John Winthrop Dreams of a City on a Hill, 1630

John Winthrop delivered the following sermon before he and his fellow settlers reached New
England. The sermon is famous largely for its use of the phrase “a city on a hill,” used to
describe the expectation that the Massachusetts Bay colony would shine like an example to
the world. But Winthrop’s sermon also reveals how he expected Massachusetts to differ from
the rest of the world.
A Modell Hereof
God Almighty in his most holy and wise providence hath so disposed of the condition of
mankind, as in all times some must be rich some poor, some high and eminent in power and
dignity; others mean and in subjection.
The Reason hereof:
1st Reason.
First to hold conformity with the rest of His world, being delighted to show forth the glory of
his wisdom in the variety and difference of the creatures, and the glory of His power in
ordering all these differences for the preservation and good of the whole, and the glory of His
greatness, that as it is the glory of princes to have many officers, so this great king will have
many stewards, counting himself more honored in dispensing his gifts to man by man, than if
he did it by his own immediate hands.
2nd Reason.
Secondly, that He might have the more occasion to manifest the work of his Spirit: first upon
the wicked in moderating and restraining them, so that the rich and mighty should not eat up
the poor, nor the poor and despised rise up against and shake off their yoke. Secondly, in the
regenerate, in exercising His graces in them, as in the great ones, their love, mercy,
gentleness, temperance etc., and in the poor and inferior sort, their faith, patience, obedience
etc.
3rd Reason.
Thirdly, that every man might have need of others, and from hence they might be all knit
more nearly together in the bonds of brotherly affection. From hence it appears plainly that no
man is made more honorable than another or more wealthy etc., out of any particular and
singular respect to himself, but for the glory of his Creator and the common good of the
creature, Man. Therefore God still reserves the property of these gifts to Himself as Ezek.
16:17, He there calls wealth, His gold and His silver, and Prov. 3:9, He claims their service as
His due, “Honor the Lord with thy riches,” etc. — All men being thus (by divine providence)
ranked into two sorts, rich and poor; under the first are comprehended all such as are able to
live comfortably by their own means duly improved; and all others are poor according to the
former distribution….
Question: What rule must we observe and walk by in cause of community of peril?
Answer:
The same as before, but with more enlargement towards others and less respect towards
ourselves and our own right. Hence it was that in the primitive Church they sold all, had all
things in common, neither did any man say that which he possessed was his own. Likewise in
their return out of the captivity, because the work was great for the restoring of the church and
the danger of enemies was common to all, Nehemiah directs the Jews to liberality and
readiness in remitting their debts to their brethren, and disposing liberally to such as wanted,
and stand not upon their own dues which they might have demanded of them. Thus did some
of our forefathers in times of persecution in England, and so did many of the faithful of other
churches, whereof we keep an honorable remembrance of them; and it is to be observed that
both in Scriptures and latter stories of the churches that such as have been most bountiful to
the poor saints, especially in those extraordinary times and occasions, God hath left them
highly commended to posterity…
Thus stands the cause between God and us. We are entered into covenant with Him for this
work. We have taken out a commission. The Lord hath given us leave to draw our own
articles. We have professed to enterprise these and those accounts, upon these and those ends.
We have hereupon besought Him of favor and blessing. Now if the Lord shall please to hear
us, and bring us in peace to the place we desire, then hath He ratified this covenant and sealed
our commission, and will expect a strict performance of the articles contained in it; but if we
shall neglect the observation of these articles which are the ends we have propounded, and,
dissembling with our God, shall fall to embrace this present world and prosecute our carnal
intentions, seeking great things for ourselves and our posterity, the Lord will surely break out
in wrath against us, and be revenged of such a people, and make us know the price of the
breach of such a covenant.
Now the only way to avoid this shipwreck, and to provide for our posterity, is to follow the
counsel of Micah, to do justly, to love mercy, to walk humbly with our God. For this end, we
must be knit together, in this work, as one man. We must entertain each other in brotherly
affection. We must be willing to abridge ourselves of our superfluities, for the supply of
others’ necessities. We must uphold a familiar commerce together in all meekness, gentleness,
patience and liberality. We must delight in each other; make others’ conditions our own;
rejoice together, mourn together, labor and suffer together, always having before our eyes our
commission and community in the work, as members of the same body. So shall we keep the
unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. The Lord will be our God, and delight to dwell among
us, as His own people, and will command a blessing upon us in all our ways, so that we shall
see much more of His wisdom, power, goodness and truth, than formerly we have been
acquainted with. We shall find that the God of Israel is among us, when ten of us shall be able
to resist a thousand of our enemies; when He shall make us a praise and glory that men shall
say of succeeding plantations, “may the Lord make it like that of New England.” For we must
consider that we shall be as a city upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us. So that if
we shall deal falsely with our God in this work we have undertaken, and so cause Him to
withdraw His present help from us, we shall be made a story and a by-word through the
world. We shall open the mouths of enemies to speak evil of the ways of God, and all
professors for God’s sake. We shall shame the faces of many of God’s worthy servants, and
cause their prayers to be turned into curses upon us till we be consumed out of the good land
whither we are going.
And to shut this discourse with that exhortation of Moses, that faithful servant of the Lord, in
his last farewell to Israel, Deut. 30. “Beloved, there is now set before us life and death, good
and evil,” in that we are commanded this day to love the Lord our God, and to love one
another, to walk in his ways and to keep his Commandments and his ordinance and his laws,
and the articles of our Covenant with Him, that we may live and be multiplied, and that the
Lord our God may bless us in the land whither we go to possess it. But if our hearts shall turn
away, so that we will not obey, but shall be seduced, and worship other Gods, our pleasure
and profits, and serve them; it is propounded unto us this day, we shall surely perish out of
the good land whither we pass over this vast sea to possess it.
Therefore let us choose life,
that we and our seed may live,
by obeying His voice and cleaving to Him,
for He is our life and our prosperity.

