JANUA LINGUARUM

STUDIA MEMORIAE
N I C O L A I VAN W I J K DEDICATA

edenda curai
C. H. VAN S C H O O N E V E L D
Indiana University

Series Practica, 122

 MODERN TAGALOG
A Functional-Structural Description

by
TEODORO A. LLAMZON, R.M.
Ateneo de Manila University

1976
MOUTON
THE HAGUE • PARIS
 © Copyright 1975
Mouton & Co. B.V., Publishers, The Hague.

AJo part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm,
or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 72-88212

ISBN 90 279 3493 2

Printed in Hungary
To my friend and mentor,
D. G. Stuart
 PREFACE

Tagalog is, perhaps, one of the few languages of the world which has been relatively
well analyzed and described. Among its better-known investigators, to name just a
few, were R. Brandstetter, O. Dempwolff, P. Serrano-Laktaw, R. F. Blake, L. Bloom-
field, J. Donald Bowen, R. Stockwell, E. Wolfenden, C. Lopez, and J. V. Panganiban.
It seems necessary, therefore, to justify the appearance of this new grammar. I would
like to do this by pointing out that I have not just disregarded the findings of these
previous scholars; rather, I have built on their many insights, as it were, into the
structure of the language.
In addition, however, I would like to believe that my treatment of morphology
(especially of the verb), and syntax (especially the sentence types) are contributions
towards a better understanding of the complexities of Tagalog.
With great pleasure I acknowledge my indebtedness to Don Graham Stuart for his
encouragement, valuable suggestions, and ideas which greatly improved both the
content and presentation of this grammar.
I would also like to thank Francis P. Dinneen and Ross Macdonald for their critical
reading of the original manuscript and their helpful comments. There are many others
besides who helped me in the various stages of the preparation of this book. I would
like to thank them all for their generous help.

Teodoro A. Llamzon
Ateneo Language Center
Manila, Philippines
June, 1968
 CONTENTS

Preface 7
List of Tables and figures 13
List of Symbols 15
1. Methodological Preliminaries 19
1.1. Introduction 19
1.2. Definition of Language 19
1.3. How a Language Functions 20
1.4. The Structure of Language 22
1.5. The Scope of This Description 22
1.6. The Descriptive Formalism 23
1.6.1. Terms 23
1.6.1.1. Summary of Terms 24
1.6.1.2. Double Articulation and Levels 24
1.6.1.3. Syntagms and Paradigms 25
1.6.1.4. Nexus 25
1.6.1.5. Units and Constituents 26
1.6.2. Notational Conventions 26
1.6.2.1. Use of Symbols 26
1.6.2.2. Constants and Variables 27
1.6.2.3. Process Variable 27
1.6.2.3.1. Arguments and Functors 27
1.6.2.3.2. Proper State and Modal Functors 28
1.6.2.3.3. The Lambda Factor 28
1.6.2.4. Proposition-forming Symbols 28
1.6.2.5. Term-forming Symbols 29
1.6.2.6. Illustration of Notational Convention 29
1.7. The Tagalog Language 32
2. Tagalog Grammar 34
2.1. Phonology 34
2.1.1. Phonology of the Word 35
10 CONTENTS

2.1.1.1. The Phonemes 35

2.1.1.1.1. The Consonants 35
2.1.1.1.2. The Vowels 39
2.1.1.2. The Archiphonemes 39
2.1.1.3. The Diphthongs 40
2.1.1.4. The Phonetic Realization of the Phonemes 40
2.1.1.5. Analysis and Classification of Phonemes 44
2.1.1.6. Accent 47
2.1.1.7. Distribution of Phonemes (Phoneme Syntax) 48
2.1.2. Phonology of Syntagm Organization (Phonology of the Phrase) .. 50
2.1.2.1. Continuity 50
2.1.2.2. Internal Phonological Junctures 52
2.1.2.3. Phrase Accent 53
2.1.3. Discrete Intentional Phonology (Phonology of the Sentence) 53
2.1.3.1. Final Phonological Junctures 54
2.1.3.2. Sentence Intonation 54
2.1.4. Rhythm 56
2.1.5. Practical Transcription 56
2.2. Syntax 56
2.2.1. The Period Level 57
2.2.1.1. Types of Syntagms 57
2.2.1.2. Types of Structures 57
2.2.2. The Sentence Level 58
2.2.2.1. The Minor Sentence Type 59
2.2.2.2. The Subordinative Sentence Types 60
2.2.2.3. Inventory of Primary Constituents (Phrases) and Their Func-
tional Positions in the Sentence 67
2.2.2.4. The J^-Rule 70
2.2.2.5. Expansions of the Sentence 74
2.2.3. Primary Constituent (Phrase) Level 75
2.2.3.1. Verb Phrases 76
2.2.3.2. Noun Phrases 77
2.2.3.3. Adjective Phrases 80
2.2.3.4. The moj-Noun Phrase 81
2.2.3.5. Modal Nouns 81
2.2.3.6. Adverbial Phrases 82
2.2.3.7. Verbal Nexus 82
2.2.3.8. Sentential Nexus 83
2.2.4. Inventory of Syntactic Variables 83
2.3. Morphology 84
2.3.1. Morphophonemics 86
2.3.2. The Verb 87
 CONTENTS 11

2.3.2.1 87
2.3.2.2. Verbal Categories 88
2.3.2.2.1. Proper State Categories 88
2.3.2.2.2. Modal Categories 89
2.3.2.2.3. Summary 89
2.3.2.3. Realizations of the Verbal Categories 90
2.3.2.4. Ordering of Affixes 91
2.3.2.5. Types of Roots 92
2.3.2.6. The Actor Focus 92
2.3.2.6.1. The Executive Actor Focus 92
2.3.2.6.2. The Subitive Actor Focus 98
2.3.2.7. The Goal Focus 99
2.3.2.8. The Local Focus 101
2.3.2.9. Instrumental Focus 104
2.3.2.10. Summary of Moods and Focuses 107
2.3.2.11. Summary of the Accidental Categories 108
2.3.2.12. Use of Lambda Functor 110
2.3.2.13. Irregular Verbs 110
2.3.2.14. Syntactic Conversions from Verbal Roots Ill
2.3.3. The Noun 112
2.3.3.1. Realizations of the Nominal Categories 113
2.3.3.2. Syntactic Conversions from Nominal Roots 114
2.3.4. Numerals 117
2.3.5. The Pronouns 119
2.3.5.1. The Realizations of the Pronominal Categories 120
2.3.5.2. The Personal and Possessive Pronouns 120
2.3.5.3. The Demonstrative Pronoun 122
2.3.5.4. Defective Demonstrative Pronouns 123
2.3.5.5. The Interrogative Pronouns 123
2.3.5.6. The Numerative Pronouns 123
2.3.6. The Adjective 124
2.3.6.1. Syntactic Conversions from Adjective Roots to Verbs .. 125
Bibliography 129
Appendix: Sonagrams 133
Index 143
 LIST OF TABLES AND F I G U R E S

1. Summary of Terms 24
2. The Consonant Phonemes 43
3. The Vowel Phonemes and Archiphonemes 44
4. The Diphthongs 44
5. Voice Onset (Initial and Medial Positions) 45
6. Classification of Consonants 46
7. Classification of Vowels 47
8. Classification of Archiphonemes and Vowel 47
9. The Different Junctural Signs and Intonational Contours 55
10. Inventory of Verb Phrases as Primary Constituents in the Nexus 68
11. Ordering of Affixes 91
12. Realizations of the Various Moods and Focuses of the Verb 107
13. Morphemes Which Realize the Various Accidental Categories of the Verb 108
14. Personal Pronouns 121
15. Possessive Pronouns 122
16. Plain Demonstratives 122
17. Interrogative Pronouns 123
Figure 1, Map of the Phillipines 33
 LIST OF SYMBOLS

See the following sections:

1.6,1. Terms
1.6.2.2. Constants and Variables
1.6.2.3.1. Arguments and Functors
1.6.2.3.2. Proper State and Modal Functors
1.6.2.3.3. The Lambda Functor
1.6.2.6. Illustration of Notational Convention
2.1.5. Practical Transcription
Modified IPA notation has been used in the Phonetic transcription.
= composition symbol 1.6.2.4.
€ 3 inclusion symbol 1.6.2.4.
. solidarity symbol 1.6.2.5., no. 2.
« determination symbol 1.6.2.5., no. 2.
constellation symbol 1.6.2.5., no. 2.
? simultaneity symbol 1.6.2.5., no. 2.
[space between symbols] sequentially symbol 1.6.2.5., no. 2.
~ relationship between constituents of an alternation group 1.6.2.5., no. 3.
! iteration symbol 1.6.2.5., no. 4.
// encloses phonemic transciption 2.1.1., no. 3.
[] encloses phonetic transcription 2.1.1., no. 3.
<) encloses orthographic forms 2.1.1., no. 3.
before, after, and before and after, this symbol indicates ini-
tial, final or medial positions respectively 2.1.1., no. 3.
=>• indicates implication or the results of combination 2.1.1., no. 3.
1 indicates lack of oral release after a consonant 2.1.1., no. 3.
V' vowel paradigm of (a, e, i, o, u) and its values 2.1.1.7., no. 2.
V vowel paradigm of (a, I, U) and its values 2.1.1.7., no. 2.
O symbol for regressive consonant assimilation in the nasals 2.1.1.7., no. 6.
S syllable 2.1.1.7., no. 8.
£ accented syllable 2.1.1.7., no. 8.
Sf final syllable 2.1.1.7., no. 8.
•TV^» representation of pitch 2.1.2.1., no. 2., and
2.1.2.2.
, plain type suspensive internal junctural sign 2.1.2.2., no. 3.
emphatic type suspensive internal junctural sign 2.1.2.2., no. 4.
; internal terminal junctural sign 2.1.2.2., no. 5.
? final suspensive junctural sign (for intonation questions) 2.1.3.1., and 2.1.3.2., no.
3.
. ! the two types of final junctural signs (for non-intonation
questions) 2.1.3.2., nos.4 and 5.
Ltag language of Tagalog 2.2.
16 LIST OF SYMBOLS

s sentence 2.2.
p period 2.1.1.2.
si minor sentence 2.2.2.1., no. 1.
ginterj interjection-type minor sentence 2.2.2.1., no. 2.
svoc vocative type minor sentence 2.2.2.1., no. 3.
scom brusque command type minor sentence 2.2.2.1., no. 4.
simp imperative type minor sentence 2.2.2.1., no. 5.
sreq request type minor sentence 2.2.2.1., no. 6.
Sques question type minor sentence 2.2.2.1., no. 7.
SS subordinative sentence 2.2.1.1., no. 3.
S S abs absolute proper state of the subordinative sentence 2.2.2.2., nos. 1, 2 and 3.
ss~ non-finite proper state of the subordinate sentence 2.2.2.2., nos. 1 and 4.
ss~ finite state proper of the subordinative sentence 2.2.2.2., nos. 1 and 7.
ss« er gerund proper state of the subordinative sentence 2.2.2.2., no. 8.
SS<3 zero, i.e., no verb appears in the subordinative sentence .2.2.2.2., no. 1.
Conjoo conjunction which introduces a subordinative sentence
whose verb is in the non-finite mood 2.2.1.2., no.5.
Conj~ conjunction which introduces a subordinative sentence
whose verb is in the finite mood 2.2.1.2., no.5.
Conj conjunction which introduces a subordinative sentence
whose verb is in the finite or the non-finite mood 2.2.1.2., no. 5.
accord in number 2.2.2.2., no. 13.
P1=>P1 agreement in plural number 2.2.2.2., no. 13.
ivc quadradic solidarity 2.2.2.2., no. 14.
IHcl-6 the six conjugated triadic solidarities 2.2.2.2., no. 15(a-f)
nincl-6 the six non-conjugated triadic solidarities 2.2.2.2., no. 15(g-l)
Hcl-2 the two conjugated diadic solidarities 2.2.2.2., no. 16 (a-b)
linci-7 the seven non-conjugated diadic solidarities 2.2.2.2., no. 16(c-i)
Ic> Ine the monadic solidarities 2.2.2.2., no. 17 ( a - b )
Classification of verb phrases according to their proper states or cases:
VP verb phrase
VP~ finite verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
VP 00 non-finite verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
VP 8er gerund verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
ypabs absolute verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
Classification of verb phrases according to the various sentence types which they constitute:
VP a b t r absolute transitive verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
VP t r transitive verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
VPj n t intransitive verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
VPj m p impersonal verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
VP r magifj (cohative) type verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
VP m modal verb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 2, 2.2.3.1.
VPabtr (act) absolute transitive verb phrase in the actor focus 2.2.3.1., no. 2(a)
VPtnm(act) transitive verb phrase in actor focus 2.2.3.1., no. 2(b)
VPj n t r ( act ) intransitive verb phrase in the actor focus 2.2.3.1 , no. 2(c)

Classification of noun phrases according to their proper states or cases:

NP noun phrase
NP1"» noun phrase in the cm-case 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2.
NP nai 7 noun phrase in the nai}-case 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2.
NPsa noun phrase in the sa-case 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2.
j^pprep+jo noun phrase in the preposition-plus-ja case 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2.
NP0 noun phrase with no case marker 2.2.2.3., no. 4, 2.2.3.2.
NP,may may noun phrase 2.2.3.4., no. 2.
 LIST OF SYMBOLS 17
Adjective phrases classified according to their proper states or cases:
AdjP adjective phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 5,
AdjP0 unmarked case adjective phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 5, 2.2.3.3.
AdjP na na-case adjective phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 5, 2.2.3.3.
AdjP"" 0 nay-case adjective phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 5, 2.2.3.3.
AdjP m a ma-class adjective phrase 2.2.3.3., no. 2,
AdjP compli2 comparative adjective phrase sorts 2.3.6., (d-e)
MN modal noun phrase 2.2.3.5., no. 1
MN 1( 2, a, modal noun phrase of the first, second or third set 2.2.3.5., no. 1
AdvP adverb phrase 2.2.2.3., no. 7
AdvP 0 adverb phrase in the 0-case 2.2.2.3., no. 7, 2.2.3.6.
AdvP"° adverb phrase in the na-case 2.2.2.3., no. 7.
SN°° sentential nexus 2.2.2.3., no. 9, 2.2.3.8.
VN~ verbal nexus 2.2.2.3., no. 9, 2.2.3.7.
0 1 2 3 ...
01 02 03 functional positions 2.2.2.3., no. 10
n designates a function of a syntagm which per se cann ot par-
ticipate in the transposition of the iy-rule 2.2.2.4., no. 3.
EN enclitic 2.2.2.5., no. 1.
PR prepositive 2.2.2.5., no. 3.
Symbols used only in Section 2.3.:
this sign after a form indicates that the form is a prefix 2.3., no. 7
this sign before and after a form indicates that the form is
an infix 2.3., no. 7
this sign before a form indicates that the form is a suffix 2.3., no. 7
=> indicates the morphological process of affixation or redup-
lication 2.3., no. 7
R reduplication 2.3., no. 7
D doubling of the root 2.3., no. 7
S stem 2.3., no. 7
(1) shift of accent one syllable towards the end of the word 2.3., no. 7
(2) shift of accent two syllables towards the end of the word 2.3., no. 7
I/ enclose phonemic sequences 2.3., no. 7
' ' enclose glosses of linguistic signs 2.3., no. 7

The six moods of the verb:

V verb 2.3.2..2.1., no. 1
V™ non-finite mood of the verb 2.3.2..2.1., no. 1
V~ finite mood of the verb 2.3.21.2.1., no. 1
V™terl mood for brusque command 2.3.2,1.2.1., no. 1
V ger gerund mood of the verb 2.3.21 . 2 . 1 . , no. 1
Vabs absolute mood of the verb 2.3.2,.2.1., no. 1
Vimp finite verb in the imperfect aspect 2.3.2,.2.1., no. 3, 1st para.
V per f finite verb in the perfect aspect 2.3.2,1.2.1., no. 3, 2nd para.
Vfut finite verb in the future aspect 2.3.2,1.2.1., no. 3, 3rd para.
V,p finite verb in the recent past aspect 2.3.2,.2.1., no. 3, 4th para.

The modal categories of the verb:

V verb 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2
The four actualizing functors, or focuses:
V act actor focus 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2
v
act, exec executive type actor focus 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2
Vact, sub subitive type actor focus 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2
2
18 LIST OF SYMBOLS

Vgi goal focus 2.3.2.2.7., no. 2.

Vloc local focus 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2.
Vinst instrumental focus 2.3.2.2.2., no. 2.

The four accidental functors:

R R categories 2.3.2.2.2., no. 3
P P categories 2.3.2.2.2., no. 3
Q Q categories 2.3.2.2.2., no. 3
ef ef category 2.3.2.2.2., no. 3
M modal categories 2.3.2.2.2., no. 1,
indicates that the affixes are determined, i.e., they may
or may not occur with the affix which precedes them 2.3.2.2.3., 2.3.2.'
C case 2.3.3., no. 1.
G derivations 2.3.3.2., no. 1.
D the nine numerals 2.3.4. no. 3.
Nr c a r ( j cardinal number 2.3.4. no. 5.
NNR distributive numeral adverbs 2.3.4. no. 10.
NP0 ordinal numbers 2.3.4. no. 7.
F pronoun 2.3.5. no. 1.
number of a pronoun 2.3.5. no. 2.
 1. METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

1.1. INTRODUCTION

In this grammar I have attempted to present a description of a certain object which

may be designated as modern, standard Tagalog. It was my intention that this de-
scription be, in a certain sense, complete and exhaustive. I am sure that I have not
entirely realized this intention. Nevertheless, in order that the degree of my success may
be evaluated, it is necessary to explain in detail what I have tried to do. This is the
purpose of this first part on methodological preliminaries.

1.2. DEFINITION OF LANGUAGE

1. The assumptions on which this description of Tagalog is based are (with few
exceptions) those of André Martinet (1960a). The first assumption is that language is
man's tool for making himself understood by other men by means of vocal signs. It is
this function of language as an instrument of communication which distinguishes it
from other human faculties.
2. The second assumption is that an utterance which makes sense is a linguistic sign,
and has a double aspect, namely (a) a SIGNIFICATUM signified or its meaning, which
is placed between single quotation marks, e.g., 'I have a headache'; and (b) a SIGNI-
FICANS, signifier or expression of the sign, which is represented between slant lines,
e.g., French /z e mal a la tet/.
3. The third assumption is that human language is DOUBLY ARTICULATED. Here,
the word 'articulated' is used in its original Latin meaning of 'a combination of
distinct units'. The first articulation consists of a succession of minimal units, each
with a vocal form and meaning. For example, a moan signifying a headache is one such
unit. It may be called a minimal sign or MONEME. Every fact of experience communi-
cated, and every need one wants to make known to another is analyzed into one, or a
succession, of these minimal units each with a vocal form and meaning; and each
speech community analyzes experience in its own way according to its culture. The
second articulation consists of a succession of distinctive sound units called phonemes.
Thus, the expression /z e mal a la tet/ consists of a succession of the distinctive sound
2*
20 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

units /z/, /e/, /m/, /a/, etc. Each language has a limited number of these, which are
combined in various ways to give the vocal form of the various meanings of minimal
signs.
4. The economy which results from this double articulation of language makes it an
apt instrument of communication capable of transmitting so much information in a
relatively easy way. It is now possible to give a definition of a human language.
A LANGUAGE IS AN INSTRUMENT OF COMMUNICATION BY VIRTUE OF WHICH HUMAN
EXPERIENCE IS ANALYZED DIFFERENTLY IN EACH GIVEN COMMUNITY INTO UNITS, THE
MINIMAL SIGNS, EACH ENDOWED WITH A SEMANTIC CONTENT AND A PHONIC EXPRESSION;
THE PHONIC EXPRESSION IS ARTICULATED IN ITS TURN INTO DISTINCTIVE AND SUCCESSIVE
UNITS, THE PHONEMES.

1.3. HOW A LANGUAGE FUNCTIONS

1. The fourth assumption is that language fulfills its function as an instrument of

communication by a system of (a) CONTRASTS AND OPPOSITIONS, and (b) CONSTRAINTS
AND FREEDOMS. Linguistic units, whether in the first or second articulation, show two
types of relationships, namely (i) SYNTAGMATIC or horizontal, as for example in the
French sentence /z e mal a la tet/ 'I have a headache', /e/ has a syntagmatic relation-
ship with the neighboring /z/ which precedes it and /mal/ which follows it (here the
term CONTRAST is used to describe this relationship) and (ii) PARADIGMATIC or vertical, as
for example in the French sentence above, /me/ 'hand' and /zab/ 'leg' can occur in
place of /tet/: here the term OPPOSITION is used to describe this relationship. The
different units which are related by contrast are called ORDER GROUPS, because these
units are arranged in a certain way. The term, by definition, includes one or more than
one units related on the syntagmatic axis. Thus, in English, 'Tom' as well as 'the boy',
'the big boy', etc. are each an order group.
2. The different units which are related by opposition are called ALTERNATION GROUPS,
because they commute with each other at a certain point in the order group. The
term, by definition, includes one or more than one units which are related on the
paradigmatic axis. Thus, in the English sentence 'Tom hit Bill', the units which can
uccur in place of'Tom' are 'Tom and Harry', 'the boy', 'the big boy', etc. Each of these
onits are members of an alternation group. The difference between order groups and
alternation groups has been described as follows: the members of an order group are
related inpraesentia, because its members must co-occur; while the members of an
alternation group are related in absentia, because its members must occur one at a
time. Every member of an alternation group is an order group, and every order group
belongs to an alternation group.
3. In addition to the system of contrasts and oppositions, language also functions by a
system of constraints and freedoms. The constraints are evident in the obligatory forms
which constituent units must have in various types of utterances: thus, for example,
 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES 21
the verb 'hit' has various obligatory forms in
(a) Tom hits Bill.
(b) I saw Tom hitting Bill.
(c) I asked Tom to hit Bill.
In (a), the utterance may be described as a DECLARATIVE SENTENCE, and here the
verb 'hit' has an obligatory form which may be described (in terms of syntactic cate-
gories) as a FINITE MOOD. Thus, one cannot say *Tom to hit Bill. In (b), the utterance
may be described as a type of indirect statement, and here the verb has an obligatory
form which may be called a PARTICIPIAL MOOD. Thus, one cannot say *I saw Tom
hits Bill. In (c), the utterance may be described as an indirect request, and here the
verb has an obligatory form which may be called an INFINITIVE MOOD. Thus, one
cannot say *I asked Tom hitting Bill.
4. This constraint, which language imposes on the form of the constituents of its
utterances, is necessary for the speaker to be understood by the other members of the
speech community. On the other hand, the freedoms are evident in the optional forms
which constituents can have in the various types of utterances. Thus for example, tha
verb 'hit' can have the following optional forms in the three types of utterances above.

(a) Tom hits Bill.

Tom will hit Bill.
(b) I saw Tom hitting Bill.
I saw Tom hit Bill.
(c) I asked Tom to hit Bill.
I asked Tom to be hitting Bill.
In (a), the verb in the finite mood may have the optional forms 'hits' or 'will hit',
which may be described (in syntactic categories) as PRESENT TENSE and FUTURE TENSE
respectively. In (b), the verb in the participial mood has the optional forms 'hitting'
and 'hit', which may be called PRESENT TENSE and PRETERITE TENSE respectively.
In (c), the verb in the infinitive mood has the optional forms 'to hit' and 'to be hitting',
which may be called PRESENT TENSE and FUTURE TENSE respectively. Thus, the syn-
tactic category of MOOD in English indicates the obligatory forms which a verb^must
have in various types of utterances, while the syntactic category of TENSE indicates
the optional forms it can have.
5. The constraints of language have been described in such terms as GOVERNMENT,
CONCORD etc., but I am not aware at this time of existing terms which describe the
freedoms of language. It is helpful to relate these constraints and freedoms, and to
view them as one of the systems by which language functions. It is, therefore, convenient
to have a pair of terms to describe these two features of language. The terms PROPER
STATE CATEGORIES and MODAL CATEGORIES are introduced here for this purpose.
The term "modaF'is Martinet's (1960:117). The term "proper state" is borrowed from
physics, since it has been used in that science to describe features which are analogous
22 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

to the constraints of language (Park, 1964: 67). Its more common equivalent EIGEN-
STATE is a half-translation from German (like 'liverwurst'), but has become part of the
scientific language like such terms as 'eigenfunctions', 'eigenvalues', etc.
6. If this combination of a term from physics and one from linguistics is objection-
able, some other pair of terms can be substituted. At any rate, what is important is
that the two syntactic categories of freedoms and constraints of language be viewed
as constituting a system in the functioning of language. The two systems of contrasts
and oppositions on the one hand, and constraints and freedoms on the other, provide
the speaker of the language with options on various forms. Each form that the
speaker uses implies a choice according to his wish or need to communicate.

1.4. THE STRUCTURE OF LANGUAGE

1. The fifth assumption is that human language is linear. This assumption is based on
the vocal character of language. Vocal utterances are produced by successive move-
ments of the speech organs and are necessarily perceived by the ear in succession. It is
thus possible to represent it by using separate symbols for each distinct sound and
arranging the symbols in linear succession which corresponds to the way the sounds
are produced. This does not mean, however, that a sound may not be composed of two
sound features in simultaneous occurrence, as for example, the nasal vowel /e/.
2. The sixth assumption is that the various units of language are composed either se-
quentially or simultaneously. Sequential composition implies that the before and after
arrangement of constituents changes the identity of the unit, e.g., /pat/, /tap/, /apt/
are three different word expressions in English. Simultaneous composition, on the
other hand, implies that the before and after arrangement of constituents does not
change the identity of the unit, e.g., the phoneme /p/ in English has the constituent
distinctive features BILABIALITY, OCCLUSION, ASPIRATION, etc., and there is no
relevance in the arrangement of these constituents.
3. The seventh assumption (and here, perhaps, I depart somewhat from Martinet) is
that the hierarchical structure of the constituents of language can be described in
terms of levels, such that it is possible to identify a typical unit on each level. Such a
unit on a particular level is related to the units of a higher level in that it is included in
the units of a higher level. Thus for example, the syllable is the typical unit on the
syllabic level which includes phon eme units of a lower (phonemic) level, and is included
in the units of a higher (word) level.

1.5. THE SCOPE OF THIS DESCRIPTION

1. Finally (and again, perhaps, somewhat outside the Martinean spirit), it is possible to
limit the scope of a structural description of language to its formal aspects. Formal
description is concerned mainly with the composition of constituents and their distri-
 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES 23
bution, i.e., the various combinations that these units enter into in the language
(Dinneen 1967: 12). This does not mean that meaning is left out of the picture. The
minimal units of the first articulation have meanings and can be identified only in
terms of their meanings. Likewise, the minimal units of the second articulation can
be established as distinctive only by the fact that they signal a difference in meaning.
This follows from the nature of the linguistic sign, which is a unit with both meaning
(content) and expression. However, once the identity of the linguistic sign is established
it is possible to refer to the linguistic sign by its expression. The description of the
structure of the system of signs of the language may then be regarded as identical with
the description of the structure of their expressions. In this description of Tagalog, the
scope is limited to the formal aspects of its structure.
2. Secondly, it must be emphasized that this description is limited to the phrase-
structure rules of Tagalog. It is necessary to provide this grammar with a transforma-
tional component which will relate the deep structures of Tagalog sentences to their
surface structures (Chomsky 1965). However, the rules given here are adequate to
provide structural descriptions of the underlying and superficial structures of Tagalog
utterances (Postal 1964). The statement of such transformational rules is the task that
awaits us in our next opportunity and effort.

1.6. THE DESCRIPTIVE FORMALISM

The descriptive formalism which has been adopted in this work is the direct result
of an attempt to deal with the nature of the object of this description. Martinet him-
self did not insist on a particular apparatus or set of terms and notational conventions
for the description of a language. He left this to the discretion of the individual linguist.
For the most part, the terms and notational conventions used in this description are
those used in linguistics today. However, there are a few terms and notational con-
ventions which have been introduced here for the first time. The reason for introducing
them is that they are required by the particular viewpoint adopted here (i.e., the func-
tional viewpoint) and the structure of the object of description. It is, therefore, proper
to call the descriptive formalism as a whole THE FUNCTIONAL-STRUCTURAL APPROACH
to language description. This section will be devoted to explaining the details of this
approach, and is subdivided into two sections, (a) terms and (b) notational conventions.

1.6.1. Terms

Here the terms used in this description of Tagalog will be explained by (a) presenting
a list of the terms used in this work in the form of a table, and (b) discussing the
details of the table in terms of the following topics: (i) double articulation and levels,
(ii) syntagm, paradigm, and nexus, (iii) phonology, morphology, and syntax.
24 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

1.6.1.1. Summary of terms

Table 1 summarizes the terms used in this work.
TABLE 1. Summary of Terms

Components Levels Units Constituents

s Period Periods Sentences

y
n Sentence Sentences Phrases
t
a Phrase Phrases Words

Word Words Monemes

Lexemes
Morphology Moneme and Morphophonemes
Morphemes

P Word Expressions Syllable Structures Syllables

h
0 Syllable Syllables Phoneme Clusters
n
o
1 Phoneme Cluster Phoneme Clusters Phonemes
0
g Phoneme Phonemes Distinctive Features
y

1.6.1.2. Double Articulation and Levels

1. The chief characteristic of language, as we have seen above, is its double articulation.
In the first articulation, the minimal signs (monemes) have both content and (vocal)
expression. These are then combined into more complex signs. Every meaningful
utterance in the language can thus be analyzed in terms of one, or a succession, of
these signs. In the second articulation, the minimal units are not signs (since they con-
sist only of sounds) but only distinctive units of sounds (phonemes) which are com-
bined in various ways to form the expressions of the signs of the language. In describ-
ing the combinatory patterns of the minimal units in both articulations, one may
start from the most complex combinations to the least complex or vice versa. This
can be done by recognizing a hierarchical arrangement in the structure of these
complex signs, such that the most complex signs can be viewed as the largest units
which have smaller units as their contituents, and these smaller constituents have in
their turn smaller units as their constituents, and so on until finally the smallest units
are described as composed of elements.
 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES 25
2. In theory, it is possible to recognize an indefinite succession of arrangements or
levels of larger units which have smaller units as their constituents. On each level,
there is a typical unit which has as its constituents the smaller constituents of a lower
level and is itself a constituent of the larger units of a higher level. In practice, how-
ever, it is the complexities of the system of signs in the language which determine how
many such levels it is convenient to recognize for purposes of clear structural descrip-
tion. In this description of Tagalog, I have found it convenient to recognize four such
levels. But before identifying these levels and their units, it is necessary first to discuss
three terms, namely syntagms, paradigms, and nexus.

1.6.1.3. Syntagms and Paradigms

So far, the term UNIT has been used to designate the items in the various levels of both
articulations. No distinction has been made between units which are order groups and
units which are members of alternation groups. It is convenient to use the term
SYNTAGM to refer to the units which are order groups, and the term PARADIGM to refer
to the units which are members of alternation groups. This will relieve us of the neces-
sity of having to refer to them constantly as 'units which are order groups' and 'units
which are members of alternation groups'. Martinet himself did not use the term
'syntagm' in the sense in which it is used here. For Martinet, 'syntagm' meant any
combination of minimal signs (monemes) (1960a: 109). Here, however, the term is used
to mean a unit or a combination of units which are order groups. If I understand him
correctly, de Saussure also uses the term in the sense in which it is used here (1966:170).
Likewise, the term 'paradigm' has not been used by Martinet in the sense in which it
is used here, i.e., a unit or combination of units which are members of an alternation
group. However, Hjelmslev seems to use this term in the sense in which it is used here
(1961:29).

1.6.1.4. Nexus

1. The term nexus is not new in linguistics. It was used by other linguists, e.g., Jespersen.
However, he did not use it in the sense in whichitis used here. Jespersen used the term
to designate a combination of subject and predicate and contrasted it with the term
JUNCTION which he used to designate a combination of words which are "a composite
name for one thing", e.g., silly person: fool. (1949:203-4).
2. In this description, the term is used to deal with two special combinations in Taga-
log, namely (a) the SENTENTIAL NEXUS, and (b) the VERBAL NEXUS. A verb phrase in the
non-finite mood followed by a noun phrase in the ay-case is a sentential nexus, e.g.,
umalis ay tao in gusto koy umalis ay tao 'I want the man to leave now'; here the noun
phrase in the ay-case is ay tao 'the man' and the verb phrase is umalis 'leave now'.
It is called a sentential nexus, because umalis ay tad is a sentence in Tagalog.
3. The second type of nexus is the verbal nexus. This consists of a verb phrase which
26 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

is followed by a noun phrase in the nay-case, e.g., kumdin yayon nay sagirj in gusto
ko y kumain yayon nay sagitj 'I want to eat banana now': here the verb phrase is
kumdin yayon 'eat now', and the noun phrase in the nay-case is nay sagitj 'banana'.

1.6.1.5. Units and Constituents

1. It is now possible to identify the various units and constituents on the different levels
of analysis. The highest level in syntax is called the PERIOD LEVEL. The typical unit
here is the PERIOD, which is characterized by a contour final intonation, i.e., intona-
tion configurations represented orthographically by a period, a question mark or an
exclamation point, e.g., umuwi ak6, naligo akd, kumdin ak6. 'I went home, took a bath,
and ate.' The constituents of the period are sentences.
2. The next highest level is called the SENTENCE LEVEL, whose typical unit is the SEN-
TENCE, whose constituents are phrases. The next level is called the PRIMARY CONSTIT-
UENT LEVEL (Martinet's term) or PHRASE LEVEL, whose typical unit is the PHRASE.
The constituents of the phrase are WORDS. The lowest level is called the WORD LEVEL,
with the word as its typical unit, whose constituents are MINIMAL SIGNS or mo-
nemes. Martinet calls them "minimal signs" instead of morphemes because the term
'morpheme' has been used ambiguously to mean both lexical and grammatical minimal
signs. Lexical minimal signs (LEXEMES) belong to unlimited inventories, whereas gram-
matical minimal signs (MORPHEMES) belong to (comparatively) closed inventories. An
example of a grammatical minimal sign or morpheme is English 'to', or the plural
suffix /-az/; an example of a lexical minimal sign or lexeme is 'rose' or 'house'. The
morphemes indicate the relationships between the constituents of an order group.
3. The highest level in phonology is called the WORD EXPRESSIONS. This term is
used to call attention to the fact that in the second articulation the units are not
signs, but sign expressions. The typical unit on this level is the syllable structure,
whose constituents are syllables.
4. The next highest level is the SYLLABLE LEVEL, whose typical unit is the SYLLABLE;
whose constituents are PHONEME CLUSTERS. The next level is called the PHONEMIC LEVEL,
whose typical units are called phonemes, and whose constituents are DISTINCTIVE
FEATURES, e.g., English /p/ is composed of the distinctive features bilabiality, occlu-
sion, and voicelessness.

1.6.2. Rotational Conventions

1.6.2.1. Use of Symbols

For clear description, linguists have found it immensely helpful and even necessary to
represent symbolically the constituents and their relations as parts of a whole. The
complexities of language are such that unless symbols are used to represent them, it
soon becomes very difficult to see how different units fit into the total structure. Lin-
guists have, therefore, used symbolic notation to describe the structure of a language.
 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES 27
In the ultimate analysis, it really does not matter how one represents such a structure.
Linguists prefer one system over another for various reasons - sometimes because it is
more familiar to them, or because it has been used to describe a great number of
languages, or because it is simpler in the sense that it uses less graphic symbols to
represent identical relationships.

1.6.2.2. Constants and Variables

Assuming that language can be described in terms of a whole with a hierarchical

arrangement of constituent parts such that larger units include smaller units and the
smallest units are composed of elements, it is convenient to use the notational con-
vention of constants and variables. A CONSTANT may be defined as a symbol or
graphic sign (in this work, lower case letters are used) which represents a description
of an object or a term, e.g., a, b, c may represent a description of 'Peter', 'book',
'house'. A VARIABLE may be defined as a symbol (and here capital letters are used, e.g.,
N, or capital letters followed by lower case letters, e.g., Adj), which represents a class
of objects, e.g., N may represent a, b, c (Suppes 1957: 3). One can use the constant to
represent the constituents and the variable to represent the units of the language, e.g.,
the unit CONSONANT CLUSTER can be represented as CI, and its constituents in English
are /kl/, /pi/, /bl/, etc.

1.6.2.3. Process Variable

So far, the type of variable described is the type which provides a notational conven-
tion for the representation of units whose constituents are sequentially arranged, i.e.,
for the description of the syntax of the language. This type of variable, however, is not
convenient for the representation of units whose constituents are simultaneously ar-
ranged, i.e., for the description of the morphology of the language. Thus, for example,
one needs a way of representing the inflectional paradigms (and Tagalog has inflections)
of a language. One needs a way of showing how a form like /rosdrum/, in Latin, is
related to the other forms in the paradigm, i.e., that it is the genitive case, plural
number of the root /ros/ 'rose'. This can be done by (a) recognizing another type of
variable, namely a PROCESS VARIABLE, and (b) a notational device for citing a form
from a paradigm.

1.6.2.3.1. Arguments and Functors

There is a notational convention which serves the need of a PROCESS VARIABLE,

namely, arguments and functors. An ARGUMENT may be defined as a symbol (and here
doubled capital letters are used, e.g., NN, W , or doubled capital letters followed by
lower case letters, e.g., AAdj, AAdv) whose value is determined by a functor; and a
FUNCTOR is a symbol which determines another symbol (in this case, the argument).
28 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

Thus, 'sky' is the argument and 'beautiful' is the functor in the expression 'beautiful
sky', and 'Peter' is the argument of 'runs' in the expression 'Peter runs' (Bochenski
1959: 4-5). Thus, the argument can represent the Latin root /ros/ and the functors
can represent the categories of case and number, such that when the genitive case and
plural number functors are used to determine the root /ros/, the result is the form
/rosàrum/.

1.6.2.3.2. Proper State and Modal Functors

There are two types of functors, (a) proper state functors, which represent proper
state categories, which in their turn represent the CONSTRAINTS of language (Section
1.3.4); and (b) modal functors, which represent modal categories, which in their turn
represent the FREEDOMS of the language. The proper state functors are represented as
superscripts and the modal functors as subscripts, e.g., W ~ means the verb paradigm
of the non-finite proper state and m modal categories. An alternate notation is to re-
present the proper state functors as denominators and the modal functors as numera-
tors, e.g.,^VV. To be used as a syntactic variable, the argument must be determined by
functors representing one proper state and/or one modal category, e.g., V~
means the finite proper state and the transitive modal category of the verb paradigm.

1.6.2.3.3. The Lambda Functor

1. A notational device for citing a form of a paradigm is the lambda functor. This was
introduced by Alonso Church in 1932, and was discussed by him again in 1936. The
following is an explanation of this notational device by Feys (1944: 75):

A lambda functor consists of a lambda operator formed by X and a letter, and an ex-
pression M enclosed in parenthesis or preceded by a point . . . by the lambda functor X O
(M) or X -M is expressed that which when applied to a O yields the expression M.
M is as it were the characteristic determination which changes O into M.

