Mental Health and Social Problems

Mental Health and Social Problems is a textbook for social work students and practitioners. It
explores the complicated relationship between mental conditions and societal issues as well as
examining risk and protective factors for the prevalence, course, adaptation to and recovery
from mental illness.
The introductory chapter presents biopsychosocial and life-modeled approaches to helping
individuals and families with mental illness. The book is divided into two parts. Part I addresses
specific social problems, such as poverty, oppression, racism, war, violence, and homelessness,
identifying the factors which contribute to vulnerabilities and risks for the development of
mental health problems, including the barriers to accessing quality services. Part II presents the
most current empirical findings and practice knowledge about prevalence, diagnosis, assess-
ment, and intervention options for a range of common mental health problems – including
personality conditions, eating conditions and affective conditions.
Focusing throughout upon mental health issues for children, adolescents, adults and older
adults, each chapter includes case studies and web resources. This practical book is ideal for
social work students who specialize in mental health.

Nina Rovinelli Heller teaches in the masters and doctoral programs, and is the Chair of the
Mental Health Substantive Area at the University of Connecticut, USA. She has provided
mental health services to individuals and families for thirty years in a range of practice settings.
She is the co-editor of Integrating Psychodynamic Theory with Cognitive Behavioral Techniques and has
published in the area of social work theory and clinical practice.

Alex Gitterman is Zachs Professor of Social Work and Director of the Doctoral Program at
the University of Connecticut School of Social Work. He has co-authored and co-edited a large
number of books including The Life Model of Social Work Practice, Encyclopedia of Social Work with
Groups and The Handbook of Social Work Practice with Vulnerable and Resilient Populations. He served as
the President and on the board of the Association for the Advancement of Social Work with
Groups, an international professional organization.
Mental Health
and Social Problems
A social work perspective

Edited by Nina Rovinelli Heller

and Alex Gitterman
First published 2011
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge
270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2011.

To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.

© 2011 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman. Individual chapters,

the contributors.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized
in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Mental health and social problems : a social work perspective / edited by
Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
1. Psychiatric social work. 2. Mental illness–Etiology. 3. Social problems.
I. Heller, Nina Rovinelli. II. Gitterman, Alex, 1938–
[DNLM: 1. Mental Disorders. 2. Mental Disorders--etiology. 3. Social Problems. 4.
Social Work, Psychiatric. WM 31 M5444 2011]
HV689.M46 2011
362.2'042–dc22
2010017265

ISBN 0-203-84060-7 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN13: 978–0–415–49386–4 (hbk)

ISBN13: 978–0–415–49387–1 (pbk)
ISBN13: 978–0–203–84060–3 (ebk)
We dedicate this book to all people who have lived with mental
health conditions.
We write with their voices in our minds and hearts.
Contents

List of contributors ix
Preface xi
Acknowledgements xvii

1 Introduction to social problems and mental health/illness 1

NINA ROVINELLI HELLER AND ALEX GITTERMAN

PART I
Social problems and mental health/illness 19

2 Oppression and stigma and their effects 21

AMY C. WATSON AND SHAUN M. EACK

3 Poverty and its effects 44

MARK R. RANK

4 Racism and its effects 62

DENNIS MIEHLS

5 War and its effects 86

SCOTT HARDING

6 Homelessness and its effects 110

JUDITH BULA WISE

7 Corrections and its effects 133

RUDOLPH ALEXANDER, JR.

8 Immigration and its effects 156

GREGORY ACEVEDO AND MANNY J. GONZÁLEZ

9 Child maltreatment and its effects 174

CAROLYN KNIGHT
viii Contents
10 Intimate partner violence and its effects 202
BONNIE E. CARLSON

