Surfacing The Body Interior: Janelle S. Taylor
Surfacing The Body Interior: Janelle S. Taylor
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Thus, what follows is not a standard re- recent intervention, have named this new sub-
view of recent work in an established subfield field “an anthropology of the biosciences.”
of anthropology. Quite the contrary, I hope Thus to name and frame this new work makes
with this review to encourage and embolden very good sense, of course, because it legit-
anthropologists to, in some small way, help imates an anthropological claim and asserts
unsettle subfield boundaries currently taking an anthropological voice in the study of the
shape and facilitate those who wish to trespass biosciences as (exotic) cultures.
across them. At this juncture, however, the moment may
be ripe to consider whether there might not
(also) be other possible ways of framing ethno-
KNOWLEDGE OF BODIES, graphic studies that engage with biomedical
BODIES OF KNOWLEDGE technosciences. In this regard, the emergence
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Among the most vibrant of new directions of medical anthropology may offer some cau-
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recently taking shape has been the ethno- tionary lessons. Many remain critical of the
graphic study of what we might call the decision, made years ago, to name and to
biomedical technosciences, i.e., those rapidly frame this new subfield of anthropology in
emerging projects of knowledge-production terms borrowed from the more powerful in-
and intervention that are both intensively stitutionalized profession of medicine, thus
focused on delineating the (universal) body arguably missing the opportunity to reframe
and increasingly imposed on actual, particu- illness, health, and healing in ways more fun-
lar bodies and the subjects who inhabit them damentally challenging to the structures of
(Brodwin 2000, Casper 1998, Downey & power that ethnographers of illness, healing,
Dumit 1997, Martin 1994). Intrepid ethno- and medicine seek through their work to re-
graphers who creatively fuse questions, veal, critique, and change (Browner 1999).
methods, and insights from medical anthro- Also at stake, in the case of ethnographic stud-
pology with those drawn from the interdisci- ies of the biosciences, is the question of how
plinary field of science studies have in recent best to nourish and sustain the comparative
years provided ethnographic accounts of a impulse that has long distinguished anthro-
wide range of new sciences, technologies, and pological work. With some notable exceptions
procedures. We have thus far seen ethnogra- (Anderson 2003; Cohen 1998; Fullwiley 2004;
phies of, for example, genetics and genomics Gruenbaum 1998; Hayden 2003; Inhorn
(Goodman et al. 2003; Rabinow 1996, 1999, 2003; Kahn 2000; Langford 2002; Lock 1993,
2003; Rabinow & Dan-Cohen 2004; Reardon 1998; Morsy 1998), this emerging literature,
2005; Taussig 2004), medical imaging (Dumit like the biomedical technosciences that it crit-
2004; Mitchell 2001; Taylor 1998, 2000, ically examines and like the field of science
2004a), procreative technologies and arrange- studies on which it draws, has been focused
ments (Davis-Floyd & Dumit 1998, Franklin primarily in cosmopolitan North American
1997, Franklin & Ragone 1998, Morgan 1998, and northern European contexts. Precisely
Morgan & Michaels 1998, Ragone 1994, such problems with framing “science” as one’s
Ragone & Twine 2000, Thompson 2005), object of study have moved Lowe (2006) to
amniocentesis (Rapp 1999), tissue engineer- call for the forging of a new alliance between
ing (Hogle 2003; Landecker 2000, 2003), or- science studies and postcolonial theory.
gan transplantation (Hogle 1999, Joralemon How else, then, might one frame ethno-
2000, Lock 2002b, Scheper-Hughes & graphic explorations of such matters as genet-
Wacquant 2002, Sharp 2001), and others. ics, medical imaging, and tissue culture, if not
Some have hailed such work as heralding the as instances of an “anthropology of the bio-
emergence of a distinct new subfield. Franklin sciences”? Where could an interest in such
& Lock (2003), for example, in a compelling topics lead, if not deeper into the (usually
cosmopolitan and North American or Euro- from our view by insistence on a “mod-
pean) “laboratory and the clinic, in order to ern West” different from all of the rest. . . .
create interpretations, descriptions, and ana- [T]echnoscience is only one of many ways
lytical accounts that document emergent cul- humans traffic with nonhumans. (Wiener
tural forms”? (Franklin & Lock 2003, p. 21). 2004, p. 10).