2. An example of the use of the lambda functor as a notational convention for citation
is the following: the form /rósa/ in Latin is the nominative (nom) case, singular (sing.)
number of the root /ros/ 'rose'. If one wishes to cite the form which is the genitive
(gen.) case, plural (pi.) number of the form /rósa/, then one can do so as follows :

gen., pi. X nom., sing, /rósa/ = (/rosàrum/)

1.6.2.4. Proposition-Forming Symbols

So far, the symbols which have been introduced represented the various terms used
in the description. It is now necessary to introduce two proposition-forming symbols,
namely (a) the COMPOSITION symbol = and (b) the INCLUSION symbol 3 or €.
The composition symbol = means that the symbol or group of symbols on the right
 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES 29
of it are the constituents of the symbol or group of symbols to the left of it. Thus e.g.,
S = A*B means that S is composed of A and B. The inclusion symbol 6 or 3 means
that the symbol or group of symbols on the rear side of the symbol is a member of the
symbol or group of symbols on the front side of the symbol. Thus e.g., S 3 A means
that A is included in S, and Si A means that S is included in A.

1.6.2.5. Term-Forming Symbols

1. It is necessary, in the system of notational convention which has been adopted here,
to introduce a symbol for forming new terms from the terms already in the system.
There are three such types of symbols, (a) those that represent order groups, (b) those
that represent alternation groups, and (c) the symbol for iteration.
2. The symbols which represent the relationships between order groups are subdivided
into three types, namely (and here the terms of Hjelmslev are used [1961:24]): (i) SOLI-
DARITY or interdependence, which is symbolized by a dot, thus Si = A«B means that
both A and B are constituents (major terminals) of Si and neither A nor B alone is an
S x ; (ii) DETERMINATION or subordination, which is symbolized by an arrow — or -<-,
thus S2 = A B means that S2 is composed of A, and B may or may not be with A
(i.e., A is an obligatory constituent or major terminal of S2, while B is optional); (iii)
CONSTELLATION or coordination, which is symbolized by a hyphen -, thus, S3 = A-B
means that Sa is composed of either A or B or both A and B. With regard to the order
of the constituents of an order group, it may be (a) SIMULTANEOUS, which is symbolized
by a comma: thus S = A, B, C means that S is composed of A, B, and C which are
interchangeable as regards their order or precedence; (/S) SEQUENTIAL, which is sym-
bolized with a space between the constituents: thus S = A B C means that S has as its
constituents A, B, and C, and that B is preceded by A and followed by C.
3. The symbol which represents the relationships between the constituents of an
ALTERNATION group is ~ : thus S 4 = A ~ B ~ C means that S is a paradigm whose
constituents are either A, B, or C.
4. A new term may also be formed by simply repeating a term. The symbol in the
convention for ITERATION is the exclamation point! : thus S = A ! means that S consists
of one or more than one repetitions of A.

1.6.2.6. Illustration of Notational Convention

1. It may now be helpful to illustrate the notational convention adopted in this descrip-
tion of Tagalog. One way of doing this is by comparing it with another convention.
For this purpose, the convention used in Elson and Pickett's An Introduction to
Morphology and Syntax will be used. The comparison will have the following form:
the first column will present the symbols used by Elson and Pickett together with the
numbers that they give (1967: 60); the second column will contain two paragraphs:
one will give the translation of the symbols given by Elson and Pickett; this will be
 30 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

followed by a second paragraph which will give a translation of the equivalent symbols
used in this description; the third column will then give the equivalent symbols used in
this description. There are no polemics intended in this comparison; it is presented here
solely for purposes of an illustration of the notational convention used in this descrip-
tion of Tagalog.
(1) + A :a + B :b Both tagmemes are obligatory.
The syntagmatic complexity S = A-B
of S consists of a solidarity
of A and B. i.e., it takes
both A and B to make an
S , e . g . , JOHN RUNS.
(2) + A :a ± B :b One tagmeme is obligatory
and one is optional.
The syntagmatic complexity S = A-<-B
of S consists of a deter-
mination of A by B, i.e.,
S is formed by A or A to-
gether with B, but not by
B alone, e.g., RUN FAST!
(3) + ( ± A :a± B :b) Each tagmeme is optional, and
either or both may occur,
but one must occur.
The syntagmatic complexity S = A-B
of S consists of a con-
stellation of A and B, i.e.,
either A or B or both to-
gether make an S, e.g.,
/THESE\
people are in my list.
\MANYJ
i]
(4) ±A:aq:B:b Each tagmeme is optional, one
or the other must occur but
or+A:a not both.
B^b S has as its paradigmatic S= A ~ B
complexity an alternation of
A and B, i.e., A and B
commute in S, e.g.,

{ *r
THE]
good book
(5) ± A : a ± B : b Both tagmemes are optional,
(but some other tagmeme
in the construction is
obligatory).
 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES 31
S has a syntagmatic complexity S = X—(A-B)
of a determination of X by a
constellation of A and B, i.e.,
every S involves an X and also
possibly an A or a B or both, e.g.,
WISE
'he gave me much! i
\ KINDLY/
ADVICE.'

(6)±(±A:aq=B:b) Both tagmemes are optional, but

only one or the other may occur
or
(and some other tagmeme in
±A:a the construction must occur).
Bib S has a syntagmatic complexity of S = X*-(A ~ B)
a determination of X by either A
or B, i.e., an S is an X possibly
accompanied by either an A or a B,
e.g.,
I NOW 1
h e ARRIVED < >
(YESTERDAYJ

(7) ± ( + A : a + B : b ) Both tagmemes are optional, but

the two must occur together.
S has as its syntagmatic complexity S = X-^(A-B)
a determination of X by a solidarity
of A and B, i.e., an S is an X
possibly accompanied by both A
and B together, e.g., 'He did IT
FOR BILL'
(8) ± ( + A : a ± B : b ) Both tagmemes are optional, but
the second does not occur
without the first.
S has as its syntagmatic complexity S = X-^(A-B)
a determination of X by A, which
is itself determined by B, i.e.
an S is an X possibly accompanied
by an A or by an AB, e.g.,
' H e RAN VERY QUICKLY'

2. It should be pointed out here that there is no need to represent the functions of forms
in the notation as Elson and Pickett do. The different symbols which represent the
forms of the language have to be represented in sequence as a matter of necessity, and
it is convenient to make use of this sequentially to represent the functions of forms.
32 METHODOLOGICAL PRELIMINARIES

Thus, with a general statement, one can state that in a language a sentence has the
subject in first position, the predicate in second position, and the object in third posi-
tion, i.e., the functions are indicated by the relation of the symbols in an expression
and by their relation to a variable to which they belong. Chomsky has discussed this
point thoroughly (1965: 68-74).

1.7. THE TAGALOG LANGUAGE

1. Tagalog is a language spoken by approximately 54 percent of the inhabitants of the

Philippines. It is spoken natively by about 18 million and as a second language by
about five million. Geographically (see figure 1), the greatest concentration of
Tagalog speakers is on the island of Luzon and Mindoro. There are also sizeable
groups on the islands of Marinduque and Polilio. The language, however, is spoken
in all the cities of the Philippines and in almost all its provinces.
2. Tagalog is one of the seven major languages of the Philippines. The total number
of Philippine languages is still undetermined, but the latest estimates have ranged
from 150 to 200. The Philippine languages belong to the Malayo-Polynesian family
of languages, which in turn belongs to the Austronesian family. The latest estimates of
the total number of languages which belong to the Austronesian family is from five to
six thousand.
3. In 1935, by the Commonwealth Act 184, Tagalog was proclaimed as the basis of
the National Language of the Philippines by the late President Manuel L. Quezon.
The official name of this language is PILIPINO.
4. The particular variety of Tagalog described here is that spoken by the inhabi-
tants of the city of Manila and its environs. It contains the elements of both the col-
loquial and literary styles of the language.
 Tagalog

Luzon Is.

Manila

Marinduque
Mindoro Is

"a."

Fig. 1. Map of the Philippines

 2. TAGALOG G R A M M A R

2.1. PHONOLOGY

1. Phonology describes the sound system of a language. The phonological description

presented here is divided into three main parts: (a) phonology of the word, (b) pho-
nology of syntagm organization, or phonology of the phrase, and (c) discrete inten-
tional phonology, or phonology of the sentence.
2. The phonology of the word is subsumed under phonemics and prosody, PHONEMICS
treats the system and individual characteristics of the units of the distinctive word
expressions, the (segmental) phonemes, PROSODY deals with the features of the word
expression which fall outside the sequence of distinctive units, i.e., with the SUPRA-
SEGMENTALS. While phonemics demonstrates the identities of the distinctive units by
showing their relations with other distinctive units in absentia, i.e., their oppositions
by commutation, prosody explains the role of features which must be defined by
relations between units in praesentia, i.e., by contrasts in the chain. The distinctive
units, the phonemes, are composed of distinctive elements, the DISTINCTIVE FEA-
TURES. A phoneme may be specified simply by listing its distinctive features; no
relations of order exist between the distinctive features composing a phoneme and no
distinctive feature occurs more than once in the same phoneme. To describe a dis-
tinctive word expression in terms of its ultimate elements, the distinctive features, it is
necessary to list all the distinctive features and to give the number of times and the
sequential order in which each must be presented. Recognition of the phonemes as
units in which sequentiality may be abstracted permits the description of a word
expression more conveniently in terms of sequential arrangements of simultaneous
bundles of distinctive features. In the section on phonemics, an inventory of the pho-
nemes will be given; these are opposed in each critical paradigm, demonstrating their
distinctness by the presentation of minimal pairs; describing their realizations; ana-
lyzing the structures they form in terms of the distinctive feature composition of indi-
vidual phonemes, and finally accounting for their distribution in word expressions.
3. The section on PROSODY will deal with (a) culmination, i.e., the sequentially con-
trastive features which contribute to the individuality of words in the sequence, and the
distinctive free word accent, (b) the features which organize syntagms by marking
their continuity and their onsets and terminations, as well as the specific marks of
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 35
boundaries, and (c) certain conventionalized (trough not necessarily unmotivated)
features which signal intent or attitude, i.e., affective features. Phonemics and culmi-
native and distinctive prosody (item (a) above) will be dealt with together under pho-
nology of the word (Section 2.1.1.). Organizing features (item (b) above) will be
treated under the phonology of syntagm organization, or phonology of the phrase
(Section 2.1.2.). Finally, the affective features, at least those that are discussed here
(item (c) above), will be discussed in the section on discrete intentional phonology, or
phonology of the sentence (Section 2.1.3.).

2.1.1. Phonology of the Word

1. This section is concerned with the phonology of the word. In Tagalog, the word shows
characteristic phonemic shapes and a culminative accent which make it possible for it
to be defined phonologically. There is an imperfect correspondence between the pho-
nological and syntactic criteria for distinguishing the word, but in general one may say
that the phonological boundaries of the word coincide with its syntactic boundaries.
2. The characteristic phonemic sequences of the word in initial and final positions
coincide, as in English, with those of the syllable boundaries. These sequences signal
both negatively and positively the absence or presence of a boundary. For example,
the sequence glottal stop-plus-consonant does not occur in the middle of a simple sign
expression, nor does a sequence of two realizations of the same consonant.
3. The usual conventions of linguistic descriptive notation will be followed here, i.e.,
slant lines / /, to enclose phonemic transcription; square brackets [ ], to enclose pho-
netic transcription; broken brackets ( >, to enclose orthographic forms; hyphens
after, before, and before and after a notation indicate occurrence in initial (e.g., e-),
final (e.g., -e) or medial (eg., -e-) positions respectively; a double-shafted arrow => to
indicate implication or the result of a combination. Amodified IPA notation is followed
largely in the phonetic transcription. The IPA symbols are supplemented, however,
by the sign \ to indicate the lack of oral release after a consonant.

2.1.1.1. The Phonemes

2.1.1.1.1. The Consonants

1. There is a series of voiceless stops at the bilabial, dental, velar points of articula-
tion /p/, /t/, /k/, respectively. The phonological identity of these phonemes results
from the oppositions demonstrated by the following minimal pairs:

(a) (p/t) [puna1] /punay/ 'green pigeon', [tuna1] /tunay/ 'true'.

(b) (p/k) [puss?] /pusa?/ 'cat', [kusa?] /kusa*>/ 'initiative'.
(c) (p/b) [pi] /pa/ 'more, yet', [b&] /ba/ (interrogative particle).
(d) (p/w) [pdn">] /p£rl/ 'priest', [ u £ri?] /wSri?/ 'it seems'.
 36 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(e) (p/m) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(d).

(f) (t/k) [taua] /tawa/ 'laughter', [kaua] /kawa/ 'large caldron'.
(g) (t/d) [ta'o] /tayU/ 'we (incl.)', [da'o] /dayU/ 'stranger'.
(h) (t/p) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 1(a).
(i) (t/n) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(i).
(j) (t/1) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 9(b).
(k) (t/r) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 9(f).
(1) (t/s) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 3(b).
<m) (k/g) [kilirj1] /killq/ 'inclination', [giliql] /gillq/ 'grind',
(n) (k/p) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 1(b).
(0) (k/t) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 1(f).
(p) (k/rj) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(o).
(q) (k/h) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 5(f).
2. There is a series of voiced, unaspirated stops at bilabial, dental, and velar points of
articulation /b/, /d/, /g/, respectively. The phonological identity of these phonemes
results from the oppositions demonstrated by the following minimal pairs:

(a) (b/d) [bulo] /bulU/ 'floss', [dulo] /dulU/ 'end'.

(b) (b/g) [balirj1] /Mllrj/ 'turn', [galiqi] /gdllrj/ 'proceeding from'.
(c) (b/w) [bakas] /bakas/ 'trace', [uakas] /wakds/ 'end'.
(d) (b/p) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 1(c).
(e) (b/m) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(e).
(f) (d/g) [di=it 1 ] /dlitI 'slight pressure', [gi=itl] /glit/ 'insistence'.
(g) (d/b) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 2(a).
(h) (d/t) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 1(g).
(1) (d/n) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(j).
(j) (d/s) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 3(c).
(k) (d/1) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 9(c).
(1) (d/r) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 9(g).
(m) (g/?) [tulug1] /tulUg/ 'sleep' [tulu?] /tulU?/ 'drip'.
(n) (g/d) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 2(f).
(o) (g/k) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. l(m).
(p) (g/b) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 2(b).
(q) (g/h) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 5(g).
(r) (g/q) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(p).

3. There is a dental, voiceless fricative /s/. The phonological identity of this phoneme
results from the oppositions demonstrated by the following pairs:

(a) (s/h) [Mlaq 1 ] /Mlag/ 'barricade', [sdlaq1] /sdlag/ 'placed over fire'.
(b) (s/t) [sinsg1]/sinag/'ray of light', ttinag1]/tinag/'move'.
(c) (s/d) [sala] /s&la/ 'error', [ddla] /ddla/ 'casting net'.
(d) (s/n) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(h).
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 37
4. Utterances such as [ca] /tsá/ 'tea', [canto] /tsarito/ (a girl's name), and [—inóík1]
/Intsík/ 'Chinese' seem to suggest a voiceless, palatal afíncate /c/. Likewise, occur-
rences such as [ifos] /dylós/ 'God', [jamánte] /dlyamántl/ 'diamond' suggest a voiced,
palatal affricate /)/. Finally, utterances such as [=umalisá] /Umalls slyá/ 'he left',
t=étuansansí] /étU aq slyansí/ 'here is the spatula' seem to suggest a voiceless,
grooved fricative /§/. However, there are no occurrences known to me which show
that [c] is a sound distinctively different from the sequence [ts]; [j] from [di'] or [d1];
and [s] from [si1] or [s1]. Thus there are no oppositions which would identify such
phonemes as /c/, /j/, and JsJ.
5. There are two phonemes which involve sound features produced at the source of
phonation, namely, the glottal stop /?/, functioning in word final position, and the
glottal fricative /h/, functioning in initial and medial positions (Section 2.1.1.4., no. 5).
The phonological identity of these phonemes results from the oppositions demon-
strated by the following minimal pairs:

(a) (?/k) [báts"?] /báta?/ 'child', [bátek1] /bátak/ 'pull'.

(b) (?/g) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 2(m).
(c) (?/g) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(r).
(d) (?/0) [báta?) /báta?/ 'child', [báta] /báta/ 'bathrobe'.
(e) (h/y) [hábag1] /hábaq/ 'while', ['ábag1] /yábag/ 'arrogance'.
(f) (h/k) [háua] /háwa/ 'contagion', [káua] /káwa/ 'large caldron'.
(g) (h/g) [hálaq1] /hálag/ 'barricade', [gálag1] /gálag/ 'respect'.
(h) (h/rj) [hála'] /hálay/ 'obscenity' '[qála1] /gálay/ 'numbness'.
(i) (h/s) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 3(a).
(j) (h/0) [hála1] /hálay/ 'obscenity', [=ála ¡ ] /álay/ 'offer'.
[dahóp1] /dahóp/ 'in want', [da=óp 1 ] /daóp/ 'joined closely'.
6. There is a series of nasal consonants at bilabial, dental, and velar points of artic-
ulation /m/, /n/, /g/ respectively. The phonological identity of these phonemes results
from the oppositions demonstrated by the following minimal pairs:

(a) (m/n) [mása] /mása/ 'dough', [nása] /nása/ 'is on'.

(b) (m/g) [ma'ón1] /mayón/ 'Mayon (a place)', [ga'ón1] /gayón/ 'now'.
(c) (m/w) [kamá¡] /kamáy/ 'hand', [kauá'] /kawáy/ 'wave hand'.
(d) (m/p) [hámon1] /hámUn/ 'challenge', [hápon1] /hápUn/ 'afternoon'.
(e) (m/b) [malí?] /malí*'/ 'erroneous', [ball?] /batí?/ 'fractured'.
(f) (n/g) [sigá] /slgá/ 'blow nose', [siná] /slná/ 'those (pi.)'.
(g) (n/m) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6 (a).
(h) (n/s) [ni'á] /nlyá/ 'his, hers, its', [si'á] /slyá/ 'he, she, it'.
(i) (n/t) [nákau] /nákaw/ 'steal', [tákau] /tákaw/ 'steal'.
(j) (n/d) [nu = ón1] /nUón/ 'then', [du = ón1] /dUón/ 'there'.
(k) (n/1) [namán1] /namán/ 'also', [lamán1] /lamán/ 'flesh'.
(1) (n/r) [tono] /tónu/ 'tune', [toro] /tóru/ 'bull'.
38 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(m) (nIm) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(a).

(n) (g/n) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(f).
(o) (g/k) [r^it 1 ] /qáwlt/ 'numbness', [káuiO] /káwlt/ 'hook',
(p) (g/g) [rja'ón1] /gayón/ 'now', [ga'ón1] /gayón/ 'like that',
(q) (rj/h) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 5(h).
(r) (r)/?) [túlorj1] /túlUrj/ 'help', [túlo?] /túlU?/ 'drip'.
7. Utterances like [sáblñá] /sábl nlyá/ 'he said', and [=iñuba=itó] /InlyUbaltó/
'is this yours (pi.)' suggest a palatal nasal /&/. However, the sound [ñ] does not seem
to be distinctively different from the sequence [ni1] or [n1] /nly/; and there are no
minimal pairs known to me which would establish the identity of /ft/.
8. There are two semi-vowels at the bilabial and palatal points of articulation /w/
and /yl respectively. The phoneme /w/ is set up independently of /u/ and /y/ is set
up independently of /i/ for the following reasons: (a) there are minimal pairs which
demonstrate the phonological oppositions between these phonemes, as for example
[tula=ín'] /tUlain/ 'be recited (poem)', [tula'ín1] /tUlayin/ 'be bridged'; [bú=aq 1 ]
/búa q/ 'fool', [búuaq1] /búwaq/ 'Buwang' (a name of Chinese origin); (b) sequences
of two or or more vowels in rapid speech are separated by glottal explosions in more
deliberate speech, unless such vowels are ['] and [ u ] glides, as for example [maiála1]
(rapid), [ma=i=ála i ] (more deliberate) /malálay/ 'be able to offer', [lá'ag1] /láyag/
(rapid and more deliberate) 'sail'; [pakuluán1] (rapid) [pakulu=án1] (more deliber-
ate) /pakUlUán/ 'have (it) boiled'; [duuágn] (rapid and more deliberate) /dUwág/
'coward'; (c) in word initial and final positions, the following sequences contrast:
Initial Final
u u u
[ i] [ ík3?] /wika?/ 'language' [ká i] /káwl / 'a language'
[=u'] [=ú i am 1 ] /úyam/ 'sarcasm' [bábu¡] /bábUy/ 'pig'
[¡u] ['upí?] /yUpí?/ 'dent' ['ó'o] /yóyU/ 'a toy'
[=i-] [=í u an] /íwan/ 'leave' [sísiu] /síslw/ 'chick'

(d) finally, in initial position, the realization of the vowels /i/ and /u/ are always with
glottal explosions [=i-] and [=u-], whereas realizations of the semi-vowels /y/ and
/w/ do not have such glottal onsets. Examples are [=Ito] /Ito/ 'this', [=ulam 1 ]
/ulam/ 'viand', ['ukd?] /yUko?/ 'stoop', ["asak1] /wasak/ 'destroyed'.
9. There are two linguals at the dental point of articulation, ¡1/ and /r/. The phono-
logical identity of these phonemes results from the oppositions demonstrated by the
following minimal pairs :
(a) (1/r) [barati] /barät/ 'haggler', [balät1] /balàt/ 'skin'.
(b) (1/t) [bbäk1] /labäk/ 'pool of water', [tabäk1] /tabäk/ 'cutlass'.
(c) (1/d) [blas] /laläs/ 'stripped', [dalàs] /daläs/ 'frequency'.
(d) (1/n) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(k).
(e) (r/1) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 9(a).
(f) (r/t) [baro ">] /bàrU ?/ 'dress', [bàto /bàtU 'chief piece in a game'.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 39
(g) (r/d) [rilis] /rills/ 'rails', [dills] /dills/ 'anchovy fish'.
(h) (r/n) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 6(1).

2.1.1.1.2. The Vowels

1. There are two front vowels at close and half-close tongue-heights, ¡il and /e/
respectively. The phonological identity of these phonemes results from the oppositions
demonstrated by the following minimal pairs :
(a) (i/e) [mésa] /mésa/ 'table', [misa] /misa/ 'Mass'.
(b) (i/a) [ t i l o / t i l a 'stop (rain)', [tàla f] /tàla*>/ 'bright star (planet)'.
(c) (i/u) [pito] /pitU/ 'whistle', [puto] /putU/ 'white rice cake'.
(d) (i/o) [kumpil] /kUmpil/ 'Confirmation', [kumpól] /kUmpól/ 'cluster'.
(e) (i/y) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 8(a).
(f) (e/i) Section 2.1.1.1.2., no. 1(a).
(g) (e/a) [ména] /ména/ 'Mena (girl's name)', [mina] /mina/ 'mine'.
(h) (e/u) [péra] /péra/ 'centavo', [pura] /pura/ 'Pura (girl's name)'.
(i) (e/o) [ména] /ména/ 'Me«a (girl's name)' [móna] /móna/ 'Mona (girl's
name)'.
2. There are two back vowels at close and half-close tongue-heights /u/ and /o/ re-
spectively. The phonological identity of these phonemes results from the oppositions
demonstrated by the following minimal pairs :
(a) (u/i) Section 2.1.1.1.2., no. 1(c).
(b) (u/e) Section 2.1.1.1.2., no. 1(h).
(c) (u/a) [pusu 9 ] /pusU?/ 'heart', [pàsu 9 ] /pàsU *7 'injury by scalding'.
(d) (u/o) [kóra] /kóra/ 'Cora (girl's name)', [kùra] /kura/, 'parish priest'.
(e) (u/w) Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 8 (a).
(f) (o/u) Section 2.1.1.1.2., no. 2(d).
(g) (o/i) Section 2.1.1.1.2., no. 1 (d).
(h) (o/e) Section 2.1.1.1.2., no. 1 (i).
(i) (o/a) [balót1] /balót/ 'boiled duck's egg', [bslàt1] /balàt/ 'skin'.
3. There is an open vowel /a/. The phonological identity of this phoneme results
from the oppositions demonstrated by the following minimal pairs:
(a) (a/i) Section 2.1.1.1.2., no. 1(b).
(b) (a/e) 2.1.1.1.2., no. 1(g).
(c) (a/u) Section 2.1.1.1.1.2., no.2(c).
(d) (a/o) Section 2.1.1.1.2., no. 2(i).

2.1.1.2. The Archiphonemes

There are two vowel archiphonemes, /I/ and /U/. These archiphonemes result from
the neutralization of the oppositions between the following phonemes :
40 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

1. As pointed out in 2.1.1.4., no. 9 below, the phonemes/i/ and /e/ are opposed in
accented position; elsewhere, this opposition is neutralized. This neutralization re-
sults in the archiphoneme /I/, as for example [díni] = [díni] = [díne]/dínl/ 'here'. As
shown in Section 2.1.1.4., no. 13, Table 5, this archiphoneme constitutes the first part
of the diphthong /Iw/ and /Iy/.
2. Similarly, /U/ results from the neutralization of oppositions between the
phonemes /u/ and /o/, as for example, [súlukl] = [súluk1] = [súlok1] /súlUk/ 'corner'.
As shown (2.1.1.4., Table 4), this archiphoneme is the first constituent of the diph-
thong /Uy/.

2.1.1.3. The Diphthongs

The diphthongs result from the combination of the vowels followed by the semi-vowels.
There arefivediphthongs in Tagalog, /ay/, /Uy/, /Iy/, /aw/, /Iw/. The identity of these
diphthongs are the result of the oppositions demonstrated by the following pairs:
(a) (ay/ai or al) [tula'ín1] /tUlayin/ 'bridge over', [tula=ín 1 ] /tUlain/ 'recite a
poem'.
[saVnaqiná] /saway nag iná/ 'correction of mother'.
[maba=itna=iná] /mabait na Iná/ 'good-natured mother'.
(b) (Uy/ui or ul) [=ukú I in 1 ] /UkÚyln/ 'cook something in the manner of
dish ukoy', [=ukú=in 1 ] /Ukúln/ 'speak to someone like a child, i.e,
stammering', [sampultó] /sampultó/ 'these are ten'.
(c) (Iy/ii or il) [kami'díto] /kamlyditU/ 'we are here', [pUti=itó] /pUtiltó/
'this is white', [pati=ila u ] /patiilaw/ 'including the light'.
(d) (aw/au or aU) [sauá'] /sawáy/ 'restraint', [sa=u u áy] /sa úway/ 'to the
rattan'; [bát9raunakúb3,?] /báta raw na k ú b a f f 'hunchbacked child, they
say', [tá=uqkúba^] /táUqkúba?/ 'hunchbacked man'.
(e) (Iw/iu or Iw or Iu) [si=uqgó1] /si urjgÚy/ 'monkey (nickname of
someone)'; [sísi u na=itó] /síslw na Itó/ 'this chick', [=ásoni=úku 1 ] /ásU
ni úkUy/ 'dog of Ukoy (a name)'.

2.1.1.4. The Phonetic Realization of the Phonemes

1. There is a series of voiceless stops at the bilabial, dental, and velar points of
articulation /p/, /t/, /k/ respectively. At initial and medial positions, these phonemes
have unaspirated [p], [t], [k] realizations; in final position, they have unreleased [p1],
[t1], [k1] realizations; before /i/, the /t/ phoneme has a voiceless, palatal, affricate [c]
realization in rapid speech (Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 4); in foreign words, the phoneme /p/
sometimes has a bilabial, voiceless fricative [f] realization. Some examples of these
phonemes are [palít1] /palit/ 'change', [—ápat1] /ápat/ 'four', [=atíp 1 ] /atíp/ 'roof',
[tálo]/tálU/'defeated', [t i án]=[can 1 ] /tlyán/ 'stomach', [kamí] /kamí/'we (incl.)',
[báklt1] /bákit/ 'why?', [putók1] /pUtók/ 'explosion', [pmpínas] = [filipinas]
/plllpínas/ 'filipinas', [ti=ís] /tlís/ 'endure', [báta?] /báta'/ 'child'.
2. There is a series of voiced stops at bilabial, dental, and velar points of articula-
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 41
tion /b/, /d/, /g/ respectively. At initial and medial positions, these phonemes are
realized as unaspirated [b], [d], [g]; at final positions, they are realized as unreleased
[b1], [d1], [g1]; before /i/, the phoneme /d/ is realized as voiced, palatal affricate [j] in
rapid speech (Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 4). Some examples are [bato] /bato/ 'stone',
[labis] /labls/ 'surplus', [kutob1] /kUtob/ 'palpitation', [dito] /ditU/ 'here', [bida]
/bida/ 'hero', [bakud1] /bakUd/ 'fence', [gilig1] /gillr)/ 'grind', [tego] /bagU/ 'new'
[blbig1] /blbig/ 'mouth', [di'os] (deliberate) or [d'os] (rapid) or [jos] (more rapid),
/dlyos/ 'God'.
3. There is a series of nasal consonants at bilabial, dental, and velar points of artic-
ulation /m/, /n/, /q/ respectively. At initial and medial positions, these phonemes are
realized as [m], [n], [q]; at final position, they are realized as unreleased [m1], [n1],
and [q1]; before /i/, the phoneme /n/ is realized as a palatal nasal [n] in rapid speech.
Some examples are [inula1?] /mUla 9 / 'origin', [=dmm 1 ] /¿mln/ 'our (excl.)', [=itimi]
/Itim/ 'black', [ n a s o / n d s a ? / 'desire', ^¡inim 1 ] /anlm/ 'six', [rjdlan1] /qalan/
'name', [bdqon1] /bdqUn/ 'rise up', [taloq1] /taloq/ 'eggplant', [sabini'd] (deliberate)
or [sabin'd] (rapid) or [sabind] (more rapid) /sdblnlyd/ 'he said'.
4. There is a single buccal (vocal tract) fricative [sj. It is opposed directly to the only
other fricative, the /h/, by its buccal characteristic, compared with the completely
resonance shaped characteristics of the source fricative. At initial, medial and final
positions, this phoneme is realized as a voiceless, dental fricative [s]; before /i/, it is
realized as a voiceless grooved fricative [s] in rapid speech. Some examples are
[sapit1], /sdplt/ 'reach', [^ssin 1 ] /asin/ 'salt', [bills] /bllis/ 'speed', [si'd] (deliberate) or
[s'a] (rapid) or [sa] (more rapid) /slyd/ 'he, she, it'.
5. There are two phonemes whose realizations involve discrete sequences of artic-
ulators at the source of phonation, namely, the glottal stop / 9 / and the glottal fric-
ative /h/. The glottal stop is distinctive only in final position, whereas the glottal
fricative is distinctive only in initial and medial positions. In initial and intervocalic
positions, the glottal stop is part of the realization of the vowel; in final position, the
glottal fricative is likewise part of the realization of the vowel. This is shown by the
fact that in these positions, these glottal sounds are not opposed to zero (i.e., to their
absence). Thus, for example, [ = ako] is not opposed to [#ako] /ako/ 'I'; [ = a = alls]
is not opposed to [ # a # alis] /aalis/ 'will leave'; and [pulah] is not opposed to [puld # ]
/pUld/ 'red'.
6. Clearly /h/ and / 9 / are in complementary distribution. One may ask now why
they cannot be identified as positional variants of the same phoneme. The reason is
that the glottal stop and glottal fricative are opposed in initial, intervocalic, and final
positions, as for example [hala1] /halay/ 'indecency' is opposed to [=ala1] /alay/
'offering'; [tshas] /tahas/ 'direct' is opposed to [ta=as] /taas/ 'height'; and [bagah]
/baga/ 'live coal' is opposed to [bags9] /baga?/ 'lungs'. Moreover, /h/ and / 9 / re-
present different ensembles of distinctive features. The opposition OCCLUSIVE versus
FRICATIVE is operative in all positions in the vocal tract phonemes and clearly defines
two different positions in the system for the source articulations as well.
42 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

7. There are two semi-vowels at the bilabial and palatal points of articulation /w/
and /y/ respectively. At initial, medial, and final positions /w/ is realized as a glide [ u ]
and ¡ y l is realized as a glide [']. The phonemic sequence /uw/ is realized as [uu] es-
pecially when the accent is [uu], Frequently, however, in rapid speech and in general
when the accent is not [uu], the [u] is lost and the glide then forms a consonant cluster
with the preceding consonant. Similarly, the sequence /iy/ is realized as [i1], especially
when the accent is [i1]. Frequently, however, in rapid speech and in general when the
accent is not [i1], the [i] is lost and the glide forms a consonant cluster with the preced-
ing consonant. Some examples, besides those in Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 8, are
[ualo] /walo/ 'eight', [=a u it 1 ] /awlt/ 'song', [galau] /galaw/ 'move', [=u u ar) 1 ] /Uwaq/
'beetle', [h^n 1 ] (rapid) but [huuan1] (more deliberate) /hUwan/ 'John', ['ats^/y^ta'?/
'perhaps', [ba'an1] /bayan/ 'country', [tula1] /tUlay/ 'bridge', [gi'a] /giya/ 'guide',
[t'anl] (rapid) but [ti'dn1] (more deliberate) /tlyan/ 'stomach'. Phonemically, then
[hu^n 1 ] as well as [l^an 1 ] is /huwan/, and [=u u aq 1 ] is /Uwaq/; [ti'an1] as well as
[t'an1] is /tlyan/, and [gi'a] is /giya/. This means that the consonant clusters in initial
position which involve /w/ and /y/ in such common orthographic items as (kwento)
'story' and (pyano) 'piano' are phonemically interpreted, in this system, as /kUwentU/
and /plyanU/; items as (bias) 'internode' are phonemically interpreted as /biyas/.
As pointed out in Section 2.1.1.1.1., no. 8 (d), the phonetic realizations of /w/ and /y/
differ from those of /u/ and /i/ in initial position in that /u/ and /i/ are always with
glottal explosions.
8. There are two linguals at the alveolar point of articulation /r/ and ¡ I f . The pho-
neme /r/ in accented syllables is realized as a rolled trill [r] or as a one-flap tap [r],
but as a one-flap tap in unaccented syllables. The phoneme /I/ is realized as a fortis,
alveolar lateral [1], but before [i] or ['] it is realized as a palatal, lateral [I]. Some
examples are [rad'o] or [rad'o] /radlyU/ 'radio', [baru ">] /barU"?/ 'dress', [bapor] or
[bap6r] /bapor/ 'ship', [kauil] /kawil/ 'hook', [lapit1] /laplt/ 'approach', [silid1]
/sllid/ 'room', [sil'a] or [site] /sillya/ 'chair'.
9. There are two front vowels at close and half-close tongue-height positions, /i/ and
/e/ respectively. In accented position, /i/ is realized as a close, unrounded, front
vowel [i], and /e/ is realized as a half-close or mid, unrounded, front [e]. Only in
accented position is the opposition between [i] and [e] observed; elsewhere, /i/ is real-
ized as [i], or as a lower-high [i], or [e]; and /e/ is realized as [e] or [i] or [i]. Thus, the
oppositions between /i/ and /e/ are neutralized in other positions. In initial position,
I'll and /e/ are realized with a glottal explosion [=i-] and [=e-]. Before ['], the realiza-
tion [i] of /i/ is lost in rapid speech (cf. no. 7 of this section). Some examples are
[=ipis] /ipls/ 'cockroach', [=asin 1 ] /asin/ 'salt', [bili] /bill/ 'purchase', [dini] = [dim] =
[dine] /dini/ 'here'; [=eko] /ekU/ 'echo', [kah61] /kahil/ 'orange', [prinsipe]
/prinslpe/ 'prince', [pdre ?] = [piri *>] = [piri ">] /pdri *>/ 'priest'.
10. There is an open central vowel /a/. In initial position, this phoneme is realized
as an open, unrounded, central vowel with a glottal explosion [=a-]; in unaccented
syllables, it is realized as a mid, unrounded, central [a] or low [a]. Some examples are:
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 43
[=atin 1 ] /¿tin/ 'our (incl.)', [teto?] /bata?/ 'child', [nakaka=In 1 ] /nakakaln/ 'ate
by accident'.
11. There are two back vowels at close and mid tongue-height positions /u/ and /o/
respectively. In accented position, /u/ is realized as a rounded, close, back vowel [u], and
/o/ is realized as a rounded, mid, back vowel [o]. Only in accented position is the op-
position between [u] and [o] observed; elsewhere, /u/ is realized as [u], or as a half-
close, rounded, back [u], or as [o], and /o/ is realized as [o], [u], or [u]. Thus, in other
positions, there is a neutralization of oppositions between /u/ and /o/. In initial
position, /uI and /o/ are realized with glottal explosions [=u-] and [=o-]. Before [u],
the realization [u] of /u/ is lost in rapid speech (see no. 7 of this section). Some ex-
amples of /u/ and /o/ are [=ulo] /ulU/ 'head', [tulog1] /tulUg/ 'sleep', [pukol] =
[pukol]=[pokol] /pUkol/ 'hurl', [=oras] /oras/ 'hour', [toga] /toga/ 'academic gown'
[sulok*^] = [suluk^] = [suluk^] /sulUk/ 'corner'.
12. There are five diphthongs in Tagalog, /Iw/, /aw/, /Uy/, /aw/, and /Iy/. The
diphthong /Iw/ is realized as [zu] or [Iu] or [eu]. The diphthong /aw/ is realized as [au]
in accented syllables, but as [au] or [au] in unaccented syllables; the diphthong /Uy/,
in both accented and unaccented syllables as [of], [u'] or [u']. In rapid speech, the
diphthong /ay/ is realized as [e1] or [e] or [a1]. In more deliberate speech, it is realized
as [a1] in accented syllables, and as [a1] or [a1] in unaccented syllables. The diphthong
/IyI is realized as [i1] in accented syllables, and [i1] or [e1] in unaccented syllables.
Some examples are [bitiu] /bltiw/ 'release grasp', [sisiu] or [sisiu] or [siseu] /sislw/
'chick', [gslau] /galaw/ 'move', [=ila u ] or [ = f b u ] /flaw/ 'light', [ksso'] or [kasu1]
/kaslJy/ 'cashew', [babo1] or [babu1] or [babu1] /babUy/ 'pig', [=e iu ani] or [=e u ani]
/aywan/ 'not to know' (rapid) but [=a iu ani] (more deliberate), [kami'tutol] /kamly-
tutUl/ 'were against' or [puti'an1] /pUtlyan/ 'that's white'.

13. Summary

The consonant phonemes may be summarized by Table 2.

TABLE 2
The Consonant Phonemes

Bilabial dental palatal velar glottal

Stops vl p t k t
vd b d g
Nasals m n it
Fricatives s h
Lateral 1
Flap r
Semi-
vowels w y
44 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

The vowel phonemes may be summarized by Table 3.

TABLE 3
The Vowel Phonemes and Archiphonemes

Vowels Archiphonemes

Front Central Back Front Central Back

Close i u I U
Mid e o
Open a a

The diphthongs may be divided into: (a) fronting, and (b) backing, as represented
by Table 4.