11 Community violence exposure and its effects 225

VANESSA VORHIES, NEIL B. GUTERMAN, AND
MUHAMMAD M. HAJ-YAHIA

PART II
Mental health conditions 257

12 Autism spectrum conditions 259

JOSEPH WALSH AND JACQUELINE CORCORAN

13 Executive function conditions and self-deficits 282

JOSEPH PALOMBO

14 Oppositional defiant and conduct conditions 313

AMANDA N. BARCZYK AND DAVID W. SPRINGER

15 Mood conditions 331

ELLEN SMITH

16 Anxiety conditions 356

NINA ROVINELLI HELLER AND LISA WERKMEISTER ROZAS

17 Eating conditions 381

DANNA BODENHEIMER AND NINA ROVINELLI HELLER

18 Personality conditions 404

TERRY B. NORTHCUT

19 Psychotic conditions 423

ELLEN P. LUKENS AND LYDIA P. OGDEN

20 Substance abuse 450

MEREDITH HANSON

21 Dementia and related problems in cognition and memory 473

SARA SANDERS AND JOELLE K. OSTERHAUS

Index 502
Contributors

Gregory Acevedo, PhD

Associate Professor, Fordham University Graduate School of Social Services
Rudolph Alexander, Jr., PhD
Professor, Ohio State University College of Social Work
Amanda N. Barczyk, MSW
Doctoral candidate, University of Texas School of Social Policy and Practice Work at Austin
Danna Bodenheimer, DSW
Adjunct Faculty, University of Pennsylvania School of Social Policy and Practice
Bonnie E. Carlson, PhD
Professor and Associate Director, West Campus, Arizona State University School of Social
Work
Jacqueline Corcoran, PhD
Professor, Virginia Commonwealth University School of Social Work
Shaun M. Eack, PhD
Assistant Professor, University of Pittsburg School of Social Work
Alex Gitterman, EdD
Zacks Professor of Social Work and Director of the Doctoral Program, University of
Connecticut School of Social Work
Manny J. González, DSW
Associate Professor, Hunter College School of Social Work, The City University of New York
Neil B. Guterman, PhD
Mose and Sylvia Firestone Professor and Dean, University of Chicago School of Social
Administration
Muhammad M. Haj-Yahia, PhD
Gordon Brown Chair in Social Work and Associate Professor, The Hebrew University of
Jerusalem School of Social Work and Social Welfare
Meredith Hanson, DSW
Professor, Fordham University Graduate School of Social Services
Scott Harding, PhD
Associate Professor, University of Connecticut School of Social Work
x Contributors
Nina Rovinelli Heller, PhD
Associate Professor, University of Connecticut School of Social Work
Carolyn Knight, PhD
Professor, School of Social Work, University of Maryland Baltimore
Ellen P. Lukens, PhD
Firestone Centennial Professor of Clinical Social Work, Columbia University School of Social
Work
Dennis Miehls, PhD
Associate Professor, Smith College School of Social Work
Terry B. Northcut, PhD
Associate Professor, Loyola University Chicago School of Social Work
Lydia P. Ogden, MSW
Doctoral Candidate, Columbia University School of Social Work
Joelle K. Osterhaus, MSW
Bereavement Coordinator, Barton Hospice
Joseph Palombo, MA
Founding Dean, Institute for Clinical Social Work, Chicago
Mark R. Rank, PhD
Herbert S. Hadley Professor of Social Welfare, Washington University School of Social Work
in St. Louis
Sara Sanders, PhD
Assistant Professor, University of Iowa School of Social Work
Ellen Smith, PhD
Assistant Extension Professor, University of Connecticut School of Social Work
David W. Springer, PhD
University Distinguished Teaching Professor, University of Texas School of Social Work
Vanessa Vorhies, MSW
University of Chicago School of Social Administration
Joseph Walsh, PhD
Professor, Virginia Commonwealth University School of Social Work
Amy C. Watson, PhD
Assistant Professor, Jane Addams College of Social Work, University of Illinois at Chicago
Lisa Werkmeister Rozas, PhD
Associate Professor, University of Connecticut School of Social Work
Judith Bula Wise, PhD
Professor Emerita, University of Denver Graduate School of Social Work
Preface