Chrestien Le Clercq traveled to New France as a missionary, but found that many Native
Americans were not interested in adopting European cultural practices. In this document,
LeClercq records the words of a Gaspesian man who explained why he believed that his way
of life was superior to Le Clercq’s.
 
… the Indians esteem their camps as much as, and even more than, they do the most superb
and commodious of our houses. To this they testified one day to some of our gentlemen of
Isle Percée, who, having asked me to serve them as interpreter in a visit which they wished to
make to these Indians in order to make the latter understand that it would be very much more
advantageous for them to live and to build in our fashion, were extremely surprised when the
leading Indian, who had listened with great patience to everything I had said to him on behalf
of these gentlemen, answered me in these words :
I am greatly astonished that the French have so little cleverness, as they seem to exhibit in the
matter of which thou hast just told me on their behalf, in the effort to persuade us to convert
our poles, our barks, and our wigwams into those houses of stone and of wood which are tall
and lofty, according to their account, as these trees. Very well! But why now, do men of five
to six feet in height need houses which are sixty to eighty? For, in fact, as thou knowest very
well thyself, Patriarch—do we not find in our own all the conveniences and the advantages
that you have with yours, such as reposing, drinking, sleeping, eating, and amusing ourselves
with our friends when we wish? This is not all, my brother, hast thou as much ingenuity and
cleverness as the Indians, who carry their houses and their wigwams with them so that they
may lodge wheresoever they please, independently of any seignior whatsoever? Thou art not
as bold nor as stout as we, because when thou goest on a voyage thou canst not carry upon thy
shoulders thy buildings and thy edifices. Therefore it is necessary that thou prepares as many
lodgings as thou makest changes of residence, or else thou lodgest in a hired house which
does not belong to thee. As for us, we find ourselves secure from all these inconveniences,
and we can always say, more truly than thou, that we are at home everywhere, because we set
up our wigwams with ease wheresoever we go, and without asking permission of anybody.
Thou reproachest us, very inappropriately, that our country is a little hell in contrast with
France, which thou comparest to a terrestrial paradise, inasmuch as it yields thee, so thou
safest, every kind of provision in abundance. Thou sayest of us also that we are the most
miserable and most unhappy of all men, living without religion, without manners, without
honour, without social order, and, in a word, without any rules, like the beasts in our woods
and our forests, lacking bread, wine, and a thousand other comforts which thou hast in
superfluity in Europe. Well, my brother, if thou dost not yet know the real feelings which our
Indians have towards thy country and towards all thy nation, it is proper that I inform thee at
once. I beg thee now to believe that, all miserable as we seem in thine eyes, we consider
ourselves nevertheless much happier than thou in this, that we are very content with the little
that we have; and believe also once for all, I pray, that thou deceivest thyself greatly if thou
thinkest to persuade us that thy country is better than ours. For if France, as thou sayest, is a
little terrestrial paradise, art thou sensible to leave it? And why abandon wives, children,
relatives, and friends? Why risk thy life and thy property every year, and why venture thyself
with such risk, in any season whatsoever, to the storms and tempests of the sea in order to
come to a strange and barbarous country which thou considerest the poorest and least
fortunate of the world? Besides, since we are wholly convinced of the contrary, we scarcely
take the trouble to go to France, because we fear, with good reason, lest we find little
satisfaction there, seeing, in our own experience, that those who are natives thereof leave it
every year in order to enrich themselves on our shores. We believe, further, that you are also
incomparably poorer than we, and that you are only simple journeymen, valets, servants, and
slaves, all masters and grand captains though you may appear, seeing that you glory in our old
rags and in our miserable suits of beaver which can no longer be of use to us, and that you
find among us, in the fishery for cod which you make in these parts, the wherewithal to
comfort your misery and the poverty which oppresses you. As to us, we find all our riches and
all our conveniences among ourselves, without trouble and without exposing our lives to the
dangers in which you find yourselves constantly through your long voyages. And, whilst
feeling compassion for you in the sweetness of our repose, we wonder at the anxieties and
cares which you give yourselves night and day in order to load your ship. We see also that all
your people live, as a rule, only upon cod which you catch among us. It is everlastingly
nothing but cod—cod in the morning, cod at midday, cod at evening, and always cod, until
things come to such a pass that if you wish some good morsels, it is at our expense; and you
are obliged to have recourse to the Indians, whom you despise so much, and to beg them to go
a-hunting that you may be regaled. Now tell me this one little thing, if thou hast any sense:
Which of these two is the wisest and happiest—he who labours without ceasing and only
obtains, and that with great trouble, enough to live on, or he who rests in comfort and finds all
that he needs in the pleasure of hunting and fishing? It is true, that we have not always had the
use of bread and of wine which your France produces; but, in fact, before the arrival of the
French in these parts, did not the Gaspesians live much longer than now? And if we have not
any longer among us any of those old men of a hundred and thirty to forty years, it is only
because we are gradually adopting your manner of living, for experience is making it very
plain that those of us live longest who, despising your bread, your wine, and your brandy, are
content with their natural food of beaver, of moose, of waterfowl, and fish, in accord with the
custom of our ancestors and of all the Gaspesian nation. Learn now, my brother, once for all,
because I must open to thee my heart: there is no Indian who does not consider himself
infinitely more happy and more powerful than the French.
 
Crestien Le Clercq, New Relation of Gaspesia: With the Customs and Religion of the
Gaspesian Indians, William F. Ganong, ed. and trans. (Toronto: 1910), 103-106.
Available through the Internet Archive
← John Lawson Encounters Native Americans, 1709
The Legend of Moshup, 1830 →

Robert Horne’s wanted to entice English settlers to join the new colony of Carolina.
According to Horne, natural bounty, economic opportunity, and religious liberty awaited
anyone willing to make the journey. Horne wanted to recruit settlers of every social class,
from those “of Genteel blood” to those who would have to sign a contract of indentured
servitude.
 
