only those people belonging to the royal classes can aspire to the

throne. Those belonging to the non-royal classes are under the power and authority

of the royal classes. Each class is interdependent on the others. The political

aspects of life are often integrated with the social aspects. For example, many social

events, such as weddings, require political leaders. Whenever there is a negotiation

for marriage, both the bride and the groom must use the local Datu (headman) to

make all of the arrangements.

Another, the Manobo farmers are having many religious beliefs that revolve

around the concept of many unseen spirits interfering in the lives of humans. They
believe that these spirits can intrude on human activities to accomplish their desires.

The spirits are also believed to have human characteristics. They’re both good and

evil in nature and can be evoked to both anger and pleasure. While the religious

practices of the Manobo vary slightly, there seems to be at least one common thread

linking them together. Each culture believes in one "great spirit." This "great spirit" is

usually viewed as the creator figure. As the various Manobo groups have been

separated, the religious beliefs of other peoples have influenced them somewhat.

However, the Manobo have often incorporated these new practices into their belief

system, rather than abandoning their practices and being converted to new religions.

Stated further, the initiation of rituals involves separating neophytes (initiates)

from everyday social life and forcing them to pass a luminal state in which the

boundary of the human social world seems to blur. The ritual communication is

established between human beings and non-human beings such as spirits, divinities,

and the spiritual owners of natural species, subjectivities that inhabits animal bodies

and plants and so on all that is endowed with different capacities, (Sztutman, 2008).

Moreover, The largest indigenous groups of Manobo tribe practice rituals as

an integral part of their culture. Ritual observations are significant practice of Manobo

culture in asking permission and approval from their deities in any activities in their

ancestral lands and indigenous territories. Ritual serves as a traditional practice,

which marks as the cultural identity of a particular indigenous group through prayers

and worship to their deities, gods, and goddesses for protection, thanksgiving, and

betterment of human life. Rituals are part of worshipping gods and goddesses in

various occasions from birth to mourning death. (Sharma & Pegu 2011).
 Manobo tribe is culturally rich in traditional practices, medicinal uses, diversity,

and traditional knowledge based on their community plant resources. They dwell in

hinterlands and mountainous regions in the southern part of the Philippines and live

an intricate life dependent on agriculture and forest plants. (Jamera, Manting, Dapar

2020)

In addition, humans know that much of what they possess what we call

culture was not merely invented by them but taken during mythic times, from other

species not seen since distant past. To celebrate, an intense network of repayments

above all of food and drink but also on some occasion’s songs and artifacts is set in

motion. Supported by Cole (2013), rituals are a means of praying to the great spirit

and sacrificing oneself while retaining a direct contact with the tree of life. Also, in the

study conducted by Buenconsejo (2005), the Manobos believed in the myth that

spirit interacts with human beings. Manobo’s belief in these beings perpetuates the

idea that the cosmos where the human being lives is a place where they survive

because human beings share and exchange gifts, not only with spirits but among

themselves. The Manobo’s distinguished between Diwata, witches and the

disembodied souls of deceased humans (umayad). They maintain these

fundamental categorical distinctions between supernatural beings. In fact, the action

of the spirits conceptually separates from anti-social sorcery (kumetan), spirit

mediums can only heal illness caused by a member of a class of spiritual beings,

compatible to human interventions, while victim of sorcery must be treated with other

methods involving magical substances and talisman.

Equally important, there are several classes of spirits being categorized by

Manobos based on their relationship to human communities. The three main

categories are unsocial (indifferent to the world of humans), “bounded” (tawaganon”

on appearances, behavior, associated natural features and other factors. Bounded

spirits are generally attached to particular sites in the environment while unbounded

are spirits capable of becoming spirits familiars, Diwata most likely to take an active

role of human affairs. In addition, Manobo’s divination and healing involved spirit

mediums, musical performances and usually and usually the sacrifice of domestically

pigs or chickens. These rituals are designed to solicit benevolent pity from spirits by

offering them songs, drum and gong music, consumable substances (betel nuts,

tobacco, and foodstuff) and burnt sacrificial gifts (sinugbahan). Some of the rituals

that Manobo performed are inajew (a spirit position healing ceremony) tukey

(incantation rite) and hihinang (a hybrid commemorative ritual involving the use of

Visayan language and western style table).

Meanwhile, in the study conducted by Cembrano (2013) said that among the

Manobo of Northeastern Mindanao, one of the rituals called of pamaliskad

(ordination) of the Datu is done by taking all the heirlooms like sword, spear, bronze

bracelet and baylan’s skirt and placed in the altar called bugusan or angkuw. The

deities are believed to come down, laden with boiled boar head and tail, a cluster of

betel nuts, a spray of palm betel flowers, sugar cane, taro plant and a chicken. The

drum and gong are beaten to summon the spirits. The installing Datu summons also

the spirit of the earth. The invited leaders do the same, calling the spirits of their

clans. During the trance, the baylan and the chieftain express the wishes of their

ancestors and the Mambabaja. The new Datu is bestowed with a timuso (bronze

bracelet). He must wear also the sinugbahan (heirloom) to protect them from any

harm and as a symbol of leadership. The sacred sword is also handed down to the

incoming Datu. The ceremony is believed to ward off evil spirits. The Datu elevated
to a high position is entrusted with tangkuyo (headcarp) of the ancestor leader. The

symbol of wisdom and power is decorated with boar, horse hair, and crocodile teeth.