TABLE 4
The Diphthongs

(b) Backing: f^^B»

2.1.1.5. Analysis and Classification of Phonemes

The classification of the consonant phonemes according to their distinctive features in-
volves a two-way distinction of phonemes whose realizations involve primarily vocal
tract features, and those which involve exclusively features at the source of phonation.
1. The phonemes whose realization involve vocal features are the voiceless and voiced
stops, as well as the nasals at the labial, apical, and dorsal points of articulation,
(p, t, k, b, d, g, m, n, q) respectively. These consonants require complete obstruction
(occlusion) of the vocal tract at one point or another. In addition, there is an apical,
voiceless fricative /s/ which requires partial obstruction of the vocal tract, and two
semi-vowels at the front and back points of articulation, /y, w/ respectively, which
require a minimal obstruction of the vocal tract.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 45
2. In contrast to those phonemes whose realizations involve positive articulation (i.e.,
where the positioning of the organs is the essential characteristic), there are two pho-
nemes ; (a) a ballastic (i.e., where the motion or trajectory of the organ is the essential
characteristic of the sound) /r/ whose realization requires the momentary interrup-
tions of the airstream, and (b) a shaped orifice sound (i.e., one in which the organs
are not merely positioned but conformed to produce an opening and have specific and
particular turbulence characteristics), in this case a lateral /l/ the realization of which
requires passage of the air over one side of the tongue to form a long spillway orifice.
3. Finally, in contrast to these consonants, there are two phonemes whose realizations
involve phonological features at the source of phonation, namely / and /h/. Three
articulations in the larynx are required for the onset of phonation, namely: (a) the
coming together of the arytenoid cartilages and the closing of the vocal cords; (b) the
development of a pressure differential between the subglottal and supraglottal air; and
(c) the adjustment of vocal cord tension to permit the beginning of period pressure
release. These articulations may be realized in three sequences yielding respectively
(i) the glottal explosion [ = ] (a, b, c), (ii) the glottal fricative [h] (b, a, c,), and (iii) the
normal smooth vowel onset [ # ] (c, a, b,). Correspondingly, there are three ways in
which phonation may be terminated at the end of a vowel without, or before a conso-
nant, interruption of the vocal tract: (a) the vocal cords may be opened letting the
pressure differential dissipate itself in a sudden rush of fricative air; (b) the pressure
differential may be relaxed to the point at which phonation ceases; (c) the vocal cord
tension may be increased suddenly to the point that phonation ceases. In (a), a glottal
fricative [h] results; in (b), a gradual vowel die-out [ # ] results; in (c), a glottal check
[ 9 ] is the result. In Tagalog, there is a phonemic opposition initially and medially (i.e.,
in voice onset) between (ii) on the one hand and (i) and (iii) on the other, i.e., a glottal
fricative [h] versus the smooth onset [ # ] and glottal explosion [ = ] in free variation.
In absolute word final position (i.e., in voice termination), there is opposition between
(c) on the one hand, and (a) and (b) on the other, i.e., a glottal stop [ 9 ] versus a smooth
vowel termination [ # ] and the glottal fricative [h] in free variation. These oppositions
may be represented by Table 5.

TABLE 5
Voice Onset (Initial and Medial Positions)

Marked Unmarked

phonemes N / 0 /

realizations sub-glottal air pressure before leichter Einsatz or glottal ex-

vocal cord closure, i.e., pre-vo- plosion, i.e., Simplest initia-
calic laryngeal FRICATION [h-] tion of phonation [=-], [ # - ]

distinctive feature consonant, non-nasal, fricative absence of all features not con-
composition source articulation commitant with the vowel
46 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

Voice termination (final position)

Marked Unmarked

phonemes IV 101

realizations glottal check, i.e. sudden hyper- gradual termination of voice

tensing of vocal cords before dis- through relaxation of vocal
sipation of glottal pressure [">] cord tension and subglottal
pressure, or dissipation of sub-
glottal pressure by opening of
vocal cords

distinctive feature consonant, non-nasal, occlusive, absence of all features not

composition source articulation concommitant with the vowel

In view of these considerations, it is necessary to regard /h/ and / a s jointly opposed

to the ensemble of the vocal tract features, i.e., the characteristic of their being realized
in the source is itself a distinctive feature.
4. Thus, the analysis of the consonant phonemes of Tagalog may be represented
by Table 6.
TABLE 6
Classification of Consonants

Occlusion Vocal Tract Features Source Feature

Positive Ballistic Shaped

(Lateral)

Complete Lab Ap Dor

vl p t k O
vd b d g
ni m n j)

Partial s t 1 [h]

Front Back
Minimal y w

In Table 6 the glottal stop has been enclosed in parenthesis to show that it belongs
only to the paradigm of consonants in absolute final position, and the glottal fricative
has been enclosed in brackets to show that it does not belong to this paradigm.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 47
5. The classification of the vowel phonemes in Tagalog involves a three-way dis-
tinction of front, central, and dorsal part of the tongue, and a three-way distinction
of high, mid, and low tongue-heights. This analysis may be represented by Table 7.

TABLE 7
Classification of Vowels

Front Central Back

Close » u

Mid e o

Open a

6. This five-point vowel system is reduced by neutralization to a three-point system

as shown in Table 8.

TABLE 8
Classification of Archiphonemes and Vowel

Front Central Back

Close I U

Open a

2.1.1.6. Accent

1. Perceptually, accent in Tagalog consists of the relative prominence of the syllables

in the phonological word. The accent is realized genetically by a relatively stronger and
longer chest pulse in the accented syllable than in adjacent syllables. Physically, this
results in stressed syllables having a higher energy content (amplitude times duration),
and it is necessary to consider both amplitude level and time, especially because of the
differences in the inherent sonority of the different vowel phonemes. The pitch of the
glottal tone within a particular voice register is determined by two principal factors:
(a) the pressure differential between sub-glottal and supra-glottal air, and (b) the ten-
sion on the vocal cords. Increased sub-glottal pressure produced by a stronger chest
pulse will raise the vocal pitch unless compensating adjustments in the vocal cord ten-
48 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

sion are made, so that there is a natural tendency for stress to be accompanied by a
slight pitch rise. This is seen in Tagalog, as in English and many other languages, as
purely accessory. It must be asserted, therefore, that the accent is realized by concom-
mitantly higher pitch and a greater energy content and longer duration in the accented
syllable.
2. The phonological word in Tagalog has at least one accent having a distinctive as
well as a culminative function. It may fall on any syllable in the word. Each phono-
logical word may have one or more accents. It should be emphasized that some disa-
greements with respect to the culminative accent between the phonological word and
the syntactic word occasionally occur. As in English, some words in phrases lose their
accent in joint accent groups to the more dominant word in the phrase.
3. If a word has two accents, e.g., hálamanán, one of these is less loud, lower in pitch,
and shorter in duration, and it does not matter which of the two it is. Thus, in the
example given, the ultima may be pronounced louder, longer, and with higher pitch
than the other accented syllable or vice versa. Dialects vary, as well as speakers within
dialects. If more than two accents occur in one word, e.g., náisásakáy, then a hierarchy
of loudness, duration, and pitch height is established, such that one of them is the
loudest, longest, and highest in pitch, the second is less loud, shorter in length, and
lower in pitch, and the third is still less loud, shorter, and lower than the second; and
it does not matter which of the accented syllables is the first, the second, or the third.
4. The distinctive function of the accent is illustrated by the following minimal pairs:
[=áso] /ásU/, 'dog', [=asó] /asó/ 'smoke'; [pito] /pítU/ 'whistle', [pitó] /pitó/
'seven'. A word has at least one accent. If the word is monosyllabic, there can of
course be no contrast of prominence of one accented syllable over another within it.
Nevertheless, culmination may be realized by a discontinuity in the overall voice level
curve between the culminative peak of the monosyllable and the final and beginning
syllables of adjacent words.
5. Certain types of syllables constitute the conditioning factors for variation in the
intensity, length, and pitch of the Tagalog accent. If the accent falls on an open penul-
timate syllable, it is louder, longer, and higher in pitch than when it falls on a closed
penultimate syllable. Likewise, if the accent falls on an open ultimate syllable, it is
louder, longer, and higher in pitch than when it falls on a closed ultimate syllable.

2.1.1.7. Distribution of Phonemes (Phoneme Syntax)

In this section the structure of the word expression in Tagalog is discussed. Word
expressions in Tagalog may consist of one syllable or a sequence of syllables. A dis-
tinctive culminative accent marks one syllable of every polysyllabic word and a second
accent may fall on any syllable before or after this accented syllable.
1. Syllables may be constituted by a single vowel and the vowel is accordingly the
essential part of any syllable. Consonants are accessory to the vowel and cannot form
syllables. Vowel sequences form as many syllables as there are vowels.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 49

2. There are two different vowel paradigms which we may designate as V1 and V. V1
has the five vowels /a, e, i, o, u/ as its values (Section 2.1.1.1.2.) and V has /a, I, U/
(Section 2.1.1.2.). V1 functions under the accent; V occurs atonically and with the
accent before /w/ and /y/.
3. In initial and medial syllables, all the consonants except /?/ occur. In absolute
word final position all of the consonants occur except /h/, and in word interior syllable
final position all of the consonants except /h/ and / 9 / .
4. No consonant clusters are to be found in properly Tagalog words, however, the
following types are attested in numerous popular loanwords.

(a) In initial position

/pi-/ /plâtU/ lpt-1 /pritU/ 'fry'
/kl-/ /klâsl/ 'class' ltr-1 /tr&k/ 'truck'
lbl-1 /blégkU/ 'blank' /kr-/ /kriis / 'cross'
/gl-/ /glôrya/ 'glory' /br-/ /br&sU/'arm'
/dr-/ /drama/ 'play (show)'
/gr-/ /grdsya/ 'grace'
(b) In final position
/-ts/ /sénwlts/ 'sandwich' /-yk/ /bâyk/ 'bicycle'
/-ks/ /kômlks/ 'comics' l-yp/ /tayp/ 'type'
/-PS/ /tâps/ 'tops' /-yt/ /hlbiwiyt/ 'heavyweight'
l-TSf /nârs/ 'nurse' /-yb/ /drâyb/ 'drive'
l-nsl /léns/ 'lens'
i-rtf /pôlUsIrt/ 'polo shirt' /-wt/ /âwt/ 'out'
/-«/ (cf. above)
/-rdl /pUstkârd/ 'postcard'
/-rk/ /hUmwôrk/ 'homework'

These have not been provided for in our algorithm for the phonemic structure of the
word since these sequences are clearly felt to mark foreign pronunciation and have
popular Tagalogized variant pronunciations, e.g. /tarak/ for /trak/ above.
5. Such sequences of phonemes which are orthographically represented as (pw-) (e.g.,
(pwede) 'possible', (tw-) (e.g., (twina> 'now and then' are not considered consonant
clusters, since they are phonemically interpreted as /pUw6dI/ and /tUwina/. Simi-
larly, such sequences as are represented orthographically as (sy-) (e.g., (sya) 'he, she,
it'), (ny-> (e.g., {nya) 'his, hers, its' are not considered clusters, since these are phone-
mically interpreted as /slya/ and /nlya/ (Section 2.1.1.4., no. 7), respectively.
6. Regressive consonant assimilation in Tagalog is manifested in the nasals. The labial
nasals may precede any consonant initial of a following syllable, but the intrabuccal
nasals /n/ and /i)/ are homorganically assimilated to the following stops, but not to
other consonants. This is provided for in the following algorithm by treating the stops
4
50 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

as the result of the application of a functor of order (labial ~ apical ~ dorsal) to an

occlusive argument, and symbolized as :
7. The following may be proposed accordingly as an algorithm formula using
the syntactic calculus (Section 1.6.2) to produce word expressions in Tagalog:

o
I.I. W = {(S !-S-S!) • Sf} ~ (line a)
o
{(S !-S-S!) • S*—(S !-S,)} (line b)

The word expression in Tagalog may be either of the following two types: it
may have the accent on the final syllable, possibly preceded by any number of syl-
lables of which one and only one may bear an accent (line a); or it may have the
accent on a non-final syllable, in which case two further possibilities emerge: a second
accent may precede the syllable with the other accent (line b).
8. In line a, the final syllable with an accent (§f) may be either: (a) the only syllable
of the word, in which case there are no accent pattern oppositions possible, i.e., the
rise and fall of syllable sonority will have only a culminative function, e.g., enclitics
after a word with a primary accent (e.g., umalis KA NA BA? 'have you left yet?'); orit
may be preceded by a syllable with a second accent, which itself may be preceded or
followed by any number of syllables. Examples are ¡lakj 'mother', ¿"-»¡V, /papaalis/
'on the way out' /Indalfs/ 'being removed' (S!-£)—£t; /naqagMhabuldn/ 'chasing
one another' (S!-£-S !)-!§,.
9. In line b, the non-final syllable with an accent may be either: (a) preceded by any
number of unaccented syllables (S!—), or (b) followed by either a number of unac-
cented syllables and/or a number of unaccented syllables preceded by a syllable with a
second accent and/or followed by an unaccented final syllable. Some examples are
/bdta*>/ 'child' /katUtUMnan/ 'truth' S ! - ! § - S t ; /tinatawanan/ 'being Laug-
hed at' (S-£-S)-»£*-S f .

2.1.2. Phonology ofSyntagm Organization (Phonology of the Phrase)

2.1.2.1. Continuity

The complexity of word sequences is indicated by the individual culminations of word

expressions, and by those specific phonological characteristics (Section 2.1.1.1) which
contribute to the identities of words in the chain. At the same time, the continuity of
word sequences which constitute cohesive syntagms may and normally is indicated
by specific marks of continuity, i.e., the presence of a characteristic intonational span,
and the absence of indications of juncture (Sections 2.1.2.2. and 2.1.3.1.).
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 51

1. There has been some controversy about the proper method of representing intona-
tion. Linguists such as Kenneth L. Pike (1945), Rulon S. Wells (1945), and Zellig S.
Harris (1944) have employed pitch levels marked in arabic numerals according to
their heights relative to each other. On the other hand, linguists such as Dwight L.
Bolinger (1951) and Philip Lieberman (1965) have pointed out that there was no phys-
ical basis for such discrete and mutually exclusive range of pitch, and have pointed
out that it is rather the entire configuration of the pitch contour that is essential to the
contrasts between different intonational patterns. Accordingly, we shall here employ
the configuration type of notation and will attempt to represent graphically the pitch
and intensity formations of the utterances as these appear on the sonagrams. An intona-
tion contour will then be defined as "pitch-and-intensity formations (patterns) opera-
tive as wholes" (Danes 1960: 39).
2. The normal sentence intonation span in Tagalog has a rising beginning, arriving in
the course of the first syllable or so at a plateau, a flat course, and a falling ending. An
example is /ag maqa anak niydy si ben at dna/ 'His children are Ben and Ana'. O
(Sonagram no. I).
3. Usually, the pitch peak for the entire spoken span is reached on the accented syl-
lable of the most important word in the sentence, and this word is syntactically deter-
mined, i.e., differences in phrase emphasis are not possible with a single fixed order.
Compare the following sentences in English and Tagalog.

English Tagalog

to Manila.
1 . 1 WENT 1. /pUmUntd akU sa maynila
(Emphasis on the verb). (Normal, flat intonation pattern; no proso-
dic marks of emphasis.)
2.1 went to Manila. (Emphasis 2. /aktJ aq pUmUntd sa maynila
on the subject.) (First person personal pronoun shifted to
nuclear position (Section 2.2.2.3., no. 10);
no prosodic marks of emphasis.)
3.1went to MANILA. (Emphasis on 3. /maynila' arj plnUntaMn kU/.
Manila.) (Manila shifted to nuclear position (Section
2.2.2.3., no. 10); no prosodic marks of em-
phasis.)

4. A continuity span with depressed register, however, i.e., with a register that is no-
ticeably dropped below that of adjacent segments but immediately restored to the
register of the original continuity span, is used to mark parenthetical insertions, as for
example: /si Isk6, IyU g panddk, aq kandlddtU/ 'Isko, the short one, is the candi-
date'. (Sonagram no. II.)
52 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.1.2.2. Internal Phonological Junctures

1. The discrete and specific interruption of continuity in a word sequence which is

usually the indication of the boundaries of syntagms results from: (a) the conclusion
of a continuity span with the specific intonation contour associated with it, (b) the
onset of the pitch curve of a new continuity span, and (c) the insertion in the speech
continuum of an interval of silence or reduced sound intensity, or a glottal stop or hiatus.
Each or all of these features of demarcation may be realized with varying degrees of
intensity or prominence so that within any given span a hierarchy may be established
in the relative importance of the marked junctures. It is impossible to predict with
certainty the presence of phonological junctural signs from the division of the sign ma-
terial, i.e., from the syntax, since except in sentence final position the junctural markers
are facultative.
2. In this section, we shall consider the various types of junctural signs whose function
is to delimit utterances in connected speech (text), and to segment it. Such junctural
signs indicate sections of an utterance whole and are distinguished by their different
countours of (a) and (b) in the preceding paragraph, and their different degrees of
length in (c) in the same paragraph. We may call such junctural signs INTERNAL as
opposed to FINAL junctural signs which occur at the end of utterance-wholes (Sec-
tion 2.1.3.1.). There are two main types of such internal junctural signs, (a) suspen-
sive, and (b) terminal. There are two sub-types of suspensive internal junctural signs,
(i) the plain type, written in our notation with a comma, and (ii) the emphatic, written
with colon. There is one type of internal terminal junctural sign, written with semi-
colon. We shall now describe the phonological characteristics of each of these three
internal junctural signs.
3. The INTERNAL SUSPENSIVE PLAIN junctural sign, the comma, has the following
phonological characteristics: (a) the contour drops slightly at the end of the continuity
span, and then begins again at a slightly higher level: -JM», or the level of the con-
tinuity span dips down at the end, and starts at a lower level on the new span: — ,
(b) there is a slight drop in amplitude, and (c) there is a very brief pause between the
end of the continuity span and the start of a new continuity span. Examples are /kUg
gay6n, kay hUwan ito/ 'If that is so, this belongs to John' (Sonagram no. Ill), and
/kaMpUn nag MpUn, Umalls sly£/ 'Yesterday afternoon, he left !' (Sonagram
no. IV).
4. The INTERNAL SUSPENSIVE EMPHATIC junctural sign, the colon, has the following
characteristics: (a) there is a slight dip and rise in the end of the intonation contour of the
continuity span and this is followed at the same intonation level at the start of the next
continuity span: " " W , or the intonation contour is maintained at the same
level at the end of the continuity span as at the beginning of the new span: — — ^ ;
(b) there is a more abrupt drop in the amplitude, than that in (b) above in the previous
paragraph; (c) the pause between the end of the continuity span and the beginning of the
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 53

new span is longer than that in (c) above in the previous paragraph. Examples are: /aq
maqa anak nlya: si b6n at ana/ 'his children: Ben and Ana' (Sonagram no. I).
5. The INTERNAL TERMINAL JUNCTURAL sign, the semi-colon, is characterized by the
following: (a) sharp drop at the end of the intonation contour of the continuity span,
followed by an intonation contour at a lower level in the following continuity span,
, or the level of the intonation contour in the continuity span is maintained
and a lower intonation contour is started at the new continuity span, (b) there
is a sharp drop in amplitude at the end of the continuity span, and (c) the duration of
the pause between the continuity span and the start of the next continuity span is longer
than that in (c) above (third and fourth paragraphs of this section). Examples are
/hlndi ; puld/ 'no; it's red'. (Sonagram no. V), and /magand& qa?; qunlt b6rdl/
'It's true it's beautiful; but it's green'. (Sonagram no. VI).

2.1.2.3. Phrase Accent

In general, a phrase may have one or more accents. For example /klndbUkasa q
Umaga, nawala slya/ 'the next morning, he disappeared'.
1. If a word has an accent on the final syllable, and this word becomes a constituent of
a phrase, it loses its accent; but if it has an accent on the penult, it does not lose its
accent. For example /pUla/ 'red', /pUla q bdhay/ 'red house'; /bahay/ 'house',
/bahay na pUla/ 'red house'.
2. Certain words, most of them monosyllabic, are always ATONIC i.e., they are never
accented, when they become constituents of a phrase. Some of these words are /aq/
'the', /o/ 'or', /si/ (personal name marker), /nl/ 'of', /sa/ 'on, at (direct object marker)',
/naq/ 'of', etc. For example /aq bahay/ 'the house'.
3. Enclitics (Section 2.2.2.5, no. 1) usually follow the first word with an accent; but
when several enclitics follow each other, the accent usually falls on the last enclitic.
For example /nabasa mo na ba, sabi niya, aq libro/ 'Have you read, he said, the book'.
Monosyllabic enclitics precede disyllabic enclitics, as for example /Umalis na ba sly&,
tanUq nlya/ 'Has he left yet, he asked'.

2.1.3. Discrete Intentional Phonology (Phonology of the Sentence)

In the previous section, the organization of the constituents of utterance-wholes was

discussed, whose boundaries were marked by internal junctural signs. In this section,
the phonology of utterance-wholes will be discussed. Its boundaries are marked by
final junctural signs, and by certain intonation contours which integrate individual
word expressions from appellative units into communicative units, i.e., utterances.
Secondly, the various intonation contours which characterize utterances according to
their intention will be studied. Finally, the characteristics of Tagalog rhythm will be
54 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

described and something will be said about hesitation forms, which interrupt such
rhythm.

2.1.3.1. Final Phonological Junctures

The internal junctural signs already discussed in Section 2.1.2.2. differ from the final
junctural signs which occur at the end of utterance-wholes in the following important
respects: (a) The conclusion of the continuity span has its own specific intonation con-
tour; (b) there is no necessary onset of a new intonation contour and; (c) there is no
consistent duration span of interval of silence between the beginning and end of the
final juncture. There are two types of final junctural signs, (a) suspensive, and (b)
terminal. There is one type of final suspensive junctural sign, the question mark; there
are two types of final junctural signs, the period and the exclamation point (Section
2.1.3.2., nos. 3, 4, and 5).

2.1.3.2. Sentence Intonation

1. Besides its integrative function, sentence intonation also characterizes utterances

according to the intention of the speaker, i.e., whether this is : (a) communication prop-
er (statement), or (b) communication with appeal; in this latter case, the intention
may be in the form of a (i) questipn, or (ii) request; finally, the intention of the speaker
may be (c) communication with emphasis, i.e., an exclamatory sentence. It should be
pointed out that this study has been limited in such a way that only systematic patterns
will be considered and not variations due to individual speaker's peculiarities. In
addition, the intonation patterns will not be considered which are the results of the
modal functions of sentence intonation, i.e., such patterns as are used by speakers
when they speak sneeringly, haughtily, angrily, etc. To include the description of
intonation when it signals the emotion of the speaker will carry this study far beyond
its scope.
2. Let us now proceed to describe the junctural signs and the intonation contours
which characterize each of them.
3. The QUESTION MARK may be described simply by saying that the continuity span
which ends in a question mark is characterized by a dip in the intonation contour and
a recovery at the end which does not quite allow the contour to resume its original
level before the dip " \ U J > . This type of intonation contour characterizes what may
be called INTONATION QUESTIONS, i.e., questions which may or may not have
question particles, but which end in the intonation contour just described. Examples
are /Umalls slyâ?/ 'did he leave?' (Sonagramno. VII), and /ÙUwÎ ka na ba?/ 'are
you going home now?' (Sonagram no. VIII.)
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 55
4. The PERIOD is characterized by an intonation contour with a gentle dip at the end of
the continuity span: , as for example /hindi pul£/ 'It is not red' (Sonagram no.
IX). This same intonation contour is used in questions of the NON-INTONATION-QUESTION
type, i.e., questions with interrogative particles, but without the intonation contour of
the question mark, e.g., /bdklt pUla arj sUot mo?/ 'why are you wearing red?'
(Sonagram no. X). If the contour has a very slight recovery at the end, this indicates a
wish or a request: ~ V as for example /hUwdg kU sdnaq makalimutan/ 'May
I not forget it'. (Sonagram no. XI), and/pakiMsamo qa?/ 'Please read it'. (Sonagram
no. XII). Finally, if the dip at the end of the contour is shorter, this indicates a com-
mand: , as for example /dalin mU Ito./ 'carry this' (Sonagram no. XIII).
5. Finally, the EXCLAMATION POINT is characterized by the sudden rise and a sharp fall
in the intonation contourof the continuity span: , as for example,/may sunUg!/
'there is a fire!' (Sonagram no. XIV; and /hlndia; pUte!/ 'No; it's red!' (Sonagram
no. V).
6. At this point, it might be helpful to summarize the different junctural signs and
intonation contours. The following table is presented for this purpose.

TABLE 9
The Different Junctural Signs and Intonational Contours

Suspensive Terminal
Internal Final Internal Final

P (no. 1) (no. 3) (no. 4) (no. 4)

1

\
a
i
n 9
•

E (no. 4) (no. 5)
m
P
h
a
t
•
i
c : ? ? !
56 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.1.4. Rhythm

Utterance-wholes in sequence are enunciated in a manner which can perhaps best be

described as SYLLABLE-TIMED rather than 'stress-timed', as it is in English. The
succession of syllables with their varied lengths determined according to accentual
prominence is further marked by the junctural signs which occur internally as well as
finally at the end of utterance-wholes. The result is a delivery which gives the impres-
sion of staccato rhythm. There is one factor which interrupts this rhythm, namely,
hesitation forms.
The normal hesitation forms occur as /a/ or /e/ between utterance-wholes, or inter-
nally, within utterances.

2.1.5. Practical Transcription

For purely mechanical reasons, the notation in the rest of this work has been modified
such that the archiphonemes /I/ and /U/ have been represented by the vowel letters
(e or iand the vowel letters o or u respectively; when the archiphoneme occurs in non-
final syllables, the letter representing the more closed vowel is used; in final syllables,
the more open. This convention conforms to the orthographic rules of Tagalog, and
thus facilitates manuscript preparation as well as textual recognition by Tagalog native
speakers.

2.2 SYNTAX

1. Like all languages, Tagalog may be regarded as a complex variable sign L tag . Its ex-
pansion can be derived in terms of alternation groups (or paradigms) and order groups
(or syntagms). On the most immediate level of derivation, L t a g consists of all the dis-
tinct well-formed utterances that may stand with sentence intonation. These are un-
limited in number. Thus:
L
tag = Si ~ S 2 ~ S3 . . S^
2. Within the syntagmatic complexity of each sentence there are partial corresponds
ences between sentences (i.e., isomorphisms). A single one of these isomorphism-
may then be regarded as a particular realization of a given sentence type. Accordingly,
we can say that L Ug , on the first level of derivation, will consist of a definite and fairly
small number of sentence types. Thus:
Ltag = Si ~ S2 ~ S3, . . ., S n
3. Sentence types are to be defined on the level of the structure of sentences, i.e., on
the sentence level. Below that, there is the level of primary constituents, i.e., the struc-
ture of the constituents of sentence types and their expansions. It is convenient to
divide this section into the following: (a) the period level, (b) the sentence level, and (c)
the primary constituent level.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 57

2.2.1. The Period Level

There is a level of independent occurrence, an absolute level on which sentences are

the constituents. This is the period level (Section 1.6.1.5, no. 1.). In Tagalog, we have
such sequences as dumatio siya, naligo siya, kumain siya. 'he arrived, he took a bath,
he ate', where actually three sentences cofunction to realize a single integral manifes-
tation of the language, a period. That indeed we have to do with a complete utterance
is asserted in a concurrent message in the prosody, i.e., by a specific sentence intona-
tion contour. A period, therefore, may be defined as a well-formed syntagm which is
marked by sentence final contour markers (Section 2.1.3.2., nos. 3, 4 and 5).

2.2.1.1. Types of Syntagms

1. The types of syntagms on the period level can be divided into two groups: (A) those
which CANNOT BE SUBORDINATED to other sentences; and (B) those which CAN BE
SUBORDINATED to other sentences, as demonstrated by commutation in the following
frame: kuti , ay Hindi ako maglalaro'if , I will not play', e.g., kutj umulan,
ay hindi ako maglalaro'if it rains, I will not play'.
2. The sentences which belong to type (A) may be called MINOR SENTENCES. These
may be further subdivided into six groups, namely (a) INTERJECTIONS, e.g., kay
dilim nao gabi 'how dark is the night!'; (b) VOCATIVES, e.g., pedro! 'Peter!', magandar)
umdgal 'goodmorning!'; (d) ABRUPT COMMANDS, e.g., suloy! 'forward!'; (d) IMPERA-
TIVES, e.g., basahin mo ito 'read this!'; (e)REQUESTS, alisin mo vaito 'please remove this';
and (f) Q U E S T I O N S - w h i c h may, in turn be subdivided into: (i) INTONATION-QUESTIONS,
e.g., umalis na siya? 'has he gone?'; (ii) WORD-QUESTIONS, which have interrogatives,
e.g. sino angumawanito ? 'who did this?' or bdkit ka umiiyak? 'why are you crying?'
(with falling intonation). The minor sentence types may be represented by the symbol
s1
3. The sentences which belong to type (B) may be called SUBORDINATIVE (or major)
SENTENCES. These may be symbolized as SS. The various members of this class will be
described in detail below.

2.2.1.2. Types of Structures

1. On the period level, there are three types of structures, namely (a) simple, (b) coor-
dination, (c) subordination. An example of a SIMPLE structure is natutulog ay bdta?
'the child is asleep'. Both types (A) and (B) sentences may occur in this structure.
2. In a period with COORDINATION, type (A) and (B) sentences may or may not be
joined together by coordinating conjunctions, e.g.,siya oa paid, salamat sa iyoV Oh yes,
thank you!', kumanta si huwan, at sutnayaw si mariya 'John sang, and Mary danced'.
This state of affairs may be represented as follows:
P 5 (s^ ~ SS~)-<- — Conj ( s ^ - SS=).
58 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

The coordinating conjunctions are at or at saká 'and', o 'or', yúnit, péro, datapuwa't,
subálit 'but', kundP 'if not', samakatuwid or kayà ? 'therefore', ni ... «/'neither . . .
nor', kurjg anó ... siyá rin 'justas . . . so' 'as . . . so', hindi lámarj ... kundi rin ...
'not only . . . but also'.
3. In a period with SUBORDINATION, type (B) sentences may occur as subordinate sen-
tences, but not type (A) sentences. These latter, however, may occur before or after
the subordinate sentences. A subordinating conjunction usually precedes the subor-
dinate sentence. Examples are kur¡ gustó mo itó, iyó na 'if you want this, it's yours',
nay dumatiq an tátay, ay nakakáin na kamí 'when father arrived, we had already
eaten'.
4. In addition, a special proper state of the verb may occur as a subordinate sentence,
namely the absolute mood of the verb, formed from />ag-plus the verb root, e.g.,
pagdatiij niya y umulán 'when he arrived, it rained'. This type of subordinative sentence
is not preceded by a subordinate conjunction. The various subordinate constructions
may now be represented as follows :

P 3 [(Conj— • SS~)• SS~] ~ [ ( C o n j ^ . S S - X J

~ [(SSabs-ay-SS~)] ~ [(Conj.SS~-SS=)-s^].

5. There are three types of conjunctions which occur in subordinate constructions,

namely : (a) those conjunctions which introduce sentences with the verb in the non-
finite mood, i.e., Conj^, e.g., úpau, pára ox nay 'in order that', bágo 'before', harjgán
'until', pag, pagká, kapág or km 'if', káhit na, maski na or bagamán 'even if' ; (b) those
conjunctions which introduce sentences with the verb in the finite mood, i.e., Conj- e.g.,
nao, 'when\hábao or samantálati 'while', kaniyá 'that's why', sapagkát, kasí or matjyári,
'because', tuwíij 'every time that . . . ' , yámay 'considering t h a t . . ( c ) finally those
conjunctions which may be followed by either a sentence with a verb in the NON-FINITE
OR FINITE mood i.e., Conj, e.g., pag, pagká, kapág or km ' i f , 'when', etc. The alter-
nation of these two categories in (c) is not syntactically determined but is a modality
permitting choice between semantic fields, i.e., if the action is viewed as possible,
desirable, or uncertain, then the non-finite mood of the verb is used; but if the action
is viewed as perfect, imperfect, or future, the finite mood is used.

2.2.2. The Sentence Level

The next level of derivation, after that of the period level, is the sentence level. As
indicated above, the units which function on this level fall into two types: (A) minor
sentence types, and (B) the subordinate sentence types.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 59

2.2.2.1. The Minor Sentence Types

1. The minor sentence types, as indicated above, have only one proper state, and may
therefore be symbolized as s^. There are six groups of minor sentences, namely: (a) in-
terjections, (b) vocatives, (c) abrupt commands, (d) imperatives, (e) requests, and (f)
intonation-questions.
2. The INTERJECTION is marked phonologically by a distinct intonation contour
(Section 2.1.3.2., fifth paragraph). Certain particles are used in this type of sentence,
as for example aba\ (expression of surprise, wonder, admiration, etc.) uy \ (expression
of joy, admiration, etc.), sayao! (expression of regret, loss, etc.), ardy! (expression of
pain), nakul (expression of joy, delight, etc.). In addition, syntagms are used such as
ina ko\ 'my mother!', ay lakas mo\ 'how strong you are!', siya mpaid 'Oh yes, that's
so!' (expression of agreement with hearer).
3. The VOCATIVE is used in calling or addressing someone. If a person's name is used,
it is not preceded by si, e.g., pedro V 'Peter!' Elder strangers are addressed mama ?
(male) and ale (female). To this class of sentences belong syntagms of imprecations
(e.g., walav hiyd 'shameless one!'), expressions of assent (e.g., do 'yes') or dissent
(e.g., Hindi'' 'no'), thanks (salamat sa iyd 'thank you!'); salutations (e.g., magandaa
gabipo ? 'good evening!') etc.
4. BRUSQUE COMMANDS resemble vocatives in form. However, unlike vocatives, only
verb roots are used in brusque commands, e.g., alis\ 'begone!', hinto ? 'stop!'
5. IMPERATIVES (non-brusque command) are expressed by the verb in the non-finite
mood and the second person of the personal pronoun, e.g.,magluto ka nagisda ? 'cook
fish'. Politeness is indicated if the plural form of the second person personal pronoun is
used in addressing a hearer, e.g., magluto kaydnav isdaf. The hortatory sentence uses
the same non-finite verb form with the first person of the personal pronoun, e.g.,
maglaro tdyo 'let us play'; similarly, the optative sentence uses the non-finite form
together with the particle sana, e.g., dumatio sdna ay andk ni pedro 'would that Peter's
son arrived'.
6. REQUESTS resemble the form of the imperative sentences, except that the particle
rja ¡Ms used, e.g., magluto ka ua nav isdd ? 'please cook fish'. For the intonation contour
of imperative and request sentences, see (Section 2.1.3.2., the fourth paragraph).
7. INTONATION QUESTIONS resemble statements in form. They differ from statements,
however, in that the intonation has a rising contour at the end of the utterance. (See
Section 2.1.3.2., no. 3.)
8. These six minor sentence types may now be represented symbolically as follows:
imper
ginterj € ^ s € S^
V0C re
S € s^ s i 6 si
scom € s 1 S ques £ g 1
60 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.2.2.2. The Subordinative Sentence Types

1. The subordinative sentence types have five proper states according to the moods
of the verbs which occur with them, namely: (a) absolute: SSabs, (b) non-finite:
SS~, (c)finite: SS~, (d) gerund: SSger, and (e) zero, i.e., no verb appears, SS 0 .
2. The sentence in the ABSOLUTE proper state commutes with adverbial phrases
(AdvP), i.e., forms which can fill the following frames: (a) nagluto av ind 'mother
cooked ', e.g., nagluto av ina kahapon (~ pagdativ niya) 'the mother cooked yes-
terday when he arrived)', or (b) ay nagluto av ina, 'the mother cooked',
e.g., kahapon pagdatio niya) ay nagluto an ina 'yesterday when he arrived), the
mother cooked', pagtunog nan kampana y umuwi siya 'when the bell rang, he went
home'. There are two types of forms which can fill these frames, namely: (a) adverbial
phrases, and (b) absolute syntagms.
3. The subordinative sentence in the absolute proper state is introduced by a special
form of the verb, namely pag plus the verb root and followed by a noun phrase in the
nan-case (this section, no. 2), e.g., paglipas nao bagiyo y sumikat av draw 'after the
storm passed, the sun came out'.
4. The subordinative sentence in the NON-FINITE proper state may function as: (a)
an imperative, (b) a subordinate sentence after certain conjunctions (cf. Section
2.2.1.2., fifth paragraph), and (c) the head of noun phrases.
5. In IMPERATIVE sentences, the non-finite mood of the verb is used in commands of
the non-brusque type (Section 2.2.2.1., no. 5), e.g., punasan mo av mava plato 'wipe
the plates'. The form of request is identical to that of imperative sentences, except that
the enclitic va 9 is used, e.g., punasan mo va av mava plato 'please wipe the plates'.
6. After certain conjunctions (fifth paragraph, Section 2.2.1.2.), the non-finite mood
of the verb is used in the subordinative sentence, e.g., kuy umulan ay magpapayov av
tao 'if it rains, the man will use an umbrella'.
7. The subordinative sentence in the FINITE mood uses a verb in either perfect,
imperfect, future aspect, and recent past e.g., nagluto av ind 'the mother cooked',
nagluluto av ind 'the mother is cooking', magluluto av ind 'the mother will cook' kalu-
lato nav ind 'The mother has just cooked'.
8. The subordinative sentence in the GERUND mood has a verb in the gerund, which
takes all the noun inflections, e.g., bdwal av pagtitinda nav rebentador 'the sale of
firecrackers is forbidden'.
9. The problem that arises as a result of our two-valued criterion of functionality
(i.e., we assert only that a term may or may not function in such and such a position,
when the users of languages most certainly conceive of different probabilities of occur-
rence) is especially apparent in this instance.
10. Just as in English we must posit the commutability of sentential nexuses and
verbal nexuses with noun phrases, at least under very wide conditions or we shall be
unable to explain a great number of important types of constructions, as for instance
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 61

Tom hit Bill.

Tom knew Bill.
Tom knew the truth.
Tom knew Bill's coming.
(Tom knew of Bill's coming).
Tom heard Bill's coming.
Tom heard Bill coming.
Bill coming seems strange.
Bill coming moves me to tears.
Bill coming hit Tom.
(That Bill should come hit Tom).