The field of science studies itself, which
ethnographers of the biosciences have helped
For this reason, Wiener suggested that an-
introduce into anthropology, offers encour-
thropologists should collapse magic, science,
agement for framing the study of science in
and religion together as “overlapping projects
ways that do not mirror its boundaries and
of world-making.” To this collapsed-together
indeed explicitly transgress them. Latour’s
mix one could also add other practices, such as
(1993) account of “the modern constitution,”
exchange and the creation of value (Appadurai
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AR254-AN34-35 ARI 25 August 2005 15:17
beyond anthropology (Morris 1995, Turner Practices that materialize need not always
1995, Herzig 2004). cohere so harmoniously, however. As Wiener
Thus Morgan, for example, analyzing the notes,
emergence of early twentieth-century embry-
ology, draws on Butler’s insight that “matter” By referring as he does to the work of me-
may be understood as “not a site or surface, diation and purification, Latour forces at-
but a process of materialization that stabilizes tention to the fact that such processes are
over time to produce the effect of boundary, neither automatic nor mechanical. Each en-
fixity, and surface we call matter” (Butler 1993, tails labor in and on the world, in specific
p. 9) to explain how and circumscribed circumstances. But this
need not imply that such labor is always en-
early embryologists helped to “materialize” tirely intentional or that its outcome may be
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fetal bodies by collecting and studying them predicted. (Wiener 2003, p. 141)
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of wholesome daily life to orchestrate what work together to stabilize or unsettle the fixity
Nathan Sivin has called the “ensemble of of bodily surfaces? Who, finally, is empowered
processes” that is the body. (p. 93) to direct such processes, and who is not?
It is here that (many) anthropologists and
That some of the practices through which (at least some versions of) science studies part
bodies are materialized may fall on one side ways. Talk of “actants” forming “alliances”
and some on the other of a magic line divid- and building “networks” and “assemblages” is
ing representations from realities need not— depoliticizing and echoes neoliberal ideolo-
indeed, should not—be construed, in the first gies to the extent that it imagines a world
instance, as a theoretical problem. Rather, composed of individuals freely transacting on
it invites ethnographic inquiry. Such inquiry their own behalf, “resembling all too closely a
may, indeed, reveal representations to be not Western businessman” (Martin 1998, p. 27).
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things unto themselves so much as moments Until the world becomes a far more equitable
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in a dialectic linking forms of activity through place than it has ever, thus far, shown itself
which bodies are materialized. As scholars in to be, anthropologists cannot afford to pur-
science studies have argued (Pickering 1995), sue “symmetry” of explanation to the point
practices of representation do not only in- at which it blinds us to the stark asymmetries
volve ideas; they also always entail working that force some outcomes and foreclose oth-
with and on bodily and other matter. By the ers, materializing some bodies with impressive
same token, such practices not only creatively solidity and others in ways far more contin-
reorder ideas and meanings, but can recon- gent, fragile, and vulnerable. To inquire into
figure matter in very consequential ways. As the ordering of materializing practices is to
Turner (1995) writes, ask how, in the same movement that bodies
are enacted, relations of power are forged.
the representational form of the Kayapo With these commitments and concerns in
body embodies the form of the material mind, I propose surfacing the body interior
activities through which the social body as an idea and an image that I hope might
is produced by embodied subjects. Bodily help guide ethnographic inquiry in fruitful
representations themselves serve as media directions.
through which this production is formally
coordinated and its products (the embodied
subjects) publicly circulated. . . . (p. 168) SURFACING THE BODY
INTERIOR
The interesting question—the very impor- It is perhaps worth noting that the term sur-
tant question that any careful use of the term face entered the English language only late
“discourse” should signal—is exactly how, in in the seventeenth century, at the same his-
any given instance, representational, social, torical moment as “the public.” This invites
material, and other practices may work to- us to consider surfaces as not simply given
gether to materialize bodies in very particu- in nature, but as cultural accomplishments,
lar ways and within specific kinds of relations. emerging along with the body, the private,
Such questions cannot be addressed through and the public, as the sites of both distinction
textual readings of representations alone; they and mediation between them. I suggest treat-
require historical and ethnographic investiga- ing surface as what Williams (1983) would
tion. Just how do particular ways of narrating have called a key word: a term emerging in
or imaging bodies relate to particular ways tandem with that which it names, which we
of materially intervening into them? How do must therefore regard not just as a concep-
both of these, in turn, relate to social mech- tual tool but also as a historical marker of
anisms? How do all these forms of practice sorts.