The tamed chief spirit and turban can warn him of any danger and protect him from

any harm.

On the other side of the study conducted by Tomaquin (2013), among the

Tambajon or Baylan of Manobo-Mamanwas of Surigao province, they are believed to

be the charmers and an herbalist. It is thought that they have several charms. It is a

popular belief among the Bisaya/lowlanders’ population that they are endowed by

the power of barang, a curse or simply a form of sorcery. The Mamanwas generally

are peace loving. They are unassuming and tend to settle their conflict peacefully.

The Tambajon/Baylan, in some extent is a peacemaker, if the Datu seeks his

services. Tambajon/baylan is an institution of Mamanwa society. It holds the

community and provides its solid framework of the society. He is a protector of their

indigenous religion. As an herbalist, his knowledge of indigenous/ traditional

medicine is exemplary including the knowledge in treating or curing snakebites. The

Tambajon then is a healer religious expert. He is an intermediary between the

Diwatas and the settlement. The Tambajon/baylan becomes through his own effort

or through a visionary experience. He is an expert of the indigenous prayer, (Tud-

om), the Mamanwa shaman, whose influence of culture is noticeable. He is highly

respected in his spirituality as intermediary to the temporal world to the Paradise

(Katahawan). The Tambajon/Baylancan directly receive communication from Tahaw,

as the Mamanwas believed. He is the sincerest person in the village for he led the

Kahimonan with deep respect to Tahaw. He is expert in the Mamanwa oral tradition

and is endowed with wisdom of the Tud-om and the code of religious vow of the

Tambalons or the Binaylans. Moreover, of the same author, another religious

the village, it is believed that it is brought by Habang, thus be treated in the

ceremony. For several weeks the Mamanwas gather salted meat of wild pigs

(usually uncooked). They are going to store up it in bamboo internodes. They are

going to combine it with starch from a lumbia tree. Then they will cook it. While

cooking, they will dance around the preparation and should become strident. The

ritual dance is called binangazozo. After they were done dancing, they will get a

tungkayan, a wood or stick used in beating the gimbar (drum made of the skin of

iguana). After that the baylan/sarok guided the communal prayer, the banquet and

merriment will go on followed by eating accompanied by drumming the gimbar. The

spirit that gives sickness will be cast out in the ceremony.

Further, another practice by Manobo-Mamanwas is the ceremony of hunting,

it aimed at inviting Tama, the Diwata of the forest, and the in charge of the game. If

Tama pleased he will release wild pigs and deers. The belief that Tama as the anito

in-charge or herder of hunting animals is clearly noticeable. The lowest in the rank of

the deities is the diyatot. The diyatot is believed to dwell in the balete tree. The

sukdan /sarok/tambajon/binulusan/baylan (healer) have two kinds - those who are

specialist in herbal medicine and those who are specialist in their rituals and

ceremonies. A young Mamanwa can be a sukdan/sarok/tambajon/binulusan/baylan

by training, inheritance or by dream. The sukdan/sarok/tambajon/binulusan/baylan

can either be male or female. Moreover, a male tambajon/baylan is always desired.

If in case there are female tambajon, they serve as assistant to the male. In the

ceremony, the sarok/sukdan/baylanis assisted by female tambajon. The minor

Tambajon assists in the Mam-on ceremony. The main Tambajon followed by the

minor one first performs the spiritual dance (Katahawan). After they are done, the
rest of the participants will join. A single gimbar/drum is the only instrument used is

the ceremony. It is expected that after the dance, request is made to the gods, the

main sukdan/baylan trembles or in the state of trance. He should be brought to the

constructed altar with a boar. The minor Tambajon gets near the altar (Oyagdok) and

offers the sacrificial dance of prayer. After the main sukdan is done with his prayers,

and the minor Tambajon finishes his/her dance, the main sukdan/baylan will get a

spear and pierces or kills the boar. After which prayers of wish and

supplications/petitions are offered to supreme god Tahaw. Then, the blood of the

boar is scattered to the ground. The community will bring young coconut leaves for

the blessing of the main baylan afterwards The members of the community will pass

by in the constructed altar to be cured of possible illness. After wards they will

butcher the pig, cook it and then the whole community will share with it. Another

related ceremony offered to Tama is releasing a hen in the forest. The ritual is

performed in order for hunting/game to be successful. And for Tama to release

iguana, deer, and pigs in the forest. In this ceremony the blood of the wild pig was

scattered /sprinkled in the specified area in the Kaingin, for Tama to hear the wishes

of the tribe.