11. Having provided for these expressions, however, we have set up an algorithm
which will certainly yield a high percentage of disturbing and probably marginally
acceptable forms. We must nevertheless insist upon the well-formedness of these
forms and attribute their objectionable character to the violation of semantic con-
straints. But here we are concerned only with the formal constraints.
12. The different subordinative sentence types fall into four groups, when analyzed
on the basis of their essential structure, namely (a) quadradic, (b) triadic, (c) diadic,
and (d) monadic solidarities; they fall into two groups on the basis of their inflection;
namely (i) conjugated, and (ii) non-conjugated.
P1=>P1
13. In the notation, we introduce the following symbol ——— to show accord in

number, i.e., by this symbol is meant that there is a mapping between a partition of
the variable A and the variable B, such that to each of the subgroups represented by
the partition PI of the variable A there corresponds a subgroup of the variable B. We
call the subgroups of A numberless (N), and plural (PI), while the subgroups of B are
singular (Sing) and plural (PI). The notation above, therefore, states that the plural
subgroup of A corresponds only to the plural subgroup of B; for example, nagsitulog
an mana bata ? 'the children slept'. Here, nagsitulog is a verb form in the plural modali-
ty, and hence the noun phrase can have only a plural form ay may a bdtaf. However,
if the verb form is numberless in its modality, then the noun phrase may be either sin-
gular or plural, e.g., natutulog an bata f 'the child is sleeping', or natutulog an maoa
bdta ? 'the children are sleeping'.
14. There is one type of QUADRADIC SOLIDARITY. It has an absolute transitive verb
in the actor focus (Sections 2.3.2.6) followed by a noun phrase in the nan-case, a
noun phrase in the «//-case, and by another noun phrase in the ja-case. For example,
nagbuhos nan tubig an mama sa band'the man placed water in the jar'. If the finite
verb is plural the ay-noun phrase is also plural. The verb may be in any of the three
aspects. The arrangement of the constituent syntagms is functionally simultaneous, but
the overt order is freely variable within the limits of the ay-rule of realization (Section
62 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.2.2.4.)- This type of solidarity may be symbolized as follows:

_ PI =>P1
SSp/c = ~ r
VPabtr. NP"09; NP"9; NP sa

15. There are twelve types of TRIADIC SOLIDARITIES: six are conjugated, and six
non-conjugated:
(a) Type IIIcl; a verb phrase with a finite absolute transitive verb requires a noun
phrase in the nap-case, and a second noun phrase in the ay-case. A third noun phrase
in the ifl-case, and a fourth noun phrase in the preposition-plus-sa-case may follow.
For example, nagpatdy nan mandk an inasa kusina pdra sa bdta 'the mother killed a
chicken in the kitchen for the child'. Here, the verb may be in all the four focuses and
three aspects of the verb used. The arrangement of the constituent syntagms is func-
tionally simultaneous but the overt order is freely variable within the limits of the ay-
rule of realization (Section 2.2.2.4.). There is accord in number between the verb
phrase and the noun phrase in the an-case. This type of triadic solidarity may be rep-
resented as follows:

P1=>P1
SSmci = i i
V P & . NP""»; NP 09

(b) Type IIIc2, conjugated; a verb phrase with a verb in the finite mood (Section
2.3.2.2.1., no. 2) requires a noun phrase in the ay-case and a sentential nexus (Section
1.6.1.4., second paragraph) with a verb in the non-finite mood. The verb phrase with a
verb in the finite mood can be in any of the four focuses and three aspects. The verb in
the sentential nexus may be in any of the four focuses; it is followed by a noun phrase
in the an-case. If the finite verb of the modal verb phrase is in the plural, the noun
phrase in the ay-case must be in accord with it; likewise, if the non-finite verb of the
sentential nexus is in the plural, the noun phrase in the an-case must be in accord with
it. For example, nagpumilit an tao y umalis an bdta 'the man insisted that the child
leave', or nagsipumilit an maoa tdo o magsialis an mana bdta 'the men insisted that the
children leave'. The arrangement of the first two syntagms is simultaneous; that of the
sentential nexus is fixed. This type of triadic solidarity may be represented as follows:

P1=»P1
SSjxfc2 = i [
VPS; NP"9 -SN ~
(c) Type IIIc3, conjugated; a verb phrase with an m verb (2.2.3.1(e)) in the finite
mood, requires a noun phrase in the an-case and a verbal nexus (Section 1.6.1.4.,
no. 3) complement with a non-finite verb. The verb in the finite mood may be
in any one of the four focuses and three aspects; however, if the finite verb is
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 63
in the plural, the noun phrase in the ao-case must be in accord with it. For example,
nagpumilit ao bàia o uminom nao gàtas. 'the child insisted on drinking milk', nag-
sipumilit ao maoa bàia o uminom nao gàtas. 'the children insisted on drinking milk'.
The arrangement of the first two syntagms is simultaneous; that of the verbal nexus
is fixed. This type of triadic solidarity may be represented as follows:

P1=*P1
SSjij^J = \ ~ [
VP~; NP"9 * VN~

(d) Type IIIc4, conjugated ; a verb phrase with an incohative verb 2.2.3.1, no. 2, (d), (here
symbolized as Vr) like magio 'become' in the finite mood requires either an adjective or
a noun phrase in the 0-case followed by a noun phrase in the ay-case. For example,
nagiy mabait ao tao 'the man became good-natured', nagio sundàlo ao bindta 'the
young man became a soldier'. The arrangement of the first two syntagms is fixed; the
ay-phrase may be shifted before the verb phrase. This type of triadic solidarity may be
represented as follows :

SSj^ 4 = VPf-(AdjP ~ N P ) 0 ; NP)a°

(e) Type IIIc5, conjugated;a modal noun of the first and second set (Section 2.2.3.5,
no. 1) when verbalized and in the finite mood requires a noun phrase in the waff-case
(with the noun followed by na) and a verbal nexus (Section 1.6.1.4, no. 3) with a non-
finite verb. The goal focus may be used for the finite verb, but the aspect is indicated
by the use of an adverb of time.If the non-finite verb is plural, the noun phrase in the
ao-case must be in accord with it. For example, kinailàoan nao inàp kumàin nao
maogà. 'the mother had to eat the mango'. The arrangement of constituent syn-
tagms is fixed. This type of triadic solidarity may be represented as follows :

SSnSJj = M N ^ • NP""' • VN°°

(f) Type IIIc6, conjugated ; a modal noun of the first and second set when verbalized and
in the finite mood requires a noun phrase in the nao-case and a second noun phrase in
thefltf-case.The goal focus is used for the modal verb. The noun phrase in the aff-case
may be permuted to the pre-nuclear position. For example, kinailàoan ni pédro ao
péra. 'Pedro needed the money'. This sentence type may be represented as follows:

SS:ifc6 = M N - . N P " 0 9 ; NP a!/

(g) Type Illncl, non-conjugated ; a modal noun of the second set requires a noun phrase
in the nao-case followed by a sentential nexus with a verb in the non-finite mood. The
modal noun is non-conjugated. For example, gusto nao inào matulog ao bàta">. 'the
64 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

mother wanted the child to go to sleep'. The order of Syntagms is fixed. How-
ever, the noun phrase in the ay-cast can be shifted before the MN. Its representation
is:
SSg,ncl = MN^ -NP™" • SN°°

(h) Type IIInc2, non-conjugated; a modal noun of the second set requires a noun
phrase in the nav-case, and a verbal nexus with a verb in the non-finite mood, e.g.,
gustò nav bàtav kumàin nav mavgà. 'the child wants to eat mango'. The order of
syntagms is fixed. This sentence type may be represented as follows :

S m n c 2 = MN^ • NP7""1 • VN°°

(i) Type IIInc3, non-conjugated, a modal noun of either the first or second set
requires a noun phrase in the nai7-case, followed by a second noun phrase in the nav-
case; a third noun phrase in the preposition-plus-sa-case may also follow. For
example kailàvan ni pédro nav péra para sa tàksi. 'Peter needs money for the taxi',
gustò ko nav mavgà 'I want mango'. The order of syntagms is fixed. This type of
triadic solidarity may be represented as follows :

SSninc3 = MNf j2 • NP"05 • NPno®

(j) Type IIInc4, non-conjugated; an adjective phrase with an adjective formed in the
comparative type 1 (Section 2.3.6., (d)), requires a noun phrase in the nav-case and
another noun phrase in the a>7-case. For example kasivlaki ni huwàn si pédro. 'Peter is
as big as John'. This type of triadic solidarity may be represented as follows:
S S ^ = Adjg omp ij-NP™'; NP a *

(k) Type IIInc5, non-conjugated; a modal noun of the first or third set in thena-case
requires either an adjective phrase in the 0-case or a noun phrase in the ai7-case,
followed by another noun phrase in the ai7-case. For example maaàriv mali si hosé.
'it is possible that Joseph is wrong', kailàvav presidènte si hosé. 'it is necessary that
Jose be president'. The arrangement of the first two syntagms is fixed, but the third
syntagm may be shifted before the first syntagm. This type of triadic solidarity may be
represented as follows :

SS&nes = MN^-CAdjP 0 ~ NP"'); NP"|

(1) Type IIInc6, non-conjugated; A modal noun of the second set requires a noun
phrase in the nav-case, followed by a noun phrase in the at7-case. For example gustò
nav tao av mavga. 'the man wants the mango'. The third syntagm may be shifted to
first position, but the first and second syntagms are fixed. This type of triadic solidarity
may be represented as follows :

S S ^ = MNf-NP"^; NP"»
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 65
16. There are nine diadic solidarities, two conjugated, and seven non-conjugated.
(a) Type IIcl, conjugated; a verb phrase with a finite transitive verb requires a noun
phrase in the ao-case; this may be followed by a noun phrase in the naff-case, a second
noun phrase in the ja-case, and a third noun phrase in the preposition-plus-ja-case.
The four focuses and three aspects of the verb may be used in the verb form of the
verb phrase. There is accord in number between the verb of the verb phrase and the
noun phrase in the ao-case. For example nagluluto ao ina nao isda sa kalan pdra sa
bdta 'the mother is cooking fish in the stove for the child', nagsisikdin ao maoa bdta
nao maogd sa komeddr. 'the children are eating mango in the dining room'. The order
of constituent syntagms is functionally simultaneous, but the overt order is freely
variable within the limits of the ay-rule. This type of diadic solidarity may be represen-
ted as follows:
_ P1=*P1
=
SSnci i Z i
VP-jNP0'
(b) Type IIc2, conjugated; a verb phrase with an intransitive finite verb requires a
noun phrase in the ao-case; this may be followed by a second noun phrase in the sa-
case. Only the actor and local focuses may be used, but all the three aspects of the verb
may be employed. There is accord in number between the verb of the verb phrase and
the noun phrase in the ao-case. For example natutulog an bdta sa duyan. 'the child is
sleeping in the hammock', naoatutulog an maoa bdta ? saduyan. 'the children are sleep-
ing in the hammock'. The order of constituent syntagms is functionally simul-
taneous, but the overt order is freely variable within the limits of the ay-rule. This
type of diadic solidarity may be represented as follows:
_ PI ^ PI
;
SSnC2 i Z i
VPS,; NP"»
(c) Type Unci, non-conjugated; a noun phrase or adjective phrase in the 0-case
requires another noun phrase in the aff-case. The order of constituent syntagms is
functionally simultaneous, but the overt order is freely variable within the limits of
the ay-rule. For example sundalo si pedro. 'Peter is a soldier', or magkasiolaki as
maoa bdta 'the children are of the same size', maganda ao bulakldk 'the flower is
beautiful'. This type of diadic solidarity may be represented as follows:

SS<L, = (NP ~ AdjP) 0 ;NP a "

(d) Type IInc2, non-conjugated; a modal noun of the first, second, and third set (in
the na case) requires a sentential nexus with a non-finite verb. The aspects of the verb
in the sentential nexus can be indicated only by the use of adverbs of time (in which
case, the adverb should be before or after the noun phrase in the ao-ca.se). For
example gusto o matulog ao bdta0. 'the child wants to sleep'. The arrangement of con-
stituent syntagms is fixed; however, the noun phrase in the ao-case (which is part of
5
66 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

the sentential nexus) may be shifted before the modal noun. This type of diadic soli-
darity may be represented as follows:

SS^ c 2 = MN° a 2>3 .SN~

(e) Type IInc3, non-conjugated; a noun phrase in the an-case, requires another noun
phrase in the aff-case. This is also called an equative sentence. For example ao pare an
gurol. 'the priest is the teacher'. This type of diadic solidarity may be represented as
follows:
S S i L j = N P " ; NPflD
(f) Type IInc4, non-conjugated; an adjective phrase in the 0-case, requires either
an adverb phrase in the 0-case or a noun phrase in the sa-case, or both. For
example marumi dito sa kusinaf. 'it's dirty here in the kitchen', or marumi sa kusim?
'it is dirty in the kitchen', or marumi dito. 'it's dirty here'. This type of diadic solida-
rity may be represented as follows:

SS&C4 = A d j P 0 ; (AdvP 0 - NP ifl )

(g) Type IInc5, non-conjugated; a verb phrase with the verb in the recent past aspect
(VP~), requires a noun phrase in the nan-case. The order of constituent syntagms
is fixed. For example kaaalis ni pedro. 'Peter has just left'. This type of diadic solidarity
may be represented as follows:
SS&es = VP~.NP"<"

(h) Type IInc6, non-conjugated; an adjective phrase of the ma class (Section 2.2.3.3.,
no. 2), requires a sentential nexus with the verb in the non-finite mood. The order of
constituent syntagms is fixed; but the noun phrase in the ay-case may be shifted in
front of the adjective phrase. For example maaga o dumatin si pedro. 'Peter arrives
early'. This type of diadic solidarity may be represented as follows:

S S ^ c 6 = AdjP" a -SN°°

(i) Type IInc7, non-conjugated; a noun phrase in the sa-case, requires another noun
phrase in the ao-case. The arrangement of constituent syntagms is simultaneous.
For example: sa tdo ito. 'this belongs to the man'. This type of diadic solidarity may
be represented as follows:

SSgnc7 = NP s a ; N P a 5
17. There are two types of MONADIC SOLIDARITIES: one conjugated, and one non-
conjugated :
(a) Type Ic, conjugated; an impersonal verb may be the sole constituent of a sentential
nexus. This may be followed by a determining noun phrase in the sa-case. The order
of constituent syntagms is functionally simultaneous, and the overt order is free within
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 67

the limits of the a^-rule. All the four focuses and three aspects of the subitive actor
focus (Section 2.3.2.6.2.) may be indicated by the impersonal verb, although the
other modalities of the verb destroy the 'impersonal' sense and yield expressions
which extend the meanings of the impersonals metaphorically. For example um-
uulan sa bukid 'it is raining in the field', nagulanan sila nan bato. 'they rained down
stones on each other'. This type of monadic solidarity may be represented as follows:

SSfc = VP~ p

(b) Type Inc, non-conjugated; a may-noun phrase may be the sole constituent of a
subordinative sentence. A noun phrase in the sa-case and a second noun phrase in
the preposition-plus-jfl case may also occur in this type of subordinated sentence.
Aspect is indicated only by the use of adverbs of time, (in which case the adverb is
placed before or after the noun phrase in the sa- case). The order of constituent syntagms
is simultaneous, but there is an overt order which is fixed. For example may táo 'there
is a man', may táo sa pintó 9 . 'there is a man at the door', may bisíta sa balkón pára kay
huwán. 'there's a man at the door for John'. This type of monadic solidarity may be
represented as follows:

SS,~C = N P ~ ,

2.2.2.3. Inventory of Primary Constituents (Phrases), and Their Functional Positions

in the Sentence

1. Primary constituents are those units which are the constituents of sentences. Their
functional positions and structural relations in the sentence should be distinguished.
The sentence is a complex of variables (and constants) such that when each variable is
assigned a constant value, a sentence is produced. The positions of phrases in the sen-
tence are marked and identified by the lexical sign which occurs in each of them. In
Tagalog, the primary constituents and their functional positions vary according to
sentence types. The following is an inventory of the primary constituents in the various
sentence types and their functional positions in the sentence.
2. There are, first of all, the VERB PHRASES. These may be classified according to
their proper states (or moods), namely (a) the finite, i.e., VP°°; (b) the non-finite, i.e.
VP"; (c) the gerund, i. e., VP8er; and (d) the absolute, i.e., VPabs; and according to
the various sentence types which they constitue, namely (i) absolute transitive, i.e.,
VPabtr;(ii)transitive,i.e., VPtr; (iii)intransitive, i.e., VP int ; (iv)impersonal, i.e., VPimp;
(v) the magiy type, i.e., VPr, and (f) the modal, i.e., VPm.
3. Thus, Table 10 inventories verb phrases as primary constituents in the nexus.
The verb phrases with finite verb forms occur in nuclear position (i.e., position 0, cf.
Section 2.2.2.4., no. 1); the verb phrases with non-finite verbs occur in position 3, but
as noun phrases (Section 2.2.3.2., no. 10) may occur also in any of the positions
which noun phrases occupy; the verb phrases with gerunds usually function as noun
5*
68 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

TABLE 10
Inventory of Verb Phrases as Primary Constituents in the Nexus

Proper
Verb States VP" ypoo ypser ypabs
Types

VPabtr VPgtr VPfbtr VP!& vr

abtr

vr VP8
T
er
VPabs
Vtran VP^an tran ^ trail * "tran

VP™
vr Vpabs
vr
VPintr intr VP£tr VPjSr intr

VPt VPr~ VP~ ypger ypabs

ypabs
VPm VPm= *1 m VPg£

phrases and therefore can occur in positions occupied by noun phrases; verb
phrases with absolute verbs function as adverbs and occupy position 3 in the sentence.
4. There are the NOUN PHRASES. These may be classified according to their proper
states (or cases), namely: (a) noun phrases in the an-case, which occupy position 1 in the
sentence; (b) noun phrases in the nao-ca.se, which occupy position 01 or 02 in the sen-
tence, since it is the most coherent syntagm in relation to the nucleus; (c) noun phrases
in the ja-case, which occupy position 2 in the sentence; (d) noun phrases with a prep-
osition-plus-sa, which occupy position 3 in the sentence; (e) the predicative noun
phrase with no case marker, i.e., 0 , which functions as a vocative (Section 2.2.1.1.,
no. 2) or in the nuclear position in the sentence; (f) noun phrases in the na-case,
which function as determiners of other noun phrases and may occur before or
after the noun phrase it determines. Noun phrases in the ««-case function not as
primary dependents but only in expansions of noun phrases. The particle maoa is
added after av, nao, sa, preposition-plus-ja, and before the noun in 0 case to form the
corresponding plural modalities of these noun phrases.
5. There are, thirdly, the ADJECTIVE PHRASES. These have adjectives as their heads.
These can be classified according to their proper states (or cases), namely: (a) the
unmarked-case, i.e., AdjP 0 which occurs in the nucleus of diadic solidarities and posi-
tion 1 in the triadic solidarities; (b) the na-case i.e., AdjP na, which occurs before the
noun phrase as its determiner; and (c) the nao-case i.e., AdjP which occurs in the
second position in the sentence, and (since it determines the verb) after a verb. It
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 69

should be pointed out that adjective roots which are preceded by {ma-} do not occur
without this prefix in the various proper states. Thus, for example, one cannot say
*bait an tao, but mabait av tdo 'the man is good-natured'. Some roots belong both to
the noun and adjective class, e.g .,pula 'red', 'black', putif 'white', etc. Thus, it is pos-
sible to say pula ao bahay or mapuld ao bahay 'the house is red'.
6. There are the MODAL NOUNS, i.e., M N , which form three sets (Section 2.2.3.5.).
These occupy the nuclear position in the sentence, and this is their only function.
7. There are the ADVERBIAL PHRASES, i.e., AdvP, which occur only in position 1 of
diadic solidarities. Adverbial phrases are either in the zero-case ( A d v P 0 ) or na-case
(AdvP n a ).
8. There are the may- NOUN PHRASES, i.e., N P ^ which occur in the nuclear position
of monadic solidarities.
9. F i n a l l y , t h e r e is t h e SENTENTIAL NEXUS itself, i.e., S N ~ , a n d t h e VERBAL NEXUS,
i.e., VN°°. The sentential nexus can be a complement of an adjective phrase of
the »ia-class, a modal noun or a verb phrase with a non-finite modal verb; its posi-
tion is after the nucleus in the sentence. The verbal nexus functions as complement
of the modal nouns and verb phrases with m-verbs and occurs after them in the sen-
tence.
10. The maximum complexity of the sentence may be found where the verb is of the
absolute transitive type. The functional positions in this sentence type are marked
(from left to right) 0, 1, 01, 02, 2, and 3, with the nuclear position designated as 0.
The functions internal to the sentence are marked 01, 02; and the functions of
primary dependents, which are capable of transposition according to the ay-rule, are
marked 1, 2, 3 according to their coherence with the nucleus. The lexemes (Section
2.2.4., no. 3) which are primary dependents are marked x, /?, y, 5.

_ 0 1 01 2 3
pres, act/— S S ^ /nagluluto ag ina nag isdd sa kalan para sa bata ">/
x 13 y d
'The mother is cooking fish on the stove for the child'
0 1 01 2 3
pres, goal/— S S ^ /linuluto ag isdd nag ina sa kaldn pdra sa bata ?/
¿5 x y b
'The fish is being cooked by the mother on the stove for the child'
- 0 1 01 02 3
pres, loc/-SSi I I c l /linulutuan ag kalan nag ina nag isd£ para sa bdta 9 /
y x (3 d
'The stove is getting fish cooked on it by the mother for the child'
- 0 1 01 2 3
pres, instr/- SSi I I c I /iniluluto ag isdd nag ind sa kalan para sa b&ta?/
(goal) |S a y d
'The fish is being used in cooking by the mother for the child on the stove'
70 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

0 01 1 02 2
pres, instr/^ SSJncl /ipinagluluto nar) in£ arj bdta nag isdd sa kaMn
(benefactive) x 8 (i y
'The mother uses the fish in cooking for the child on the stove'
11. The functional positions of the various constituents of the sentence in its maxi-
mum complexity as described above also explains what is meant by FOCUS in Tagalog.
As each non-nuclear constituent of the sentential nexus is brought into number 1
position, the form of the verb changes accordingly. There are four focuses in Tagalog,
namely (a) actor, (b) goal, (c) local, and (d) instrumental. The verb form for the last
two focuses have a secondary connotation of BENEFACTIVE ACTION. Thus, FOCUS in
Tagalog involves the combination of (a) the shift of a constituent syntagm to the
number 1 position, and its actualization in the av-case; (b) change in the form of the
verb as a consequence of (a) above.

2.2.2.4. The Ay-Rule

1. The order ofprimary constituents in the sentence is NORMALLY 00112 3, although their
sequence after the nucleus is not relevant semantically. If a post-nuclear nominal or
adverbial primary constituent (i.e., those which occur in positions 1, 2, or 3) is shifted
to a position before the nuclear position, then the particle ay may follow it, e.g.,
pumuntd av tao sa bukid. 'the man went to the field' may alternatively be ordered
(a) av tao y pumuntd sa bukid. or (b) sa bukid ay pumuntd av tao. Such a shift of syn-
tagms to prenuclear position has a corresponding shift in emphasis from the nucleus to
the syntagms in pre-nuclear position.
2. The enclitic pronouns may be put in pre-nuclear position without ay if there is a
prepositive in the sentence, e.g., Idgi siya v kumakanta. 'he is always singing' (where the
prepositive is lagi 'always'); otherwise, the enclitic pronoun follows the word in nu-
clear position, e.g., umalissiya sa bdhay nan maaga. 'he left home early' (where the en-
clitic pronoun is siyd 'he, she, it'). This rule is subsidiary to the ay-rule above, and may
be called the ENCLITIC RULE.
3. It is now helpful to summarize the various types of subordinative sentences and in-
dicate the various positions of syntagms in accordance with the ¿y-rule. The ^-trans-
posed arrangements of syntagms in these sentences will be given in parenthesis, when
this is allowed by the ay-rule above. The symbol 'n' designates a function of a syntagm
which per se cannot participate in the transposition of ay-rule.
P1=>P1
(a) SS#C = VP a ~ r . NP®"; NP" 5 . NP ifl
0 01 1 2
nagbiihos nan tubig av mdma ? sa baud
'The man poured water in the jar'
(av mdma ? ay nagbiihos nav tiibig sa bavd ?)
(sa bavd ? ay nagbiihos nav tubig av mdma ?)
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 71
P1=»P1

(b) SSifid VP~r; NP-'. NP"'

0 01 1
nagpatày nan manók an tào.
"The m a n killed a chicken'
(an tào y nagpatày nan manók)

P1=>P1
r z 1
(c) S S ^ c 2 V P ~ •NP"" • S N ~
0 1 n

nagpumilit an tào n umalis ao bàia ">.

' T h e m a n insisted that the child leave'
(an tào y nagpumilit na umalis an bàtaf)

P1=>P1
I—Z 1
(d) S S ^ j - V P ~ . N P f l » . V N ~
0 1 n

nagpumilit an bàtan uminóm nan gàtas.

' T h e child insisted o n drinking milk'
(an bàta y nagpumilit umirtum nan nàtas.)

(e) SS£C4 = V P ~ • (AdjP ~ N P ) 0 .NP"»

0 n 1

nagin (mabait ~ sunddlo) an tào.

' T h e m a n b e c a m e ( g o o d - n a t u r e d ~ a soldier)'
(an tào y nagin (mabait ~ sunddlo)

(f) S S £ c S = MN^-NP^-VN-
0 ' 01 n

kinailànan nan inàn kumàin nan mangà.

' T h e m o t h e r needs t o eat m a n g o '

(g) S S ~ c 6 = MN^-NP"^; NP05

0 01 1

kinailànan ni Pédro an péra.

'Peter needed m o n e y '
(an péra y kinailànan ni pédro.)

(h) S S f n ^ , = M N f • NP""® • S N ~
0 01 n
gustò nati inàn matulog an bàta
' T h e m o t h e r w a n t s the child t o sleep'
72 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(Ì) S S g ^ a = M N | • N P " " " • V N ~

1 01 d

gusto nao bdtao kumdin new maogd.

' T h e child wants to eat m a n g o '

(j) SSjnnc3 = M N f i 2 ; NP"0!'.NP''af'

0 ' 01 02

kailàoan ni Pédro nav péra.

'Peter needs money'

(k) S S f n ^ = AdjP?comp N P " " ' ; NP"»

0 01 1

kasiulaki ni huwàn si pédro.

' P e t e r is a s b i g a s J o h n '
(si pédro y kasiulaki ni huwàn)

(1) S S g f a c 5 M N ^ 3 - ( A d j P 0 ~ N P 0 5 ) ; NP"'
0 ' n 1

maaàri o mali si-hosé.

' I t is p o s s i b l e t h a t J o s e p h is m i s t a k e n '
(si hosé y maaàri o malit.)

(1) S S g ^ =MN^NP"a5; NP0'

0 01 1

gusto nan bàia ao maogd.

' T h e child w a n t s t h e m a n g o '
(an maoga y gusto nav bata 9 J

P1=>P1

(m)SS~cl = VP~; NP«',

0 1

naglùlùto ao ind.
' T h e m o t h e r is c o o k i n g '
(ao ina y nagluluto)
 TAGALOG

P1=>P1
(n) SS:IIc2 = V P " ; NP°®
0 1
natutulog an bata
'The child is sleeping'
(an bata y natutulog)

(o)SSg ncl = (NP ~ AdjP) 0 ; NP"9

0 1

sundalo si pedro
'Peter is a soldier'
(si Pedro y sundalo)

(p)SS:rrnc2 = MNJ a , 2 , 3 -SN~

0 n

gusto v matulog an bata

'the child wants to sleep'

(q) s s ^ c 3 NP"*; NP"9

1 1

an pdre an guro 9.
'the priest is the teacher'
(an guro an pare ^)

(r) ssgnc4 = A d j P 0 ; (Advp^—NPia)

0 2

marumi dito.
'It is dirty here'
(dito y marumi.)
na9
(s) SS&
IlncS = VP~-NP
0 01

kaaalis ni pédro.
'Peter has just left'

(t) SSIInc6 = A d j P - . S N "

maàga n dumatin si pédro.

'Peter arrives early'
74 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(u) SSgnc7 NP so ; NP"®

0 1

sa tao ito.
'this belongs to the man'
(ito y sa tao)

(v) SSfc = VP~ p

0

umuulan.
'it is raining'

(w)SS£c = NP~„
0

may bisita.
'there's a visitor'

2.2.2.5. Expansions of the Sentence

1. The sentence may be expanded in three ways. First, by the addition of ENCLITICS,
e.g., umalís ba sipédro? 'did Peter leave?' Here, the statement umalissi pédro 'Peter
left' is expanded by adding the enclitic ba (interrogative particle after the first or-
thotonic word in the sentence). The following are the other enclitics in Tagalog:

(a) NON-PRONOMINAL: these fall into two subgroups, namely : (i) disyllabic enclitics -
bagá (interrogative), kayá"> (expression of doubt), lámao 'only', mima (expression of
precedence), na(mán) 'again', náwaf or sána (expression of wish), tulóy (in addition),
uli° 'again', and mismo ('self' used after pronominal forms); and (ii) monosyllabic en-
clitics - daw or raw (report of someone's words), din or rin 'also', na (expression of
maturity of the situation), pa (expression of the immaturity of the situation), vaf
(emphatic assertion or request), po ? (expression of politeness).

(b) PRONOMINAL: these also fall into two subgroups, namely: (i) disyllabic enclitics -
niyá 'his, her, its', nátin 'our (pi. inclusive)', námin 'our (pi. exclusive)', nitó 'of this one
(close to speaker)', niyán 'of that (close to hearer)', noón 'of that (far from hearer or
speaker)', nino 'whose?'; and (ii) monosyllabic enclitics - ko 'mine', mo 'your', and ka
'you'.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 75
(c) POST-NUMERAL ENCLITIC (i.e., used only after numerals) - katào (number of
people designated by numerals).

2. The following are the order rules which govern the position of enclitics in the
sentence:
(a) They follow the first orthotonic word in the syntagm; (b) monosyllabic enclitics
precede disyllabic enclitics ; (c) among the monosyllabic enclitics : pronominal encli-
tics precede the non-pronominal enclitics ; (d) finally, a maximum sequence of mono-
syllabic enclitics is na ~ pa oa rin~din raw ~ daw po~ho ba. This type of expansion
of the sentential nexus may be symbolized as follows :
SS 3 EN! - S
3. The second way of expanding the sentence is by the use of PREPOSITIVES before the
enclitics, e.g., hindi pa ba umalis si pédro ? 'has Peter not gone yet?' The prepositives in
Tagalog are hàlos 'almost', bàwat 'every', ganoón 'like that', kàhit 'even', kàpuwaf
'fellow', sakd^ 'and also', kaniyà9 'that's why', huwdg 'don't', hindi^ 'not', bakàf (ex-
pression of undesirable contingency), bakit 'why', gayón 'like that', mulP 'again',
sadyd 'truly', médiyo 'somewhat', puro 'entirely', talagà 'truly', panay 'entirely',
masiyado 'excessive', pdwatj 'entirely', palàgi f 'always', dati 'formerly', kaagàd/agàd
'immediately'. The ordering of these prepositives is, in general, such that one may
succeed the other (with few exceptions). A maximum combination of prepositives is
kaniya siguro médiyo hindi bàwat ganóon. This type of expansion of the sentential
nexus may be represented as follows :

SS 3 P R ! - E N ! - S

4. The third way of expanding the sentence is by adding an adverb (Section 2.2.3.6.)
in positions 2 or 3, e.g., nagpatày ao tào nar] manók kahàpon 'the man killed a chicken
yesterday' ; if position 3 is occupied by NP Ia , then the adverb is shifted to position 4,
e.g., nagpatày ao tao nao manók sa kusina kahàpon 'the man killed a chicken in the
kitchen yesterday' ; if position 4 is occupied by NP prep+sa , then the adverb is placed in
position 5, e.g., nagpatày ao tào narj manók sa kusina pàra sa bàta kahàpon. 'the man
killed a chicken in the kitchen for the child yesterday'. The alternate position for the
adverb is the first prenuclear position, after the prepositives, e.g., kahàpon ay hindi pa
dumatiy ao alkàlde nao bàyan. 'Yesterday, the mayor of the town had not come'. This
type of expansion may be symbolized thus :

SS 3 A d v - P R ! - E N ! - S ~ S - A d v

2.2.3. Primary Constituent (Phrase) Level

The next level of derivation after the sentence level is the primary constituent level,
i.e., the level of the various constituents of the sentence types. The inventory of these
76 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

primary constituents and their functional positions in the sentence have already been
described (Section 2.2.2.3.); here, we shall discuss their functions in general, their
essential structures, and their expansions.

2.2.3.1. Verb Phrases

1. The first group of primary constituents are the VERB PHRASES. The various types of
verb phrases with non-finite, gerund verbs function as noun phrases in addition to
their function as verb phrases (Section 2.2.3.2., no. 10) and therefore occur in positions
occupied by noun phrases in the sentence. The absolute verb phrases function as ad-
verbs and occupy position 3 in the sentential nexus (cf. Section 2.2.2.3., no. 9).
2. The structures of the verb phrases are as follows:
(a) The absolute transitive verb phrase in the actor focus requires a noun phrase in
the nay-case. It may take a second noun phrase in the sa-case and a third noun phrase
in the preposition-plus-ifl proper state, e.g., nagpatdy nav manok sa kusina para sa
bata f . 'killed a chicken in the kitchen for the child'. This may be symbolized as follows:

VPabtr (act) 3 Vabtr(act); NP""9,-<-NPJa,-<-NPprep+ia

(b) The transitive verb phrase does not require a noun phrase in the nan-case in the
actor focus but it may have such a noun phrase. This may then be followed by a second
noun phrase in the ¿«-case, and a third noun phrase in the preposition-plus-ia proper
state, e.g., nagluto nav isda sa kusina pdra sa bdtaf 'cooked fish in the kitchen for the
child'. This may be symbolized as follows:

VPtran (act) 3 Vtran (act),—NP"°',—NPM,—NPprep+ia

(c) The intransitive verb phrase in the actor focus may not take determination by a
noun phrase in the nay-case, but may be followed by noun phrases in the sa-case
with or without a preposition, e.g., nattilog sa kama 'slept in bed', nagdlit ddhil sa
bata9 'got angry because of the child', natulog sa kdma ddhil sa bdtaf 'slept in bed
because of the child'. This may be symbolized as follows:

VPint, (act) 3 V ^ (act) NPifl-<- NPprep+ifl

It should be pointed out here that the < -NP prep+ia is not an obligatory constituent,
since the intransitive verbs lack the benefactive focus, but is a mere prepositional
noun phrase in adverbial function, i.e., NP prep+ia ~Adv.

(d) Verb phrases with incohative verbs such as magiv 'become' require an adjective or
a noun phrase as a complement, e.g., magiv mabait 'become good-natured', or magiv
sunddlo 'become a soldier'. This may be symbolized as follows:

VPr3Vr; (Adj~NP) 0
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 77
(e) Verb phrases with modal verbs like nagumpisd 'begin', magpumilit 'insist', pumilit
'force', anyayàhan 'invite', magpàyo 'advise', isipin 'think', maaàrì 'it is possible',
pabayàan 'allow', hintayin 'wait for', balakin 'plan', mainò 'notice', makita 'be seen',
hilirjin 'beg', etc., take a complement, which may be a non-finite verb, or a senten-
tial nexus (2.2.2.3., no. 3) e.g., nagumpisa n umuldn. 'began to rain'. This may be
symbolized as follows :

VPm 3 V m .(VP~~SN~)

(f) Verb phrases with impersonal verbs are the sole constituents of monadic solidari-
ties ; they may, however, be followed by a noun phrase in the ja-case, e.g., umùulan sa
bùkid. 'it is raining in the field'. This may be symbolized as follows :

VP. 'Sa
" imp 5
^ V' i m p -<- N P

3. The expansion of the verb phrase is as follows:

(a) An adjective phrase may be added in the nan-case, e.g., tumakbo nan mabilis 'to
run fast'. This type of expansion may be symbolized as follows:

VP 3 V-AdjP" 0 "

(b) An enclitic may be added after the verb of the verb phrase, e.g., tumakbo ba ay ka-
bdyol 'did the horse run?' This may be symbolized as follows:

VP 9 V - E N

(c) A prepositive may be added before the verb, e.g., hindi umalis an tao. 'the man did
not leave'; or by the addition of a prepositive and an enclitic before the verb, e.g.,
hindi ba umalis an tool 'did the man not leave?'. This type of expansion of the verb
phrase may be symbolized as follows:

VP 3 P R - E N - V

2.2.3.2. Noun Phrases

1. The second type of primary constituent are the NOUN PHRASES. The different noun
phrases have different functions according to their different proper states (or cases).
2. The noun phrase in the an-case typically functions as the nucleus in equative
sentences; or fills position 1 in the sentence.
3. The noun phrase, in the nay-case has the following functions: POSSESSION, e.g.,
báhay nan táo 'house of a man'; AGENT OF NON-ACTIVE VERB, e.g., pinatáy nan táo
'was killed by the man'; APPOSITION, e.g., báyan nan san róke 'town of San Roque';
COMPLEMENT OF A TRANSITIVE VERB, e.g., kumáin nan manga 'ate a mango'.
78 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

4. The noun phrase in the sa-case has the following functions: LOCAL, e.g., sa
bùkid 'in the field'; INDIRECT OBJECT, e.g., ibinigày sa tao 'was given to the man';
COMPLEMENT OF THE VERB, e.g., nagpatày sa tao 'killed the man'; ADVERBIAL
9
EXPRESSIONS, e.g., sa gabi 'at night', sa modali o salita 'in brief'. It should be pointed
out that the noun phrase in both nav and sa proper states function as complement of
the verb phrase. The structure of the nexus is different in these cases, and there is also
a corresponding semantic difference.
5. When the noun phrase in the sa case is the complement of a transitive verb, the
verb phrase is shifted to the first position in the sentence and functions as a noun
phrase in the av-case, e.g., siyà an nagpatày sa manók. 'he was the one who killed the
chicken'. The noun phrase in the nav-case occupies position 01 in the nexus and the
verb phrase occupies the nuclear position, e.g., nagpatày ay tao nav manók. 'the man
killed a chicken' ; or it may occupy second position and the verb phrase may then
function as a noun phrase in the first position in the av-case, e.g., siyà av nagpatày nav
manók. 'he was the one who killed the chicken'.
6. Semantically, when the complement is a noun phrase in the nay-case, an indefinite
object is indicated, e.g., nagpatày nav manók 'killed a chicken', but when the comple-
ment is in the ia-case a definite object is indicated, e.g., nagpatày sa manók 'killed the
chicken'. Certain verbs also show a difference semantically when followed by a noun
phrase complement in the nav-case as opposed to the same noun phrase complement
in the ia-case, e.g., ibig nipédro nav dalàga. 'Peter likes young ladies', but ibig nipédro
sa dalàga. 'Peter loves the young lady'.
7. The noun phrase in the preposition-plus-ifl-case functions as an adverb in the
sentence, e.g., dumativ siyà sa gitnà nav gabi. 'he arrived in the middle of the
night'.
8. The noun phrase in the na-case proper state functions as a determiner of another
noun phrase, e.g., bàkod na buho 9 'a fence that is made of bamboo'.
9. The noun phrase in the unmarked or 0-case functions as vocatives, and as the
nucleus of a sentence, e.g., pédro! 'Peter!', sundàlo si pédro 'Peter is a soldier'.
10. The verb phrase functions also as a noun phrase in its non-finite, finite, and
gerund moods, e.g., the verb phrase in its finite mood naglùlùto nav isdà"> 'cooking
fish' may occur in the ay-case of a noun phrase, e.g., av naglùlùto nav isdà 'the one
cooking fish' ; or the verb phrase in its gerund mood may occur in the nav-case of the
noun phrase, e.g., av kahiràpan nav paghànap nav péra 'the difficulty of finding money'.
11. Besides verb phrases, the adjective and adverb phrases may also function as noun
phrases, e.g., the adjective phrase maganda v kumantà 'good singer' may function as a
noun phrase in the sa-case : e.g., makinig ka sa maganda v kumantà 'listen to the one
who sings beautifully'; the adverb phrase kahàpon nav umàga 'yesterday morning'
may function as a noun phrase in the av case or proper state, e.g., av kahàpon nav
'the one (who is, which is) yesterday'.
12. The may-noun phrases and their complements (Section 2.2.3.2., no. 1) may
also function as noun phrases, e.g., the way-noun phrase wala suvay 'without-horn'
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 79
(N.B., this may also be a sentence, meaning 'there is no horn') may function as a noun
phrase in its nao proper state, e.g., nan wala u sunay 'of, by, with the one without
horn'.
13. Finally, the modal nouns and their non-finite verb complements may also func-
tion as noun phrases, e.g., ayaw umalis 'dislike to leave' may function as a noun phrase
in the sa proper state, e.g., sa ayaw umalis 'to the one who does not want to leave'.
14. The structures of the noun phrase fall into six types, namely, those that have
(a) nouns as heads, (b) verbs as heads, (c) adjectives as heads, (d) adverbs as heads,
(e) modal nouns as heads, and (f) predicative nouns as heads. The structure of the
noun phrase with verb phrases as heads is identical to that of the verb phrase, and this
has been described above (Section 2.2.3.1.). Similarly, the structure of the noun
phrase with adverb as head is similar to that of adverb phrases and this will be
described below (Section 2.2.3.6.); the structure of noun phrases with adjectives as
heads is similar to that of the adjective phrase and this will be described below (Sec-
tion 2.2.3.3.); the structure of noun phrases with modal nouns as heads is identical to
that of the modal noun phrase and this will be described below (Section 2.2.3.5.); and
finally, the structure of noun phrases with predicative nouns as heads is identical to that
of the predicative noun phrase, and this will be described below (Section 2.2.3.4.). It
remains, therefore, to describe the structure of the noun phrase with a noun as head
in this section. See 2.2.3.4. for the may-Noun Phrase.
15. The reduced structure of the noun phrase with a noun as head is simple. It con-
sists of a noun preceded or followed by its proper state markers: e.g., an tao 'the man',
bdhay na bato 'stone house'.
16. This reduced (essential) structure of the noun phrase may be expanded as fol-
lows:
(a) Another noun phrase may be added (N.B., the numeralia, cardinals and ordinals,
the demonstrative adjectives or demonstrative pronouns are treated as nouns) as a
determiner in the na-case before the noun of the noun phrase, e.g., ao bdhay na bato
'the stone house'. This type of expansion may be symbolized as follows:

NP 3 N P m - N

(b) Another noun phrase in the nao-case may be added after the first noun phrase, and
this noun phrase may in turn be followed by another noun phrase in the jfl-case, and
finally, this may be followed by another noun phrase in the preposition-plus-ja-case,
e.g., ao bdhay nao tdo sa bundok pdra sa taginit 'the house of the man in the mountain
for the summer'. This type of expansion may be symbolized as follows:

NP 3 N-t-NP""!'-t-NPI0-<-NPprep+i0

(c) A prepositive (including maaa, the morpheme of plurality) may be added before
the noun of the noun phrase, e.g., ao bindi bahay 'the non-house'; or by the addition of
80 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

a prepositive and an enclitic (i.e., an enclitic or a series of enclitics) before the noun of
the noun phrase, e.g., at? hindipa raw bdhay 'the one that they say is not yet a house'.
This type of expansion may be symbolized as follows:

NP => P R - E N ! - N

(d) An adjective phrase in the na-case may be added before the noun phrase, e.g., ag
hindi magandaa bulakldk 'the flower which is not beautiful'. The adjective phrase in
this case may be followed by another adjective in the mi-case. If the identical adjective
is used, the adjective becomes intensified semantically, e.g., arj hindi maganda o
mapula v bulakldk 'the flower which is not beautiful and red', ao magandd o ma-
ganda o bulakldk 'the very beautifulflower'.This type of expansion may be symbolized
as follows:

NP 3 A d j P ^ - A d j P ^ - N

(e) Another noun phrase in the nao-case may be added as a noun in apposition, e.g.,
bdyan nao san roke 'town of San Roque'. This type of expansion may be symbolized as
follows:

NP 3 N-NP""*

2.2.3.3. Adjective Phrases

1. The third type of primary constituent is the ADJECTIVE PHRASE. In the nao-case, they
function as expansions of the verb phrase (Section 2.2.3.1., no. 2); in the na-case, they
function as expansions of the noun phrase (Section 2.2.3.2., no. 15), or as determiners
of other adjective phrases; in the latter case, the adjective becomes intensified seman-
tically if an adjective is determined by the identical adjective (see the third paragraph
of this section); in the 0-case, the adjective fills the nuclear position in the sentence,
e.g., mapula an bulakldk 'the flower is red', and functions as a noun phrase (Section
2.2.3.2., no. 14(c)).
2. There is a subclass of adjective phrases, i.e., Adj Pma, which requires a verbal nexus
with a non-finite verb as complement. To this subclass belong such adjectives as mada-
las 'often', marunoo 'knowing', magaliy 'clever', maluwat 'slow', mahirap 'difficult',
mahusay 'skilled', mainam 'pleasant', malakas 'strong', and mahinai 'weak', e.g.
marunoo magpiyano 'one who knows how to play the piano'. This type of structure
may be symbolized as follows:

AdjP 3 Adj ma .VN~

3. The essential structure of the adjective phrase consists of an adjective; this may
be expanded in two ways:
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 81
(a) An adjective in the na-case may be added, e.g., maganda o mapula 'beautiful red'.
This type of expansion may be symbolized as follows:

AdjP 3 AdjP"0 ->- Ad-jP"" -»- Adj

(b) A prepositive or a prepositive and an enclitic (or a series of enclitics) may be

added, e.g., hindipa mapula 'not yet red', hindipa raw yata mapula 'not yet red it seems
according to them'. This type of expansion may be symbolized as follows:

AdjP 3 P R - E N ! - A d j

2.2.3.4. The may -Noun Phrase

1. The fourth type of primary constituents are the may-noun phrases and their comple-
ments. Their constituents are may or mayroon 'there is\walae> 'there is none', and
mardmi 'there are many'. The way-noun phrasesfillthe nuclear position in the sentence
and this is their only function.
2. The structure ofthema^-noun phrase consists essentially of may (roon), wala'', and
marami and their noun, finite verb or adjective complement. May is always followed
by its complement, e.g., may tao 'there is a man', may mapula 'there is something red'.
Mayroon, wala f , and marami are always in the «a-case when followed by their comple-
ment, e.g. mayroon tao 'there is a man'; they can be the only constituents of a sentence,
as for example, if someone is asked whether there are people in the vicinity, one could
answer simply with mayroon, wala, or marami; but one cannot answer
with may. May, therefore, in addition to the fact that it has no na-case is further
restricted by the fact that it cannot be the sole constituent of a sentence.
3. The essential structure of the maj-noun phrase and its complements may be
expanded by the addition of enclitics before it, e.g., mayrodn palarj tao 'there are men'.
This type of expansion may be symbolized as follows:

NPma„ 5 NPma^EN!-N

2.2.3.5. Modal Nouns

1. The fifth type of primary constituents are the MODAL NOUNS and their complements.
There are three sets of modal nouns, namely (1) kailaoan 'necessary'; (2) gusto 'like,
want', ibig 'want', ayaw 'dislike'; (3) dapat 'must', maadri9 'it is possible', puwede
'it may be'. All these modal nouns fill the nuclear position in the sentence and this is
their only function.
2. The structure of the modal nouns essentially consists of the modal noun and its
non-finite verb complement; either in the na-case (MN113) or in the zero-case (MN^).
This essential structure may be expanded by adding a prepositive or a preposi-
 82 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

tive and an enclitic (or a series of enclitics) before the modal nouns, e.g., hindi pa
kail&m o umalis 'not yet necessary to leave'. This type of expansion of the modal noun
and its complement may be symbolized as follows:

MN 3 P R - E N ! - M N . V P ~

2.2.3.6. Adverbial Phrases

1. The sixth type of primary dependents are the ADVERBIAL PHRASES. Their func-
tion is to fill position 2 in one type of diadic sentence (Section 2.2.2.2. no. 16 (f)),
and as expansions of the sentence (Section 2.2.2.5.). The adverbs fall into
three classes, namely adverbs of (a) time, (b) manner, and (c) place. The ad-
verbs of TIME are kahapon 'yesterday', vaydn 'now', bukas 'tomorrow', antimano 'be-
forehand', ddti 'formerly', kadalasan 'often', kanina 'a while ago', karaniwan 'usually',
mamayat 'soon', tuwina 'once in a while'. The adverbs of MANNER are mlnsan 'once',
pardti or siyempre a'lways', sana (unreal futurity), agad 'at once', bigla ? or pagdaka
'suddenly', karakaraka 'right away', ulit or uli? 'again' halimbawa 'for example', the
adverbial numerals formed with maka- (e.g., makaisa 'once', makalawa 'twice',
makatlo 'thrice', makapat 'four times', makalimd 'five times', etc.), and some doubled
roots (e.g., agadagad 'immediately', gabigabi 'every night', arawaraw 'daily', etc. and
the numerals, as for example isaisa 'one by one', daladalawa 'two by two', tatlotatlo
'three by three', etc.). The adverbs of PLACE are dito or dine 'here' (near speaker), diyan
'there' (near hearer), doon 'there' (away from speaker and hearer). It should also be
pointed out that adverbial expressions, like sa gitna nav gabi 'in the middle of the
night', kuv gabi 'at night', etc. belong here.
2. Adverbs are structurally simple, although there are adverbial phrases, e.g., sagabi
at night', and km gabi 'at night'. Their structure may be expanded by the use of pre-
positives before them or prepositives and enclitics, e.g., hindi pa vaydn 'not yet now'.
This type of expansion may be symbolized as follows:
AdvP 9 P R ! - E N ! - A d v .
The function of the adverb is to fill position 1 in the monadic type of sentence, and as
an expansion of the sentence. They have two cases: na (AdvPna) and ZERO (AdvP#).

2.2.3.7. Verbal Nexus

The seventh type of primary dependent is the VERBAL NEXUS with a non-finite verb.
This must be distinguished from the verb phrase, since the verbal nexus is a verb phrase
together with the noun phrase in the nav-case. The function of the verbal nexus with a
non-finite verb is as a complement of modal nouns (Section 2.2.3.5.). Its structure has
been described above (Section 1.6.1.4., no. 3); and its expansion is like that of the verb
phrase (Section 2.2.3.1.); but here it must be pointed out that if the non-finite verb is in
the plural number, the noun phrase in the aa-case must be in accord with it.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 83

2.2.3.8. Sentential Nexus

Finally, there is the SENTENTIAL NEXUS with a non-finite verb as a primary constit-
uent of a sentence. Its function is that of complement of modal nouns. Its structure
has been described in 1.6.1.4. no. 2 above; and its expansion is like that of the sen-
tence (Section 2.2.2.5.).

2.2.4. Inventory of Syntactic Variables

1. The syntactic variables which are the constituents of the sentence on the hierarchi-
cal level (i.e., different levels in the two articulations, cf. Section 1.2.) are called pri-
mary dependents (or phrases). These are complex signs with syntagmatically complex
values, and determine the entire construction;as for example, N P ^ ' m a y be said not
only to determine the noun phrase before it in the construction but the construction
itself, since it is an essential (obligatory) constituent of the construction of a particular
type. On the other hand, certain syntactic variables constitute the expansions of the
sentence in the sense that they are not essential to its structure.
2. If one analyzes syntagmatically not only the primary dependents but also their
expansions, one comes upon the ultimate syntactic variables of the language. Such
simple variables (minimal) have MINIMAL SIGNS as their values. The ensembles of
minima lsigns which display substantial continuity of form, i.e., which are inseparable,
non-iterative, and do not permit parts to be permuted (i.e., forms whose sequential-
ity is relevant) are called words.
3. All the syntactic variables in Tagalog may be divided into two main groups, namely
(a) lexemic and (b) morphemic. The LEXEMES are minimal signs which belong to open
paradigms or inventories; these are the verbs (Section 2.3.2.), the nouns (Section 2.3.3.),
and the adjectives (Section 2.3.6.)
4. The MORPHEMES are minimal signs which belong to closed paradigms, or to para-
digms with a very small number of terms; these fall into three groups, namely (i) the
pronouns (Section 2.3.5.), (ii) the modal morphemes, and (iii) the functional mor-
phemes.
5. The independent modal morphemes are grammatical determinants which do not
change the general scheme of the sentence structure, i.e., the syntagms retain their
syntactic relation to each other in spite of the occurrence of these independent modal
morphemes. To this group belong the adverbs (Section 2.2.3.6.), the enclitics
(2.2.2.5., no. 1.), and the prepositives (2.2.2.5., no. 3.).
6. The functional morphemes relate the various constituents in the nexus. These fall
into four groups: (a) those that RELATE THE PRIMARY DEPENDENTS TO THE NEXUS,
namely an, nan, sa, and the PREPOSITIONS, which may be subdivided into (i) those
that are followed by nan: e. g. gaya or para 'like (resembling)', kasdma 'together
with', and (ii) those that are followed by sa: e. g. ayon or saoayon 'according
to', papunta or patuyo 'towards', bukod 'besides', dahil 'on account of', kaysa 'than
84 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(comparative)', tutjkol or ukol 'concerning', para 'for', mula ? 'from', liban 'except',
laban 'against', alintana 'despite', batay 'according to' sapid 'since', Simula? or mula?
'from', alinsunod or sunod 'in accordance with', tuvod or two 'pertaining to', bagay
'with regards to', labag 'contrary to', hiogil 'in accordance with', kuv 'in case' (e.g.,
kurj sa bagay 'as a matter of fact') and (iii) those that are followed by neither nay nor
sa, e.g., kuv 'at' (e.g., kuv gabi 'at night'); (b) those that RELATE THE PRIMARY DE-
PENDENTS TO THE NUCLEUS, i.e., ay; (c) those that RELATE THE CONSTITUENTS OF
PERIODS, namely (i) the coordinating conjunctions (2.2.1.2., no. 2.); (ii) na\ (d)
those that relate sentences, namely, the coordinating and subordinating conjunc-
tions (2.2.1.2., no. 2,3.).

2.3. M O R P H O L O G Y

1. The following sort of isomorphisms has already been considered:

(a) pula ay balmy

malaki av tdo
guro ako
(b) nagluluto an ina nav isda ?
nagpatdy ao tao nav manc'k
naghampas ako nav bola
nagA av B navC
(c) marumi dito
madilim sa gubat

In each of these examples there is a form similarity because the structures of the
sentences listed respectively under (a), (b), and (c) can be represented by the same
syntactic variables standing in the same relations. This approach, by which syntagmati-
cally complex forms are represented by structures of variables, is the basis of
syntactic approach. Syntax is concerned with the arrangements of variables in com-
plexes in which the same set or sort of variables may have distinctly different (and
semantically relevant) arrangements. In the sentential variable (b), the example nagA.
avB navC is semantically different from, for example, nagA avC navB.
2. There is another type of isomorphism that must also be accounted for, namely
that which is represented by the following examples:

(a) nagluluto av ind nav isda">

magluluto av ina nav isdd">
nagluto av ind nav isdd
(b) nagpatdy av tao nav manok
magpdpatdy av tdo nav manok
nagpatdy av tdo nav mandk
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 85
In these examples, these are alternations of morphemic categories which are simul-
taneous with a certain syntagm, i.e., they are extensive over that syntagm. Here
'simultaneous' means that the sequential order cannot have semantic relevance; it
must be fixed or random but cannot be used to indicate different references to the
external world.
3. The convention of syntactic variables is not conveniently applied to the descrip-
tion of these formal similarities. It is rather more advantageous to regard the mor-
phemically complex simultaneous form as resulting from the application of one or a
complex of FUNCTORS (representing the commuting, simultaneous categories, e.g.,
singular, present, active) upon an ARGUMENT (representing the lexical identity of the
form, e.g., luto f 'cook'). Obviously, the resulting term itself may be a syntactic variable;
in any case, if the functor representing the proper state variations is a constant, it is a
syntactic variable. The description of these alternations implies a partition in the
set-theoretical sense of a thematic paradigm (i.e., one defined by a constant lexeme or
group of lexemes, e.g., /rósa/, /rósae/, /rósae, /rósam/, etc., or 'Tom hits Bill; Tom hit
Bill; Tom is hitting Bill; Tom was hitting Bill', etc.). i.e., we shall represent a thematic
paradigm as partitioned by an argument upon which two kinds of functors are
applied, namely (a) PROPER STATE FUNCTORS, which yield syntactic variables capable
of functioning in the expressions of our syntax, and (b) MODAL FUNCTORS, which
together with a proper state functor yield morphemic syntactic constants.
4. It is necessary to distinguish between functors that yield values that belong to
different syntactic variables (these are proper state functors) and those which yield
values which belong to the same syntactic variables (these are modal functors).
5. The WORD is syntactically defined by three criteria: (a) the substantial continuity
(inseparability) of the word as a complex of minimal signs, (b) the non-iterability of
the sign constituents of the word, and (c) the relevant simultaneity (i.e., lack of
semantically significant sequentiality) of the sign constituents. Morphologically, the
complexes so defined are constituted by a lexical root alone, or by a root with affixes.
6. In Tagalog, there are two systems of morphological categories realized in four
systems of word inflection, characterizing the four main morphological categories of
(a) the verb, (b) the noun, (c) the pronoun, and (d) the adjective. We shall designate as
DECLENSION the morphological category system represented in the nouns, pronouns,
and adjectives, and as CONJUGATION the morphological category system in the verb.
It should be noted that Tagalog has processes of SYNTACTIC CONVERSIONS, i.e., of
deriving declined forms from verb roots by certain affixes (e.g., hampàs 'beat',
pavhampàs 'beater'), and conjugated forms from the normally declined forms by the
particular appropriate verbalizing affixes (e.g., tren 'train' : magtrén 'to ride the train').
It should be noted that the term INFLECTION is here taken to mean the morpho-
logical processes of affixation and reduplication involved in the formation of the four
sets of expressions representing the two systems of morphological categories men-
tioned above. In these formations, the basic lexemic core with which the affixes enter
into formation is called the ROOT. If this root has other affixes before it occurs with
86 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

the inflectional a Sixes, it is convenient to call it a DERIVED ROOT or STEM and its
affixes stem-forming affixes.
7. In this section (i.e., all of Section 2.3.), the following symbols are used; a hyphen
after a form indicates that the form is a PREFIX (e.g., mag-); a hyphen before and after
the form indicates that form is an INFIX (e.g., -in-); a hyphen before the form indicates
that the form is a SUFFIX (e.g., -an); a double shafted arrow => indicates a morphological
process of affixation or reduplication or both; R means reduplication (i.e., repetition
of the first consonant and vowel of the root or stem); D means doubling of the root;
S means stem; (1) means a shift of accent one syllable towards the end of the word;
(2) means shift of accent two syllables to the end of the word; brackets {} enclose
a label designating a linguistic sign; the slant lines // enclose phonemic sequences;
single quotes ' ' enclose glosses or designations of the significantia (1.2., no. 2.)
of linguistic signs.
8. This section on morphology is conveniently divided into six parts, namely,
some general rules of morphophonemics (2.3.1.), the verb (2.3.2.), the noun (2.3.3.),
the numerals (2.3.4.), the pronouns (2.3.5.), and the adjectives (2.3.6.).

2.3.1. Morphophonemics

1. There are some morphophonemic rules which apply to the morphology of the word
as a whole. These may be divided into four groups, namely (a) nasal assimilation, (b)
/i-suffixation, (c) d and r alternation, and (d) {-in-} metathesis rule.
2. The first group of morphophonemic rules are the NASAL ASSIMILATIONS. These can
be subdivided into two groups: (a) complete assimilation and (b) partial assimilation.
COMPLETE ASSIMILATION requires that if the prefix ends in q (e.g., {par)-}, {mag-}, etc.)
and the root to which it is affixed begins with p or b, such a p or b is lost and the q
nasal of the prefix becomes m (e.g., {paq-}+{palo'beat => pamdlo ? 'beater',
{maq-}+{buntal} 'punch' -» mamunt&l 'to punch'). If the root to which the prefix is
attached begins with t, d, s, or n, such consonants are lost and the g nasal of the prefix
becomes n (e.g., {paq-}+{sulat} 'write' => panulat 'writing instrument'). If the root
to which the prefix is attached begins with any other consonant phoneme than
those already mentioned, such a phoneme is lost and the prefix retains its final q
nasal (e.g., {paq} + {kdwit} 'hook' =>• paqawit 'something used for hooking').
3. PARTIAL ASSIMILATION requires that if the prefix ends in the q nasal, and the root to
which it is attached begins with p or b, the q nasal becomes m (e.g., {paq-} + {Mto ?}
'king pin' => pambdto 9 'something used as kingpin'). If the root to which it is attached
begins with t, d, n, or s, the q nasal of the prefix becomes n (e.g., {paq-}+{tabas} 'cut
(with sickle)' =>• pantdbas 'sickle'). If the root begins with any other phoneme than
those mentioned above, the prefix retains its final n (e.g., (paq-)+{gupit} 'cut (with
scissors)' => paogupit 'scissors'). The choice between partial and complete nasal as-
similation is completely facultative.
4. The second group of rules are the H-SUFFIXATION RULES. These rules require that
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 87
if a root ends in a vowel and the suffix which is attached to it begins with a vowel,
h appears before such a suffix and is attached to the root, e.g., {bdsa} 'read' + {-in} =>
basahin 'to be read'. If, however, the root ends in a consonant, no such h appears,
e.g., {putol} 'cut' + {-in} => putulin 'to be cut'.
5 . The third group of morphophonemic rules is the D AND R ALTERNATION RULES.
These require that if a word ends in the consonant d and a suffix is added to it, this d
becomes r, e.g., {b&kod} 'fence' {-an} => bakuran 'be fenced in'; if a word has an
initial d and a prefix is added to it with final vowel, this d becomes r, e.g., {ddpat}
'ought' + {ka-(2)an} karapatan 'rights', i.e., whenever any prefixation or suffixa-
tion results in an intervocalic voiced apical, this is given a ballistic articulation and
becomes /r/.
6. The fourth group of morphophonemic rules is concerned with the infix {-in-}. If
the root begins with y, this infix becomes a prefix, e.g. {-ni-} + {yaya9} 'invite' =>
niyaya ? 'was invited'. However, if the root begins with / or w, it may either remain
as infix or become a prefix {in-}, e.g. {-in-} + {laro?} 'play' =>- nilard linard ? 'was
played with', {-in-} + {wisik} 'sprinkle' =• niwisik, winisik 'was sprinkled'. If this infix
is used with the prefix {i-}, then it is usually metathesized when the root begins with
h, I, w, y or a. vowel, e.g. {i-} + {-in-} + {hampis} 'strike' => inihampas, {i-} +
{-in-} + {lapit} 'approach' => inilapit 'was brought near', {i-} + {-in-} + {wasto?}
'correct' => iniwastd 9 'was set straight', {i-} + {-in-} + {¿lay} 'offer' => inidlay 'was
offered', {i-} + {-in-} + {yapos} 'embrace' =>• iniyapds 'was embraced', {i-} + {-in-} +
{hatid} 'accompany to a place' =>• inihatid 'was accompanied to a place'.

2.3.2. The Verb

2.3.2.1.
1. In general, the Tagalog verb has the following shape:
STEM

Obligatory Optional Affixes ROOTS Obligatory

Affixes Affixes

The shape of OBLIGATORY AFFIXES is of two types, (a) simple, e.g., {mag-}, {—(l)(h)
an}; and (b) complex, e.g., {ma- -(l)(h)an}, {pag- -(l)(h)in}. These signal MOOD
and FOCUS. The optional affixes signal meanings which are added to the basic meaning
of the verb signalled by the root, e.g., naglard ? 'played', nagpalar6') 'caused play to
occur'. The ROOT, which contains the basic meaning of the verb form is of two types:
(a) simple, e.g., {luto?} 'cook' and (b) derived, e.g., {t&w&nan} in nagtawdnan 'laughed
all together'. The root together with the optional affixes constitute the STEM, e.g.,-j/-
pagpa- in nagsipagpagupit 'had a haircut (pi.)'.
2. The description of the verbal conjugation in Tagalog is divided into two parts,
(a) verbal categories, and (b) realization of the verbal categories.
88 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.3.2.2. Verbal Categories

2.3.2.2.1. Proper State Categories

1. The verbal categories are either (a) proper states, or (b) modals. There are FIVE PROPER
STATES of the verb, which are called MOODS, namely (i) the non-finite mood, which
is symbolized as V ~ ; (ii) the finite mood, which is symbolized as V ~ ; (iii) the mood for
brusque command, which is an interjection and symbolized as V i n t e r i ; (iv)the gerund
mood, which is symbolized as V 8 e r ; (v) the absolute mood, which is symbolized as
•yabs

2. The NON-FINITE MOOD is used when the action is viewed as possible, commanded,
hypothetical, or dependent on the action of another. It is used for (a) imperative sen-
tences, e.g., matulog ka\ 'go to sleep'; (b) subordinate clauses with certain con-
junctions (Section 2.2.1.2., no. 5.), e.g., pumuntd an tdo sa bukidupay hanapin an
kaniya n kalabdw. 'the man went to the field to look for his carabao'; (c) in optative
sentence, e.g., sana 'would that' (adverb of wishing), e.g., sana y umuldnl 'I wish it
would rain!'
3. The FINITE MOOD requires an indication of the aspect under which the action is
viewed. There are four aspects:
The IMPERFECT ASPECT is used when the action is viewed as taking place in the pres-
ent or the past; the context of the sentence or the presence of an adverb of time de-
termines whether such an imperfect action is present or past, e.g., nagluluto an ina nan
isda f . 'the mother is cooking fish', nagluluto an tdo nan kanin kahapon. 'yesterday, the
man was cooking rice'; it is symbolized as V^,,,.
The PERFECT ASPECT is used when the action is viewed as having taken place in the
past, i.e., completed action, e.g., nagluto an tdo nan kanin. 'the man cooked rice'; it is
symbolized as V p e r f .
The FUTURE ASPECT is used when the action is viewed as contemplated planned,
or to take place sometime in the future, e.g., maglulutoan tdo nan kdnin. 'the man will
cook rice'; it is symbolized as V f u t .
The RECENT PAST ASPECT is used when the action is viewed as completed recently,
e.g., kararatiy ni hose Jose has just arrived'. It is symbolized as V r p .
4. The INTERJECTION MOOD consists of the bare root of the verb, which is used as
an interjection (Section 2.2.1.1., no. 1), e.g., sulon! 'forward!'
5. The GERUND MOOD is a verbal-noun formation. This verbal form may be a constit-
uent of a noun phrase (Section 2.2.3.2., no. 10), and if the verb is transitive it may take
a complement in the waff-proper state of the noun phrase, e.g., an pagbibilinan mangd
'the selling of mango'.
6. The ABOSLUTE MOOD is a subordinate sentence form, and commutes with the
adverbs in the sentence, s, e.g., pagdatin nan guro y batiin mo. 'when the teacher
arrives, greet him'.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 89

2.3.2.2.2. Modal Categories

1. The various MODAL categories of the verbs fall into two main groups, namely:
(a) the ACTUALIZING FUNCTORS, which form a solidarity with the argument to yield
a syntactic variable, and (b) ACCIDENTAL FUNCTORS, which are accessory to the com-
bination of the actualizing functors and the argument, i.e., optional forms.
2. There are four kinds of ACTUALIZING FUNCTORS, which may be called 'focuses'.
These four FOCUSES in Tagalog are: (a) ACTOR, which is symbolized as Vact,
and which is of two types: (i) EXECUTIVE, which is symbolized as Vact exec, and
(ii) SUBITIVE, which is symbolized as Vact s u b ; (b) GOAL, which is symbolized as V gl ;
(c) LOCAL, which is symbolized as Vloc; and (d) INSTRUMENTAL, which is symbolized as
v.
v
inst'
3. The ACCIDENTAL FUNCTORS are of four types, namely : (a) the R categories, which
consist of the alternation of the iterative category and the absence of such a category,
i.e., R = iterative ~ 0 ; (b) the P categories, which consist of the alternation of the
causative, intensive, associative, potential, potential-accidental, emphatic, and the
absence of such categories, i.e., P = causative ~ intensive ~ associative ~ potential
~ potential-accidental emphatic ~ 0 ; (c) the Q categories, which consist of the alter-
nation of the plural, involuntary, spontaneous, emphatic, and the absence of these
categories, i.e., Q=plural ~ involuntary ~ spontaneous ~ emphatic ~ 0 ; and (d) ef
categories, which consist of the alternation of the effective category and its absence
-i.e., ef = effective ~ 0 .

2.3.2.2.3. Summary
The various proper state and modal categories, which represent obligatory and op-
tional forms of the verb can be symbolized as follows :
(a) Modals :

M = (({[act (exec, A, - R , - P , - Q ) ~ (sub, A, - R ) ] } ~

{gl, A —R, - P ) ~ (loc, A, - P } ~ {inst, A, ->-R, - P , -ef})).
where M=A, M1(e.g. every alternative inM 1 implies a choice of value in A)
G (exec, -<-R, —P) ~ (sub, - R ) .

(b) Proper States :

G 1
ger abs
In these formulas —means'optional', and ~ means 'or (alternation)'; A means 'as-
pect'.
90 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.3.2.3. Realizations of The Verbal Categories

1. The moods are realized in various ways, (a) The NON-FINITE FORMS of the various
verbs are best described under the description of each focus, (b) Likewise, the FINITE
FORMS are best explained under the various focuses, (c) The brusque command is an
INTERJECTION FORM, and consists merely in using the bare root of the verb, e.g.,
sulorj 'forward!' (d) THE GERUND FORMS are found only in the actor focus of the verbs
and will be described in the treatment of the actor focus, (e) The ABSOLUTE is formed
simply by prefixing {pag-} or {pagka-} to the root of the verb, e.g., {pag-} + {suloq} =>
pagsuloo 'when (someone) goes forward', {pagka-} + {sulor)} =>- pagkasulon 'after
(someone) had gone forward'.
2. The realization of the ACTUALIZING FUNCTORS or focuses will be discussed
under the description of each focus.
3. The realization of the ten ACCIDENTAL (optional) FUNCTORS are as follows:
(a) The ITERATIVE category is realized by the morpheme {pag}, which has five allo-
morphs: (i) /pag/ which occurs after«', ka3, ki,pa, ma, iand-(l)(hJin (e.g., nagsipami-
tas 'went about picking'); (ii) R or 'reduplication' after mag or pag (e.g., magtatakbo
'ran all over the place'); (iii) D or 'doubling' of the verb root after um and mag (e.g.,
naghanaphanap); (iv) /kanda/ after mag and mayag (e.g., mavagkandadapa ? 'stumbled
repeatedly') and (v) (1) or 'shift of accent one syllable to the right' after mag or pag
(e.g., ipinagsabi 'was talked about').
(b) The CAUSATIVE accidental category is realized by the morpheme {pa}, which has
two allomorphs: (i) /ka 4 / in the instrumental focus (e.g., ikinagalit 'caused someone
to get angry'), and (ii) /pa/ elsewhere (e.g., nagpakain 'fed').
(c) The INTENSIVE accidental category is realized by the morpheme {ka2} (e.g.,
nagpakabait 'caused to behave').
(d) The ASSOCIATIVE accidental category is realized by the morpheme {ki} (e.g.,
nakilaro 9 'played with others').
(e) The POTENTIAL category is realized by the morpheme {ka1} (e.g., nakakuha 'was
able to obtain').
(f) The POTENTIAL-ACCIDENTAL category is realized by the morpheme {ka1} (e.g.,
nakakain 'ate by chance').
(g) The EMPHATIC accidental category is realized by the morpheme {pag} (e.g., maki-
paglaro ? 'play with someone'). The difference in meaning between the forms maki-
lard ? and makipaglaro ?is vague; hence the term 'emphatic' is used here tentatively to
describe the difference between these two forms, if there is such a semantic difference
corresponding to the formal difference.
(h) The PLURAL accidental category is realized by the morpheme {si} (e.g., nagsialis
'left all together').
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 91
(i) The INVOLUNTARY accidental category is realized by the morpheme {ka3} (e.g.,
nagkapéra 'to have money unexpectedly').
(j) The SPONTANEOUS accidental category is realized by the morpheme {ti} (e.g.,
nagpatiwakdl 'committed suicide').
(k) The EFFECTIVE accidental category is realized by the morpheme {sa} (e.g., isagawâ ?
'to accomplish').

2.3.2.4. Ordering of Affixes

There is an ordering in the overt expression of the stem-forming affixes mentioned

above, which is best described according to the various focuses. The following restric-
tions, however, must be observed: (a) no identical affix may follow or precede itself
immediately; (b) the arrows indicate that the affixes are determined, i.e., they may or
may not occur with the affix that precedes them; however, there is order in the determi-
nation as indicated by the numbers over the various positional slots, e.g., ka" and ti
commute in position 1, but they may not co-occur; if they do not occur, then pa is
shifted to position 1. The following table indicates the ordering of these affixes.

TABLE 11
Ordering of Affixes

Focus Affix 4 3 2 1 Root

!
ka
R \
/pag 1 (1)
{mag-} I par) J D
ti
kanda
fpagl
{ma-} I pag J -pa
{maria-} ka*3 '
ka
{magag-} ft} pag pa ti
kanda
{mar)-}
{um} D
{-(l)(h)in}
{pa- -(l)(h)in} pag
par)
ka2
{pag- -(l)(h)in} ki
{pag- -(l)(h)in}
{ma-} pa
{mai-}
{-(l)(h)an}
92 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

Ordering of Affixes Continued

Focus Affix Root

{ma- -(l)(h)an) /pagi

l pai) J
{mà- -(l)(h)an} /pagi
IpagJ
{pa- -(l)(h)an}
{pag- -(l)(h)an}
{if}
{patj- -(l)(h)an}
{ka!- -(h)an)
(i-) id) ('*}
D
ki
I pai) J
Pa
{mai-}
{nidi-} pag ©

2.3.2.5. Types of Roots

Each verbal form consists of a root, or a root plus affixes. In Tagalog, the verb roots
are either: (a) simple, or (b) derived. The simple roots are classified into: (i) absolute
transitive, (ii) transitive, and (iii) intransitive. The following are examples of these types
of roots:
Absolute Transitive Transitive Intransitive
hampds 'strike' lütot 'cook' gàlit 'anger'
patày 'kill' kain 'eat' matày 'die'
küha 'obtain' basa 'read' dulàs 'slip up'
pülot 'pick up' àhit 'shave' tülog 'sleep'
hàkot 'cart off' inóm 'drink' dapäf 'fall on one's face'
bäsag 'break' guló 'trouble' antók 'sleepiness'

2.3.2.6. The Actor Focus

There are two types of actor focuses, (a) the executive, and (b) the subitive.