First, There is full and free Liberty of Conscience granted to all, so that no man is to be
molested or called in question for matters of Religious Concern; but every one to be obedient
to the Civil Government, worshipping God after their own way.
Secondly, There is freedom from Custom, for all Wine, Silk, Raisins, Currans, Oil, Olives,
and Almonds, that shall be raised in the Province for 7. years, after 4 Ton of any of those
commodities shall be imported in one Bottom.
Thirdly, Every Free-man and Free-woman that transport themselves and Servants by the 25 of
March next, being 1667. shall have for Himself, Wife, Children, and Men-servants, for each
100 Acres of Land for him and his Heirs for ever, and for every Woman-servant and Slave 50
Acres, paying at most 1/2d. per acre, per annum, in lieu of all demands, to the Lords
Proprietors: Provided always, That every Man be armed with a good musket full bore, 10lbs
Powder, and 20lbs of Bullet, and six Months Provision for all, to serve them whilst they raise
Provision in that Country.
Fourthly, Every Man-Servant at the expiration of their time, is to have of the Country a 100
Acres of Land to him and his heirs for ever, paying only 1/2d. per Acre, per annum, and the
Women 50. Acres of Land on the same conditions; their Masters also are to allow them two
Suits of Apparel and Tools such as he is best able to work with, according to the Custom of
the Country.
Fifthly, They are to have a Governor and Council appointed from among themselves, to see
the Laws of the Assembly put in due execution; but the Governor is to rule but 3 years, and
then learn to obey; also he hath no power to lay any Tax, or make or abrogate any Law,
without the Consent of the Colony in their Assembly.
Sixthly, They are to choose annually from among themselves, a certain Number of Men,
according to their divisions, which constitute the General Assembly with the Governor and
his Council, and have the sole power of Making Laws, and Laying Taxes for the common
good when need shall require.
These are the chief and Fundamental privileges, but the Right Honorable Lords Proprietors
have promised (and it is their Interest so to do) to be ready to grant what other Privileges may
be found advantageous for the good, of the Colony.
Is there therefore any younger Brother who is born of Genteel blood, and whose Spirit is
elevated above the common sort, and yet the hard usage of our Country hath not allowed
suitable fortune; he will not surely be afraid to leave his Native Soil to advance his Fortunes
equal to his Blood and Spirit, and so he will avoid those unlawful ways too many of our
young Gentlemen take to maintain themselves according to their high education, having but
small Estates; here, with a few Servants and a small Stock a great Estate may be raised,
although his Birth have not entitled him to any of the Land of his Ancestors, yet his Industry
may supply him so, as to make him the head of as famous a family.
Such as are here tormented with much care how to get worth to gain a Livelihood, or that with
their labor can hardly get a comfortable subsistence, shall do well to go to this place, where
any man whatever, that is but willing to take moderate pains, may be assured of a most
comfortable subsistence, and be in a way to raise his fortunes far beyond what he could ever
hope for in England. Let no man be troubled at the thoughts of being a Servant for 4 or 5 year,
for I can assure you, that many men give money with their children to serve 7 years, to take
more pains and fare nothing so well as the Servants in this Plantation will do. Then it is to be
considered, that so soon as he is out of his time, he hath Land, and Tools, and Clothes given
him, and is in a way of advancement. Therefore all Artificers, as Carpenters, Wheelrights,
Joiners, Coopers, Bricklayers, Smiths, or diligent Husbandmen and Laborers, that are willing
to advance their fortunes, and live in a most pleasant healthful and fruitful Country, where
Artificers are of high esteem, and used with all Civility and Courtesy imaginable…
If any Maid or single Woman have a desire to go over, they will think themselves in the
Golden Age, when Men paid a Dowry for their Wives; for if they be but Civil, and under 50
years of Age, some honest Man or other, will purchase them for their Wives.
Those that desire further advice, or Servants that would be entertained, let them repair to Mr.
Matthew Wilkinson, Ironmonger, at the Sign of the Three Feathers, in Bishops gate Street,
where they may be informed when the Ships will be ready, and what they must carry with
them.
 