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Indeed, historical studies suggest that sur- Accounts of “the making of the modern
faces emerged in tandem with new ways of body” (Gallagher & Laqueur 1987) some-
configuring subjects and objects, representa- times imply that, once made, its surfaces were
tions and realities, bodies and collectivities set and the process of its making finished.
in European modernity. Mitchell, writing of Even if bodies, along with the worlds they
nineteenth-century British colonial engage- inhabit, must be constantly made and re-
ments with Egypt, describes the modern colo- made anew, materializing practices may be
nial order as characterized by patterned nonetheless and ordered in ways
that create the effect of stability and solidity.
the techniques of enframing, of fixing an in- In this sense, the modern body is still very
terior and exterior, and of positioning the much with us indeed and its surfaces difficult
observing subject [which] create an appear- to budge.
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ance of order, an order that works by appear- Thus, my choice of the term surfacing,
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005.34:741-756. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
ance. The world is set up before an observ- rather than surface, is deliberate. Because sur-
ing subject as though it were the picture of facing is by far the less commonly used term,
something. . . .it follows that the appearance it may perhaps more easily be pressed to per-
of order is at the same time an order of ap- form new kinds of work. As the inflected ver-
pearance, a hierarchy. (Mitchell 1988, p. 60) bal form of a very familiar noun, moreover,
the term itself already implicitly enacts the
Duden, while also foregrounding the un- shift that we have discussed, from the thing to
evenness with which new ways of enacting the -ing. Surfacing, we might note, has many
bodies were taken up, stresses the novelty of senses. It can mean giving something a surface
what we might regard as the modern body, de- (whether by planing and making it smooth, or
fined by and wholly contained within its skin- by applying a surface layer, as for example a
covered surface: road), but it can also mean coming to the sur-
face (as when a submarine surfaces or a per-
At no time before the late modern pe- son suddenly comes out from hiding and into
riod did the Western imagination create public view) or bringing something to the sur-
that sharply delineated and fully articu- face. To surface that which lies submerged is,
lated female body which, through modern of course, to trouble and disrupt the body’s
anatomical-medical description, has become outer bounding—and, in so doing, to render
characteristic of our time, a body for which what was hidden a spectacle for public view.
the bones are the frame and the skin the The term thus signals a dynamic tension, sug-
outermost body. This modern body, a “re- gesting that the movements, productions, and
silient and bodily body,” “a compact and uni- performances that create surfaces also breach
fied visual image,” mirrors a reality of the them.
flesh that never before could be experienced. It is precisely this vigorous and productive
(Duden 1991, p. 48) instability that can make surfacing the body
interior a useful concept. It encourages us to
Giving the body surface also generated im- consider the body neither as an object nor as
pulses to surface its interior. Stafford (1991) a text, nor only as a locus of subjectivity, but
notes that the body emerging through the rather as a contingent configuration, a surface
visualization practices of Enlightenment art that is made but never in a static or permanent
and science “provided a surface for the play form. Indeed, the very fixing of the body’s sur-
of invisible yearnings and visible emotions” face virtually invites its own unsettling, insofar
(p. 16), whereas the interiors that this surface as it constructs both the interiors that surfaces
concealed demanded with new urgency to be hide and the publics from which they hide
surfaced and made visible. them. Precisely such instabilities are at play in
cosmetic surgery (Gilman 1999, Woodroofe the National Library of Medicine, the bodies
2003) as well as other enhancement technolo- of at least two individuals have been “dissolved
gies (Elliott 2003) that seek to align the body’s as physical beings” so that they might surface
surfaces with a self coded as more real and au- on the Web as virtual cadavers, posted for all
thentic than mere surface appearance but at to see and explore (Cartwright 1998, Csordas
the same time requiring visible expression to 2000, Waldby 2000). Researchers and oth-
others on those same bodily surfaces. By the ers engaged in redefining death, meanwhile,
same token, scientific projects seeking to doc- increasingly constitute the body’s significant
ument racial differences at the DNA level may surfaces at sites within the organism, includ-
be understood as efforts to align bodily inte- ing cells (Landecker 2003) and brains (Lock
riors with their visible surfaces (Duster 2003, 2002b, 2003).