Mental Health and Social Problems: A social work perspective is written as a textbook and reference book
for social work students and practitioners. In serving as editors, we invited leading social work
experts to present the state of interdisciplinary knowledge and practice wisdom about the
complex bidirectional relationship between societal issues and mental health as well as about
numerous mental health conditions and related life stressors. We divided the book into two
parts. In Part I, we examine the societal, political and economic contexts of mental health
conditions. In Part II, we examine the most current empirical findings, practice knowledge and
wisdom about the major mental health conditions faced by our clients.
In Part I, our contributors examine the impact of oppression and stigma, poverty, racism,
war, homelessness, corrections, immigration, childhood maltreatment, intimate partner
violence, and community violence on our clients’ mental health. Our contributors follow a
common outline to organize their respective chapters. After introducing the contextual focus,
each author discusses the societal, political, economic definitions of the social issue and its effects
on mental health and mental illness. This discussion is followed by a review of the social
problem’s demographics, incidences and prevalence rates. The influences of race, gender, life
course, sexual orientation, and ability/disability are also examined. To provide a “human face”
to the empirical data, each author presents a practice illustration, and discusses relevant and
salient assessment and interventions themes that emerge from the illustration. The contri-
butions of social work and the importance of social work involvement are explicated. Chapters
conclude with boxed texts consisting of web resources.
In Chapter 2, Professors Watson and Eack examine the deleterious impact of oppression and
stigma on mental health. The authors begin with a discussion of the stigmatization process,
which consists of five interrelated components. The first component is labeling of human
differences, and attributing negative attributes to the differences. The next component is
separating “us” from “them” (healthy from mentally ill). The “them” become stigmatized and
the “us” become the stigmatizers. The stigmatized experience loss of social status, prejudice and
discrimination. Persons suffering from mental illness are stereotyped as “dangerous, unpre-
dictable, incompetent, irresponsible; at fault for their illness, and unlikely to recover.” These
negative stereotypes affect every dimension of the life of a person suffering from mental illness:
education, employment, housing, health and mental health care, and interpersonal rela-
tionships.
In Chapter 3, Professor Rank analyzes the effects of poverty on mental health. He begins by
describing the nature and scope of poverty in the United States. He estimates that approxi-
mately 60 million of people living in the United States live in or near poverty. At greatest risk of
being poor are people with less education, who are young or old, non-white, have a disability,
live in single parent families or reside in economically depressed inner cities or rural areas.
Professor Rank presents a large body of research that indicates a strong association between
xii Preface
poverty and diminished mental health. Subsequently, he raises the difficult and illusive ques-
tion: how does one determine the direction of causality between poverty and diminished mental
health? Research evidence, on the one hand, suggests that individuals with mental health
problems are more likely to drift downward into poverty. Concomitantly, research evidence, on
the other hand, suggests that the conditions associated with poverty decrease the quality of poor
people’s mental health. Professor Rank offers a trenchant observation: The direction of
causality might be related to the type of mental health condition itself. The severity of schizo-
phrenia, for example, may cause downward economic mobility that results in poverty. In
contrast, poverty might trigger anxiety and mood conditions.
In Chapter 4, Professor Miehls explores the insidious effects of repeated manifestations of
individual, institutional and structural and institutionalized racism on the mental health of
People of Color. Those suffering from mental illness are even more likely than other People of
Color to experience the devastating effects of racism, such as homelessness, unemployment,
incarceration, school failure, and restricted access to health and mental health services. The
concept of “microaggressions” is used to capture how the day-to-day experiences of being
marginalized impacts the mental health of People of Color.
Professor Harding, in Chapter 5, examines the destructive effects of war and the devastating
social and mental health consequences. Participating in or being exposed to military conflict
exacerbates existing mental health problems and creates new ones. Harding identifies the
changing face of war globally, the “new war” characterized by unconventional methods and
asymmetrical warfare and the significant impact that it has had on nations, communities and
individuals across the globe. He notes that there is a paucity of literature on the mental health
sequelae to people who are in the midst of armed conflicts; most research focuses upon those
displaced to refugee camps. Among U.S. veterans of recent wars, high levels of post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD), depression, substance abuse and other mental health problems linked to
exposure to combat have been found. The individual and family visible and invisible scars of
war are evident in rising suicide rates among active duty military personnel as well as veterans.
Professor Wise, in Chapter 6, examines the association between homelessness and mental
health conditions. The loss of one’s living place is often precipitated by chronic mental illness
and/or significant traumatic events such as loss of employment, natural or person initiated
disasters, escape from a domestic violence circumstance, or a combination of simultaneously
occurring life transitions and traumatic events. The author differentiates the chronically,
situationally and episodically homeless, and insightfully examines the bidirectional associations
among complicated conditions such as trauma, trauma responses to homelessness and mental
health conditions.
In Chapter 7, Professor Alexander cites a study that estimates that 56 percent of state
prisoners, 45 percent of federal prisoners, and 64 percent of jail detainees have mental health
problems. Similarly, data show high numbers of incarcerated juveniles with significant mental
health issues. Clearly, a certain percentage of adult and youth prisoners enter the correctional
system with mental health problems. Certainly, prison life exacerbates their mental health
conditions. The cumulative stress associated with confinement, violence, and lack of treatment
makes worse their original condition and creates new mental problems. It is important to note
that race is a critical factor in imprisonment. African American males are incarcerated at 6.6
times the rate for White males.
In Chapter 8, Professors Acevedo and González discuss the profound mental health conse-
quences of the dislocation of “place” that immigration involves. Historically, immigration is
associated with social problems, such as poverty, racial and ethnic conflict, and disenfranchise-
ment. The profession of social work plays a critical function with the social problems and the
personal, familial, and community instabilities and that are associated with immigration.
 Preface xiii
In Chapter 9, Professor Knight explores the mental health effects of childhood victimization
and maltreatment. In many social work settings such as addictions, domestic violence and
mental health, the majority of clients have experienced some sort of victimization in childhood.
Childhood and adolescent victimization and maltreatment have serious and long-lasting
consequences, particularly if sexual victimization is involved. The consequences include: mental
conditions such as post-traumatic stress, depression, anxiety, dissociative identity, borderline
personality, and substance abuse.
Professor Carlson, in Chapter 10, identifies a broad range of mental health symptoms and
problems that have been identified as a consequence of physical, emotional, and sexual abuse,
including depression, PTSD, other forms of anxiety, and substance abuse. Intimate partner
violence consists of “physical violence, sexual abuse or assault, and emotional or psychological
abuse that is perpetrated by partners or acquaintances, including current or former spouses,
cohabiting partners, boyfriends or girlfriends, and dating partners.” The devastating conse-
quences of intimate partner violence is evident in the fact that more than half of abused women
meet the diagnostic criteria for at least one mental health condition.
Community violence occurs in various settings, such as neighborhoods, streets, schools,
other local institutions, stores, and playgrounds. In Chapter 11, Ms. Vorhies and Professors
Guterman and Haj-Yahia offer a profound insight: “witnessing community violence or simply