A.S. Salley, ed., Narratives of Early Carolina, 1650-1708 (New York: 1911), 71-73.
Available through HathiTrust
← Olaudah Equiano Describes the Middle Passage, 1789
Letter from Carolina, 1682 →
Rose Davis was born to an indentured servant white woman and a Black man. Slave law
claimed that children inherited the status of their mother, a law which enabled enslavers to
control the reproductive functions of their enslaved women laborers. However, as race
increasingly became a marker of slavery, even the children of free white women could be
vulnerable to enslavement. Rose had been working as an indentured servant when she
petitioned the court for her freedom. Instead, she was sentenced to a lifetime of slavery.
August 1715
On the petition of Rose the mulatto daughter of Mary Davis of the province of Maryland
against Mr. Henry Darnall about her freedom &c. It is ordered that notice be given Mr.
William Diggs, attorney for the said Mr. Henry Darnall that the second Tuesday of November
next.
8 November 1715
Rose a mulatto petition against Henry Darnall about her freedom consideration referred until
next Court.
13 March 1715/6
Petition of Rose the mulatto daughter of Mary Davis of the province of Maryland now a
servant of Mr. Henry Darnall of the County aforesaid. Hereby showeth that your petitioner
being a Baptized mulatto descended by the mother of Christian race as appears from the
evidence of her said mother on the other said handscribed the original whereafter she is ready
to provide as well as other testimonies if need be to confirm the same and being arrived to the
age of thirty one years the 11 August 1715 at in time she supposes the servitude imposed in
such unhappy issue expires. She therefore humbly prays the benefit by Law allowed to those
in her unhappy circumstances and that she may accordingly receive a free manumission from
the said servitude which hanscribed evidence mentioned in the petition follows in the words
vizt.
I Mary Davis the daughter of Richard Davis now dwelling in Mark Lane in the City of
London in England where I was born and there now have dwelling a brother called John
Davis, do give this Bible unto my son Thomas begotten in wedlock on my body by a negro
called Dominggoe once a servant to Joseph Tilley of Hunting Creek in Calvert County where
I was married to him the said negroe but now we both are dwelling with the right honorable
the proprietor of this province of Maryland and my before said son Thomas was born on a
plantation of my lords in Lyons Creek in Calvert County on the 14th day of March 1677 and
was baptized by Mr. Wessley in the house of Mr. Richard. Massoms and James Thompson
was godfather and Ann his wife was godmother. That is here inserted to satisfy any whom it
may concern that my said son Thomas came from a Christian race by his mother and I the
said Mary Davis above mentioned and named have also a Daughter by the same negro my
husband aforesaid whose name is Rose. She was born in St. Maries County on a plantation
called the Top of the Hill on the 11 August 1684 and baptized at Nottley Hall by Mr. Richard.
Hebert Priest and Mr. Henry Wharton was the godfather and Rose Hebert now the wife of
Thomas Nation was the godmother. That is above inserted that you may know she my said
Daughter came of the Christian race by her mother a true copy take out of the aforesaid
Bible. 
Signed Mary Davis.
Given by said Mary to her son Thomas now in the possession and custody of the said Rose.
Court resolving to proceed this day 8 November 1715
Next Court: Mature deliberation … It is thereupon considered by the Justices that the said
Rose the mulatto and person aforesaid serve during life as a slave and that her master Mr.
Henry Darnall pay fees.

The Oneida nation, one of the Six Nations of the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois), issued a formal
declaration of neutrality on June 19, 1775 to the governor of Connecticut after the imperial
crisis between Great Britain and their North American colonies erupted into violence. This
declaration hints at the Oneida conceptions of their own sovereignty among the Six Nations
confederacy, the independence of other Native American nations, and how the Oneida
understand the conflict as a war “between two brothers.” Samuel Kirkland, a missionary
living in Iroquois country, interpreted and transcribed the Oneida’s words and sent them to
Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut.
A Speech of the Chiefs and Warriors of the Oneida Tribe of Indians, to the four New-England
Provinces, directed to Governour Trumbull; and by him to be communicated:
As our younger brothers of the New-England Indians, (who have settled in our vicinity) are
now going down to visit their friends, and to move up parts of their families that were left
behind, with this belt by them, we open the road wide, clearing it of all obstacles, that they
may visit their friends and return to their settlements here in peace.
We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the disagreeable situation of affairs
that way; and we hope, by the help of God, that they may go and return in peace. We
earnestly recommend them to your charity through their long journey.
Now we more immediately address you, our brother, the Governor and the Chiefs of New-
England.
Brothers! We have heard of the unhappy differences and great contention betwixt you and old
England. We wonder greatly, and are troubled in our minds.
Brothers! Possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians. We cannot intermeddle in this
dispute between two brothers. The quarrel seems to be unnatural; you are two brothers of one
blood. We are unwilling to join one other side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection
to both of you, Old and New-England. Should the great King of England apply to us for our
aid, we shall deny him. If the Colonies apply, we will refuse. The present situation of you two
brothers is new and strangetous. We Indians can not find nor recollect in the traditions of our
ancestors the like case or a similar instance.
Brothers! For these reasons possess your minds in peace, and taken umbrage that we Indians
refuse joining in the contest; we are for peace.
Brothers! Was it an alien, a foreign Nation, which struck you, we should look into the matter.
We hope, through the wise government and good pleasure of God, your distresses may soon
be removed, and the dark cloud be dispersed.
Brothers! As we have declared for peace, we desire you will not apply to our Indian brethren
in New-England for their assistance. Let us Indians be all of one mind, and live in peace with
one another, and you white people settle your own disputes betwixt yourselves.
Brothers! We have now declared our minds; please write to us that we may know yours. We,
the sachems, warriors, and female governesses of Oneida, send our love to you, brother
Governour, and all the other chiefs in New-England.
Signed by the Chief Warriors of the Oneida: William Sunoghsis, Viklasha Watshaleagh,
William Kanaghquassea, Peter Thayehcase, Germine Tegayavher, Nickhes Ahsechose,
Thomas Yoghtanawca, Adam Ohonwano, Quedellis Agwerondongwas, Handerchiko
Tegahpreahdyen, John Skeanender, Thomas Teorddeatha.
Caughnawaga, June19, 1775.
Interpreted and wrote by Samuel Kirkland, Missionary.

Britons had long understood themselves as the freest people on earth, blessed with a limited
monarchy and an enlightened parliament. Paine’s pamphlet offered a very different portrayal
of the British government. His criticisms swept across the North American continent and
generated widespread support for American independence.
 
Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not YET sufficiently fashionable
to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a
superficial appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defense of
custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason. As a long and
violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in question (and in
Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated
into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his OWN RIGHT, to support
the Parliament in what he calls THEIRS, and as the good people of this country are grievously
oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the
pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either. In the following sheets, the
author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments
as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need not the
triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease
of themselves unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion. The cause of
America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will
arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of
Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested. The laying a
Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all
Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of
every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of
Party Censure, is the AUTHOR…
Society in every state is a blessing, but Government, even in its best state, is but a necessary
evil…
MANKIND being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be
destroyed by some subsequent circumstance: the distinctions of rich and poor may in a great
measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill-sounding names of
oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the CONSEQUENCE, but seldom or never the
MEANS of riches; and tho’ avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it
generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy.
But there is another and great distinction for which no truly natural or religious reason can be
assigned, and that is the distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are
the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of Heaven; but how a race of men
came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is
worth inquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind.
In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology there were no kings; the
consequence of which was, there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throws mankind
into confusion. Holland, without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than any
of the monarchical governments in Europe. Antiquity favors the same remark; for the quiet
and rural lives of the first Patriarchs have a snappy something in them, which vanishes when
we come to the history of Jewish royalty.
Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the Heathens, from whom the
children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set
on foot for the promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honors to their deceased
kings, and the Christian World hath improved on the plan by doing the same to their living
ones. How impious is the title of sacred Majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his
splendor is crumbling into dust!..
To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a
degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult
and imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a
right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and tho’ himself
might deserve some decent degree of honors of his contemporaries, yet his descendants might
be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly of
hereditary right in Kings, is that nature disapproves it, otherwise she would not so frequently
turn it into ridicule, by giving mankind an ASS FOR A LION….
O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth!
Every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the
globe. Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her. — Europe regards her like a stranger, and
England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an
asylum for mankind.
Venture Smith’s autobiography is one of the earliest slave narratives to circulate in the
Atlantic World. Slave narratives grew into the most important genre of antislavery literature
and bore testimony to the injustices of the slave system. Smith was unusually lucky in that he
was able to purchase his freedom, but his story nonetheless reveals the hardships faced by
even the most fortunate enslaved men and women.
 
… it was agreed that I should live with Col. Smith. This was the third time of my being sold,
and I was then thirty-one years old. As I never had an opportunity of redeeming myself whilst
I was owned by Miner, though he promised to give me a chance, I was then very ambitious of
obtaining it. I asked my master one time if he would consent to have me purchase my
freedom. He replied that he would. I was then very happy, knowing that I was at that time
able to pay part of the purchase money, by means of the money which I some time since
buried. This I took out of the earth and tendered to my master, having previously engaged a
free negro man to take his security for it, as I was the property of my master, and therefore
could not safely take his obligation myself. What was wanting in redeeming myself, my
master agreed to wait on me for, until I could procure it for him. I still continued to work for
Col. Smith. There was continually some interest accruing on my master’s note to my friend
the free negro man above named, which I received, and with some besides which I got by
fishing, I laid out in land adjoining my old master Stanton’s. By cultivating this land with the
greatest diligence and economy, at times when my master did not require my labor, in two
years I laid up ten pounds. This my friend tendered my master for myself, and received his
note for it.
Being encouraged by the success which I had met in redeeming myself, I again solicited my
master for a further chance of completing it. The chance for which I solicited him was that of
going out to work the ensuing winter. He agreed to this on condition that I would give him
one quarter of my earnings. On these terms I worked the following winter, and earned four
pounds sixteen shillings, one quarter of which went to my master for the privilege, and the
rest was paid him on my own account. This added to the other payments made up forty four
pounds, eight shillings, which I had paid on my own account. I was then about thirty five
years old.
The next summer I again desired he would give me a chance of going out to work. But he
refused and answered that he must have my labor this summer, as he did not have it the past
winter. I replied that I considered it as hard that I could not have a chance to work out when
the season became advantageous, and that I must only be permitted to hire myself out in the
poorest season of the year. He asked me after this what I would give him for the privilege per
month. I replied that I would leave it wholly with his own generosity to determine what I
should return him a month. Well then, said he, if so two pounds a month. I answered him that
if that was the least he would take I would be contented.
Accordingly I hired myself out at Fisher’s Island, and earned twenty pounds; thirteen pounds
six shillings of which my master drew for the privilege, and the remainder I paid him for my
freedom. This made fifty-one pounds two shillings which I paid him. In October following I
went and wrought six months at Long Island. In that six month’s time I cut and corded four
hundred cords of wood, besides threshing out seventy-five bushels of grain, and received of
my wages down only twenty pounds, which left remaining a larger sum. Whilst I was out that
time, I took up on my wages only one pair of shoes. At night I lay on the hearth, with one
coverlet over and another under me. I returned to my master and gave him what I received of
my six months labor. This left only thirteen pounds eighteen shillings to make up the full sum
for my redemption. My master liberated me, saying that I might pay what was behind if I
could ever make it convenient, otherwise it would be well. The amount of the money which I
had paid my master towards redeeming my time, was seventy-one pounds two shillings. The
reason of my master for asking such an unreasonable price, was he said, to secure himself in
case I should ever come to want. Being thirty-six years old, I left Col. Smith once for all. I
had already been sold three different times, made considerable money with seemingly nothing
to derive it from, been cheated out of a large sum of money, lost much by misfortunes, and
paid an enormous sum for my freedom.