In relation, the Untouched by the influences of Spanish colonialism, Ifugao

culture value kinship, family ties, religious and cultural beliefs. They're unique among

all ethnic groups in the mountain province, not only for their interesting customs and

traditions but also for their narrative literature such as the hudhud, an epic dealing

with hero ancestors sung in a poetic manner. Another feature unique to the Ifugao is

their woodcarving art, most notably the carved granary guardians bului and the

prestige bench of the upper class, the hagabi. Their textiles renowned for their sheer

beauty, colorful blankets and clothing woven on looms. Houses were well-built,
characterized by as a square with wooden floors, windowless walls, and pyramidal

thatch roofs. Elevated from the ground by four sturdy tree trunks, they feature

removable staircases that were hoisted up at night to prevent entry by enemies

and/or wild animals. Lastly, their attire remains traditional for male Ifugaos, donning

the wanno or g-string; there are six types of wanno which are used depending on the

occasion or the man's social status. Ifugao women, on the contrary, wear tapis, a

wraparound skirt; there are five kinds of skirts worn, depending on the occasion

and/or status of the woman (Bigornia 2011).

Furthermore, a beautiful practice of one of the tribes of the Cordillera

Mountain, the Bontoc or Igorot, has wedding rituals that usually spans several days,

as documented by Bigornia (2011). It starts with the delivery of the faratong (black

beans) from the girl to the bachelor signifying the bride’s intentions to marry.

Afterwards, the bride’s family sends out what is known as the khakhu (salted pork) to

the groom’s family. This is countered by the sending of sapa (glutinous rice). These

food items are distributed to their respective family members, including their

relatives. An important rite called insukatan nanmakan (exchange of food) follows.

Here, one of the groom’s parents, after receiving an invitation, must go to the bride’s

house and have breakfast with them. Later, the groom’s parents also invite a bride’s

parent for a similar meal. The next step is the Farey. The bride and a kaulog

(girlfriend) will visit the house of the groom. This is when they start entering each

other’s houses. They will have to leave immediately also, but they will be invited

again on the following morning for breakfast. This is the start of the tongor (to align).

The next day, the bride’s parents, bearing rice and salted meat, will go to the

groom’s house for the kamat (to sew tight). A kaulug of the bride and the groom’s

bestfriend is likewise invited. The evening will be the start of the karangor the main
marriage ritual. This is when the bride and groom are finally declared as a couple to

the whole community. The following morning is the putut (to half). Here, only the

immediate relatives are invited for breakfast, signifying the end of the ritual. Two

days after the putut, the couple can finally live as husband and wife, but may not

sleep together for the next five days, known as the Atufang period. The Atufang

serves to validate the marriage.the groom is instructed to bathe in a spring, taking

note of every detail that comes his way, such as the characters he meets, weather

changes, among others. Should anything peculiar occur, he must make his way to

the mountain to cut some wood. The bride, on the other hand, is sent off to weed in

the fields. Any untoward incidents serve as warnings that the new couple must

postpone their living together or mangmang. The final stage of the atufang involves

covering smoldering charcoals with rice husks overnight. The marriage is considered

null and void if the fire goes out the morning after. The final step is the man manok

where the bride’s parents invite the groom and his parents and declare that the

groom could officially sleep with the bride. This signifies the end of the marriage

ritual for most Igorots. An optional lopis (a bigger marriage feast) could be done

should the couple’s finances allow (Kasal.com 2013).

Realistically, another practice that supports this study is the burial noted in the

Province of Davao. In the past centuries one of the tribes in Mindanao for the

Manobos living in the hinterland areas straddling the places now known as Davao

City, Davao del Sur, Bukidnon and North Cotabato, the dead were either laid on a

platform built beside a tree, or wrapped in a mat and bamboo slats and hung up a

tree. After the funeral, the relatives of the deceased abandon their dwellings and

clearing. 
 Indeed, E. Arsenio Manuel, a University of the Philippines anthropology

professor who conducted ethnographic studies of the Manobos in the 1960s, noted

in his book “Manuvu Social Organization” that the tribe’s funeral practices only reflect

their semi-sedentary way of life. But Manuel said that in the 20th century, as the

United States colonial government introduced the abaca plantation system, the

Manobos abandoned the practice of “tree burial” and shifted to burying their dead

under their houses. He said with the new burial practice, the Manobos no longer

abandoned their dwellings and continued with the cultivation of their clearings.

Wakes among the Ata-Manobos, the tribe occupying the forest areas straddling parts

of Davao City and the towns of Talaingod and Kapalong in Davao del Norte, are the

only occasion where antuk (riddles) are taught by the elders to the young people.

Another researcher narrated that the tribe believes that teaching antuks in

occasions other than the wake would lead to misfortunes or bring bad luck to the

entire community. In an Ata-Manobo wake, a widowed husband usually lies beside

his deceased wife while relatives and friends sit around them. Some pass the time

telling the riddles while others chant. During the wake chanting (uwahingan), singing,

dancing, playing instruments (tagungguan) are conducted to alleviate the pervading

grief (Industan, 2005).

Moreover, another belief in the spirit world of the T’boli natives, one of Mindanao’s

most colorful tribes living around Lake Sebu, a person is believed to be a “composite

of body and spirit,” as noted by an Anthropologists. The T’boli believes that the spirit

leaves the body when it is asleep and returns to awake it. Death happens when the

spirit leaves the body permanently, or is taken away by an evil spirit called Busao.