hearing about community violence occurring has been linked to just as serious negative mental
health outcomes as direct exposure through victimization or perpetration.” While youth aged
18 and younger represent approximately 25 percent of the U.S. population, they account for
approximately 50 percent of the witnesses and victims of violent acts. Annually, 75 percent of
African American and Latino youth are exposed to school violence and 50 percent to com-
munity violence. The authors explore the consequences of exposure to community violence.
In Part II, leading social work experts present the state of interdisciplinary knowledge and
wisdom about the myriad effects and challenges of a range of mental health conditions faced by
individuals and their families. The mental health conditions presented are the autism spectrum
conditions; executive function conditions and self-deficits; oppositional defiant and conduct
conditions; mood conditions; anxiety conditions; eating conditions; personality conditions;
psychotic conditions; substance abuse; and dementia and related problems in cognition and
memory. The relevant issues in helping people with mental health conditions are framed within
the context of biopsychosocial and life-modeled approaches, and life course framework. In Part
II, the authors also follow a common outline to organize their respective mental health
conditions and associated life challenges.
The authors begin by offering political and theoretical definitions and explanations of the
mental health condition and their effects on service providers and service users. An examination
of the demographics, incidence and prevalence rates of the mental health condition follow
the definitional analyses. Subsequently, the authors examine the developmental course and
respective challenges for generational cohorts posed by the mental health condition. The
assessment and diagnostic patterns and different access to mental health services according to
gender, race, ethnicity, life course, sexual orientation and ability/disability are also explored.
Next the authors discuss social work programs and services: their availability, evidence of
effectiveness, and the roles played by social workers. More specifically, the contributors describe
and illustrate responsive professional methods and interventions. The authors conclude with an
examination of social work contributions and the importance of social work involvement with
the identified population. Each chapter ends with boxed texts consisting of web resources.
In Chapter 12, Professors Walsh and Corcoran discuss the severe and persistent impair-
ments associated with the spectrum of autism. Several areas of development are reciprocally
affected, including social interaction, communication skills, and a stereotypical, repetitive range
xiv Preface
of ritualized behaviors. These children demonstrate a lack of awareness of the feelings of others,
a limited ability to imitate and express emotion, and to participate in social and symbolic play.
Approximately 60 to 70 percent of persons dealing with autism suffer from distinct neurological
abnormalities and various levels of mental retardation. The authors present creative assessment
tools and evidenced-based interventions.
Professor Palombo, in Chapter 13, discusses executive function conditions and self-deficits,
presents recent developments in the neurosciences and integrates them into social work
practice. Certain individuals suffer from a disorganization, which interferes with their ability to
successfully complete the tasks they undertake. Initiating steps to implement plans and manag-
ing time to organize resources to self-monitor and to self-regulate their actions creates complex
challenges. The author discusses and illustrates distinctive assessments and interventions, which
are responsive to clients with neuropsychological impairments.
In Chapter 14, Ms. Barczyk and Professor Springer focus on children who suffer from oppo-
sitional defiant and conduct conditions. These mental health conditions display similar char-
acteristics such as breaking of societal norms, disruptive behavior, and disobedient behavior.
This chapter provides an overview of these conditions, and examines the social worker’s role in
working with youth with these problems. Evidenced-based practices that have been utilized to
help these youth, including videotape modeling parent program, problem-solving skills train-
ing, parent management training, functional family therapy, and family behavior therapy are
presented and illustrated.
Professor Smith, in Chapter 15, discusses mood conditions, the leading cause of disability
among people aged 15–44. The author’s perspective is that the etiology of depression is
complex and multi-determined. It exists on a continuum, merging from factors within the
person (endogenous), as well as from the external environment (reactive). Psychological, social,
environmental, and biological factors reciprocally influence one another. Significant disparities
exist in terms of both accurate diagnosis and access to appropriate mental health services.
Professors Heller and Werkmeister Rozas, in Chapter 16, examine the full range of anxiety
conditions which cause great distress and impaired functioning in people across the life course.
They stress the importance of understanding the evolutionary history of adaptive anxiety as a
means of self-preservation while understanding the multiple biological, social and cultural
influences which exacerbate and mediate the experience of maladaptive anxiety. They pay
particular attention to the culture bound syndromes, typically overlooked, and overrepresented
among the anxiety conditions. The authors provide full discussion of the bidirectional rela-
tionship between the influences of race, ethnicity and culture with the differential mani-
festations and responses to anxiety. They stress the importance of cultural competency for social
workers in order to understand both the meanings and functions of anxiety symptoms to both
the client and their respective culture.
Dr. Bodenheimer and Professor Heller, in Chapter 17, discuss eating conditions, anorexia
nervosa, bulimia nervosa, binge eating disorder, and obesity related conditions. These perplex-
ing conditions in which physiological changes interact with social, cultural, and psychological
factors are both psychiatric and social problems, and increasingly, a public health problem.
Given the ample evidence that sociocultural influences are significant in the development of
eating conditions and that each generational cohort appears to be at greater risk, preventive
strategies are critical, social work plays a critical function with people with eating conditions.
In Chapter 18, Professor Northcut astutely describes the multiple factors that predispose,
influence, create, trigger and maintain consistently rigidly dysfunctional behavior associated
with personality conditions. The author cautions that people suffering from a personality
disorder tend to be difficult to engage in a helping relationship. The very nature of the diagnosis
requires the personality condition be of lengthy duration, pervasive in scope and rigidity of style,
 Preface xv
which “interferes with seeking out and staying with any form of treatment.” The author
discusses and illustrates responsive approaches that pay equal attention to intra-psychic,
interpersonal and environmental forces.
In Chapter 19, Professor Lukens and Ms. Ogden present a comprehensive overview of
psychotic conditions, and promising, empirically based practices for persons diagnosed with the
most severe forms of psychosis. The authors examine the complex hurdles that the psychotic
conditions present for persons with illness, for their families and other informal caregivers, as
well as for mental health providers and policy makers. The roles for social workers in building,
implementing, and advocating for recovery-oriented programs are explicated and illustrated.
Professor Hanson, in Chapter 20, views substance abuse as a biopsychosocial condition in
which “personal lifestyle factors, physiological conditions, social structural arrangements and
cultural practices may contribute to the emergence and development of substance abuse.”
Clients with other mental health conditions are likely to experience difficulties associated with
the use of alcohol and other drugs. The author perceptively emphasizes that social work’s
ecosystem’s multidimensional person-environment perspective uniquely positions the profes-
sion to be responsive to the forces that trigger the development of substance abuse and help
persons suffering from its consequences.
The progression of dementia has a devastating impact on the individual, family and care-
givers. Over time, the person becomes an empty shell. A sense of hopelessness and helplessness
overwhelms as one observes this “disease dissolve the past memories, present lives, and future
dreams.” In Chapter 21, Professor Sanders and Ms. Osterhaus poignantly describe the impact
of dementia on the individual and caretakers, and the diverse roles social workers assume with
these clients and their significant social networks.