In the aftermath of the Revolution, politics became a sport consumed by both men and
women. In a series of letters sent to her sister, Mary Smith Cranch comments on a series of
political events including the lack of support for diplomats, the circulation of paper or hard
currency, legal reform, tariffs against imported tea tables, Shays rebellion, and the role of
women in supporting the nation’s interests.
On foreign policy, pending legislation, and women’s political participation
I began to write you last night but my eyes were so poor that I could not continue it. I am now
risen with the sun to thank you for the charming budget you have sent me. Such frequent
communications shortens the idea of distance by many miles. I believe there have been letters
constantly upon the water for each other ever since you left us. The idea of your returning
soon to your dear friends here would be a much more joyful one if this country would suffer
you first to do all the good your inclinations lead you too, and what they really wish you to do
though they put it out of your power to do it. I hope they will come to their senses before
winter. The court is adjourned to next January. The House have been disputing half this
session whether we should have paper money, any lawyers or any court of common pleas.
They voted finally, against paper money, sent up to the Senate a curious bill with regards to
lawyers and the inferior court. A committee of five from the Senate have it to consider till
next term. Mr. Cranch is one of them. Thus do they spend their time in curtailing tea tables,
while they are suffering thousand to be wrested from them for want of giving ampler powers
to Congress. It is dreadful to those who see the necessity of different measures to stand by and
see such pursued as they fear will ruin their country. Ask no excuse my dear sister for writing
politics. It would be such a want of public spirit not to feel interested in the welfare of our
country as the wives of ministers and Senators ought to be ashamed off. Let no one say that
the ladies are of no importance in the affairs of the nation. Persuade them to renounce all their
luxuries and it would be found that they are, and believe me there is not a more effectual way
to do it, than to make them acquainted with the causes of the distresses of their country. We
do not want spirit. We only want to have it properly directed. 
“Mary Smith Cranch to Abigail Adams, 10 July 1786,” Founders Online, National Archives. 
Available through the National Archives
Her frustration with the Massachusetts state legislature
May 22, 1786
“Not one word of politics have I written nor shall I have time to do it now. If I had I would
tell you what wonderful things the House are doing with the lawyers, the court of common
pleas, &c, but the newspapers will do it for me. I am thankful there is a Senate as well as a
House. What has Congress done? Anything to detain you in Europe. I love my country too
well to wish you to return yet, much as I wisht to see you. I did design to write to my dear
niece by this vessel but fear I shall not have time. My sincere love and good wishes attend her
and hers. Tis very late good night my ever dear Sister and believe me, yours affectionately. 
“Mary Smith Cranch to Abigail Adams, 22 May 1786,” Founders Online, National Archives. 
Available through the National Archives
Commenting on Shays’ Rebellion
November 26, 1786
There is like to be a great disturbance in Cambridge at the sitting of the Court of Common
Pleas this week. There is an express come to the governor to inform him that Shays, one of
the heads of the incendiaries, (it is a many headed beast) is determined to come with eighteen
hundred men to stop the court. There will be force sent to oppose them I suppose, and I wish
there may not be blood shed. Are we not hastening fast to monarchy, to Anarchy? I am sure
we are unless the people discover a better spirit soon. We are concerned for our children I
assure you. The college company are wishing to be allowed to march out in defence of
government but they will not be permitted. Mr Cranch will go tomorrow and take care of
them, of our children I mean…
“Mary Smith Cranch to Abigail Adams, 26 November 1786,” Founders Online, National
Archives
Available through the National Archives
Further thoughts on Shays’ Rebellion
February 9, 1787
“If you have received our Letters by Captain Callahan, you will be in some measure prepared
for the accounts which Captain Folger will bring you of the rebellion which exists in this
state. It had arisen to such a height that it was necessary to oppose it by force of arms. We are
always in this country to do things in an extraordinary manner. The militia were called for,
but there was not a copper in the treasury to pay them or to support them upon their march.
Town meetings were called in many places and promises were made them that if the would
enlist, they would pay them and wait till the money could be collected from the public for
their pay. And for their present support people contributed as they were able and in this
manner in less than a week was collected an army of five thousand men who marched under
the command of General Lincoln to Worcester to protect the court. The result you will see in
the papers. The season has been stormy and severe our army have suffered greatly in some of
their marches, especially last Saturday night. Many of them were badly froze, they marched
thirty miles without stopping to refresh themselves in order to take Shays and his army by
surprise. They took about 150 of them. Shays and a number with him scampered off and have
gotten to New Hampshire.
Shays and his party are a poor deluded people. They have given much trouble and put us and
themselves to much expense and have greatly added to the difficulties they complain off. I
think you must have been very uneasy about us. Shays has not a small party in Braintree but
not many in this parish. They want paper money to cheat with. They called a town meeting
about a week since to forbid collection. Thayers attending the general court but they could not
get a vote. 

The social upheavals of the Market Revolution created new tensions between rich and poor,
particularly between the new class of workers and the new class of managers. Lowell,
Massachusetts was the location of the first American factory. In this document, a woman
reminisces about a strike that she participated in at a Lowell textile mill.
 
One of the first strikes of cotton-factory operatives that ever took place in this country was
that in Lowell, in October, 1836. When it was announced that the wages were to be cut down,
great indignation was felt, and it was decided to strike, en masse. This was done. The mills
were shut down, and the girls went in procession from their several corporations to the
“grove” on Chapel Hill, and listened to “incendiary” speeches from early labor reformers.
One of the girls stood on a pump, and gave vent to the feelings of her companions in a neat
speech, declaring that it was their duty to resist all attempts at cutting down the wages. This
was the first time a woman had spoken in public in Lowell, and the event caused surprise and
consternation among her audience.
Cutting down the wages was not their only grievance, nor the only cause of this strike.
Hitherto the corporations had paid twenty—five cents a week towards the board of each
operative, and now it was their purpose to have the girls pay the sum; and this, in addition to
the cut in the wages, would make a difference of at least one dollar a week. It was estimated
that as many as twelve or fifteen hundred girls turned out, and walked in procession through
the streets. They had neither flags nor music, but sang songs, a favorite (but rather
inappropriate) one being a parody on “I won’t be a nun. ”
“Oh! isn’t it a pity, such a pretty girl as I-
Should be sent to the factory to pine away and die?
Oh ! I cannot be a slave,
I will not be a slave,
For I’m so fond of liberty
That I cannot be a slave.”
My own recollection of this first strike (or “turn out” as it was called) is very vivid. I worked
in a lower room, where I had heard the proposed strike fully, if not vehemently, discussed; I
had been an ardent listener to what was said against this attempt at “oppression” on the part of
the corporation, and naturally I took sides with the strikers. When the day came on which the
girls were to turn out, those in the upper rooms started first, and so many of them left that our
mill was at once shut down. Then, when the girls in my room stood irresolute, uncertain what
to do, asking each other, “Would you? ” or “Shall we turn out?” and not one of them having
the courage to lead off, I, who began to think they would not go out, after all their talk,
became impatient, and started on ahead, saying, with childish bravado, “I don’t care what you
do, I am going to turn out, whether any one else does or not;‘’ and I marched out, and was
followed by the others.
As I looked back at the long line that followed me, I was more proud than I have ever been
since at any success I may have achieved, and more proud than I shall ever be again until my
own beloved State gives to its women citizens the right of suffrage.
The agent of the corporation where I then worked took some small revenges on the supposed
ringleaders; on the principle of sending the weaker to the wall, my mother was turned away
from her boarding-house, that functionary saying,“Mrs. Hanson, you could not prevent the
older girls from turning out, but your daughter is a child, and her you could control.”
It is hardly necessary to say that so far as results were concerned this strike did no good. The
dissatisfaction of the operatives subsided, or burned itself out, and though the authorities did
not accede to their demands, the majority returned to their work, and the corporation went on
cutting down the wages.
And after a time, as the wages became more and more reduced, the best portion of the girls
left and went to their homes, or to the other employments that were fast opening to women,
until there were very few of the old guard left.
 