The body is laid on a boat-shaped wooden coffin tightly sealed with a tree resin to

prevent the odor of the decomposition process. A T’boli wake may last from a week
to five months but if the dead is highly respected by the community, his or her wake

may last for a year. At the end of the wake, the wooden coffin will be placed over a

fire but the fluid that oozes through the burning wood is collected and used as sauce

for their sweet potato meals. In this manner, they believe the desirable qualities of

the deceased will pass on to them. It is also noted that T’bolis have no specific burial

ground so they bury the dead anywhere. But the interment is done only at night and

that after the burial, the community partakes of a feast and leaves portions of the

food in the grave. After the feast, the dead’s possessions are destroyed. After the

burial, the mourners perform rituals to cleanse and rid themselves of evil spirits.

In connection, the mourners jump over two swords fixed on the ground and

later purify themselves in the river or any body of water. Timoquin (2013) reported,

the Dakula or Datu has a direct authority in maintaining peace in the village. He is

assisted by the elders (Malaaser) and his advisers, the Baylan/Tambajon. He is

obliged to pacify or solve the conflict and will make sure it can be pacified so it will

not be forwarded to the Barangay captain. In settling conflicts, it is their practice to

call the attention of the parties in conflict. Both are allowed to express their

sentiments which are listened to and thoroughly considered. After weighing the

reasons, the Datu offers solutions or verdict. A guilty person has to pay a fine,

usually a pig. The pig should be slaughtered and a cup of blood should be consumed

by the guilty party as a sign of guilt. In cases of murder, it should be forwarded to the

municipality or to the police. In cases of conflicts between Mamanwa and Bisaya, it is

barangay chairman who will have the jurisdiction of the case. Collectively, the farm

field of the Mamanwa such as one in Sibahay is managed by the Dakula, which he

subdivides among the community members. The same is practiced in Burgos and

Hetaob, Manganlo and Lake Mainit. There are customary laws they observed like
paying respect to civilians and military authorities and the laws of the land. They

always provide an avenue in conducting the kahimonan at least four times in a year.

They respect the hunting rights of other tribes. They respect personal property. They

avoid stealing, each should offer suggestions on how to solve village problem. They

respect the elders and parents. They respect everyone in the village. They share

food and meat gathered from hunting with the rest in the community. They respect

women and children. The Dakula maintain the peace of the place with the assistance

of the Malaas. A guilty party will offer fines or Mangangade which is in a form of cash

or property. In case there is a severe offense, the penalty will be a forced labor.

Forced labor will be demanded by the relatives of the aggrieved party. The guilty

party is also required to give a piece of land to the victim in cases of severe act of

offense such as murder. The settlement will be done in the house of Dakula.

On the other hand, the political organization of the Mamanwas traditionally is

a band type. A band usually consisted of 20-90 households. There is a loose tie in

the band for these is no social stratification. The settlement or band is headed by a

Dakula, equivalent to Manobo Chief or Datu. Though his authority is informal, he

exercises tremendous influence of the settlement. Sanctions such as expelling from

the band if there is a violation of tribal norms is seen as very effective. Another

practice of Ifugao people when they harvest rice, as mentioned by Naganag (2013),

the rice land owner butcher a big cow or water buffalo and invite all the harvesters in

the community to harvest. Each one will be fed and each harvester will bring home

slice of meat when they retire at the end of the day. The pieces of meat are being

held together by a small sheet of bamboo. The size of a bundle is as big as a full-

grown man’s three fingers held together. If the bundle in the kaingin is bigger, it is as

big a man’s risk. The rice harvester will stick to their lane until the end of the day.
There is no swapping or interchanging of positions or destination or station.

Changing station will decrease the harvest. The harvest is usually gathered before

noon or lunch break. One will gather all the bundled rice and arrange them by path

(Jocano, 2006).

Similarly, Habbiling (2008), harvest season calls for grandiose thanksgiving

feasts, while the concluding harvest rites “tungo” or “tungul” (the day of rest) entail a

strict taboo of any agricultural work. Part taking of the rice wine (bayah), rice cakes,

and “moma” (mixture of several herbs, powdered snail shell and betel nut/ are coline:

and acts as a chewing gum to Ifugaos. It is an indelible practice during the festivities

and ritual activities. After the bountiful harvest, the ifugao hold a ritual to mark the

end of the harvest season. The “punnuk,” a post- harvest ritual, is performed by

residents of some towns in Mountain Province, (Amores, 2014). In addition, a day

before the “punnuk”, a “houwah” (thanksgiving rite) is performed by the “mumbaki”

(native priest), along with the reading of the bile of a chicken for good omen, and the

offering of “bayah” (rice wine) to the gods and deities. The next day, the punnuk is

declared by a “dumupag,” a female agricultural leader who holds the social position

and respect in the village. The punnuk is a thanksgiving ritual after a bountiful rice

harvest. This signals that people can now be free to do other things that were earlier

prohibited during the harvest ritual. For instance, no eating of fish or shells from the

river, no eating of leafy vegetables from the terraces or planting in the gardens and

other heavy manual tasks. Hungduan children forge a bond by joining community

festivals and rituals tied to Ifugao province’s rice cycle. From the rice terraces, a

group of children, teenagers, adults and elders’ lines up dressed in their native attire:

The men in their “wanoh” (loincloth) with their “pongot” (headdress) and the women

in their “tolge” (native skirt). They carry the “dongla,” the principal sacred plant of
Ifugao, and the “kina’ag” (a monkey-like scarecrow made of rice stalks) in a

procession heading to the nearby river. As they walk down through the terraces, the

participants and spectators cheer and challenge each other to play the “guy yudan”

(tug-of-war). The “pakid,” a long wooden pole with a hook, is pulled by each group

from the opposite end. The players from each village are a mix of men and women,

children and elders, with their bodies half-soaked and resisting the strong current of

the river. They believed that the winners of the game would have a bountiful supply

of rice, while the loser would experience scarcity throughout the year. The guyyudan

is also regarded as a form of entertainment for residents as they celebrate the lifting

of the prohibitions at the end of the harvest season. At the end of the guyyudan,

villagers throw the kina’ag and then the dongla into the river to symbolize that all

misfortunes, pests and sickness will be washed away. Another practice by Manobo-

Mamanwa is called hongod-God (Tomaquin, 2013).

In like manner, this ceremony is done when planting doma or root crops

(camote, kalibre, karlang, ube, palaw, etc.) After clearing the kaingin/slush and burn

farming,a nursing Mamanwa mother would institute the first planting. She should

carry on her back the infant because it is believed that by doing so, harvest will be

plentiful. Since Mamanwas believed in the presence of Diyatot and Anitos, (part of

the spirit world) who usually dwell in the balete and tuog trees, during their kaingin

farming, these balete trees were spared. The saruk/tambajon/baylan should conduct

a ritual so that the Diyatot and Anitos will not be angry of the kaingin. Moreover, they

believe that there are two types of anitos: the Maradiyaw and Mataro (Good and

bad). The good ones promote good harvest of the kaingin and kamotihan. The bad

ones give illness or sickness. The Manobo of Cotabato, as stated by, De Jong

(2010), the Samayaan is a native ritual in which omens are read in connection with
the various stages of the farming cycle: clearing, planting, growing, and harvesting.

The first day of the planting season marks the beginning of the Manobo year, the last

day of harvesting is the ending. Cultivating rice and corn has been and still is a part

of the Manobo way of living, some Manobo villages have shifted to the cultivation of

coconut for copra export. Corn and rice are planted in the month of February, the

corn is harvested in July but rice takes longer to grow and is harvested four months

later. When the trees start to bloom, the Manobo hunter will wait for the coming of

the bees that will lead him to their bee hives. The hunt for bees is the basis of the

traditional bee hunting dance. To pray for a successful hunt only bee hunters are

allowed to sing a traditional song titled Manganinay, this hymn is sung in honor of

Panayangan, the god of the bee hunt. The song must be pro- claimed outside the

house, singing it inside will cause the house to burn down. Throughout the year, the

elders of the Manobo tribe are looking for the star-lit sky to determine the season of

planting,

harvesting, fishing and hunting. Each star can bring a different message and will

guide the tribal group in their traditional way of living. This practice is called

Pamiteun, the Manobos' indigenous way of understanding the stars. Nowadays only

the members of the older generation of farmers will continue to use the Pamiteun but

they are passing the knowledge to the present generation, to learn the old way of

living, keep their culture and traditions alive and deepen their consciousness about

their own culture.

Undoubtedly, the history of the past amused the present time and some of the

practices still hold of the present. The Manobo came from Mamanwas who were

driven to hinterland until they reached to forestall area of Agusan through Agusan

River. Other group of indigenous people have their own myths and practices like
planting and harvesting, arts and literature, wedding, burials with corresponding

rituals for they are the expression of their lives. Spiritual beliefs are the basis for

traditional Indigenous rituals and laws, and those beliefs and laws are demonstrated

through ceremonies and rituals. Ceremonies are an important way for Indigenous

people to communicate with their spirits, and to learn the culture’s law. The spiritual

life of traditional Indigenous people is based on the creation time, a time when

Ancestral Beings brought the land to life, creating people and other living things.

There are still many rituals, beliefs and practices that indigenous people both local

and foreign practiced today not mentioned in this study. However, those mentioned

practices supported those rituals are done to demonstrate that Agusan Manobo

people believed in Supreme Being and that their fate has something to do about

what they believed.

SYNTHETHIS

The foregoing information reflected here talked about the related literature

that will help the readers towards getting a deeper understanding on the topics that

this investigation is geared to. It also illustrates the storylines of the Indigenous

people lived experiences and their cultural practices. The literatures aforementioned

deeply tackled about the cultural beliefs of Manobo people. The study will pursue by

the researchers anchored in this literature review.

CHAPTER 3

METHOD

This section will talk about the methodology. We will employ a

qualitative method in this investigation because a qualitative study is defined as an

complex, holistic picture, formed with words, reporting detailed views of informants,

and conducted in a natural setting (Creswell 1994). In like way, qualitative research

is exploratory or interrogative that tries to get to understand the issue under the

surface. “The aim is to gather insights into how people live; what they do; how they

use things; or what they need in their everyday or professional lives (Government

Design Service Manual, 2016).