Kahn 2004, Reardon 2005). Rather than read such phenomena as the
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Surfacing the body interior never simply signs of some deep and disturbing singu-
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005.34:741-756. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
stops at the surface but always entails pro- lar shift in “the body” that has, for exam-
cesses of objectification, as that which has ple, rendered it cyborg (Haraway 1991), flex-
been wrested from hiding is shown to some ible (Martin 1994), or posthuman (Hayles
public. When revealed, the surfaced interior 1999), the notion of surfacing the body in-
is drawn into social and material circulation, terior, together with examples drawn from
acquiring new value and valences and en- a rich ethnographic and historical literature,
tering into circuits of commodification. Yet may allow us to (also) situate such biomedi-
there is no slippery slope here, no one-way cal technosciences as specific manners, among
road toward visibility and value. Surfacing re- many others, of giving the body surface. Thus
mains unstable, its resolution never entirely to frame matters is, of course, to leave open
predictable. Indeed, its very instability ren- the possibility that bodies may be surfaced
ders dynamics of revelation and concealment in ways quite different altogether from the
interesting and productive, for social actors modern body that the word surface implicitly
and social analysts alike, as Marilyn Strathern evokes. Thus Langford (2002), for example,
(1999) has detailed in reflections on the details how unlike the contours of the modern
knowledge-making practices of Melanesians body are the surfaces and interiors configured
and anthropologists. through the practices of Ayurveda in postcolo-
With this series of processes in mind, sev- nial India. According to Turner (1995), the
eral lines of investigation suggest themselves. Kayapo of Amazonia practice embodiment in
ways that surface parents and their children as
a single body:
GIVING SURFACE
To begin, one might ask, how are bodies sur- The bodily connection of both parents to the
faced in the first transitive sense of the word— fetus is maintained throughout pregnancy,
how are they given surfaces? since the father contributes to the growth
Within the contemporary biosciences, of the embryo with each infusion of semen,
of course, bodies are being given surface just as the mother continues to nourish it
in configurations quite different from the with her milk. This physical connection of
modern body of skin-bounded edges. Tissue- both parents continues in attenuated form
engineering techniques, for example, can pro- after birth. . . . A form of bodily participation
duce from “one postage-stamp-sized sample continues to connect their bodies through-
(of neonatal foreskin) . . . as many as 200,000 out life. (p. 159)
units of artificial skin—roughly equivalent to
six football fields” (Hogle 2003, p. 85). As part Similarly, in eighteenth-century Chinese
of the Visible Human Project sponsored by imperial sacrifice, according to Zito (1994),
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AR254-AN34-35 ARI 25 August 2005 15:17
bodies were given surface through ritual which an interiority is realized. (Mahmood
practice, at multiple nested sites: 2001, p. 214)
Each participant’s own body was not a closed One of the problems inherent in an “an-
container-thing but rather, like the altar- thropology of the body,” is the tendency to
spaces, a complex concatenation of ever presume, rather than ask, what a body is
more intimate boundaries. The body was and where its significant boundaries are lo-
an ensemble of focused fields whose shift- cated. Inquiring into how bodies are given
ing edges and surfaces provided sites for ar- surface may help ethnographers step back
ticulation between inner and outer. If the from such assumptions and become alert to
self could contain and develop an interi- an expanded range of possibilities for how
ority, it was because it could differenti- and in what configurations bodies may be
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antiabortion efforts to give surface to the fetal sion commercials, “educational” videotapes,
body and surface it into public view, de- and congressional testimony (Taylor 2004a).
spite feminists’ struggles to defend existing Sharp (2001), meanwhile, details the struggles
modes of giving surface to women’s bodies to control the shape of such trajectories and
(Taylor 2004a). Nor do such struggles neces- their visibility. Surviving kin of organ donors
sarily implicate exclusively medical technolo- seek to link organs to the donors’ identities,
gies; also crucially important, as Casper & whereas organ procurement officials seek to
Morgan (2004) argue, are “new bureaucratic detach them.
technologies”: The trajectories linking that which circu-
lates and acquires value with its origins are,
State functionaries . . . use their own “re- of course, precisely what is at issue in any un-
productive technologies”—administrative derstanding of commodification. Asking how
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rules, laws, and judicial rulings—to elevate material objects may be involved in processes
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005.34:741-756. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
the status of the unborn by erecting a of surfacing the body interior is, thus, one path
legislative and judicial framework. . . .These toward the very general task of understanding
new bureaucratic technologies work in how bodies, as and through commodities, are
tandem with the scientific and biomedical made and remade and unmade in the world
developments that make fetuses increas- that we inhabit. As such, surfacing the body
ingly visible and accessible, and thus more interior can open out onto topics as varied as
available for public appropriation. (p. 17) the dynamics of singularization and commod-
ification in slavery (Kopytoff 1986), the cen-
Legal, social, and biomedical technologies trality of cattle in nineteenth-century Tswana
also come to bear together in the dramatic society (Comaroff & Comaroff 1990), the
surfacing struggles that accompany biomed- paradoxes of fetal personhood in cases of preg-
ical technosciences requiring the collection nancy loss in contemporary America (Layne
of human bodily substances, including organ 2003), and an epidemic of plastic teeth afflict-
transplantation, blood donation, and genetic ing Haya children in postcolonial Tanzania
research involving the collection of tissue (Weiss 1996).
samples (Lock 2002b).