Harriet H. Robinson, Loom and spindle : or, life among the early mill girls ; with a sketch of
“The Lowell Offering” and some of its contributors (New York: 1898), 83-86.

The factories and production of the Market Revolution eroded the wealth and power of skilled
small business owners called artisans. This indenture contract illustrated the former way of
doing things, where a young person would agree to serve for a number of years as an
apprentice to a skilled artisan before venturing out on his own.
 
 
Indenture of an Apprentice
This Indenture witnesseth, that James Long, of the township of Lower Makesfield, in the
county of Bucks, son of Francis Long, by and with the consent of his father, as testified by his
signing as a witness herento, hath put himself, and by these presents doth voluntarily, and of
his own free will and accord, put himself apprentice to Samuel Downs, of the same place,
Blacksmith, to learn his art, trade and mystery, and after the manner of an apprentice to serve
him from the day of the date hereof, for and during the full end and term of four years and two
months, next ensuing. During all which term the apprentice his said master faithfully shall
serve, his secrets keep, his lawful commands every where gladly obey. He shall do no damage
to his said master, nor see it done by others, without letting or giving notice thereof to his said
master. He shall not waste his said master’s goods, nor lend them unlawfully to any. With his
own goods, nor the goods of others, without license from his said master, he shall neither buy
nor sell. He shall not absent himself day nor night from his said master’s service without his
leave; nor haunt ale-houses, taverns or play-houses; but in all things behave himself as a
faithful apprentice ought to do, during the said term. And the said master shall use the utmost
of his endeavors to teach our cause to be taught or instructed the said apprentice, in the trade
or mystery of a Blacksmith; and procure for him sufficient meat, drink, apparel, lodging and
washing fitting for an apprentice, during the said term of four years and two months, and give
him within the said term six months’ schooling, one-half thereof is to be in the last year of the
said term; and when he is free, to give him two suits of clothing, one whereof is to be entirely
new. And for the performance of all and singular the covenants and agreements aforesaid, the
said parties bind themselves unto the other, firmly, by these presents. In witness hereof, the
said parties have set their hands and seals hereunto—Dates the first day of January in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty six.
James Long.
Sealed and delivered in the presence of Francis Long.