More so, qualitative research may involve many different types of data

collection, including observation, file reviews, diaries and log books, life history

construction, videotapes, focus groups and field notes. There is such diversity and

flexibility within any one of these methods that the researcher must describe in

enough detail what steps were taken in collecting and recording the data for readers

and peer reviewers to understand the process. (Guba & Lincoln 1989). In this study

we will use observations, in-depth interviews and fieldnotes in order to get the data

needed as involved in the qualitative method. We will reinforce the idea of

qualitative inquiry as a reflective process underscores the strengths of a qualitative

approach. At the heart of this approach are methods for representing what Geertz

(1973) called the ‘microscopic’ details of the social and cultural aspects of

individuals’ lives. In this way, we can better understand better about the cultural

beliefs of our tribe as we inherited it from our forefathers. The qualitative research

design will be use in the study where respondents are allowed to speak in their own

language (McLeod, 2017).

Research Design
 The study will employ ethnographic research design. The idea is in

connivance with what Hughes (1992) has said that Ethnography is the study of social

interaction and culture groups, whether these groups are defined as societies,

communities, organizations or teams. Ethnographic techniques included in this study

are direct, firsthand observation of daily behavior, including participant observation;

conversation with varying degrees of formality, from the daily chitchat that helps

maintain rapport; interview with the Manobo of varying ages; and individual

discussion. The researcher got to the informants and usually took interest in the

totality of their lives (Kottak, 1991)

In addition, the central aim of ethnography is to provide rich, holistic

insights into peoples’ world views and actions, as well as the nature of the location

they inhabit (Hughes 1992). As Hammersley (1985) stated, “the task [of

ethnographers] is to document the culture, the perspectives and practices of the

people in these settings. The aim is to ‘get inside’ the way each group of people sees

the world”.

Moreover, ethnography is defined by fieldwork or the active and

prolonged involvement of the ethnographer with the local context being studied.

Traditionally, this context was a discrete and distant location. However, with the

proliferation of ethnography across academic disciplines, fieldwork is now done on a

variety of settings with different boundaries, and different proximities to the

researcher (Atkinson 1994). This thought convinced us that we can conduct the

study because our parents and forefathers belong to the Manobo tribe in Agusan del

Sur. Our involvement in the local community started since the we are born. This is

supported by this claim that ethnography is the description of people and their way of

life. As a key method of anthropology, ethnography is concerned with culture, shared

individuals (Patton 2015). Historically, ethnographers have studied unfamiliar

cultures and spent extended periods in the field. Ethnographers immersed

themselves in culture by learning the language and taking part in day-to-day

activities. Today, researchers still value ‘cultural immersion’ to achieve a deeper

understanding of the insider’s perspective through long-term fieldwork; however, the

field can be anywhere in the world including contemporary societies and familiar

settings. Field data are collected using multiple methods such as participant

observation, interviewing, document reviews, visual methods, or studying cultural

artefacts (Morse 2007).

Role of the Researchers

As an offspring of the Manobo parents, we have come up with the thought

that venturing into the way of life of the Manobo people in the community is our

utmost desire to do. This point in our lives, ignite this interest because we want to

document our faith, traditions and culture on how our parents respect our forefathers.

As such, this ethnographic study is best fitted into our exploration since it gives us

something to treasure as we grow on our own including our descendants or offspring

in the coming generation.

This study is related to our course because we are studying and majoring

English language. As such, this inquiry will gather terminology from Manobo tribe
dialect and translate these words into an English term. The importance of this is

clear enough that this new millennial or new generation is not anymore so familiar

with the terms used by the Manobo people. Their children lose interest already

especially that nowadays people are engrossed with technologies. Our desire is to

make information available for young generation to look into when time come that

they will be the one to live as a descendant of the Manobo.

As the descendants of our ancestors who is pure Manobo, this research study

will give us the assurance and relief, that somehow our cultures and wisdom is

recorded and is written. Everything will be forgotten, at least we can go back and

reminisce the old days by reading this book in the future.

We researchers, we will conduct our study in an actual interview of our

chosen participants. We will gather our data through in-depth interview. But before

that, we will read to them the content of our consent that we will ensure to protect

their privacy. They then will allow us to conduct our interview through cellular phone

recording. After the interview, we will then translate and transfer the data to a word

format before we analyze it.

Research Participants

The participants of this study will be the Manobo elderly particularly the Datu.

Also, some participants will be chosen according to their position in the family. Since

we are an offspring of the Manobo, we decided to interview our parents because we

know them very well and we are convincing that they will help us thoroughly in the

process of this investigation. That, the data that they will give us will have an
abundant information because they will not be hesitant in answering all the questions

that we may be throwing at them.

As we positioned ourselves in this study, we are living in the community since

birth so we regarded ourselves as an ethnographer. This idea is supported by a

statement when one said that historically, an ethnographer has studied unfamiliar

cultures and spent extended periods in the field. Ethnographers immersed

themselves in culture by learning the language and taking part in day-to-day

activities. Today, researchers still value ‘cultural immersion’ to achieve a deeper

understanding of the insider’s perspective through long-term fieldwork (Morse, R.