2.3.2.6.1. The Executive Actor Focus

1. The executive actor focus is realized by the prefix {mag-}. This prefix has two al-
lomorphs, /mag-/ before transitive and intransitive roots, and /ma-/ before intran-
sitive roots. The general meaning of {mag-} is the actor 'carries out' an action, e.g.,
{mag-} + {luto ?} 'cook' =>• — magluto f 'to cook'; nagluto si hose naa kanin. 'Joseph
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 93
cooked rice'. We should compare the following forms of the verb to appreciate the dif-
ference between subitive action which is signaled by the {um} affix of the second type
of actor focus and the executive action which is signaled by the {mag-} prefix: {um}+
{labas} 'out' => lumabas 'to go out', but {mag-} + {laMs} =• maglabas 'bring
out'; {um} + {tayo9} 'stand' =>• tumayo0 'to stand up', but {mag-} + {tayo9} =>
magtayo9 'build, setup'; {um} + {bili}'trade' =>• bumili 'buy', but {mag-} — {bili}
=> magbili 'sell'. In addition to verb roots, {mag-} also takes noun and adjective
roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [a], and Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph
[a]), e.g., magtren 'to ride the train', mageroplano 'to enplane'.
2. The FUTURE ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by reduplicating the base
and adding {mag-} to the root, e.g., magluluto 9 'will cook'.
3. The IMPERFECT ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by reduplicating the
root and adding {nag-} to it, e.g., nagluluto 9 'cooking'.
4. The PERFECT ASPECT of the finite state is formed by adding {nag-} to the root,
e.g., nagluto 9 'cooked'.
5. The GERUND is formed by reduplicating the base and adding {pag-} to it, e.g.,
pagbibili 'selling'. Similarly, in the case of the derived stems of {mag-}, the gerund of
these is formed by reduplicating them and adding {pag-} to them; thus, for example,
if the derived stem is {-sipagalis} which is from the stem-forming affixes {-sipag-} +
{alis} 'leave', the gerund is pagsisipagalis 'the leaving (of many)'. The meaning is that
of a nominalized verb, as in the example given-.
6. In addition to the simple roots mentioned above, the prefix {mag-} takes the fol-
lowing stem-forming affixes:
(a) {-D-}: the general meaning of the verb with this stem-forming doubling is 'itera-
tive action', e.g., {mag-} + {bant&y} 'watch' =• magbantaybantay 'keep watch',
magbantaybantdy ka sa harap nay tindahan at bakamay mawala9. 'keep watch at the
store front lest something disappears'. This stem-forming affix uses absolute transitive,
transitive and intransitive roots.
(b) {-(1)-}: the general meaning of the verb with this stem-forming accent shift is
'iterative action', e.g., {mag-} + {Mnap} 'look for' => maghanap 'to look for', but
maghanap 'go about looking for something', naghanap nan maga bulaklak av mam
bdta sa bukid. 'the children went about looking for flowers in the fields'. This stem-
forming affix uses absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.
(c) {-R-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming reduplication is 'iterative action',
e.g., {mag} + {-R-} + {takbo} 'run' => magtatakbo 'to go about running', nagta-
takbo ao maoa aso sa pdrao 'the dogs ran around the prairies'. This stem-forming
affix uses absolute transitive, transitive and intransitive roots.
(d) {-si-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural action', e.g., {mag} +
{-si-} + {tago 9 } 'hide' => 'to hide'; magsitago 9 'to hide (plural)', nagsitago av mava
daga pagdatiu nay piisa 'the mice hid when the cat arrived'. This stem-forming affix
uses absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.
(e) {-sipag-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural emphatic action',
94 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

e.g., {mag-} 4- {-sipag} — {tdgo9} 'hide' magsipagtdgo ? 'the act of hiding

(plural)', nagsipagtdgo ay maya dagdpagdatiy naypusa">. 'the rats scampered to their
hiding places when the cat arrived'. This stem-forming affix uses absolute transitive,
transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots. (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [b]).
(f) {-sipagpa-}: The general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural, emphatic,
causative action', e.g., {mag-} + {-sipagpa-} + {tdgo ?} => magsipagpatdgo "> 'have
something be hidden (plural)', nagsipagpatago ? ay maya bata nay pagkain sa kanila y
ina. 'the children had their mother put away some food'. This stem-forming affix takes
absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots, as well as nominal and adjectival
roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [c], Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [b])
(g) {-sipagpaka2-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural, emphatic,
causative, intensive action', e.g., {mag-} + {-sipagpaka-} + {matay} 'die => mag-
sipagpakamatay 'commit suicide (plural)', nagsipagpakamatay ay ilay sundaloo hapon
pagkatapos naydigmaan. 'a few Japanese soldiers committed suicide after the war'. This
affix takes intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [c]).
(h) {-sipag-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'plural, iterative action',
e.g., {mag-} + {-sipag-} + {bagkd 9 } 'banca' =>• magsipamayka9 'ride a banca
(plural)'; nagsipamaokd ao maoa bata sa Hog 'the children rode bancas in the river'.
This stem-forming affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal,
and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [d]; Section 2.3.6.1., second
paragraph [d]).
(i) {-ka3-}: the general meaning of this affix is 'involuntary action', e.g., {mag-} +
{-ka-} + {sakit} 'sickness' magkasakit 'to fall sick', nagkasakit av bata dahil sa
init nao draw 'the child got sick because of the heat of the sun'. This stem-forming affix
takes nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [e]).
(j) {-ka3(l)-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'involuntary, iterative
action', e.g., {mag-} + {-ka-(l)} + {putol} 'cut' => magkaputol 'be accidentally cut
iteratively', nagkaputol an mampitnov kahoy dahil sa lakas nay hayirt. 'the trees got cut
down by the strong wind'. This stem-forming affix takes absolute transitive, transitive,
and intransitive roots.
(k) {-ka2D-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'intensive, iterative ac-
tion', e.g., {mag-} + {-ka-} + {-D-} + {ump6g} => magkaumpugumpog 'knock
against something', nagkaumpugumpog ay maya ulo nay maoa bata nay huminto ay
tren. 'the children's heads got knocked together when the train came to a halt'. This
stem-forming affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.
(1) {-kanda-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is iterative action, e.g.,
{mag-} + {-kanda-} + {dap£9} 'stumble' => magkandadapa'stumble repeatedly',
nagkandadapa9 ay bata sa pagtakbo. 'the child stumbled repeatedly while running'.
This stem-forming affix takes only intransitive roots.
(m) {-pa-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'causative action', e.g.,
{mag-} + {-pa-} — {k£in} 'eat' => magpakain 'feed', nagpakain nay maoa manok ay
magsasakd. 'the farmer fed the chicken'. This stem-forming affix takes absolute tran-
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 95
sitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third
paragraph, [f]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [e]).
(n) {-paka2-}: the general meaning of this stem-forming affix is 'causative, intensive
action', e.g., {mag-} + {-paka-} + {bait} 'good-natured' =• magpakabait 'try to
behave', nagpakabait ao bata upaq payagan siya o maglaro 'the child tried to behave
in order that he may be permitted to play'. This stem-forming affix takes intransitive,
and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [f]).
(o) {-pati-}: this stem-forming affix means 'causative, spontaneous action', e.g., {mag-}
+ {-pati-} + {hulog} 'drop' => magpatihulog 'to let oneself down', nagpatihulog ao
tao mula sa bahay haygay sa lupa. 'the man let himself drop from the house to the
ground'. This stem-forming affix takes only intransitive roots.
7. The executive prefix {mag-} has an allomorph /ma-/, which occurs only with
intransitive verb roots, e.g., {ma-} + {tulog} 'sleep' => matulog 'to sleep', natulog ao
tao sa duyan 'the man slept in the hammock'.
8. The NON-FINITE FORM is the result of adding the prefix {ma-} to the root, as in
matulog above. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding the prefix {na-} to
the root, e.g., natulog 'slept'. The IMPERFECT FINITE FORM is the result of adding
{na-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., natutulog 'sleeping'. The FUTURE FINITE FORM is
the result of adding {ma-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., matutulog 'will sleep'. The
GERUND is formed by adding {pag-} to the root, e.g., pagtulog 'sleeping'. This prefix
does not have a gerund form from derived stems.
9. In addition to taking simple intransitive roots, this prefix also takes the following
stem-forming affixes (the meanings are enclosed in single quotes; an example is then
given; finally the types of roots the affixes take are indicated):
(a) {-ka1-} 'potential action', e.g., {ma-} + {-ka-} + {kuha} 'obtain' => makakuha
'to be able to obtain', nakakuha siya nao mataas na marka sa eskuwela. 'he was able to
get a high mark in school'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive
roots. In the perfect non-finite, the meaning of potentiality is sometimes lost, naka-
kuha na si Pedro nao suweldo can have two meanings, either 'Peter was already able to
obtain his salary' or 'Peter has already obtained his salary'.
(b) {-kd1-} 'potential-accidental', e.g., {ma-} + {-kd-} + {tdpak} 'step on' => maka-
tdpak 'be able to step on accidentally', nakatdpak siya nao bdga. 'he accidentally was
able to step on a live coal'; it.takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive
roots.
(c) {-ka^ag-} 'potential, emphatic action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kapag-} + {tanoq} 'ask'
=> makapagtanoo 'be able to ask', nakapagtanoo si iskd kuo saan ao bahay ni dskar.
'Isko was able to ask where the house of Oscar was'; it takes absolute transitive, tran-
sitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [j]).
(d) {-k^pag-} 'potential-accidental, emphatic action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kapag-} +
{tan6rj} => makapagtanoo 'ask by accident', nakapagtanoo ao polls sa magnandkaw.
'the police asked the thief by accident'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intran-
sitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [k]).
96 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(e) {-ka^ag-} 'potential, iterative', e.g., {ma-} + {-kapag-} + {hiràm} 'borrow' =>
makaparjhiràm 'succeeded in borrowing', nakapauhiràm nau péra aspulubi. 'the beggar
succeeded in borrowing money' ; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive,
and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [1]).
(f) {-ka^pagpa-} 'potential, emphatic, causative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kapagpa-} +
{tayó ?} 'stand up' =>• makapagpatàyo ? 'be able to have something built', nakapag-
patayó an ama nan silumnnatj mava manók. 'the father was able to have a shelter for
the chicken to be built' ; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal,
and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [m]; Section 2.3.6.1., second
paragraph, [g]).
(g) {-kà^agpa-} 'potential-accidental, emphatic, causative action', e.g., {ma-} +•
{-kàpagpa-} + {tayó =>- makàpagpatayó ? 'be able to have something built by
accident', nakapagpatayó aogobiyérno nau gusàlìsa latian. 'the government had a build-
ing set up in a marsh by accident' ; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, nominal, and
adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [n]; Section 2.3.6.1., second pa-
ragraph, [h]).
(h) {-ki-} 'associative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-ki-} + {tulog} 'help' => makitulov 'to
help along with others', nakituloa si pédro sa kasàl nau kaniya a kaibigan. 'Peter lent a
hand at the wedding of his friend' ; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransi-
tive roots.
(i) {-kipag-} 'associative, emphatic action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kipag-} + {laro9} 'play'
=> makipaglaró f 'to play with someone', nakipaglaró si Iskó kay Oskar 'Isko played
with Oscar'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots
(Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [o]).
(j) {-kipag-} 'associative, iterative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kipag-} + {putol} 'cut' (cf.
Section 2.3.1., second paragraph) => makiparrmtol 'to go about cutting together with
others', nakipamùtol nag gàtoy an mam kapitbàhay. 'the neighbors got together to cut
firewood'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2.,
third paragraph, [p]).
(k) {-kipagpa-} 'associative, emphatic, causative action', e.g., {ma-} + {-kipagpa-} +
{gawà ?} 'make' => makipagpagawà ? 'get together to have something made', naki-
pagpagawà av bàia nav larùan sa kaniya v maga kaibigan. 'the child had a toy made in
association with his companions'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive,
and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [i]).
10. There is an executive actor focus affix {maga-} which is the result of the
amalgamation of the realizations of the executive actor focus and the plural
categories.
11. The NON-FINITE is the result of adding the prefix {maga-} to the root, e.g.,
maoahùlog 'fall (pi.)'. The PERFECT FINITE FORM is the result of adding the prefix
{naga-} to the root, e.g., naaahulog 'fell (pi.)'. The IMPERFECT FINITE FORM is the
result of adding the prefix {naga-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., naoahùhùlog 'falling
(pi.)'. The FUTURE FINITE FORM is the result of adding the prefix {maga-} to the
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 97
reduplicated root, e.g., mayahuhulog 'will fall (pi.)'; it takes absolute transitive, tran-
sitive, intransitive, and nominal roots.
12. In addition to the simple root, this prefix also takes the stem-forming affix
{-ka2-} which has the general meaning of 'executive, plural, actor focus, and intensive
action', e.g., {naqa-} + {-ka2-} + {tulog} 'sleep' => nayakatulog 'be fast asleep',
nayakatulog ay maya bata sa likod nay kotse. 'the children were fast asleep at the back
of the car'; it takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots
(Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph [j]).
13. There is another executive actor focus affix {maqag-} which is the result
of the amalgamation of the realizations of the executive actor focus and the plural
categories.
14. The NON-FINITE form is the result of adding the prefix { maqag-} to the root,
e.g. mayagaral 'study (pi.)'. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding {natjag-}
to the root, e.g., nayagaral 'studied (pi.)'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of
adding {naqag-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., nayagdaral 'studying (pi.)'. The FUTURE
FINITE form is the result of adding { maqag-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., mayagad-
ral 'will study (pi.)'. It takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal and
adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [h]; Section 2.3.6.1., second
paragraph, [k]).
15. In addition to simple roots, this prefix also takes the following stem-forming
affixes:
(a) It takes {-pa-}, which has the general meaning of 'plural, causative action', e.g.,
{marjag-} + {-pa-} + {kain} 'eat' => mayagpakain, nayagpakain ay maya anak ni
pedro nay maya manok. 'the children of Peter fed the chicken', and takes absolute tran-
sitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third
paragraph, [g]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [1]).
(b) It takes {-si-}, which has the general meaning of 'plural, executive, actor focus',
e.g., {maqag-} + {-si-} + {alls} 'leave' => mayagsialis 'leave (pi.)', nayagsialis ay
maya kambiy sa koral 'the goats left the corral', and takes absolute transitive, transi-
tive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [m]).
(c) It takes {-ka3-}, which has the general meaning of 'plural, involuntary, executive
actor focus', e.g., {magag-} + {-ka3-} + {pera} 'money' => mayagkapera 'come to
possess money without intending it (pi.)', nayagkapera ay maya nanood sa karera. 'the
fans at the race came to obtain money without intending it', and takes absolute tran-
sitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [i]).
(d) It takes {-sipag-}, which in general means 'plural, emphatic, executive, actor focus
action', e.g., {magag-} + {-sipag-} + {bihis} 'dress up' =>- mayagsipagbihis 'dress
up (pi.)', nayagsipagbihis ay maya dalaga para sa piyesta. 'the young ladies dressed up
for the fiesta', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive roots.
(e) It takes {-sipagpa-}, which has the general meaning of 'plural, executive, actor
focus, emphatic, and causative action', e.g., {magag-} + {-sipagpa-} + {gupit}
'haircut' =>• mayagsipagpagupit 'have a haircut (pi.)', nayagsipagpagupit nay buhok
7
98 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

sina pedro. 'Peter and his companions had their haircut', and takes absolute transitive,
transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [n]).
(f) It takes {-sipagpaka2-}, which in general means 'executive, actor focus, plural,
causative, intensive action', e.g., {marjag-} + {-sipagpaka-} + {bait} 'good-natured'
=> mavagsipagpakaba.it 'exert effort to be good (pi.)', navagsipagpakabait ao matja
bata nag maldpit na ao pasko. 'the children exerted effort to behave since Christmas was
approaching', and takes intransitive and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second par-
agraph, [o]).
(g) It takes {-sipagpati-}, which means 'executive, actor focus, plural, emphatic,
causative, and spontaneous action', e.g., {magag-} + {-sipagpati-} + {hulog} 'fall'
=>• mavagsipagpatihulog 'fell spontaneously on their own', navagsipagpatihulog ao
mawnakatirdsanasusunog nabdhay. 'the people in the burning building allowed them-
selves to fall down on their own', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intran-
sitive roots.
(h) It takes {-kanda-}, which in general means 'actor focus, executive, iterative, plural
action', e.g., {magag-} + {-kanda-} + {hulog} 'fall' => mavagkandahulog 'fall
repeatedly', navagkandahulog an maoa hinog na maogd. 'the ripe mango fruit came
falling down', and takes, absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.
16. There is a prefix {maq-} which is used to signal 'executive, actor focus, iterative
action'. This prefix is here analyzed as the result of the amalgamation of {mag-} 'ex-
ecutive, actor focus' and {-pag-} 'iterative action', for the following reasons:
(a) All the other focuses combine with a stem-forming affix {-pag-} which signal 'iter-
ative action', except {mag-}.
(b) The semantic content of the aflix supports this analysis. The NON-FINITE form of
this affix is the result of prefixing {mag-} to the root, e.g., {mag-} + {bili} 'buy' =>
mamili 'go shopping'. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing {nag-} to the
root, e.g., namili 'went shopping'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefix-
ing {nag-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., namimili 'shopping'. The FUTURE FINITE
form is the result of prefixing {mag-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., mamimili 'will
buy'. The GERUND of this affix is {pag-} plus the reduplicated root, e.g., pamimili
'shopping'. This prefix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots,
and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [q]).

2.3.2.6.2. The Subitive Actor Focus

1. The second type of actor focus is the subitive, which is realized by the affix {um}.
The general meaning of this affix is that the actor undergoes an action (e.g., uminom
'drink') or state (e.g., bumait 'become good'). This affix takes absolute transitive, tran-
sitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [p]). It has
two allomorphs: (a) the prefix /um-/, which is added to roots with initial vowels, e.g.,
{um-} + {alis} 'remove' =>• umalis 'go away'; and (b) the infix /-um-/, which is added
to roots with initial consonants, e.g., {-um-} + {lakad} 'walk' => lumakad 'walk'.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 99
2. The NON-FINITE form of the subitive is formed by adding {um} to the verb base,
according to the rules stated in Section 2.3.2.6.2., no. 1.
3. The FUTURE ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by reduplicating the root,
e.g., iinom 'will drink', tutubo 'will grow'.
4. The IMPERFECT ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by adding {-um-} to
the root and reduplicating it, e.g., umiinom 'drinking', tumutubo 'growing'.
5. The PERFECT ASPECT of the finite proper state is formed by infixing {-um-} to the
root, e.g., uminom 'drank', tumubo ? 'grew'.
6. The GERUND is formed by adding {pag-} to the root, e.g., paginom 'drinking', pag-
tubo ? 'growth'. Similarly, in the formation of the gerund for the derived stems which
follow, the prefix {pag-} is added to the derived stem, and the meaning is a nominal-
ized verbal action: thus, if the derived stem is {-kausap} from {-ka-} + {usap} 'talk',
then the gerund is pagkausap 'act of conversing'.
7. In addition to simple roots, {-um} subitive also takes derived roots or stems, which
are with the stem-forming affix {-D-}: the general meaning of the verb with this
stem-forming doubling is 'iterative action', e.g., {um} + {t&wa} 'laugh' =>• tumawa
'to laugh'; {um} + {-D-} + {tawa} => tumawatdwa 'keep laughing', tumatawatdwa
si pedro kuo siya y nagkakamali^. 'Pedro keeps laughing when he makes a mistake';
takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.

2.3.2.7. The Goal Focus •

1. The NON-FINITE form results in suffixing {-(l)(h)in} to the verb root, e.g.,
{luto 9 }'cook' + {-in} =>. lutuin 'be cooked'. The FINITE PERFECT form is the result
of infixing {-in-} to the root, e.g., {-in-} + {luto 9 } => linuto ? 'cooked'. The FINITE
IMPERFECT is formed by infixing {-in-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., {-in-} + Re +
{luto 9 } => linuluto? 'cooking'. The FINITE FUTURE is formed by reduplicating the
root and adding a suffix {-(l)(h)in}, e.g., {luto 9 } + Re + {-in} => lulutuin 'will be
cooked'. The RECENT PAST form of the verb results from the addition of {ka-} to the
reduplicated root, e.g. kaiindm 'has just drunk'. This affix takes all the five types of
roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [r]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [q]).
2. Besides the simple suffix {-(l)(h)in}, there is also a complex affix, {pa- -(l)(h)in}
'goal, focus, causative action', e.g., {pa- -(l)in} + {inom} 'drink' => painumin 'have
someone drink', painumin mo ay kalabaw sapagkat nauuhaw 'have the carabao drink
since it is thirsty'. The PERFECT FINITE form of this complex affix is the result of
infixing {-in-} between the consonant and vowel of the prefix {pa-}, e.g., pinainom
'was made to drink'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form of the verb is the result of in-
fixing {-in-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pinaiinom 'being made to drink'. The FUTURE
FINITE form of the verb is the result of adding {pa- -(l)(h)in} to the reduplicated root,
e.g., paiinumin 'will be made to drink'. This complex affix takes absolute transitive,
transitive, intransitive, as well as adjectival and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third
paragraph, [u]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [r]). Besides such simple roots, it
also takes derived roots with the following stem-forming affixes:
100 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(a) It takes {-pag-} 'causative, emphatic action', e.g., {pa--(l)(h)in} + {-pag-} + {1am-
paso} 'husk' =» papaglampasuhin 'have someone husk something', pinapaglampaso nan
maybahay an kaniya a anak 'the lady of the house had her child husk her corn',
which takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section
2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [s]).
(b) It takes {-pag-}'causative, iterative action', e.g., {pa- -(l)in} + {-pag-} + {hiram}
'borrow' =>• papatjhiramin 'let someone borrow something', pinapaohiram ni rosa ay
kcmiya a guntiv sa kaniya a matja kaibigan. 'Rose allows her friends to keep borrowing
her pair of scissors', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and
nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [t]).
(c) It takes {-ka2-} 'goal focus, causative, intensive action', e.g., {pa- -(l)(h)in} +
{-ka} + {buti} 'good' =• pakabutihin 'have something done well', huwag mou paka-
butihin ao iyov paglaro ? 'don't play too well', which takes adjectival roots (Section
2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [s].
(d) It takes {-ki-} 'goal focus, causative, associative action', e.g., {pa- -(l)(h)in} +
{-ki-} + {putol} 'cut' =>• pakiputulin 'have someone cut something', pinakiputol ni
huwan ao punoy kahoy sa kaniyao halamanan. 'Juan had the tree in his garden cut by
someone'; takes only absolute transitive and transitive roots.
3. There is a second complex affix in the goal focus, { pag- -(l)(h)in}, which has the
general meaning of 'goal focus, emphatic action', e.g., {pag- -(l)(h)in} + {linis}
'clean' => paglinisin 'be cleaned', pinaglinis ni mariya si lina nan mam plato. 'Maria
had Lina clean the plates'. The FINITE PERFECT form is the result of infixing
{-in-} e.g. {-in-} + {linis} 'clean' =• pinaglinis. The FINITE IMPERFECT form is the
result of affixing {pag- -(h)in} and infixing {-in-} to the reduplicated root, e.g. pinag-
lilinis. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of affixing {pag- -(h)in} to the redupli-
cated root, e.g. paglilinisin. It takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and
nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [v]).
4. There is a third complex affix of the 'goal focus, {par)- -(l)(h)in} iterative action',
which takes absolute transitive, transitive, nominal, and adjectival roots; e.g., {pag-
-(l)in} + {pitas} 'pick' =>- pamitasin 'keep being picked', pinamitas namin an matja
buna nay puno o kahoy'we went about picking the fruit of the tree'. The PERFECT FINITE
form is the result of prefixing {pag-} + {-in-} + {pitas} 'pick' => pinamitas. The
IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing {pag-} + {-in-} to the reduplicated
root, e.g., pinamimitas 'being picked'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of
prefixing {pag- -(h)in} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pamimitasin. It takes absolute
transitive and transitive roots.
5. In addition to the simple and complex affixes of the goal focus, there is a prefix
{ma-}, which has a potential meaning. This prefix is here analyzed as an amalgam of
the goal focus affix {-(l)(h)in} and the potential affix {ma-}. The reason for this analysis
is the following: the potential category is a modality of the verb form in all the focuses,
and only the goal focus lacks such a modality if {ma-} is not interpreted as the realiza-
tion of the potential category in this focus. The NON-FINITE form of {ma-} potential is
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 101
the result of prefixing {ma-} to the verb root, e.g., {ma-} + {kuha} 'obtain' =•
makuha 'be able to be obtained'; the PERFECT FINITE form is the result of prefixing
{na-} to the root of the verb, e.g., nakuha 'was able to be obtained'; the IMPERFECT
FINITE form is the result of prefixing {na-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., nakukuha
'being able to be obtained'; the FUTURE FINITE form of the verb is the result of pre-
fixing {ma-} to the reduplicated form of the root, e.g., makukuha 'will be able to be
obtained'. This prefix takes only absolute transitive and transitive roots.
6. Besides taking simple verb roots, {ma-} also takes roots with the stem-forming
affix {-pa-}; it has the general meaning of 'goal focus, potential, causative action',
e.g., {ma-} + {-pa-} + {kanta} 'sing' => mapakanta 'be able to have someone sing',
napakanta nila aq dalaga 'they were able to have the young girl sing'; takes absolute
transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2.,
third paragraph, [w]).
7. Besides the prefix {ma-}, there is also another prefix {ma-} 'potential-accidental
action', e.g., {ma-} + {pitas} => mapitas 'be picked by accident', napitas nan bata
an hindi hinog na manga 'the child happened to pick the unripe mango'. This affix takes
absolute transitive, and transitive roots.
8. In addition to simple verb roots, {ma-} also takes roots with the stem-forming
affix {-pa-}; it has the general meaning of 'goal focus, potential-accidental, causative
action', e.g., {md-} + {-pa-} + {kain} 'eat' =>• mapakain 'be able accidentally to
have someone eat', napakain nan ina an panis na ulam sa kaniyan anak. 'the mother
accidentally caused her child to eat the spoiled food'; takes absolute transitive, tran-
sitive, nominal and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [x]; Section
2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [t]).

2.3.2.8. The Local Focus

1. The goal focus is realized by the suffix {-(l)(h)an}. The general meaning of this
suffix is 'action done at a certain place'; however, it sometimes has a benefactive mean-
ing, e.g., {bdsa} 'read' + {-(l)(h)an} 'have something read for someone'. The PERFECT
FINITE form is the result of affixing {-in-} and {-(l)(h)an} to the root, e.g., binasahan.
The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of affixing {-in} + {-(l)(h)an} to the redu-
plicated root, e.g., binabasahan. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of suffixing
{-(l)(h)an} to the reduplicated root, e.g., babasahan. The RECENT PAST form is the
result of prefixing {ka-} to the reduplicated root, e.g. kababasa. This suffix takes all
five types of roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [y]; Section 2.3.6.1., second par-
agraph, [u]).
2. In addition to the simple suffix, there is also a complex affix in this focus, {ma-
-(l)han}, whose general meaning is 'local focus, potential action', e.g., {ma-
-(h)an} + {pitas} 'pick' => mapitasan, e.g. napitasan na nag mana hinog an punon man-
gan ito. 'ripe mangoes have already been picked from this tree'; takes absolute transi-
tive, transitive, intransitive, nominal and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third
paragraph, [z]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [v]).
102 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

3. In addition to simple roots, this affix takes roots with the stem-forming affixes:
(a) It takes {-pag-}, which has the general meaning of 'local focus, potential emphatic
action', e.g., {ma- -(l)(h)an) 4- {-pag-} + {¿ral} 'study' => mapagaralan 'be studied',
napagaralan nay estudyante ay kaniyao leksiyon. 'the student has studied his lesson',
and takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.
(b) It takes {-pag-}, which has the general meaning of 'local focus, potential iterative
action', e.g., {ma--(l)(h)an} + {-paq-} + {bili} 'buy' =>- mapamilihdn 'be able to shop
at a place', napamilihan na namin aopaleokeo ito. 'we (exclus.) have already shopped at
this market', and takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots
(Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [aa]).
4. In addition to the complex affix {ma- -(l)(h)an}, the local focus has a second
complex affix {m&- -(l)(h)an} 'potential-accidental action', e.g., {ma- -(l)an} +
{tdma*?} 'hit' => matamaan 'be hit accidentally', natamaan ao usa sa leeg 'the deer
was accidentally hit in the neck'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intran-
sitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [bb]; Sec-
tion 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [w]).
5. Besides taking simple roots, this complex affix also takes roots with the following
stem-forming affixes:
(a) It takes {-pag-} which has the general meaning of 'local focus, potential-accidental
emphatic action', e.g., {md- -(l)(h)an} + {-pag-} + {sdbi} 'say' => mapagsabihan
'be told something by someone', ndpagsabihan new ind at; kaniyao mam anak na mag-
pakabait. 'the mother told her children to behave'; takes absolute transitive, transitive,
and intransitive verbs.
(b) It takes {-pag-} which has the general meaning of 'local focus, potential-accidental,
iterative action', e.g., {md- -(l)(h)an{ + {-pan-} + {bili} 'buy' => mapamilihdn
'accidentally to do some shopping at at a certain place', napamilihan na namin aa
tinddhan ni pedro. 'we have already shopped at Peter's store'; takes absolute tran-
sitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph,
[cc]).
6. There is a third complex affix in the local focus, {pa- -(l)(h)an} 'causative, local
action', e.g., {pa--(l)(h)an} + {kulo 9 } 'boil' => pakuludn 'have something be boiled',
e.g., pinakuluan na an tubig na iyan 'that water has already been boiled'. This affix
takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Sec-
tion 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [dd]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [x]). The
NON-FINITE form is the result of affixing the complex {pa- -(l)(h)an} to the root, e.g.,
pakuludn 'have something boiled'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of in-
fixing {-in-}, and adding {pa- -(l)(h)in} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pinakukuluan
'having something boiled'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of adding the prefix
{pa- -(l)(h)an} to the reduplicated root, e.g., pakukuluan 'will be boiled'.
7. In addition to the simple roots, the complex affix {pa- -(l)(h)an} takes roots with
the following stem-forming affixes:
(a) It takes {-ka2-} 'intensive action', e.g., {pa- -(l)(h)an} + {-ka-} + { w a l a ' n o n e '
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 103
=> pakawalan 'set free', pinakawalan nan bata an nakatali n ibon. 'the child set the
tied bird free'. This affix takes intransitive roots. N.B., there is an elision of a ? in
the final syllable.
(b) It takes {-ki-}'associative action', e.g., {pa--(l)an} + {-ki-} + {tulog} 'help' =»•
pakitulunan 'helped by others', pinakitulunan nan mana bata an matanda sa pagtawid
sa daan. 'the youngsters helped the old man cross the street'. This affix takes absolute
transitive, transitive, intransitive, and nominal roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third para-
graph, [cc]).
8. The fourth complex affix in the local focus is {pag- -(l)(h)an} 'local focus, emphat-
ic action', e.g., {pag- -(l)an} + {iqat} 'care' => paginatan 'take care of', pinagivatan
ko ay akirj marja aklat 'I took care of my books'. The NON-FINITE form of this verb
is the result of adding the complex affix to the root; for example, paginatan. The
PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding the infix {-in-} to the complex affix and
the root, e.g., pinagivatan 'took care of'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result
of adding the infix {-in-} and the complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., pinagi-
inatan 'being taken care of'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of adding the
complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., pagiinatan 'will be taken care of'. This
complex affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots
(Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [y]).
9. The fifth complex affix of the local focus is {pag- -(l)(h)an} 'local, iterative ac-
tion', e.g., pamitasan 'be picked'. It takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransi-
tive verb roots. The NON-FINITE form is the result of adding the complex affix (paq-
-(l)(h)an} to the root, cf. above example. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of
adding the infix {-in-} to the prefix {pag-} and adding the rest of this complex affix to
the root, e.g., pinamitasan 'was picked'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of
adding the infix {-in-} to the prefix {pag-} and adding the rest of the complex affix to
the reduplicated root, e.g., pinamimitasan 'being picked'. The FUTURE FINITE form is
the result of adding the complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., pamimitasdn 'will
be picked'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.
10. The sixth complex affix is {ka2- -(l)(h)an} 'local, intensive action', e.g., {ka-
-(l)an} + {hiya"?} 'shame' => kahiyaan 'be ashamed'; takes intransitive verb roots.
The NON-FINITE form is the result of adding the complex affix to the root, cf.
example above. The PERFECT FINITE form is the result of adding an infix {-in-} to
the root and the complex affix, e.g., kinahiyaan 'was ashamed'. The IMPERFECT FINITE
form is the result of adding the infix {-in-} to the reduplicated root and the complex
affix, e.g., kinahihiyaan 'being ashamed'. The FUTURE FINITE form is the result of
adding the complex affix to the reduplicated root, e.g., kahihiyaan 'will be ashamed'.
For example, kinahiyaan nipedro an kaniyan kapatid. 'Peter was ashamed of his brother'.
This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.
 104 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.3.2.9. Instrumental Focus

1. The instrumental focus is signalled by the preffix {i-}. The NON-FINITE form is
the result of prefixing {i-} to the root, e.g., {i-} + {hampas} 'strike' ihampas 'use
(something) to strike'. Sometimes, this prefix signals benefactive action. The PERFECT
FINITE form is the result of infixing {-in-} to the root and prefixing {i-}, e.g., ihinam-
pas 'used (something) to strike'. The IMPERFECT FINITE form is the result of in-
fixing {-in-} and prefixing {i-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., ihinahampas. The FUTURE
FINITE form is the result of prefixing {i-} to the reduplicated root, e.g., ihahampas
'will be used to strike'. The RECENT PAST form is the result of prefixing {ka-} to the
reduplicated root, e.g. kahahampas. This prefix takes absolute transitive, transitive,
intransitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [ff]; Sec-
tion 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [z]).
2. In addition to simple verb roots, this prefix also takes roots with the following
stem-forming affixes:
(a) It takes {-pag-} 'emphatic action', e.g., {i-} + {-pag-} + {tapon} 'throw' =>
ipagtapon 'be thrown away', ipinagtdpon nay maylalako ay maw bilasaa isda 'the
vendor threw away the fish that had gone bad', which takes absolute transitive, tran-
sitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [aa]).
(b) It takes {-pag (1)-} 'emphatic, iterative action', e.g., {i-} + {-pag(l)} + {tapon}
'throw away' => ipagtapon 'throw one after the other', ipinagtapon nan mavlalako
ao maoa bilasao isda. 'the vendor threw away here and there the fish that had gone
bad', which takes absolute transitive and transitive roots.
(c) It takes {-pag-D} 'instrumental focus emphatic, iterative action', e.g., {i-} +
{-pag-D} + {tanoq} 'ask' =>• ipagtanoo 'keep having something asked', ipinagtatanooni
pedro kuv saan nakatira atj kaniya v pinsdn. 'Peter kept asking around where his
cousin lived', which takes absolute transitive and transitive roots.
(d) It takes {-pa-} 'instrumental, causative action', e.g., {i-}+{-pa-}+{kuha} => ipakuha
'have something be obtained', ipinakuha ko kay pedro an aki v aklat na nakalimutan
ko sa akldtan. 'I had Peter fetch my book which I forgot and left in the library', which
takes absolute transitive, transitive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2.,
third paragraph, [gg]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [bb]).
(e) It takes {-paki-} 'instrumental, causative, associative action', e.g., {i-} + {-paki-} +
{kuha} => ipakikuha 'have something be obtained together with others', ipinaki-
kuha nay guro an tisa kay pedro. 'the teacher had Pedro obtain chalk for him', which
takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1.,
second paragraph, [dd]).
(f) It takes {-pakipag-} 'instrumental, causative, associative, emphatic action', e.g., {i-}+
{-pakipag-} + {tan6ij} 'ask' =>• ipakipagtanov 'have something be asked', ipinaki-
pagtano s ni ginoo v sdntos kuv saan aa paaraldn. 'Mr. Santos was asking around where
the school house was', which takes absolute transitive and transitive roots.
(g) It takes {-pakipa-} 'instrumental, causative, associative action', e.g., {i-} +
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 105
{-pakipa-} + {alis} 'leave' => ipakipaalis 'have something be removed', ipinaki-
paalis nao ina ao dumisa kusina ? sa kaniya o utusan. 'the mother of the house had dirt
in the kitchen removed by her servant', which takes absolute transitive and transitive
verb roots.
(h) It takes {-ka4-} 'instrumental, causative action', e.g., {i-} + {-ka-} + {gisii)} 'wake
up' ikagisio 'cause to wake up', ao ioay ao siya o ikinagisio nao batal 'noise
is what caused the child to wake up', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, in-
transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [cc]).
(i) It takes {-ka^a-} 'instrumental, causative (double marking)', e.g., {i-} + {-kapa-}
+ {alis} 'leave' => ikapaalis 'be caused to leave by accident', ao kaniyao pagkalasio
noo o isa o draw ao siya niyao ikinapaalis sa trabaho. 'his being drunk the other day
was the accidental cause of his being fired'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transi-
tive, and intransitive roots.
(j) It takes {-par)-} 'instrumental focus, iterative action', e.g., {i-} + {-pag-} + {putol}
=> ipamutol 'be cut repeatedly', ipinamutol nao tubo ni pedro ao gulok na itd. 'this
bolo was used by Peter to cut sugarcane'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transi-
tive, nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph [hh], Section
2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [ee]).
(k) It takes {-sa-} 'instrumental focus, effective action', e.g., {i-} + {-sa-} + {gawa
'make' => isagawaf 'have something be made', isinagawa9 ni pedro ao kaniya o
balak na magtayo nao bahay. 'Peter executed his plan to build a house'. This affix takes
absolute transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [ff]).
3. There is a complex affix in the intrumental focus, namely {mai-} 'potential action'.
The formation of the non-finite and finite forms are like those of {ma-} in Section
2.3.2.7., no. 5. An example of this complex affix is {mai-} + {kuha} =>• maikuha
'be able to be obtained', naikuha ko ao aki o kapatid na lalaki nao isa o mar/gd. 'I was
able to obtain a mango for my brother'. It takes absolute transitive, transitive, and
adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph [gg]).
4. In addition to simple verb roots, the complex affix {mai-} takes roots with the fol-
lowing stem-forming affixes:
(a) It takes {-pa-} 'instrumental focus, potential, causative action', e.g., {mai-} +
{-pa-} + {kuha} => maipakuha 'be able to have something obtained', naipakuha nao
ama ao kaniya o awto sa pulis 'the father was able to have the policeman get his car'.
This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, intransitive, nominal, and adjectival
roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third paragraph, [ii]; Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph,
[hh]).
(b) It takes {-sa-} 'instrumental focus, potential, effective action', e.g., {mai-} + {-sa-}
+ {gaw£?} 'make' =>• maisagawaf 'be able to execute something', naisagawa ni
pedro ao kaniya o maoa balak 'Peter was able to execute his plans'; takes absolute
transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [ii]).
(c) It takes {-pag-} 'instrumental focus, potential, emphatic action', e.g., {mai-} +
{-pag-} + {tanorj} 'ask' => maipagtanoo 'be able to ask', naipagtando nao guro kuo
106 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

saan nakatirà si pédro 'the teacher was able to ask around where Peter lived'. This
takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., fourth
paragraph, [jj]).
(d) It takes {-pagpa-} 'instrumental focus, potential, emphatic, causative action', e.g.,
{mai-} + {-pagpa-} + { g a w à = > maipagpagawd9 'be able to have something be
done', naipagpagawà ni pédro naa bàhay si hosé. 'Peter was able to have a house con-
structed for Joe'. This takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots.
5. There is a second complex affix in the instrumental focus, namely {mài-} 'poten-
tial-accidental, instrumental, causative action', e.g., {mài-} + {tanóq} 'ask' =>
màitanóv 'be able to have something asked by accident', nàitanótj nan polis kuy sino
siyà. 'the police was able to inquire accidentally into his identity'; takes absolute tran-
sitive, transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [kk]). It
also takes roots with the following stem formants :
(a) It takes {-pa-} 'instrumental focus, potential-accidental, causative action', e.g.,
{mài-} + {-pa-} + {hàgis} 'throw' => màipahàgis 'have something be thrown away
by accident', naipahàgis niya sa dàgat aa kaniya a sombrèro sa kaniya o andk. 'he was
able by accident to have his child hurl his hat into the sea'. This takes absolute transi-
tive, transitive, intransitive," nominal, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.3.2., third
paragraph, [jj], Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [11]).
(b) It takes {-sa-} 'potential-accidental, instrumental focus, causative action', e.g.,
{mài-} + {-sa-} + {gawà *?} 'make' => màisagawà f 'be able to have something done
by accident', nàisagawd ni pédro av kaniya a bàlak na makaratia sa san róke. 'Peter
accidentally had his plan realized to reach San Roque'. This takes absolute transitive,
transitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1. second paragraph, [m]).
(c) It takes {-pag-} 'potential-accidental, emphatic action', e.g., {mài-} 4- {-pag-} +
{tanór)} 'ask' => màipagtanóu 'be able to ask by accident', naipagtanóa ni pédro sa
guro aa kaniya a andk sa mitey. 'at the meeting, Peter was able by chance to ask the
teacher about his child'. This affix takes absolute transitive, transitive, and adjectival
roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph, [nn]).
(d) It takes {-pagpa-} 'potential, accidental, instrumental, causative action', e.g.,
{mài-} + {-pagpa-} + {tanóg} 'ask' => mdipagpatanóa 'have something be asked by
chance', nàipagpatanóv ni pédro sa kaniya o kaibigan kun paàno av kaniya a andk.
'Peter was able to have his friend ask about his child'. This affix takes absolute transi-
tive, transitive, intransitive, and adjectival roots (Section 2.3.6.1., second paragraph,
too]).
 3
a
s
1

1
0
u

•8

•a

Ì<<
Finite (2.3.2.2.1., no. 3) Abso- Inter-
\ Moods Gerund lute jection
Non-Finite Perfect Imperfect Future Recent past (2.3.2.2.1., (2.3.2. (2.3.2.
(2.3.2.2.1., no.2.) (2.3.2.2.1., no. 3.) (2.3.2.2.1. no. 3.)(2.3.2.2.1., no. 3.) (2,3.2.2.1., no. 3.) no. 5.) l.,no. 2.1.,
FocusesX. 5.) no. 1.)

3
J
1. mag-+S

co
nag-+S S

¡5,
pag-

t H
1/5 öd
Pi ~

cn
(2.3.2.6.1.,no. 1) (2.3.2.6.1., no. 4) (2.3.2.6.1., no. 2)

er,
+ .
+S (2.3.2.

g« o S
Twa+S na-+S ma-+R+S

< O
(2.3.2. 2.,

. j

oo
o
(2.3.2.6.1., no.8) (2.3.2.6.2., no. 8) (2.3.2.6.1., no. 8)

K N.
2.1., no. 4.)

t/5

«« 0 <»
mag-+S 7!a(/-+S ma{/-+R+S «
.
no. 6.)

S,w0
m »
(2.3.2.6.1., no. (2.3.2.6.1., (2.3.2.6.1.,

O In
no. 16) no. 16) no. 16) ' m
+«
2.3.2.10. Summary of Moods and Focuses

2. um-+ S u/n+S R+S

CO .

cs
cj
be m i pi ö d p e m
l ' iO+H

w
(2.3.2.6.2., (2.3.2.6.2., (2.3.2.6.2.,

SO
-—' SSIN" ' 5SiWw
, ;

"VOg/ojWvO-H^VO g
3 - O + n. ^
+ rco r , .- co r J
Pi jr-CO

no.2.) no.5.) no.3.)

n
<s!

S,wa
«
TAGALOG GRAMMAR

•S
•S
Goal
Pi
S+-(l)(h)in in+S m+R+ S

/—-
0

*Ci
^ o
J «
+i w
2
„ o

+ «*.
(2.3.2.7.)
+ r

(2.3.2.7., no. 1) (2.3.2.7., no. 1)

-,

• r
—

(2.3.2.7., no. 1)
s
i1

CO «

CO M
+

•S
Local S+ (l)(h)an in+S+-(l)(h)an

1
d

J N
+ ró

(2.3.2.8.) (2.3.2.8., no. 1) (2.3.2.8., no. 1)

CO 0
OS <sj

o
_ c a

+ S'ari
co ? / ì
+ r «
§ a
eO
iH

Pi Ü
G r

« n .