Benjamin Banneker, a free Black American and largely self-taught astronomer and
mathematician, wrote Thomas Jefferson, then Secretary of State, on August 19, 1791.
Banneker included this letter, as well as Jefferson’s short reply, in several of the first editions
of his almanacs in part because he hoped it would dispel the widespread assumption that
Jefferson perpetuated in his Notes on the State of Virginia that Black people were incapable
of intellectual achievement.
Sir
I am fully sensible of the greatness of that freedom which I take with you on the present
occasion; a liberty which Seemed to me scarcely allowable, when I reflected on that
distinguished, and dignified station in which you Stand; and the almost general prejudice and
prepossession which is so prevalent in the world against those of my complexion.
I suppose it is a truth too well attested to you, to need a proof here, that we are a race of
Beings who have long laboured under the abuse and censure of the world, that we have long
been looked upon with an eye of contempt, and that we have long been considered rather as
brutish than human, and Scarcely capable of mental endowments.
… I apprehend you will readily embrace every opportunity to eradicate that train of absurd
and false ideas and opinions which so generally prevails with respect to us, and that your
Sentiments are concurrent with mine, which are that one universal Father hath given being to
us all, and that he hath not only made us all of one flesh, but that he hath also without
partiality afforded us all the Same Sensations, and endued us all with the same faculties, and
that however variable we may be in Society or religion, however diversified in Situation or
colour, we are all of the Same Family, and Stand in the Same relation to him.
Sir, if these are Sentiments of which you are fully persuaded, I hope you cannot but
acknowledge, that it is the indispensable duty of those who maintain for themselves the rights
of human nature, and who profess the obligations of Christianity, to extend their power and
influence to the relief of every part of the human race, from whatever burthen or oppression
they may unjustly labour under, and this I apprehend a full conviction of the truth and
obligation of these principles should lead all to.
Sir, I have long been convinced, that if your love for your Selves, and for those inestimable
laws which preserve to you the rights of human nature, was founded on Sincerity, you could
not but be Solicitous, that every Individual of whatsoever rank or distinction, might with you
equally enjoy the blessings thereof, neither could you rest Satisfied, short of the most active
diffusion of your exertions, in order to their promotion from any State of degradation, to
which the unjustifiable cruelty and barbarism of men may have reduced them.
Sir I freely and Cheerfully acknowledge, that I am of the African race, and in that colour
which is natural to them of the deepest dye, and it is under a Sense of the most profound
gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, that I now confess to you, that I am not under
that State of tyrannical thraldom, and inhuman captivity, to which too many of my brethren
are doomed; but that I have abundantly tasted of the fruition of those blessings which proceed
from that free and unequalled liberty with which you are favoured and which I hope you will
willingly allow you have received from the immediate hand of that Being, from whom
proceedeth every good and perfect gift.
Sir, Suffer me to recall to your mind that time in which the Arms and tyranny of the British
Crown were exerted with every powerful effort in order to reduce you to a State of Servitude,
look back I entreat you on the variety of dangers to which you were exposed, reflect on that
time in which every human aid appeared unavailable, and in which even hope and fortitude
wore the aspect of inability to the Conflict, and you cannot but be led to a Serious and grateful
Sense of your miraculous and providential preservation; you cannot but acknowledge that the
present freedom and tranquility which you enjoy you have mercifully received, and that it is
the peculiar blessing of Heaven.
This Sir, was a time in which you clearly saw into the injustice of a State of Slavery, and in
which you had just apprehensions of the horrors of its condition, it was now Sir, that your
abhorrence thereof was so excited, that you publickly held forth this true and invaluable
doctrine, which is worthy to be recorded and remember’d in all Succeeding ages. “We hold
these truths to be Self evident, that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by
their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness.”
Here Sir, was a time in which your tender feelings for your selves had engaged you thus to
declare, you were then impressed with proper ideas of the great valuation of liberty, and the
free possession of those blessings to which you were entitled by nature; but Sir how pitiable is
it to reflect, that although you were so fully convinced of the benevolence of the Father of
mankind, and of his equal and impartial distribution of those rights and privileges which he
had conferred upon them, that you should at the Same time counteract his mercies, in
detaining by fraud and violence so numerous a part of my brethren under groaning captivity
and cruel oppression, that you should at the Same time be found guilty of that most criminal
act, which you professedly detested in others, with respect to yourselves.
Sir, I suppose that your knowledge of the situation of my brethren is too extensive to need a
recital here; neither shall I presume to prescribe methods by which they may be relieved;
otherwise than by recommending to you and all others, to wean yourselves from these narrow
prejudices which you have imbibed with respect to them, and as Job proposed to his friends
“Put your Souls in their Souls stead,” thus shall your hearts be enlarged with kindness and
benevolence toward them, and thus shall you need neither the direction of myself or others in
what manner to proceed herein.
And now, Sir, altho my Sympathy and affection for my brethren hath caused my enlargement
thus far, I ardently hope that your candour and generosity will plead with you in my behalf,
when I make known to you, that it was not originally my design; but that having taken up my
pen in order to direct to you as a present, a copy of an Almanack which I have calculated for
the Succeeding year, I was unexpectedly and unavoidably led thereto.
This calculation, Sir, is the production of my arduous Study in this my advanced Stage of life;
for having long had unbounded desires to become acquainted with the Secrets of nature, I
have had to gratify my curiosity herein thro my own assiduous application to Astronomical
Study, in which I need not to recount to you the many difficulties and disadvantages which I
have had to encounter.
And altho I had almost declined to make my calculation for the ensuing year… I industriously
apply’d myself thereto, which I hope I have accomplished with correctness and accuracy, a
copy of which I have taken the liberty to direct to you, and which I humbly request you will
favourably receive, and altho you may have the opportunity of perusing it after its publication,
yet I chose to send it to you in manuscript previous thereto, that thereby you might not only
have an earlier inspection, but that you might also view it in my own hand writing.—And now
Sir, I shall conclude and Subscribe my Self with the most profound respect your most
Obedient humble Servant,
Benjamin Banneker
The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 22, ed. Charles T. Cullen. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1986, pp. 49–54.

Tecumseh Calls for Pan-Indian Resistance, 1810

Like Pontiac before him, Tecumseh articulated a spiritual message of unity and resistance. In
this document, he acknowledges his Shawnee heritage, but appeals to a larger community of
“red men,” who he describes as “once a happy race, since made miserable by the white
people.” This document reveals not only Tecumseh’s message of resistance, but it also shows
that Anglo-American understandings of race had spread to Native Americans as well.
 
It is true I am a Shawnee. My forefathers were warriors. Their son is a warrior. From them I
take only my existence; from my tribe I take nothing. I am the maker of my own fortune; and
oh! that I could make of my own fortune; and oh! that I could make that of my red people, and
of my country, as great as the conceptions of my mind, when I think of the Spirit that rules the
universe. I would not then come to Governor Harrison to ask him to tear the treaty and to
obliterate the landmark; but I would say to him: “Sir, you have liberty to return to your own
country.”
The being within, communing with past ages, tells me that once, nor until lately, there was no
white man on this continent; that it then all belonged to red men, children of the same parents,
placed on it by the Great Spirit that made them, to keep it, to traverse it, to enjoy its
productions, and to fill it with the same race, once a happy race, since made miserable by the
white people, who are never contented but always encroaching. The way, and the only way, to
check and to stop this evil, is for all the red men to unite in claiming a common and equal
right in the land, as it was at first, and should be yet; for it never was divided, but belongs to
all for the use of each. For no part has a right to sell, even to each other, much less to
strangers — hose who want all, and will not do with less.
The white people have no right to take the land from the Indians, because they had it first; it is
theirs. They may sell, but all must join. Any sale not made by all is not valid. The late sale is
bad. It was made by a part only. Part do not know how to sell. All red men have equal rights
to the unoccupied land. The right of occupancy is as good in one place as in another. There
can not be two occupations in the same place. The first excludes all others. It is not so in
hunting or traveling; for there the same ground will serve many, as they may follow each
other all day; but the camp is stationary, and that is occupancy. It belongs to the first who sits
down on his blanket or skins which he has thrown upon the ground; and till he leaves it no
other has a right.
 
Samuel G. Drake, The Book of the Indians; or, the Biography and History of the Indians of
North America, from its first discovery to the year 1841 (Boston: 1836), 121-122.