2007). Following recommended guidelines (Sharkey & Larsen, 2005) initial

observations of the characteristics of the localities and social interaction were

followed by more focused observations of activities along with conversations and

interviews while participating.

This study will conduct an in-depth interview with a number of thirteen (13)

participants, preferably the Datu’s and the members of the community. It has

previously been recommended that qualitative studies require a minimum sample

size of at least 12 to reach data saturation (Clarke & Braun, 2013; Fugard & Potts,

2014; Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006) Therefore, a sample of 13 was deemed

sufficient for the qualitative analysis and scale of this study.

The study will use the purposive sampling because it is most effective

technique when one needs to study a certain cultural background with the

knowledgeable expert within. Selected respondents were highly important for this

research, as people looked upon the knowledge and information. Denzin &

Giardana, (2007), Long & Johnson (2007) stated that critical consciousness
demands attention to the nuances of participant recruitment, representations of

participant’s voices, and involvement of vulnerable populations. Choosing the

purposive sample is fundamental to the quality of data gathered, thus, reliable and

competent.

In particular, students must address the question of how many interviews are

enough to reach data saturation (Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006). Data saturation is

reached when there is enough information to replicate the study (O’Reilly & Parker,

2012; Walker, 2012), when the ability to obtain additional new information has been

attained (Guest et al., 2006), and when further coding is no longer feasible (Guest et

al., 2006).

Data Collection

Prior to the conduct of the actual in-depth interviews and focused group

discussion, ethical considerations will be properly observed because of the

importance of consent and confidentiality (Bloom and Crabtree, 2006). Researchers

will point out that everything will be done in confidentiality, and essentially, rapport

involves trust and respect for the interviewee and the information that they will share.

Furthermore, we will prepare a quiet room that would ensure the privacy and

away from distractions. It is essential to provide them safe and comfortable

environment for sharing their personal experiences. Through the interview process,

we listened to the participant’s descriptions and repeatedly reviewed the studied data

as they were transcribed (Penner and McClement, 2008).

or video recording improves the accuracy of the content shared in the in-depth

interview, as well as the speaker’s intonations (Insites, 2007). Confidentiality was

observed in all sessions and with the informants (Bricki & Green ,2007), consistently

addressing them by their pseudonyms to conceal their identity.

Data collection method is the way to collect data used in this research. The

researcher used qualitative approach which the form of data is utterances. According

to Marshall (2006) “Qualitative approach typically relies on four methods for

gathering information: 1) participating in the setting, 2) observing directly, 3)

interviewing in depth, and 4) analyzing documents and material culture. For this

study, data will be collected through primary and secondary sources. Primary

sources consist of in-depth semi-structure interviews and published documents.

Wutich and Brewis (2019) identify primary data as facts obtained from sources such

as telephone interviews, personal interviews and observations. However, it should

be clarified that all the information obtained through primary means must contain

unbiased facts.

The researcher will only be in the field for specific times to observe

certain events, whereas in traditional ethnography fieldwork is ongoing and

conducted over a long period.  Building on your early engagement in the field, field

visits will allow researchers to develop trustable relationships with their participants,

which is crucial to gain a deeper understanding of interactions and meanings with

the particular sub-culture. Data collection is intense and includes interviews, short

field visits conducted occasionally, observations, field notes, audiovisual recordings,

document reviews, and archival research. The rational for using multiple data
collection is to maintain rigor and to gather in-depth data about the topic under

study. 

During an interview, it is important to provide and promote an

atmosphere where participants share their thoughts and feelings freely. Using a

variety of probes is encouraged to elicit more detailed answers; a nuanced

understanding; and to capture higher quality data. The key is to ask open-ended and

non-judgmental questions. The interviews will involve an in-depth exploration of how

meanings are derived through interactions in a particular sub-culture. 

To ensure accuracy in this study, the researchers will employ what is

written in the method of this study. Colorado State University (1993–2016) defines

accuracy as a term used in survey research to refer to the match between the target

population and the sample. In addition, according to BS ISO 5725 the general term

"accuracy" is used to describe the closeness of a measurement to the true value.

When the term is applied to sets of measurements of the same measurand, it

involves a component of random error and a component of systematic error. In this

case trueness is the closeness of the mean of a set of measurement results to the

actual (true) value and precision is the closeness of agreement among a set of

results. We, researchers will use participant codes or numbers to label data instead

of using names, and keeping a separate list of code/number-to-name match-ups.

  To ensure construct validity and reliability, the data should be collected

in a large and appropriately representative sample of the target population. It is a

common rule of thumb that there should be at least 10 participants for each item of

the scale, making an ideal of 15:1 or 20:1 (Clark & Watson 1995; DeVellis 2003; Hair

Junior et al. 2009).
 The researchers will interview thirteen (13) participants through in-

depth. It has previously been recommended that qualitative studies require a

minimum sample size of at least 12 to reach data saturation (Clarke & Braun, 2013;

Fugard & Potts, 2014; Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006) Therefore, a sample

of 13 was deemed sufficient for the qualitative analysis and scale of this study.