Ci
Instru-
mental J-+S /-+/«+S i-+in- R+S J-+R+S
o

(2.3.2.9)
oi 3

«é w

(2.3.2.9., no. 1) (2.3.2.9., no. 1) (2.3.2.9., no. 1) (2.3.2.9., no. 1)

va a^
107

Table 12 is a summary of the realizations of the various moods and focuses of the verb.
 108 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.3.2.11. Summary of the Accidental Categories

Table 13 is a summary of the various morphemes which realize the various accidental
categories of the verb.
TABLE 13.
Morphemes Which Realize the Various Accidental Categories of the Verb

Focus Stem- Meanings-Examples ROOTS

Formants abtr tr intr nom adj

mag- 2.3.2.6.1.., no. 1 X X X X

-D- 2.3.2.6.1.., no. 6, (a) X X X
-(1)- 2.3.2.6.1.., no. 6, (b) X X X
-R- 2.3.2.6.1.., no. 6, (c) X X X
-si- 2.3.2.6.1.., no. 6, (d) X X X
-sipag- 2.3.2.6.1.., no. 6, (e) X X X X
-sipagpa- 2.3.2.6.2.,. no. 6, (f) X X X X X
-s ipagpaka2- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 6, (g) X X
-sipao- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 6, (h) X X X X X
-ka3- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 6, (i) X
-ka3{\)- 2.3.2.6.1.,, no. 6, (j) X X X
-ka2 D- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 6, (k) X X X
-kanda- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 6, (1) X
-pa- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 6, (m) X X X X X
-paka2- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 6, (n) X X
-pati- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 6, (o) X
2.3.2.6.1., no. 7 X
-ka1- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (a) X X X
-kd1- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (b) X X X
-ka1pag- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (c) X X X X
-kaxpag- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (d) X X X X
-ka1pay- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (e) X X X X
-kalpagpa- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (f) X X X X X
-kdlpagpa- 2.3.2.6.2., no. 9, (g) X X X X X
-ki- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (h) X X X
-kipag- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (i) X X X X
-kipay- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (j) X X X
-kipagpa- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 9, (k) X X X X
maga- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 10 X X X X
-kal- 2.3.2.6.2., no. 12 X X X X
maqag- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 13 X X X X X
-pa- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 15, (a) X X X X X
-si- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 15, (b) X X X X
-ka3- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 15, (c) X X X X
-sipag- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 15, (d) X X X
-sipagpa- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 15, (e) X X X X
-sipagpaka2- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 15, (f) X X
-sipagpati- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 15, (g) X X X
-katida- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 15, (h) X X X
matJ- 2.3.2.6.1., no. 16 X X X
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 109

Focus Stem- Meanings-Examples ROOTS

Formants abtr tr intr nom ac

mu 2.3.2.6.2., X X X X
-D- 2.3.2.6.2., no.7. X X X
-UHh)in 2.3.2.7., X X X X X
pa- -(l){h)in 2.3.2.7., no. 2. X X X X X
-pag- 2.3.2.7., no. 2, (a) X X X X
-parj- 2.3.2.7., no. 2, (b) X X X X
-ka1- 2.3.2.7., no. 2, (c) X
-ki- 2.3.2.7., no. 2, (d) X X
pag- -(l)(h)iin 2.3.2.7., no. 3 X X X X
pay- -am 2.3.2.7., no. 4 X X
ma- 2.3.2.7., no. 5 X X
-pa- 2.3.2.7., no. 6 X X X X X
md- 2.3.2.7., no. 7 X X
-pa- 2.3.2.7., no. 8 X X X X
-(1 )(h)an 2.3.2.8., no. 1 X X X X X
ma- -{V)(h)an 2.3.2.8., no. 2 X X X X X
-pag- 2.3.2.8., no. 3, (a) X X X
-parj- 2.3.2.8., no. 3, (b) X X X X
ma- -(\){K)an 2.3.2.8., no. 4 X X X X X
-pag- 2.3.2.8., no. 5, (a) X X X
-pay- 2.3.2.8., no. 5, (b) X X X X
pa- -(1 ){h)an 2.3.2.8., no. 6 X X X X X
-.ka2- 2.3.2.8., no. 7, (a) X
-ki- 2.3.2.8., no. 7, (b) X X X X
pag- -{\)(h)an 2.3.2.8., no. 8 X X X X
pay- - ( 1 man 2.3.2.8., no. 9 X X X
ka2- -{l)(K)an 2.3.2.8., no. 10 X X X
i- 2.3.2.9., no. 1 X X X X X
-pag- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (a) X X
-pag{ 1)- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (b) X X
-pag- D 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (c) X X
-pa- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (d) X X X X
-paki- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (e) X X X X
-pakipag- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (f) X X
-pakipa- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (g) X X
-ka4- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (h) X X X X
-kalpa- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (i) X X X
-pag- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (j) X X X X
-sa- 2.3.2.9., no. 2, (k) X X
mai- 2.3.2.9., no. 3 X X X
-pa- 2.3.2.9., no. 4, (a) X X X X X
-sa- 2.3.2.9., no. 4, (b) X X X
-pag- 2.3.2.9., no. 4, (c) X X X
-pagpa- 2.3.2.9., no. 4, (d) X X X
rnai- 2.3.2.9., no. 5 X X X
-pa- 2.3.2.9., no. 5, (a) X X X X X
-sa- 2.3.2.9., no. 5, (b) X X X
-pag- 2.3.2.9., no. 5, (c) X X X
-pagpa- 2.3.2.9., no. 5, (d) X X X X
110 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.3.2.12. Use of Lambda Functor

It will help now to give some examples of verb forms and how these are analyzed and
represented by means of the lambda functor:
(a) loc, perf, emph Aoo, loc, emphpaglàbanan = pinaglabànan; (b) ss, act, exec,
perf, pi., emph, caus X , act, exec, pi, emph, caus magsipagpagupit—nagsipagpagupit;
(c) 55, act, exec, impf, assoc, emph A«,act, exec, assoc, emph Makipagtawànan=
nakikipagtawanan.

2.3.2.13. Irregular Verbs

1. There are some irregular verbs in Tagalog. These verbs lack some of the forms for the
various proper states mentioned above.
2. The first set of irregular verbs are the LOCAL VERBS. There are four types of these
verbs, namely : (a) nàsa 'it is at a certain place', (b) nàrito, etc. 'it is in this direction',
(c)parito 'go to a certain direction', (d)pàsa 'go to a certain place'.
3. The irregular verb has only this single form of the verb. It is a finite form and pre-
cedes names of places; its aspect is unmarked, and is indicated by the use of adverbs
of time, e.g., nàsa maynila siyà yayón. 'he is now in Manila'.
4. The irregular verb nàrito 'it is here' has only this one form of {na-} plus the de-
monstrative pronouns dito 'here', diyàn 'there', and doón 'there'. It is a finite form, but
its aspect is unmarked and is indicated by the use of adverbs of time, e.g., nàrito si
ben yayón sa àmin. 'Ben is here at our house now'.
5. The irregular verb parito 'to come here' has two forms, namely : (a) the non-finite
form parito (which is from {pa-} + demonstrative pronouns dito 'here', doón 'there',
diyàn 'there'), which is used for imperatives, e.g., parito ka\ 'come here', and (b) the
future finite form which is {pa-} + reduplicated root, e.g., paririto ay presidènte yayón.
'the president will come here now'.
6. The irregular verb pàsa 'to go to a certain place' is followed only by names of
places, and has two forms : (a)pàsa, a non-finite form, is used in imperatives, e.g., pàsa
maynila kabukas 'go to Manila tomorrow!' (b) The finite future form, consists of
reduplicating the sa syllable before the root, e.g., pasàsa maynila ako bukas. 'I am
going to Manila tomorrow'.
7. The second set of irregular verbs is the reflexive verb {pa-}, which takes only
absolute transitive and transitive verb roots, and has two forms, (a) {pa-} + root,
is a non-finite form used in imperatives, e.g., pakuha ka nay maygd. 'have a mango
obtained for you', (b) {pa-} 4- R e + R is a finite future form, e.g., pakukuha akó nay
maygà sa bàta 'I will have the child obtain a mango for me'.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 111

2.3.2.14. Syntactic Conversions from Verbal Roots

1. There are, in Tagalog, a number of highly productive processes by which nouns

and adjectives are formed from verbs. The resulting derived forms are altogether
regular in their syntactic functions.
2. The following derivations yield nouns and may be described as follows:
H
— w e N
nom
H = loe ~ mut ~ coll ~ freq ~ recip ~ abstr ~ caus ~
proc ~ instr ~ occup
The realizations of these categories are as follows:
(a) {-(h)an) 'place where some action is performed', which occurs with intransitive and
transitive roots, e.g., {higá?} 'lie down' + {-(l)an} =?• hígáan 'place for sleeping'.
(b) Mutuality: {-(h)an} 'mutual action'; which takes absolute transitive and transitive
roots, e.g., {bigáy} 'give' + {-an} =>- bígáyan 'exchange of gifts'. If the penult of the
root is an open syllable, it receives an accent, but not if it is a closed syllable, e.g.
{saksák} + {-an} =>• saksákan 'knife fight'. This applies also to (a) above.
(c) Collective: {-{2)(h)an} 'action done by many together', which takes absolute tran-
sitive, transitive, and intransitive roots, e.g., {ágaw} 'snatch' + {-(2)(h)an} => aga-
wán 'snatching contest'.
(d) Frequentative: {pala-} 'someone who frequently does what the root implies',
which takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots, e.g., {palá-} +
{inóm} 'drink' => palainóm 'someone who drinks frequently'.
(e) Reciprocal: {ka-} 'reciprocal relationship', which takes absolute transitive, tran-
sitive, and intransitive roots, r.g., {ka-} + {túloq} 'help' katúlov 'helpmate'.
(f) Abstraction: {ka- -(l)(h)an} 'abstract action', which takes absolute transitive,
transitive, and intransitive roots, e.g., {ka- -(2)(h)an} - (sábi) 'say' =>• kasabihán
'proverb'.
(g) Causative: these may be subdivided into: (i) plain- {pa-} 'something caused to be
done', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots, e.g., {pa-} +
{dalá} 'bring' => padalá 'something sent through someone else'; (ii) associative-
{paki-} 'have something done with others', which takes absolute transitive and tran-
sitive roots, e.g., {paki-} + {dalá} 'bring' => pakidalá 'have something be brought
with others'; and (iii) local- (pa- -(l)(h)an), 'place where something is caused to be
done', which takes absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots, e.g., {pa-
-(2)an} + {áral} 'study' =>• páaralán 'school house'.
(h) Process: {-in-} 'the result of a process', which takes absolute transitive and tran-
sitive roots, e.g., {-in-} + {tápa} 'dry in the sun' => tinapá 'dried fish'.
(i) Instrumental: {pag-} 'instrument used for doing or making something', which takes
absolute transitive, transitive, and intransitive roots (on the morphophonemics in-
112 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

volved, see Section 2.3.1., nos. 2 and 3), e.g., {paq-} + {hampas}'beat' =• paohampas
'beater'.
(j) Occupational: {taga-} 'doer of an action', which takes absolute transitive, transi-
tive, and intransitive roots, e.g., {taga-} + {sulat} 'write' => tagasulat 'writer'.
3. The following derivations yield adjectives and may be described as follows:
J
W € Adj
- T 7 -
adj
J = tend ~ man ~ part ~ pro
The realizations of these categories are as follows:
(a) Tendency: {mapag-} or {maparj-} 'tendency to do something frequently', which
takes absolute transitive and transitive roots, e.g., {mapag-} + {biro?} 'jest' =>•
mapagbirdi 'one given to jesting' (N.B., shift in accent in this particular root); {ma-
par)-} (see morphophonemics, Section 2.3.1., nos. 2 and 3.) + {bigay} 'give' =>
mapamigay 'generous'.
(b) Manner: this derivation is of two types: (i) Plain- {naka-}, which occurs with verbs
indicating bodily positions, e.g., {upo?} 'sit' => nakaupo^ 'seated'; and (ii) plural-
{nagaka-} which occurs only with verb roots which indicate bodily position, e.g.,
nayakaupd ? 'seated (plural)'.
(c) Participial: {pa-} 'participial action'; takes absolute transitive, transitive, and in-
transitive roots, e.g., {pa-} + {higa 9 }'lie down face upward' =>pahigd^ 'lying down
with face up'.
(d) Provocation: {naka-} + {Re} 'provoking to what the root implies', e.g., {naka-} +
{Re} + {takot} 'fear' =>• nakatatakot 'fearsome'. A second alternative is {ka-}+
D+{akit} => kaakitdkit 'attractive'.

2.3.3. The Noun

1. The Tagalog noun, as such, has only one proper state. All the nouns, however, can
stand alone as the heads of noun phrases which form six proper states, namely (a) ay,
(b) nan, (c) sa, (d) preposition-plus-ia, (e) na, (f) unmarked or 0 . These proper
states are called 'cases' and can be symbolized them as follows:

C = ay ~ nay ~ sa ~ prep+sa ~ na ~ 0
2. Morphologically, the noun is of two types, namely (a) the uninflected form, and
(b) the inflected or derived form. Both types function as heads of noun phrases
which have the proper states mentioned above.
3. The uninflected nouns are divided into (a) SIMPLE roots, and (b) COMPOUND roots.
The SIMPLE ROOTS may be either (i) non-personal names, e.g., bundok 'mountain', or
(ii) personal names, e.g., 'isko 'Francis'. The COMPOUND ROOTS may be either (i) root
+ root, e.g., {pilik} 'vibration' + {mata} 'eye' => pilikmata 'eyelashes', or (ii) root
na + root, e.g., {baro?} 'dress' 4- {q} + {tag&log} => baroytagalog 'Filipino shirt'.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 113
4. The inflected or derived nouns are the result of the combination of noun roots
with affixes which are the realizations of the following categories: (a) local, (b)
collective, (c) abstraction, (d) proxy, (e) circumscription, (f) origin, (g) seasonal,
(h) simulation, (i) occupational, and (j) reciprocal. The categories of the noun may
be symbolized as follows:

NM
— - NN = N

NM = loc ~ coll ~ abs ~ prox ~ cir ~ orig ~

seas ~ simul ~ occ ~ recip

2.3.3.1. Realizations of the Nominal Categories

The affixes which realize the categories mentioned above are the following:
(a) Local: {-(h)an} 'place where objects are found, or scene of action', e.g., {aklat}
'book' + {-an} => akldtan 'library', {tagp6 'meet' + {-an} => tagpuan 'rendez-
vous', {taijgdp} 'receive' + {-an} => tangapan 'reception place'. N.B., If the root has
an open syllable in the penult, a second accent sometimes occurs on the penult,
e.g., {bigis} 'rice' + {-an} =» bigdsan 'rice mill', {kund61} 'gourd' + {-an} =•
kundulan 'place for gourds'. Sometimes the accent on the root is moved one syllable
towards the final syllable, e.g., {tub6} 'sugarcane' + {-han} =>tubuhan 'sugarcane field'.
(b) Collective Action: {-(h)an} 'action by two or more people', e.g., {kantd}
'sing' + {-han} => kantahan 'songfest'. N.B., If the root has an open syllable in
the penult, a second accent usually occurs on the penult, e.g., {iy&k} 'cry' + {-an}
=> iydkan 'many crying', {inom} 'drink' + {-an} => inuman 'drinking party'. If the
penult of the root is an open, accented syllable, the accent is sometimes shifted two
syllables to the end of the word, e.g., {Mbul} 'chase' + {-an} => habulan 'people
chasing one another', {l&ban} 'fight' + {-an} =>• labanan 'battle'. Sometimes the
realization of this affix is/-anan/, instead of/-an/, e.g., {t£wa} 'laugh' + {-anan} =>
tawdnan 'general laughter'.
(c) Abstraction: There are two realizations of this category: (i) {ka- -(l)(h)an} 'ab-
stract of what is implied by the root', e.g., {ka- -(l)an} + {bata?} 'child' => kabatdan
'youth'. N.B.. With some roots, the affix realization is {ka- -(l)(h)anan}, e.g., {ka-
-(l)hanan} + (tuto6) 'true' => katutuhanan 'truth', and (ii) {pagka-}, e.g., {pagka-}
+ {t£o} 'man' => pagkatdo 'humanity'.
(d) Proxy: {-in-} + R + Root'consider someone as in the same status as somebody
else', e.g., {-in-} + {Re} + {ami} 'father' => indamd 'god-father', {-in} + {Re} +
{kapatid} 'brother/sister' =>• kinakapatid 'someone considered as brother/sister by
somebody else'.
(e) Circumscription: {-(2)(h)in} 'a more definitely bounded area compared to what the
root by itself implies', e.g., (lupa'} 'earth' + {-(2)in} => lupain 'lot', {bukid} 'field*
+ {-(2)in} =>• bukirin 'farm lot'.
8
114 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(f) Origin: {taga-} 'someone from a certain place', which usually takes nouns with
topographical meaning, e.g., {taga-} + {maynila 9 } 'Manila' =* tagamaynila? 'someone
from Manila'.
(g) Seasonal: {tag-} 'season for what the noun root implies'; takes noun roots on
weather, e.g., {tag-} + {ulán} 'rain' => tagulán 'rainy season'.
(h) Simulation: {D} + {-(l)(h)an} 'something which is like what the root implies, e.g.,
{D} + {báhay} 'house' + {-(l)an} => bahaybaháyan 'toy house'.
(i) Occupational: {mag-} or {mag-} + Re 'someone whose occupation has something
to do with what the root implies', e.g., {mag-}+{Re}+{báka} 'cattle' => magbábaká
'cattle rancher' (N.B. accent shift on this particular root), (cf. morphophonemics,
Section 2.3.1 nos. 2 and 3.)
(j) Reciprocal Relationship: these are of two kinds: (i) plain- which are subdivided
into family relationship: {mag-}, which occurs with kinship terms, e.g., {mag-}+{amá}
•father' => magamá 'father and child'; and non-family- {ka-}, which occurs with
non-kinship terms, e.g., {ka-}+{kláse} 'class' => kakláse 'classmate'; and (ii) Plural-
{mag-} or {magka-}+root 'plural reciprocal relationship' (whether family or non-
family), e.g., {magka-}+{kakláse} => magkakakláse 'classmates'.

2.3.3.2. Syntactic Conversions from Nominal Roots

1. There are several productive processes by which adjectives are formed from
nominal roots. The resulting derived forms are regular in their syntactic function as
adjectives. These derivations may be symbolized as follows:

- j - N N € Adj

G = tend ~ mann ~ fav ~ simil

2. The realizations of these categories are as follows:

(a) Tendency: these are of two types: (i) Plain- {ma- -(h)in} 'with a tendency to do
what the root implies', e.g., {ma- -hin} + {sintá} 'beloved' => masintáhin 'loving', and
(ii) Iterative; {-(h)in} 'with the tendency to have what the root implies repeatedly', e.g.,
{galls'} 'skin disease' + {-in} => gálísin 'tending to have skin disease repeatedly'.
(b) Manner: {naka-} 'wearing what the root implies', e.g., {naka-} + {báro ?} 'dress'
=> nakabáro7 'wearing a dress'.
(c) Favor: {maka-} 'favoring whatever the root implies', e.g., {maka-} + {báyan}
'country' =>• makabáyan 'patriotic'.
(d) Similarity: there are two kinds of realizations of this category: (i) {mala-} 'looking
like what the root implies', e.g., {mala-} + {ita} 'Negrito' =• malaita 'looking like a
Negrito', and (ii) {-(l)(h)in}, e.g., {abó} 'ash' + {-(l)hin} => abuhin 'ash colored',
{tagák} 'a bird' 4- {-(l)in} => tagákin 'looking like the bird tagák\
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 115
3. There are several processes by which verbs are formed from nominal roots.
These derivations may be symbolized as follows:
(E) NN € W
E = exec ~ exec, pi, emph ~ exec, pi, emph, caus ~ exec, pi, iter ~ exec, invol ~
exec, caus ~ exec, pi, caus ~ exec, pi ~ exec, pi, invol ~ exec, pot, emph ~ exec,
pot-accid ~ exec, pot, itr ~ exec, pot, emph, caus ~ exec, pot-accid, emph, caus ~
exec, assoc, emph ~ exec, assoc, iter ~ exec, iter ~ gl ~ gl, caus, emph ~ gl, caus,
iter ~ gl, caus ~ gl, emph ~ gl, pot, caus ~ gl, pot-accid, caus ~ loc ~ loc, pot ~
loc, pot, iter ~ loc, pot-accid ~ loc, pot-accid, iter ~ loc, caus ~ loc, assoc ~ inst
~ caus, inst ~ iter, inst ~ inst, pot, caus ~ instr, pot-accid, caus.
(a) Executive: {mag-}, e.g., {mag-} + {Mro?} 'apparel* => magbdrot 'dress up',
nagbaro muna ag amd bago siya lumabas sa sala 'the father dressed up first before
coming out into the living room'.
(b) Executive, plural, emphatic: {magsipag-}, e.g., {magsipag-} + {bus} 'bus' => mag-
sipagbus 'ride the bus (plural)', nagsipagbus ag maga anak nipedro 'the children of Peter
rode the bus', (c) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative: {magsipagpa-}, e.g., {magsi-
pagpa-} + {damit} 'clothes' =>• magsipagpadamit 'caused someone to be dressed
up', nagsipagpadamit sila sa kanilatj maga magulag 'they had themselves dressed up by
their parents', (d) Executive, plural, iterative: {magsipag-}, e.g., {magsipag-} + {ka-
hoy} 'wood' => magsipayahoy 'gather fuel', nagsipagdhoy ao maga alila ni pedro. 'Pe-
ter's servants went about gathering firewood'.
(e) Executive, involuntary :{magka3-}, e.g., {magka-} + {p6ra} 'money' => magkapera
'to happen to have money', nagkapera nao hindi akaldin si pedro 'contrary to his
expectation, Peter happened to have money'.
(f) Executive, causative: {magpa-}, e.g., {magpa-} + {damit} 'dress' => magpadamit
'be the cause of someone having a dress', nagpadamit siyd sa pulubi 'he had the beggar
given a dress'.
(g) Executive, plural, causative: {maqagpa-}, e.g., {naqagpa-} + {damit} 'dress'
maoagpadamit 'to see that someone is dressed (plural)', sila ay nagagpadamit sa maga
pulubi. 'they were the ones who had the beggars dressed up'.
(h) Executive, plural: {magag-}, e.g., {maqag-} + {sapatos} 'shoes' magagsapatos'put
on shoes (plural)', nagagsapatos ag maga bata bago pumdsok sa kldse. 'the children put
on their shoes before they left for school'.
(i) Executive, plural, involuntary: {maqagka3-}, e.g., {magagka3-} + {p6ra} 'money'
=> magagkapera 'unexpectedly to possess money (plural)', nagagkapera ag maga
pulubi 'the beggars unexpectedly came to possess money'.
(j) Executive, potential, emphatic: {makaxpag-}, e.g., {makapag-} + {sapdtos} 'shoes'
=> makapagsapatos 'be able to wear shoes', nakapagsapdtos siyd kdhit na masakit ag
kaniyay maya pad 'he was able to wear shoes even though his feet hurt',
(k) Executive, potential-accidental: {makapag-}, e.g., {makapag-} + {sapatos} 'shoes'
=> makdpagsapatos 'accidentally to be able to wear shoes', nakdpagsapdtos siya kdhit
116 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

na masakit ao kaniyao pad. 'he happened to be able to wear shoes although his feet
hurt'.
(1) Executive, potential, iterative: {maka^ag-}, e.g., {makapag-}+ {Mhoy} 'wood' =»•
makapawhoy 'be able to gather fuel', nakapaoahoy na sild sa gubat na itd. 'they have
already gathered firewood in this forest'.
(m) Potential, executive, emphatic, causative: {maka^agpa-}, e.g., {makapagpa-} +
{andk} 'child' => makapagpaandk 'be able to help deliver (a mother)', nakapagpaanak
si doktor sdntos kay maria. 'Doctor Santos helped Maria deliver her baby',
(n) Executive, potential-accidental, emphatic, causative: {makapagpa-}, e.g., {makd-
pagpa-} + {an&k} 'child' =>• makdpagpaandk 'be able accidentally to help a woman to
deliver', nakdpagpaanak si doktor sdntos kay maria. 'Doctor Santos helped Maria to
deliver her baby by accident'.
(o)Executive, associative, emphatic: {makipag-}, e.g., {makipag-} + {t&iis} 'tennis'=*
makipagtenis. 'be able to play tennis with someone', nakipagtenis si ben kina pedro
'Ben played tennis with Peter and his companions'.
(p) Executive, associative, iterative: {makipag-}, e.g., {makipag-} + {kdhoy} 'wood'
=>• makipaoahoy 'gather firewood with somebody', nakipaodhoy sila sa gubat na itd.
'they were able to gather firewood with others in this forest'.
(q) Executive, iterative: {mar)-}, e.g., {mag-} 4- {kawil} 'hook' => maoawil 'go fishing',
navawil si pedro sa loot 'Peter went out fishing in the deep sea'.
(r) Goal focus: {-(l)(h)in}, e.g., {sabon} 'soap' + {-(l)in} => sabunin 'be scolded',
sinabun si pedro nan kaniyao amo 'Peter's master scolded him'.
(s) Goal focus, causative, emphatic: {papag- -(l)(h)in}, e.g., {papag- -(l)(h)in} +
{bdro 9} 'dress' => papagbaruin 'have someone wear a dress', papagbaruin mo ao batag.
iydn 'have that child wear a dress'.
(t) Goal focus, causative, iterative: {papag- -(l)(h)in}, e.g., {papag- -(l)in} + {isdd?}
'fish' => papamsdain 'have something fished', papavisdain mo ao maoa taotj yaon 'have
those men go out fishing'.
(u) Goal focus, causative: {pa- -(l)(h)in}, e.g., {pa- -(l)(h)in} + {sapatos} 'shoes'
pasapatusin 'have someone wear shoes', pinasapdtos ao maoa bata nao kanildo maoa
ina. 'The children were told by their mothers to wear their shoes',
(v) Goal focus, emphatic: {pag- -(l)(h)in}, e.g., {pag- -(l)in} + {sapdtos} 'shoes' =>
pagsapatusin 'have someone wear shoes', pinapagsapatus nao ina ao kaniyao andk.
'the mother had her child wear shoes'.
(w) Goal focus, potential, causative: {mapa-}, e.g., {mapa-} + {sap&tos} 'shoes' =>
mapasapdtos 'be able to have someone wear shoes', napasapatos ni mariya ay kaniyao
maoa andk 'Maria was able to have her children wear shoes',
(x) Goal focus, potential-accidental, causative: {mapa-}, e.g., {m£pa-} + {sapatos}
'shoes' => mdpasapatos 'have someone wear shoes by accident', napasapdtos ni
mariya ao kaniyao maoa andk 'Maria accidentally had her children wear shoes',
(y) Local focus: {-(l)(h)ag}, e.g., {sapatos} 'shoes' + {-(l)an} => sapatusan 'have shoes
be worn by someone', sapatusan mo ao andk mo. 'have your child wear shoes'.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 117

(z) Potential, local: {ma- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {ma- -(l)an) + {sapdtos} 'shoes' =>• masapa-
tusan 'have someone put shoes on someone else', nasapatusan naa ind aa kaniyaa anak
'the mother had shoes put on her child'.
(aa) Local focus, potential, iterative: {mapaq- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {mapaq- -(l)an} +
{kdhoy} 'wood' =>• mapaaahuyan 'be able to have firewood gathered', napaaahuyan na
nila aa gubat na ito. 'by accident they have already gathered firewood in this forest',
(bb) Local focus, potential-accidental: {mi- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., mapaatahao 'be able to
reach the place', napuntahan nila aa gubat na ito 'they were able accidentally to reach
this forest'.
(cc) Local focus, potential-accidental, iterative: {mdpaq ~(l)(h)an}, e.g., {mdpaq-
-(l)an} + {kahoy} 'wood' => mapayahuyan 'be able by accident to have firewood
gathered', napaoahuyan nila an gubat na ito 'they happened to gather firewood in this
forest'.
(dd) Local focus, causative: {pa- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {pa- -(l)an} + {sapatos} 'shoes' =>
pasapatusan 'have someone given shoes to wear', pinasapatusan aa bdta nan ind sa
alila 'the mother had the maid put shoes on the child'.
(ee) Local focus, associative: {-ki-}, e.g., {pa- -(l)an) + {-ki-} + {baro ?} =>• pakibaruan
'ask someone to have somebody dressed', pakibaruan aa anak mo't magpasyal tdyo.
'please have your child dressed and we shall go for a walk'.
(ff) Instrumental focus: {i-}, e.g., {i-} + {damit} 'dress' => idamit 'use something to
dress up somebody', idamit mo ito sa manyika ? 'use this to dress up the doll',
(gg) Causative, instrumental: {-pa-}, e.g., {ipa-} + {damit} 'dress' =>- ipadamit 'have
something used by somebody else as a dress', ipinadamit niya aa baroa ito sa pulubi.
'he had the beggar wear this dress'.
(hh) Iterative, instrumental: {-par)-}, e.g., {ipaq-} + (k&hoy) 'wood' =• ipaadhoy 'use
something to gather firewood', ipinaaahoy niya aa gulok na ito. 'he used this bolo to
gather firewood'.
(ii) Instrumental, potential, causative: {-pa-}, e.g., {maipa-} + {bdro 'dress' =>
maipabaro9 'be able to have something used as a dress', naipabaro it6 naa ind sa
kaniyaa anak. 'this was used by the mother to dress up the child',
(jj) Instrumental, potential-accidental, causative: {-pa-} 'be able accidentally to have
something be used as whatever the root implies' e.g., {mdipa-} + (b&ro?) 'dress' =>
maipabdro? 'be able by accident to have something used as a dress', ndipabaro? naa
ind sa bdta aa damit na ito. 'the mother was able by accident to have the child wear
this dress'.

2.3.4. Numerals
1. The numerals are a subclass of the nouns. From what follows, it is clear that the
Tagalog system of counting is basically a decimal system. Besides the properly Taga-
log system, there is a coexisting system of counting (characterizing another usage
than that treated here), which Tagalogs use, namely the Spanish numerals. Here, we
will consider only the Tagalog numerals.
118 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2. The following are the Tagalog ords for the first nine nuemerals: isá 'one',
'dalawá 'two', tatló 'three', ápat 'four', limá 'five', ánim 'six', pitó 'seven', waló 'eight',
siyám 'nine'.
3. These nine numerals could all be summarized as D; thus: D = isá ~dalawá ~
tatló ~ ápat ~ limá ~ ánim ~ pitó ~ waló ~ siyám.
4. The next numeral is sampúf 'ten'. From 11 to 19, D is repeated with labia before
it, e.g., labio isá 'eleven', labia dalawá 'twelve', labia tatló 'thirteen', etc. The next
numeral is dalawampú ? 'twenty'. The numerals for 21 to 29 are combinations of dala-
wampú 9 plus {at} 'and' plus D, e.g., dalawampú t isá 'twenty one', dalawampú t dalawá
'twenty two', dalawampú t tatló 'twenty three', etc. The word for thirty is tatlumpuf;
for forty is apatnapú?; for fifty is limampú We can now summarize the process of
counting from 1 to 99 by the following symbols.

N = {[Dna-/>MM<tf-D)] ~ labia-D ~ sampú•>}

5. The next numeral is daán 'hundred'. The word for 100 is isaa daán; the word for
200 is dalawáo daán; tatloa daán is '300'. The counting from 101 to 200 is a repetition
of N (cf. previous paragraph): thus, isaa daán at isá '101', isaa daán at dalawá '102',
isaa daán at tatló '103' etc. After 999, the next numeral is libo 'thousand'. The word
for 1000 is isaa libo\ the word for 2000 is dalawaa libo etc. Finally, the numeral
miliyón 'million' is introduced. The process then repeats, i.e., isaa miliyón '1,000,000',
dalawai] miliyón '2,000,000', etc. Thus, it is now possible to represent the whole
system of counting from 1 to 999,999 (after which the linguistic resources fail)
as follows:

Nrcard - [ [N"a daáa) - líboa - miliyón] -

[at^[(Nna^daáa)^libo]) -
[at ^-(N™—daán)] - (af-N)] € NP 0

6. There are several bookish words in Tagalog for other numerals, but these are
not commonly used, for example laksát '10,000', yutáf '100,000', angáw 'one
million'.
7. The ORDINALS are formed by prefixing {ika-} to the CARDINAL numerals described
above, e.g., ikaisá 'first', ikalawá or ikadalawá 'second', ikatatló 'third', ikaápat
'fourth', ikalimá 'fifth', etc. An alternate expression for the ordinal morpheme (now
not frequently used) is /paq-/; thus, for example, paaápat 'fourth', paalimá 'fifth', etc.
We may then symbolize the ordinals as follows:

N P 0 3 ika- ~ pao- - Nr card

8. The NUMERAL ADVERBS are formed by prefixing (maka-) to the cardinal numerals
enumerated above, except for the words for 'once' minsán, 'twice' makalawá, and
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 119
'thrice' makatlo, which are special. Thus makaapat 'four times', makalimd 'five times',
makadnim 'six times', etc. The numeral adverbs may be symbolized as follows:

AdvNr = maka [[(N"°—dadv) — Hbov->-miliyori\-

{at - (N™ - dadv) - libo])-[at - (Nnadadn)]-

[at-*-(djpat ~ lima ~ anim ~ pito ~ walo ~ siyam)] [€ AdvP

9. The cardinals all form a RESTRICTIVE modal category realized by reduplication of

their first syllable with a secondary accent, e.g., iisd 'only one', dddalawa 'only two',
tatatlo 'only three', etc.
10. The distributive numerals are formed by prefixing {tig-} to the reduplicated first
syllable for the cardinal numerals enumerated above, except for tigalawa 'two apiece',
which is a special form; e.g., tigiisd 'one apiece', tigtatatlo 'three apiece', tigaapat
'four apiece', etc. The DISTRIBUTIVE NUMERAL ADVERBS are formed by doubling the
cardinal numerals, e.g., isaisd 'one by one', dalawadalawd (or daladalawd) 'two by
two', tatlutatlo 'three by three', etc. These distributives may then by symbolized as
follows:
simp ~ dist
^^ NNR = AdvNr = {minsdn ~ makalawa ~ makatatld~

maka• [{(N M -dado)libotj) - miliyon] - [at - [(N n o - dadv) - liboo}}-

[at — (N"a—daao)—[at—(apat ~ lima ~ dnim ~ pito ~ walo ~

siyam) ~ {D} . Nr card

11. We may finally summarize the various modalities of Tagalog numerals as fol-
lows:

:
card ~ ord ~ res ~ dist = NNr Nr card ~ (ika ~ pat] — Nrcard) ~ (Re, —
_
N
Nr card ) ~ (tig - {Re} - {Nrcard} ~ ({D{Nrcard)
= [{ika ~ pan) ~ {Re}) ~ {D}]-Nr card .

2.3.5. The Pronouns

1. The pronouns may be divided into the following types: (a) personal, (b) possessive,
(c) demonstrative, (d) interrogative, (e) numerative. These types may be symbolized as
follows:
F = pers ~ poss ~ dem ~ inter ~ numer
120 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2. The pronouns have two numbers, namely: (a) singular, and (b) plural. In addition,
the personal pronouns of the first person have dual number. There are three persons
in the personal pronouns; however, in the plural, the first person has two forms,
namely: (a) inclusive, i.e., the form includes the speaker and all the hearers; and (b)
exclusive, i.e., the form includes the speaker but not all the hearers. We may sym-
bolize these categories as follows:

N° = sing ~ pi (-<- dual ~ pi)

:
Pers l(incl ~ excl) ~ 2 ~ 3

3. The pronouns have two types of positional variants: (a) the non-enclitic, and (b)
the enclitic. The non-enclitic forms function like nouns (with certain exceptions, which
will be presently detailed). The enclitic forms function like suffixes and are attached
to the first orthotonic word in the phrase. The non-enclitic and the enclitic variants
are in free variation in so far as their difference conveys no difference in reference or
emphasis. Their occurrence is determined insofar as it is not accidental, entirely by
stylistic considerations of rhythm or meter.
4. The paradigms of the pronouns may be formulated in relation to that of the
noun phrase. They have the same forms for the various proper states of the noun
phrase (with certain exceptions, which are noted under each type of pronoun) which
we here call CASES (C). We may symbolize this as follows :

F Pers N° p p r n = p r n «»(€ NP a ') ~ Prn"a (eNPno)

C Prn""9 (€ NP""') ~ Prn M (£ NPM)
~ Prn 0 (e NP 0 ).

2.3.5.1. The Realizations of the Pronominal Categories

The description of the realizations of the pronominal categories is best presented by

describing the various forms of the various types of pronouns. We shall describe below
the forms of the (a) personal, (b) possessive, (c) demonstrative, (d) interrogative, and
(e) numerative pronouns.

2.3.5.2. The Personal and Possessive Pronouns

1. Since the forms of the personal and possessive pronouns are alike, it is convenient
to present their paradigms together. These two types of pronouns have four proper
states or cases, namely: an ~ nay ~ na ~ sa. The possessive pronouns function as
modifier of nouns, e.g., av akin bahay 'my house', whereas the personal pronouns
substitute for nouns, e.g., av bahay ay akin 'the house is mine'. In the nag case of
the personal pronoun, a second form occurs which is used to express the agent of
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 121
an action, e.g., âkiaginawa ito 'this was done by me'. The form âkia is proposed; the
form ko, on the other hand, is an enclitic form (or postposed), e.g., ginawâ ko itô 'this
was done by me'. These two forms are homophonous with the possessive pronominal
forms in the na case; however, the possessive forms âkia and ko do not express agency
of an action, but rather possession of an object, e.g., âkia bâhay or bâhay ko 'my
house'.

TABLE 14
Personal Pronouns
1st Person

Singular Plural
Case Non-Enclitic Enclitic Non-E nclitic Enclitic

aii akó táyo (inclusive)

kami (exclusive)
na akór¡ táyoo (incl.)
kamiy (excl.)
nan ákin ko átin (incl.) nátin
ámin (excl.) námin
sa sa ákin sa átin (incl.)
sa ámin (excl.)
dual
at] kitá ta
na kitárj
nar¡ kanitá ta
sa sa kanitá

2nd Person

Sin guiar Plural

Case Non-Enclitic Enclitic Non-Enclitic Enclitic

an ikáw ka kayó
na ikáw na kayór¡
nan iyó mo nmiyo
sa sa iyó sa iniyó

3rd Person

Singular Plural
Case Non-Enclitic Enclitic Non-Enclitic Enclitic

ao siyá silá
na siyáo siláo
nay kaniyá niyd kanilá nilá
sa kaniyá sa kanilá
122 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

TABLE 15
Possessive Pronouns

Number 1st Person 2nd Person 3rd Person

Non-Enel Enel Non-Enel Enel Non-Enel Enel

Singular dkig ko iyóy mo kaniydg niyá

Plural dtig (incl) ndtin iniyÓQ niniyóy kanilág nilá
ámiij (exel) ndmin

2. The various cases of these possessives are formed by adding ag, na, nag or sa to
each of the non-enclitic forms (e.g., ag akig bdhay) or before the noun-plus-enclitic
forms (e.g., ag bdhay ko).
3. That there are enclitic forms ako, tayo, kami, kayo, siya, and sila besides the non-
enclitic forms is shown by the occurrence of these forms in the frame umatis... kahd-
pon: in this utterance, ak6 cannot occur immediately after kahapon; however,
monosyllabic enclitics can occur immediately after umalis and before the pronominal
forms, e.g., umalis na rin dawpo ba sila ? 'have they, as they say, already left too ?'.