One manner of approaching such phe-
nomena ethnographically is to trace the path RUMORS THAT SURFACE
of surfacing. One can work to document To embrace fully the idea of surfacing the
the social and legal as well as technologi- body interior will require, however, that we
cal and other mechanisms required to move also recognize surfacing struggles when these
what is surfaced past the body’s given sur- take forms less readily couched in terms of
faces into circulation within some public. the modern body and its boundaries. As sug-
Thus Scheper-Hughes and Cohen, for exam- gested above, one might frame as surfacing
ple, along with other anthropologists engaged struggles controversies surrounding veiling
in Organs Watch, have sought to follow to its practices. One might also discern surfacing
sources in various poor communities of the struggles in public rumors that tell of fright-
global South the trail of kidneys that even- ening and scandalous surfacing practices. Ex-
tually end up sustaining the bodies of recip- amples include rumors in North America
ients and consumers far away (Cohen 2002, in the 1950s that water fluoridation pro-
Lock 2002a, Scheper-Hughes 2002). Simi- grams enabled “soul stealing” (Toumey 1996),
larly, Taylor (2004a) traced the trajectory of stories circulating in the Andes of demons
one particular fetal ultrasound image named that suck people’s fat (Crandon-Malamud
“George” from its origins in medical practice 1991, Weismantel 2001), East African vam-
into the public sphere of antiabortion televi- pire stories of firemen who robbed people of
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AR254-AN34-35 ARI 25 August 2005 15:17
bodily fluids during colonial blood banking bodies, publics, sciences, and economies are
campaigns (White 2000), or rumors of zom- precipitated.
bies extracting labor and wealth from un-
witting victims in South Africa (Comaroff
& Comaroff 1999), as well as many CONCLUSION
others. Anthropologists have become very adept at
Surely it matters that such rumors so of- unsettling all kinds of objects in the world.
ten concern, very specifically, the illicit re- Can we learn to unsettle more effectively our
moval of substances from inside the body— own objects of study? Anthropology remains
and the question of whether these rumors lively and interesting in large part because
can be shown true in an ordinary sense, al- ethnography at its best always allows social
though important, does not exhaust their sig- life—in all its richness, its complexity, and
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value, and substance to sources within bod- the scholarly literatures that inform it (Taylor
ies, such rumors speak an important truth 2004b). Perhaps it is time to speak back in a
about how materializing practices are or- more assertive voice. The categories that cur-
dered. That precisely this becomes the id- rently organize scholarly inquiry, including
iom in which such insights are cast suggests, the “anthropology of” the body and (more re-
perhaps, that the dynamics at work in sur- cently) the “anthropology of” the biosciences,
facing the body interior—integration entail- need not be our only guides to structuring the
ing dissolution, concealment inciting reve- knowledge-producing practices of anthropol-
lation, the making of surfaces inviting their ogy. I propose here the idea of surfacing the
violation—may resonate in particular ways body interior as a thought experiment of sorts,
with problems of transparency and conspir- an attempt to think through one possible way
acy at work in the world more broadly (West (among others) to bring the openness and
& Sanders 2003). A focus on surfacing the creativity of ethnographic work more boldly
body interior may help us situate bodies into the theoretical framing of what it is that
in relation to broader orders without pre- anthropologists study. In that spirit, I close
suming artificially to fix their parameters in with an exhortation borrowed from Traweek
advance, if we take it as a means to ex- (1999, p. 200): “We know how to make sense
plore the materializing practices out of which of the mess we are in; let’s do it.”
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Sincere thanks go to the eighteen intrepid souls who enrolled in my fall 2003 course, “Surfacing
the Body Interior,” at the University of Washington (UW), especially Kesa Huey, ongoing
discussions with whom have helped me enormously. I am grateful to colleagues at UW and
beyond for generously offering thoughts, references, and encouragement. My thanks go to
Elizabeth Roberts, Lorna Rhodes, Ilana Gershon, Lynn Morgan, Mimi Kahn, Ann Anagnost,
Arzoo Osanloo, Celia Lowe, and especially Lesley Sharp. Most of all, I thank my husband,
Michael A. Rosenthal, whose love and intellectual companionship enabled this essay to surface.
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Annual Review of
Anthropology
Contents
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Frontispiece
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Prefatory Chapter
Archaeology
Biological Anthropology
vii
Contents ARI 12 August 2005 20:29
Sociocultural Anthropology
viii Contents
Contents ARI 12 August 2005 20:29
Contents ix
Contents ARI 12 August 2005 20:29
x Contents
Contents ARI 12 August 2005 20:29
Indexes
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Errata
Contents xi