Data Analysis

Analysis of data in this research study will involve summarizing the

mass of data collected and presenting the result in a way that communicates the

most important features (Hancock et al, 2007). Transcription of data involves close

observation of data through repeated careful listening.

Data will be analyze using a method which included data reduction, data display,

conclusion drawing and verification (Zang and Wildemuth,2007). Data reduction is

the abstraction of data from transcriptions, deleting data which are not important and

transforming it into a comprehensible material, easily understood by many (Paul

2006; Suter, 2012). This pairing and sieving of data are often termed as thematic

analysis, and thematic analysis is a method for analyzing qualitative data that entails

searching across a data set to identify, analyze, and report repeated

patterns (Braun&Clarke 2006). Data display has been considered an important step

during the qualitative data analysis or the writing up stages (Burke et al., 2005). Data

display in a graphic format is a way of portraying information succinctly and

efficiently, illustrating details provided in longer textual information. Visual displays

provide a multidimensional space to organize data and show connections between

different pieces of relevant data (Dey, 1993). Conclusion drawing and verification
was the last step of qualitative analysis. It involves going back to consider what the

analyzed data mean and to assess their aftermaths for the questions at hand while

verification, integrally linked conclusion drawing, required revisiting the data many

times as necessary to cross-check or verify the emergent conclusion (Paul, 2006). At

this point, no definite judgments were made but rather, the data were allowed to

speak for themselves by the emergence of conceptual categories and descriptive

themes. These themes were usually implanted in a structure of interconnect ideas

that “make sense”.

Creswell (2012) defined coding as the procedure of fragmenting and

classifying text to form explanations and comprehensive themes in the data. It is the

process through which researcher gather or ‘tag’ content related to a specific theme

or idea (Attride-Stirling, 2001). It aims at reducing the data by sorting out the

information transcript into manageable and meaningful transcript segments with the

aid of coding framework. Data coding in qualitative research means assigning labels

or codes to different sections of text that related with different problems.

Researchers will use the social science query’s theme. Bogdan & Bilken (1982)

suggested examining the setting and context, the perspectives of the informants, and

informants’ ways of thinking about people, objects, processes, activities, events, and

relationships. Querying the text as a social scientist is a powerful technique because

investigators concentrate their efforts on searching for specific kinds of topics – any

of which are likely to generate major social and cultural themes. Novice researchers

may be more comfortable with the tabula rasa approach. More seasoned

researchers, who are more familiar with theory issues, may find the social science

query approach more compatible with their interests.

Trustworthiness
 As novice researchers, we will follow the idea of Lincoln and Guba

(1985) use the terms credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability to

group various procedures together under larger aims, and to offer alternative terms

to positivist concepts. They establish that trustworthiness of research and its findings

are the central issues in positivist ideals of validity and reliability. In that sense, the

terms proposed by Lincoln and Guba are very useful in explaining the

trustworthiness aims of the theory.

The first concept of Trustworthiness by Lincoln and Guba (1985) is the

Dependability. Dependability refers to the degree of neutrality in the research study’s

findings. In other words, this means that the findings are based on participants’

responses and not any potential bias or personal motivations of the researcher

(Connelly, 2016). According to Shenton (2004), a researcher can establish

dependability if the work were repeated, in the same context, with the same methods

and with the same participants, similar results will be obtained.

This is followed by another concept called credibility. Credibility deals

with the internal validity of the research. It is concerned with the integrity of the

conclusions that are generated from research (Bryman and Bell 2015). Shenton

(2004) explains that to establish credibility is to seek to ensure that their study

measures or tests what is actually intended. In research, contextualization is a way

of approaching our research project, or linking it to the relevant research and to the

setting of the study. Contextualization gives credibility and support to our research

project as a whole. Research contextualizing takes various shapes and forms. First,

we contextualize our research in relation to the established literature and prior

studies. Second, we contextualize our research by linking it to (a) the specific context

in which it was conducted like institution and workplace (micro-level); and (b) the
location or general setting of the study like geographic territory and location (macro-

level). Based on these two main ways of contextualizing research, a further two-fold

wider contextualization of our research project will be identified too, namely, linking

our research to other disciplines (domains of study) and other contexts (locations).

In addition, we have the transferability, unlike credibility, which

concerns with internal validity, transferability mainly looks at the external validity of

the research. The issue with transferability is whether the outcome of the research

could be generalized and could give the same results for other similar types of

researches (Bryman and Bell 2015). Lincoln and Guba (1985) argue that it is the

responsibility of the investigator to ensure that sufficient contextual information about

the fieldwork sites is provided to enable the reader to make such a transfer.

Along with the concept of trustworthiness is the confirmability, the point

of confirmability refers to the quality of being objective, impartial and free of bias

(Bryman and Bell 2015). Shenton (2004) adds that recognition of shortcomings in

study’s methods and their potential effects on the research as well as the inclusion of

an in-depth methodological description can allow for the integrity of research results

to be scrutinized. Clearly, trustworthiness is what makes the study rational for people

to accept research findings.