Our contributors present contemporary theoretical perspectives, empirical findings, and most
effective social work programs and practices. Historically, the social work profession has been
the primary social service provider to people (and their support networks) dealing with mental
health conditions. In the current social context, providing social work services has become
significantly more difficult to fulfill. For the stubborn truth is that problems have been
increasing, while resources to mitigate them decrease. In our opinion, the social work profes-
sion has made heroic efforts to provide quality social work services. Through descriptions of
responsive social programs and social work’s contributions to them and presentation and
discussion of practice illustrations, this book attempts to capture the profession’s resilience and
creativity.
Acknowledgements

We wish to express our appreciation to the authors for their outstanding contributions to this
book, each reflecting clarity of presentation and mastery of the material.
We are very grateful to our faculty and administrative colleagues and to the support staff for
making the University of Connecticut School of Social Work a special work environment. The
support of our colleagues, their commitment to teaching and service and to the development
and dissemination of knowledge, provide us with an exciting professional home.
Our masters and doctoral students remind us every day that to teach is to learn twice over.
They are our master teachers and we write with them in mind.
We acknowledge our respective spouses, children and grandchildren. They provide richness
and meaning in our lives.
Finally, we acknowledge each other. Editing this book has been a wonderful intellectual
journey. We have shared ideas, explored ideas and argued ideas. Through this process, we have
both grown and developed a special friendship.
Nina and Alex
1 Introduction to social problems
and mental health/illness
Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman

The social work profession has a dual mission: “to enhance human well being and help meet
the basic human needs of all people, with particular attention to the needs and empower-
ment of people who are vulnerable, oppressed, and living in poverty” (National Association of
Social Workers (NASW), 2008). Individuals who struggle with ongoing mental health issues
experience challenges in all spheres of functioning, on a daily basis. Daily life stressors and
struggles can generate cumulative and chronic stress. In accordance with our profession’s
mission, social work practitioners help clients to restore their optimal levels of overall func-
tioning in various domains. Because a wide range of social and personal conditions and
influences promote or mitigate mental health and illness, social workers must have a clear
appreciation of the power of these social and personal conditions and influences. Social work
practice theory emphasizes the importance of understanding the complex relationships between
people and their environments and this represents one of the distinguishing features of our
profession. One of the first ecologically based practice models, the Life Model of Social Work
Practice (Germain & Gitterman, 1980) provides a theoretical and practice framework for
understanding the transactional and bidirectional relationships between social and personal
problems and mental health and illness. The model rests upon several key concepts, including
the reciprocity of person-environment exchanges; adaptedness and adaptation; human habitat
and niches; vulnerability, oppression and misuse of power; social and technological pollution;
the life course conception of unique pathways in human development; the importance of
considerations of historical, social and individual time; life stressors and related coping tasks;
resilience; the interdependence of all phenomena and ecological feminism (Gitterman &
Germain, 2008, pp. 1–2). These concepts are central to our understanding of the importance of
a dual perspective when assessing individual and social vulnerabilities and resiliencies, while
understanding the transactional effects of living in the world with a mental health condition.
This model serves us particularly well today. Our knowledge base regarding mental
health has grown exponentially since the 1980s. As we understand more about the biological
determinants (genetics, brain structures and functions) of many mental health conditions
we are better positioned to develop preventive and remedial strategies that can ameliorate
the suffering of our clients and their families. However, there are necessary cautions in our
use of this knowledge; we risk making our understanding of the human condition of mental
illness unidimensional. The social work profession’s strength in bringing together the under-
standing of biopsychosocial factors and their relationships to each other is critically important. We
are increasingly familiar with the biological determinants of mental conditions and social
workers with expertise in mental health have long contributed their understanding of psycho-
logical and environmental factors. Likewise, all social workers including micro and macro
practitioners are aware of the impact of social forces and influences on our clients, their families
and communities.
2 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman
However, in many undergraduate and graduate schools of social work, we continue to teach
mental health content as separate from other social work content, particularly from macro
social issues. While we no longer tend to call these courses “Psychopathology” or “Abnormal
Psychology for Social Workers,” the content is tilted toward the psychological and increasingly
toward the biological. Lacasse and Gomory (2003), in a survey of what they described as
“psychopathology syllabi” from 58 social work schools, found a nearly exclusive focus on
biological psychiatry. Fortunately, we are beginning to include more content on mental health
care disparities as we begin to identify that mental health issues both affect and manifest
differently among various ethnic and racial groups. While this is an important advance, we
think all of the historical and contemporary social influences and problems that impact the
experience of living with a mental illness must be considered.
Hurricane Katrina provides one sobering example of the importance of understanding
the importance and utility of this bidirectionality between social problems and mental
health conditions. We are all familiar with the difficulties in the FEMA (Federal Emergency
Management Agency) response to the hurricane victims, particularly those who lacked the
economic resources to flee the city before the hurricane or to resettle quickly afterwards. Many
of the victims initially “housed” at the Civic Center were residents of the Ninth Ward, a
predominantly African American neighborhood. While we tend to believe that natural disasters
affect people without regard to race or class, this is not so (Prilleltensky, 2003). Nor is this a new
observation; Spriggs (2006) reminds us of the Titanic, where discrepant safety planning resulted
in lifeboats for first class passengers and none for those in steerage. In the case of Hurricane
Katrina, Voorhees, Vick, and Perkins (2007) note that,