2.3.5.3. The Demonstrative Pronoun

There are two main types of demonstrative pronouns, namely: (a) the plain, and (b)
the manner demonstratives. Both types have distinct forms for case, number, and
reference. There are four cases, namely an ~ na ~ nag~sa. There are three sets of
forms, which indicate three types of reference, namely: (a) near-speaker, (b) near-
addressee, and (c) far-from-speaker-addressee. There are several alternate forms,
whose use apparently is determined either stylistically or dialectally.
(a) The plain demonstratives are presented in Table 16.

TABLE 16
Plain Demonstratives

Number Case Near-Speaker Near-addressee Far-from-Speaker-

'this' 'that' Addressee
'that yonder'

Singular ao ito, to, iri, yari iyan, yan iydn, yon

na itdo, itdo, irio, iyao, yao iydo, yog
yarig
nao -nito, -niri, -niyan -niydn
-niyari
sa dito diydn dodn
Plural at} ituitd, iyaniydn, iyuniydn,
ao maoa itd ao maoa iyan ag maga iydn
na ituitdo, iyaniydg, iyuniyog,
maoa itdo maoa iyan maoa iyog
nao nag maga itd nao maoa iyan nag maoa iydn
sa sa maga itd sa maoa iydn sa maoa iydn
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 123

(b) Manner Demonstratives. The manner demonstratives are (a) ganitó, ganiri 'like
this' (near-speaker), (b) ganiyán 'like that' (near-addressee), (c) ganoón 'like that' (far-
from-speaker-addressee). The various cases of these three manner demonstratives are
marked by preposing an~nan~sa and postposing na to the forms.

2.3.5.4. Defective Demonstrative Pronouns

In addition to the demonstrative pronouns enumerated above, there are the following
forms which may be called DEFECTIVE, in the sense that they occur only in the afl-
eas e. They are aytó (éto, héto) 'here is (are)', ayán (hayán) 'there is (are)', ayún
(hayún) 'yonder is (are)'. Examples are éto an làpis mo. 'here is your pencil', ayún silá
sa ílog. 'there they are in the river'.

2.3.5.5. The Interrogative Pronouns

The interrogative pronouns have distinct forms for case, number, and reference. There
are four cases, namely ao ~nan~na~sa; three references, namely animate, inanimate,
and selective (i.e., inquires about which one of several).

TABLE 17
Interrogative Pronouns

Number Case Animate Inanimate Selective

'who' 'what' 'which'

Singular an sino anó alin

na sinon anón alio
nan kanino, nino nan °nó nag aHn
sa kanino sa anó sa alin
Plural an sinusino anuanó alinalin
na sinusinoy anuanóy alinalin
nan kanikanlno, nan anuanó nay alinalin
-ninunino
sa kanikanino sa anuanó sa alinalin

2.3.5.6. The Numerative Pronouns

There are two sets of numerative pronouns, namely: (a) lahdt, baldna, tanan 'all', and
karamihan 'most, the majority', which may or may not be marked by an, but may be
marked by na, nan, and sa; and (b) ibd 'other', ildn 'a few,' which may be marked by
an, nan, na, or sa. Examples are lahdt ay masayd. or an lahdt ay masayd. 'all are happy';
an ildn ay hindi naghandd nan pagkdin pdra sa piknik biikas. 'a few did not prepare food
for tomorrow's picnic'.
124 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

2.3.6. The Adjective

1. The adjectives may be identified by their occurrence after the prefix {ma-} (see (a)
in the third paragraph of this section). This prefix alone, however, will not help to
yield all the adjective roots in Tagalog. In addition, the superlative prefix {pinaka-}
([f] in the third paragraph below) should be used to isolate all the other members of
this form class.
2. The adjective, like the noun, has only one proper state as such. However, the
adjective phrase has three proper states, namely: (a) na, (b) nay, and (c) 0 or zero
case. The various modal categories of the adjective may be symbolized as follows:

A
— AAdj = ADJ

A = simp ~ dim ~ pi ~ compi ~ comp2 ~ sup ~ int

3. The realizations of these categories are as follows:

(a) Simple: {ma-}+Root 'having that which is conveyed by the root', e.g., {ma-} +
{hirap} 'difficulty' => mahirap 'difficult'.
(b) Diminution: {ma-} + D + Root 'possessing that which is conveyed by the root in
a diminished degree', e.g., {ma-} + D + {init} 'heat' => mainitinit 'somewhat warm'.
(c) Plurality: {ma-} + R + Root 'many possessing that which is conveyed by the
root', e.g., {ma-} + R 4- {gandd} 'beauty' =>• magaganda 'beautiful (plural)', maga-
ganda an mam bulaklak. 'the flowers are beautiful'.
(d) Comparativei: (kasig-) 'similar to that which is conveyed by the root', e.g., {kasiq-}
+ {laki} 'size' => kasinlaki 'similar in size', kasinlaki ni Pedro an anak ni ben. 'Ben's
son is as big as Peter'.
(e) Comparative2: {magkasiq-} 'even to that which is conveyed by the root', e.g.,
{magkasir)-} + {gandd} 'beauty' =>• magkasinganda av marja bahay dito. 'the houses
here are even in beauty'.
(f) Superlative: {pinaka-} 'possessing that which is conveyed by the root in a superla-
tive degree', e.g., {pinaka-} + {tads} 'height' =• pinakatads an bundok na ito sa bayao
it6. 'this mountain is the highest in this country'.
(g) Intensive: {ndpaka-} 'possessing that which is conveyed by the root in a superior
degree', e.g, (n&paka-} + {gandi} 'beauty' => napakagandd, e.g., napakaganda nan
dalagay iyon 'that young lady is very beautiful', -{pagka-} + D + Root 'possessing
that which is conveyed by the root in a superior degree', e.g., {pagka-} + D +
{gandd} => pagkagandagandd nan dalagan iyon. 'that young lady is quite beautiful'.
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 125

2.3.6.1. Syntactic Conversions from Adjective Roots to Verbs

1. There are several processes by which verbs are formed from adjective roots. These
derivational categories may be symbolized as follows:

(L) AAdj <E W

L = exec ~ exec, pi, emph, caus ~ exec, pi, emph, caus, int ~ exec, pi, iter ~ exec,
caus ~ exec, caus, int ~ exec, pot, emph, caus ~ exec, pot-acc, emph, caus ~
exec, ass, emph, caus ~ exec, pi ~ exec, pi, caus ~ exec, pi, emph, caus ~ exec, pi,
emph, caus, int ~ sub ~ gl ~ gl, caus ~ caus, int ~ pot, caus ~ loc ~ loc, pot ~
pot-acc ~ caus, loc ~ emph, loc ~ instr ~ emph, instr ~ caus, instr ~ instr, caus,
assoc ~ iter, instr ~ eff, instr ~ pot, instr ~ pot, caus ~ pot, efF ~ pot, emph ~
pot-acc ~ instr, pot-acc, caus ~ pot-acc, emph, ~ pot-acc, caus.
2. The realizations of these derivational categories are as follows:
a) Executive: {mag-}, e.g., {mag-} + {pula} 'red' => magpula 'wear something red',
nagpula si Tito kagabi 'Tito wore red last night'; {mag-} + {malakl => magmalaki 'act
big', nagmalakisi ben. 'Ben acted haughtily'.
(b) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative: {magsipagpa-}, e.g., {magsipagpa-} +{init}
'hot' =>• magsipagpainit 'have something be heated', nagsipagpainit sild new tubig para
sa kamlaq kape. 'they heated water for their coffee'.
(c) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative, intensive: {magsipagpaka2}, e.g., {magsi-
pagpaka-} + {bait} 'well-behaved' => magsipagpakabait 'exert effort to behave',
nagsipagpakabait an mam bdta sapagkat malapit na atj pasko. 'the children tried to
behave, because Christmas is near'.
(d) Executive, plural, iterative: {magsipaq-}, e.g., {magsipaq-} + {hina9} 'slow' =>•
magsipatjhina9 'become weaker and weaker', nagsipanhina ao mava boses nan mava
bataf. 'the voices of the children became weaker and weaker'.
(e) Executive, causative: {magpa-}, e.g., {magpa-} + {lamig} 'cold' magpalamig 'cool
off', nagpalamig si ben sa balkon. 'Ben cooled off in the veranda'.
(f) Executive, causative, intensive: {magpaka2}, e.g., {magpaka-} + {bait} 'good
behavior' =>• magpakabait 'exert effort to be well-behaved', nagpakabait si ben sa
simbahan. 'Ben behaved well in Church'.
(g) Executive, potential, emphatic, causative: {maka^agpa}, e.g., {makapagpa-} +
{init} 'heat' => makapagpainit 'be able to have something become what the root im-
plies', nakapagpainit nan tubig si ben pdra sa kaniyao kape. 'Ben succeeded in heating
water for his coffee'.
(h) Executive, potential-accidental, emphatic, causative: {makapagpa}, e.g., {maka-
pagpa-} + {init} 'heat' => makapagpainit 'be able by accident to have something
heated', nakapagpainit si ben nag tubig pdra sa kaniyao kape. 'Ben was able by acci-
dent to have some water heated for his coffee'.
(i) Executive, associative, emphatic, causative: {makipagpa-}, e.g., {makipagpa-} +
126 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

{áyos} 'arranged' => makipagpaáyos 'have something be fixed with others', nakipag-
paáyos siya nan buhok kina pédro. 'they had their hair done at Peter's'.
(j) Executive, plural: (maijaka2-}, e.g., {maqaka-} + {itlm} => mayakaitim 'wear
black', naoakaitim an mana ulila. 'the orphans are wearing black'.
(k) Executive, plural: {maqag-}, e.g., {maqag-} + {init} 'heat' => managinit 'to heat
(pi)', naoagínit nan túbig an mana nárs 'the nurses heated water'.
(1) Executive, plural, causative: {maqagpa-}, e.g., {maqagpa-} + {lamig} 'cold' =>
mavagpalamig 'cool off (plural)', nanagpalamíg sa balkón an mana bisíta. 'the visitors
cooled off in the veranda'.
(m) Executive, plural: {magagsi-}, e.g., {maqagsi-} + {itim} 'black' => managsiitim
'become black (plural)', naoagsiitim an mana báta dahíl sa init nan draw, 'the children
became black because of the heat of the sun'.
(n) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative: {marjagsipagpa-}, e.g., {maqagsipagpa-} +
(init) 'heat' => managsipagpainit 'cause something to become hot (plural)', nanagsipag-
paínit silá nan túbig. 'they heated water'.
(o) Executive, plural, emphatic, causative, intensive: {maqagsipagpaka2-}, e.g.,
{maqagsipagpaka-} + {bait} 'well-behaved' => managsipagpakabait 'behave well
(plural)', nanagsipagpakabait an mana báta, sapagkat malápit na an paskó. 'the children
behaved themselves because Christmas was near'.
(p) Subitive: {-um-}, e.g., {-um-} + {puti?} 'white' =>• pumuti? 'become white',
pumutí si pédro sa tákot 'Peter became white with fear'.
(q) Goal, focus: {-(l)(h)in}, e.g., {linaw} 'bright' + {-(l)in} => lináwin 'be clarified',
lináwin mo m an ibig sabihin nan pógi. 'please clarify what the word pogi means',
(r) Goal, causative: {pa- -(l)(h)in), e.g., {pa- -(l)in) {itim} 'black' => paitimin 'cause
something to be black', pinaitím ni pédro an kúlay nan kaniyan sapátos, 'Peter made his
shoes black'.
(s) Causative, intensive: {paka-(l)(h)in}, e.g., pakalalimin 'have something become
deep', hindí niya pakákalalímin an balón, 'he will not make the well too deep',
(t) Potential, causative: {mapa-}, e.g., {mapa-} + {itim} 'black' => mapaitim 'be able
to have something become black', napaitím ni pédro an sapátos. 'Peter was able to
blacken the pair of shoes'.
(u) Local focus: {-(l)(h)an}, e.g., {lamig} 'cold' + {-(l)an} => lamigán 'have something
become cold', lálamigán ko an ákin pananalitáf 'I will make my speech sound cold',
(v) Potential, local: {ma- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {ma- -(l)an} + {tagál} 'late' => matagalán
'become late', natagalán sila pédro sa kanilan pamimili. 'Peter and his companions
took a long time shopping around'.
(w) Potential-Accidental: {má- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {má- -(l)an} + {kúlaq} 'lacking' =>
mákulánan 'by accident to have something lessened', nákulánan an sukli ng táo kay
pédro. 'the man's change for Peter's money happened accidentally to be lacking',
(x) Causative, local: {pa- -(h)an}, e.g., {pa- -(l)an} + {init) 'heat' => painitan 'have
something heated', pinainitan ko na an pagkáin 'I have had the food heated already',
(y) Emphatic, local: {pag- -(l)(h)an}, e.g., {pag- -(l)an} + {init} 'heat' =• paginitan
 TAGALOG GRAMMAR 127
'be cause of heat', ito an kaniyaa pinaginitan nan ulo. 'this was what made him furious',
(z) Instrumental: {i-}, e.g., {i-} + {taàs} 'height' => itads 'have something raised',
itanaas nan maga sundàlo an kanilan bandilai. 'the soldiers raised their flag',
(aa) Emphatic, instrumental : {pag-}, 'implies for someone', e.g., {ipag-} + {init} 'heat'
=> maipaginit 'have something heated for someone', naipaginit nan ind nan tubig an
bàia 'the mother had water heated for the child'.
(bb) Causative, instrumental: {ipa-}, e.g., {ipa-} + {àyos} 'order' => ipadyos 'have
something ordered', ipinadyos ni alin maria kay pédro an kaniyan kótse. 'Miss Maria
had her car repaired by Peter'.
(cc) Causative Instrumental: {ika4-}, e.g., {ika-} + {buti} 'good behavior' =>~ikabuti
'be the cause of something becoming well', ikinabuti ni ben an pagdatin nan kaniyan
ama. 'the arrival of his father made Ben feel better'.
(dd) Instrumental, causative, associative: {ipaki-}, e.g., {ipaki-} + {init} 'heat' =>
ipakiinit 'to please have something heated', ipinakiinit niyd an ùlam kay pédro. 'he
asked Peter to have the food heated'.
(ee) Iterative, instrumental: {ipag-}, e.g., ipanlinis 'use something to clean something',
ipanlinis mo iton walls na ito. 'use this broom for cleaning around'.
(fT) Effective, instrumental: {isa-}, e.g., {isa-} + {àyos} 'arranged' =*• isadyos 'have
things in proper arrangement', isinadyos nila an mana estudiydnte. 'they arranged the
students'.
(gg) Potential, instrumental: {mai-}, e.g., {mai-} + {lakàs} 'loud' => mailakds 'be able
to make strong', nailakds niya an kaniyan pagpàlo sa bòia, 'he was able to hit the ball
hard'.
(hh) Potential, causative: {maipa-}, e.g., {maipa-} + {linis} 'clean' => maipalinis 'be
able to have something cleaned', naipalinis nan ina an kusina sa utusdn. 'the mother was
able to have her kitchen cleaned by the maid'.
{ii) Potential, effective: {maisa-} 'be able to effect that which root implies', e.g.,
maisaayos1 be able to have something ordered', naisaayos nan maèstra an mana
estudiydnte. 'the teacher was able to put her pupils in their proper places',
(jj) Potential, emphatic: {maipag-} e.g., {maipag-} + {init} 'heat' =• maipaginit 'be
able to have something heated', naipaginit nan ina an bdta nan tubig. 'the mother was
able to have water heated for the child'.
(kk) Potential, accidental: {mài-} e.g., {mài-} + {lakàs} 'strong' =• mdilakds 'be able
to make something strong', ndilakas niyd an kaniyan bóses. 'he happened to raise his
voice'.
(11) Instrumental, potential-accidental, causative: {màipa-}, e.g., {màipa-} + {init}
'heat' => màipainit 'have something heated by mistake', ndipainit ni hóse an gamót
kay pédro. 'Jose had Peter heat his medicine accidentally'.
(mm) Potential-accidental, Causative: {màisa-}, e.g., {màisa-} + {àyos} 'arranged'
màisaàyos 'be able by accident to arrange' ndisaayos nan ind an kuwdrto ni pédro. 'the
mother happened to put Peter's room in order'.
128 TAGALOG GRAMMAR

(nn) Potential-accidental, emphatic: {mdipag-}, e.g., {maipag-} + {init} 'heat' =»

maipaginit 'be able by accident to have something heated', naipagpainit ko siyd nag-
pagkain. 'I was able accidentally to heat some food for him'.
(oo) Potential-accidental, causative: {m&ipagpa-}, e.g., {maipagpa-} + {lamig} 'cold'
=> maipagpalamig 'able by accident to have something become cold', ndipagpalamig
siyd nan tsa ni nena. 'N6na was able to have tea cooled for him'.
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1957 "Disjuncture as a Cue to Constructs", WordXIR: 246-55.
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1964 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory (The Hague: Mouton and Co.).
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1932 "A Set of Postulates for the Foundations of Logic", Annals of Mathematics XXXIII: 346-
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Danes, Frantiäek
1960 "Sentence Intonation from a Functional Point of View", Word XVI: 34-54.
De Saussure, Ferdinand
1966 Cours de Linguistique Generale (Paris: Payot).
De Groot, Willem A.
1957 "Classification of Word-Groups", Lingua VI. 2 (Jan.): 113-57.
Dinneen, Francis P.
1967 An Introduction to General inguistics (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Wintson, Inc.).
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1967 An Introduction to Morphology and Syntax (Summer Institute of Linguistics: Santa Ana,
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1944 Logi tiek, Geformaliseerde Lógica (Antwerpen: Standaard-Boekhandel).
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1944 "Simultaneous Components in Phonology", Language XX: 181-205.
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1961 Preliminaries to Speech Analysis, 4th Printing (Cambridge, Mass.).
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1949 A Modern English Grammar, Part III, Syntax, 2nd vol. (London: George Allen and Unwin
Ltd.).
Lamb, Sydney M.
1966 Outline of Stratificational Grammar (Washington, D.C. : Georgetown University Press).
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1965 "On the Acoustic Basis of the Perception of Intonation by Linguists", Word XXI: 40-54.
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1941 A Manual of the Philippine National Language, 3rd ed. (Manila: Bureau of Printing).
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1954 "Hesitation Phenomena in Spontaneous English Speech", Word, XV: 19-44.
Martinet, André
1960a Éléments de Linguistique Générale (Paris: Armand Colin).
1960b "Elements of a Functional Syntax", Word, XVI (April): 1-10.
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(Geneve: Droz).
Morris, Charles
1938 Foundations of the Theory of Signs.
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1966 Talahuluganang Pilipino-lngles (Maynila: Kawanihan ng Palimbagan).
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1964 Introduction to the Quantum Theory (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co.).
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sertation (University of Michigan).
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netik II: 135-44.
APPENDIX

SONAGRAMS
APPENDIX
 APPENDIX

Sonagram No. IV
APPENDIX 137
Sonagram No. X
140 APPENDIX
Sonagram No. XIV
 INDEX

Absolute form, 90 Allophone

Absolute mood, (cf. Proper States) Alternation groups, 20, 25
Absolute transitive verb, 66, 91 Alveolar, 42
Abstraction affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing nominal Articulation, 19
categories) points of, 4 0 - 4 3
Abstraction nouns, (cf. noun derivations) positive, (cf. Positive Articulation)
Accent, 4 7 - 8 , 53, 56 Archiphonemes, 3 9 - 4 0 , 56
Accent-shift, implications of, 48 Arguments
Accidental functors (see R . , P. Q., and Ef. and functors, 2 7 - 2 8
Categories), 89, 9 0 - 9 2 , Assimilation, complete, (see nasal assimilation)
Summary table of, 108-109 Assimilation, partial, (see nasal assimilation)
Accord in number, (cf. number concord) Assimilation, regressive, 4 9 - 5 0
Actor focus, (see Focus) Aspect, 62, 63, 65, 67, 88, 107
Actualizing functors, (see Focus, Aspect), imperfect, 88, 93, 95, 9 7 - 1 0 4 , 107
Summary table of, 107 perfect, 88, 93, 95, 9 7 - 1 0 4 , 107
Adjectival categories, 124 future, 8 8 , 9 3 , 9 5 , 9 7 - 1 0 4 , 107
Adjective, 124-128 recent past, 88, 99, 101, 104, 107
Adjective derivations, 112, 114-117 Associative action, 9 0 - 9 2 , 96, 100, 103, 104,
Adjective phrase, 64, 6 8 - 6 9 , 8 0 - 8 1 108-109
in the nai7 -, na - cases 80 Associative action, (cf. P. categories), 90
in the 0 case, 80 Atonic words, 53
structure of, 8 0 - 8 1 Ay-Rule, 7 0 - 7 4
expansion of, 8 0 - 8 1
Adverb
classes of, 82
Adverbial phrase, 69, 82 Back vowels, 39
functions of, 82 Benefactive action, 70
structure of, 82 Bilabial, 38, 4 0 - 4 2
classes of, 82 Bloomfield, L., 7, 129
expansion of, 82 Bochenski, J . M., 28
Affective features, 35 Bolinger, Dwight L., 51
Affix Buccal fricative, 41
ordering o f verbal affixes, 9 1 - 9 2
realizing nominal categories, 113
stem-forming, 8 5 - 8 6 , 108-109
Allomorph Cardinals, (cf. numerals)
o f m a g - 9 2 - 9 8 , 108 Categories, 21 (cf. verbal categories, modal
o f um - 9 8 - 9 9 , 109 categories, nominal categories, pronominal
o f { - (1) (h) in}, 9 9 - 1 0 1 , 109 categories, adjectival categories)
o f { - (1) (h) an}, 101-106, 109 Causative actions, 8 9 - 9 2
144 INDEX

Central vowel, open, 42, 44, 47 Dinneen, 23

Chomsky, N . , 23, 32 Diphthongs, 40, 43
Church, Alonso, 28 Distributive Numerals, 119
Circumscription affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Distributive Numeral Adverbs, 119
Nominal Categories) Distinctive feature, 26, 34
Collection action affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Double articulation, 19, 20, 23, 2 4 - 2 5
Nominal Categories) " D o u b l i n g " , 89
Collective action, 111
Collective noun, (cf. noun derivations)
Colon ef - Categories, 89
phonological characteristics of, 52 Effective action, 91
Comma Eigenstate, 22
phonological characteristics of, 52 Elson and Pickett, 29, 31
Commands, abrupt, 57, 59, 60, 88 Emphasis, 89, 9 0
Composition symbol, (see Proposition-forming Emphatic action, 89, 93, 104
symbols) Enclitics, 50, 7 4 - 7 5
Compound roots, 112 Enclitic pronouns, 121-122
Conjugation, 85 Enclitic rule, 70
Conjunctions Equative sentence, 66
coordinating, 58, 84 Exclamation point, 55
subordinating, 58, 84 Exclamatory Sentence, 54
Consonants, 27, 3 5 ^ 0 , 43, 48, 4 9 Executive Actor Focus, 9 2 - 9 8
Consonant cluster, 27, 42, 4 9 Executive action, (see Tension)
Consonant phonemes, analysis of, 4 0 - 4 3 , 4 4 - 4 6 Expressions o f assent or dissent, (cf. Vocative)
Constants, 27
Constellation, 29
Constituents o f language, level description of, 22 Feys, on the Lambda, functor, 28
Continuity, 51, 53, 54 Final Junctures, 5 4 - 5 5
Constraints, 2 0 - 2 2 , 28 Finite form, 88
Contrast, 20, 3 4 - 4 0 Finite mood, (cf. Mood), 21, 88
Coordinating conjunction, (cf. Conjunctions) Finite proper state, 58, 88
Coordination, (pis. see Structure, types o f ) First articulation, 2 4 - 2 5
Culmination, 34, 48, 50 Fortis, alveolar lateral, 42
Freedoms, 2 0 - 2 1 , 28
Frequentative noun, (cf. Noun derivation)
d and r alternation Rules, 87 Fricative, 36, 46
Danes, Frantisek, 51 Focus in Tagalog, 62, 65, 70, 9 2 - 1 0 7
Declarative sentence, 21 Formal description, 23
Declension, 85 Front vowels, 39
Definite object, 78 Functional morphemes, 83
Demonstrative pronoun, 122-123 Functional-structural approach, 23
defective, 123 Functors, and arguments, types of, 2 7 - 2 8 , 50,
Demonstratives, manner, 123 89
Demonstratives, plain, 122 Future Aspect (Future Finite F o r m ) , 88, 93, 95,
(cf. Chart, Plain demonstrative) 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 107
Dental fricative, 36
Depressed register, 51
Derived root or stem, 86 Gerund form, 90, 93, 98, 99, 107
de Saussure, on syntagms, 25 Gerund mood, 60
Description Glide, 42
scope of, 20, 2 3 - 2 4 Glottal check, 46
functional-structural approach to, 2 2 - 2 3 Glottal stop, 37, 41, 4 6 , 52
Descriptive formalism, 23 G o a l focus, (see focus) 1 0 0 - 1 0 2
Determination, 2 9 Grammar, divisions of, 2 3
Diadic solidarities, 6 5 - 6 6 Grammatical minimal signs, (see Morphemes)
Dialects, 48 Grooved fricative, 41
 INDEX 145
Harris, Zelling S., 51 types of, 52-54
Hesitation forms, 56 function of, 52
Hjelmslev, 25, 29 Junctures, 54
Hiatus, (see Glottal stop)
Horizontal relationship, (see Syntagmatic)
H-suffication Rules, 86-87 Lambda functor, 28, 110
Hyphen, 86 Language, assumptions, 19-20
Language, constraints of, 21-22, 28
definition of, 20
{¡-} instrumental focus, 104-106 freedoms of, 28
Imperatives, 57, 59-60 functions of, 20-22
Imperfect aspect (Imperfect Finite Form), 88,92, as instrument of communication, 20
93, 95, 99, 101, 102 structure of, 22
Impersonal verbs, 67, 77 linear, 22
{-in-} metathesis rule, 86, 87 vocal character, 19
Inclusion symbol, (see Proposition-forming Length (also Duration), 48, 53
symbols) Levels, 22, 23-26
Incohative verbs, 62, 76 Lexemes, 26, 83
Indefinite object, 78 Lexical minimal signs, (see Lexemes)
Independent modal morphemes, 83 Lieberman, Philip, 51
Indirect Object, 78 Linguals, 38, 42
Infinitive mood, 21 Linguistics, 22, 25
Infix, 86 Linguistic sign, 19, 23
Inflected noun form, (cf. Noun) or derived nouns Linguistic units, relationships of, 20
Inflection, 85 Loan words, 49
Insistent Action, Local affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Nominal
(cf. Q - categories) Categories)
Instrumental Focus, 104-106 Local focus, (see Focus) 101-103
Instrumental noun, (cf. Noun derivation) Local noun, (cf. Noun derivations)
Intensive action, 90, 95 Local verbs, 110
(cf. P-categories)
Interjection form, 90
Interjection mood, 88 Malayo-Polynesian, 32
Interjections, 57, 59 {ma-} stem-forming affixes of, 95-96
Internal Junctures, 52-53 {ma-} potential of goal focus, 101-102
Interrogative pronoun, (cf. Chart, Interrogative {mag-} stem-forming affixes of
pronoun), 123 allomorph of, 95-98
Intonation, 54 {mai-} stem-forming affixes of, 105-106
function of, 54 {ma- -(l)(h)an} stem-forming affixes of, 102
Intonation contour, 51, 54 Malayo-polynesian languages, 32
defined, 51 {mar)-} executive, actor focus, iterative action, 98
characterizing junctional signs, 52-54 Manner adjective, (cf. Adjective derivation)
Intonation questions, 57, 59 Martinet, André, 19, 21, 23, 25, 26
Intransitive verb root, 92 May, Mayroon, 67, 69, 74, 81
Involuntary action, Minimal pairs, 35-40
(cf. Q-categories), 91 opposition of phonemes in, 34
Involuntary, iterative action, 94 Minimal signs, 19, 26, 83
IPA, 35 Minor Sentences, 57-59
Irregular verbs, 110 Modal categories, 21, 28, 89, 90
Isomorphisms, 56, 84 Modal functors, 28, 85
Iteration, 29 Modal morphemes, 83
Iterative Category, 89-90, 94 Modal nouns, 69, 71-73, 81-82
function of, 81
Jespersen, 25 structure of, 81-82
Junction, 25 Monadic solidarities, 61, 66-67
Junctural signs, 52-54 Moneme, 19, 24-26
146 INDEX

M o o d , 21, 58, 60, 88, 90 O r d e r rules governing Enclitics, 75

M o o d M o r p h e m e s , 87 O r d i n a l s , 118
M o r p h e m e , 26, 83 Origin affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Nominal
M o r p h o l o g i c a l categories, 85 Categories)
Morphology O r g a n i z i n g features, 35
as division of G r a m m a r O r t h o t o n i c w o r d , 75, 120
in Tagalog, 85
Morphophonemics, 86-87
Mutuality n o u n , (cf. N o u n derivations) {pa- -(l)(h)an}, s t e m - f o r m i n g affixes of, 102
{pa- -(l)(h)in}, s t e m - f o r m i n g affixes of, 9 9 - 1 0 0
{pag- -(l)(h)an}, s t e m - f o r m i n g affix, 103
N a s a l assimilation, 86 {pag- -(l)(h)in}, 100
N a s a l c o n s o n a n t , 37, 41, 43, 49 (par)- -(l)(h)in}, 100
N e u t r a l i z a t i o n , 39-40, 47 {pa- -(l)(h)an}, 102
N e x u s , 23, 2 5 - 2 6 Palatal affricate, 40
N o m i n a l categories, 113 Palatal lateral, 42
N o m i n a l i z e d verb, 93, 99 Palatal nasal, 41
Non-finite f o r m , 90, 95, 97, 99, 103, 104 Paradigm, 20, 23, 25, 49
N o n - f i n i t e p r o p e r state, 60, 88 P a r a d i g m a t i c axis, 20
N o n - i n t o n a t i o n question, 55 P a r a d i g m a t i c relationship (or Vertical relation-
N o n - p r o n o m i n a l enclitics, 74 ship), 20
N o t a t i o n a l conventions, 23 Park, David, 22
Illustration of, 2 9 - 3 2 Partial assimilation, 86
N o t a t i o n s , i m p o r t a n c e of, 26 Participial Adjective, (cf. Adjective derivation)
N o u n derivations, 111-112 Participial m o o d , 20
N o u n , 112-113 P-categories, 89
N o u n phrases, 7 7 - 8 0 Perfect aspect, 88
in t h e arj-, narj-, sa-, na-, cases, 61-68, 7 7 - 8 0 Perfect Finite F o r m (cf. Perfect Aspect), 9 5 - 1 0 4
as vocative, 78 Period, 55
as a d v e r b , 78 Period level, 26, 56-57
as c o m p l e m e n t , 78 Personal p r o n o u n s , (cf. C h a r t , personal p r o -
e x p a n s i o n s of, 7 9 - 8 0 n o u n s ) , 120-122
f u n c t i o n s of, 7 7 - 8 0 Philippine languages, 32
structures of, 79 Philippines, 32, 33
N u m b e r c o n c o r d , 61 Phonation,
N u m e r a l s , 117-119 s o u r c e of, 36, 41, 45
Bookish w o r d s for, 118 onset of, 45
N u m e r a l s , Spanish, 117 t e r m i n a t i o n of, 45
N u m e r a l A d v e r b s , 118-119 P h o n e m e level, 24, 26
N u m e r a t i v e p r o n o u n , 123 P h o n e m e cluster, 26
P h o n e m e s , 19, 22, 24, 3 5 - 5 0
Analysis a n d classification of, 4 4 - 4 7
Object (cf. Definite Direct a n d Indefinite Object) D i s t r i b u t i o n of, 4 8 - 5 0
Occlusive, 41 Phonemics, 34
O c c u p a t i o n a l affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing N o m i - P h o n e t i c realizations
nal Categories) table of, 40
O c c u p a t i o n a l n o u n , (cf. N o u n derivation) P h o n o l o g y , 34-35, 5 0 - 5 6
O p p o s i t i o n , 20 Phrase accent, 53
used o n phonological identification of p h o - Phrases, f u n c t i o n a l positions in the sentence; a n
nemes, 36-41 inventory of, (cf. p r i m a r y constituents) 67-70
O p t a t i v e sentence Phrase Structure rules, 23
O p t i o n a l variants Physics, 2 1 - 2 2
Optional groups, Pike, K e n n e t h L., 51
defined, 20 Pilipino, 32
o r syntagms a n d p a r a d i g m s , 25 Pitch, 51
O r d e r i n g of t h e affixes, 91 Plural A c t i o n , 90, 9 6 - 9 8
 INDEX 147
Plural category, 89, 90 Realization of consonant phonemes, (see Table,
Politeness, 59 realization of consonant phonemes)
Positive articulation (cf. Articulation), 45 Realization of nominal categories, 113
Possessive pronouns, (cf. to Chart, possessive Realization of phonemes, 40
pronouns), 120, 122 Realization of the Pronominal Categories, 120-
Postal, 23 123
Post-numeral Enclitics, 75 Realization of verbal categories, 90
Potential action, 89, 90 Realization of vowel phonemes, (see Table,
Potential-accidental action, 89 90, 96, 102 realization of vowel phonemes)
Potential-accidental, causative action, 96 Recent past form, 99, 101, 104
Potential-accidental, emphatic action, 95-96 Recent past mood, 88
Predicative noun phrase, 68, 78 Reciprocal noun, (cf. N o u n derivations)
Prefix, 86 Reciprocal »relationship affixes, (cf. Affixes
Prepositives in Tagalog, 75 realizing Nominal Categories)
Present Tense, 21 Reduplication, 86
Preterite tense, 21 Reflexive verb, 110
Primary accent, 47-48 Request, 57, 59
Primary constituent level, 26, 56, 75-76 Rhythm, 56
Primary constituents, 67, 75 Rolled trill, 42
inventory of, 67-70 R o o t , 87, 92, 111, 114
Primary dependents (cf. Primary constituents)
Process noun, (cf. N o u n derivation)
Process variable, 27 Salutations, (cf. vocative), 59
Pronominal enclitics, 74 Seasonal affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing N o m i n a l
Pronominal categories, 120 Categories)
Pronoun, 119-123 Secondary accent, 47-48
Proper state "Segmentals", 34
as term used to describe constraints and Semi-colon, phonological characteristics of, 53
freedoms of language, 21 Semi-vowels, 38, 42
in subordinative sentences, 60 Sentence, 24, 26, 56-60
prefixes, 87 Sentence, expansions of, 74-75
as verbal categories, 88 Sentence, m i n o r types of, 56, 59
(cf. Moods) Sentence, phonology of the, 53-54
Proper state functors, 28, 85 Sentence, subordinative types of, 57, 60
Prepositions, 83 Sentence intonation, functions of, 54-55
Proposition-forming symbols, 28-29 Sentence level, 26, 56-58
Prosody, 34 Sentential nexus, 83
Provocation adjective, (cf. Adjective derivation) defined, 25
Proxy affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing Nominal as primary dependent of a sentence, 69
Categories) as complement, 69
structure a n d expansion of, 69-70
Sequential composition, 22, 29
Sequential ordering, (cf. sequential composition)
Q-categories, 89 Sequential contrastive features, (see Culmina-
Quadratic solidarities, 61 tion)
Questions, 57 Shaped orifice sound articulation, 45
Question mark, 54 Shift of syntagms, 69-70
Quezon, Manuel L., 32 Significans, 19
Significatum, 19
Simple, (see Structure, types o f )
Simulation affixes, (cf. Affixes realizing N o m i n a l
R-Categories, 89 Categories)
Realizations Simultaneous composition, 22, 29
of moods, 90 Simultaneous ordering, (see also Simultaneous
of actualizing functors, 90 composition)
of accidental functor, 90 Solidarity, 29, 61-67
148 INDEX

Spontaneous action (cf. Q-categories), 91 Term-forming symbols, types of, 29

Staccato, rhythm, (cf. Rhythm) Tongue height, 47
Stem-forming affixes, 90-92, 108, 109 Transcription, 56
Stop, 35-36, 40 Transformational Rules, 23
Stress, (also Amplitude), 47-^48 Transitive verb root, 92
Stressed syllable, 48 Triadic solidarities, 62-64
Structural description, 23
Structure, types of, on the period level, 24, 57-58
Subitive Actor focus, 98-99 Uninflected noun form, (cf. Noun)
Subordinating conjunction, 58, 84 Unit, 25
Subordination, (see Structure, type of)
Subordinative sentence, 58
in varying proper states, 60 Variables, 27, 83-84
analysis of structure of, 60-61 Velar, 41
Subordinative sentence grouping, 61 Verb, 87-112
Suffix, 86
Verb, moods of, 88, 90-91
Summary
Verb, optional forms of, 89-92
of terms, 24
Verbal argument, values of (in symbolic nota-
realization of phonemes, 40-43 tion), 89-90
of junctional signs, 55 Verbal categories, realizations of, 90-91
of types of subordinative sentence and posi- Verb phrase, 76-77
tions of syntagms in accordance with the functions of, 76
Ay-Rule, 70-74 types of, 76
Modalities of Verb, 89 expansion of, 77
Modalities of Tagalog numerals, 119 structure of, 76-77
of accidental categories, 108-109 Verbal categories 88, 90-91
of realization of verbal categories 107-109 Verbal conjugation, Tagalog, description of, 87
"Suprasegmentals", 34 Verbal nexus, 25, 69, 82
Syllable, 22, 24, 26, 47, 48, 56 Vocal signs, 19
Syllable level, (or Syllabic level), 22 Vocatives, 57, 58
Symbol, 26-31 Voice onset (see Onset of phonation)
Syntactic calculus, 50 Voiced unaspirated stops (cf. stops)
Syntactic categories, 27, 84 Vowels, 39, 42, 44, 47, 48
Syntactic conversions, 85 analysis of, 39
nouns from verbal roots, 111-112 classification of, accented, 46^17
adjectives from verbal roots, 112
adjectives from nominal roots, 114
verbs from adjective roots, 125-128
verbs from nominal roots, 115-117 Wells, Roulon S „ 51
Syntactic variables, 83-84, 85 Word, 85
Syntagm, 20, 23, 52, 57, 65, 67 Accent of (cf. Accent)
Syntagmatic axis, 20 as defined by syntactical criteria, 85
Syntagmatic relationships, 20 phonology of, 35, 48
Syntagms of imprecations, (cf. vocative) "Word expressions", 48
Syntax, 27, 48, 56 level of, 22
types of, 50
Word inflection, 85
Word level, 26
Tagalog grammar, 35 Word Questions, 57
Tagalog, intonation, method of representation, 51
Tagalog language, 19, 25, 32
Tendency adjective, (cf. Adjective derivation) Zero case, 63, 64-68, 78, 80, 82