it was poverty which primarily determined who lived in the most vulnerable, low-lying
neighborhoods (that flooded first and emptied last), who was uninsured, who was unable to
escape the storm and flood (and thus who lived and died), who had fewer choices in
relocating, and who did not have the resources to return and rebuild.
(Voorhees et al., 2007, p. 417)

Logan (2006) reported that indeed, preexisting disparities of race and class existed; the damaged
areas were 45.8 percent African American and 29.9 percent lived under the poverty line. These
represent much higher percentages than those living in the nearby, undamaged areas. These
disparities put this vulnerable population at further heightened risk for many deleterious
personal and social outcomes, one of which may be the mental health sequelae in the post-
natural disaster period. The very issues, which place a person at greater risk for developing a
particular mental condition, affect the course, outcome and experience of the illness.
In one of the first comprehensive studies of indicators of mental health conditions among the
hurricane survivors, Kessler et al. (2008) used existing baseline date (pre-hurricane) from the
National Comorbidity Survey Replication Study (NCRS) and did follow-up studies with
survivors at 5–8 months post-hurricane and again a year later. They found that during that
time, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), serious mental illness, suicidal ideation, and suicide
plans all increased significantly in the one-year interval. This finding is in contrast to prior ones
related to natural disasters, in which post-disaster mental health problems tend to decrease with
time. While the initial results suggested that adverse effects were weakly related to socio-
demographic variables, one variable, low family income, consistently and significantly predicted
increased prevalence of severe mental illness, PTSD and suicidal ideation. These results may
not fully reflect the disparities in the incidence of post-Katrina mental health conditions because
the authors note that the original (pre-hurricane) survey may have left the most marginalized
segments of the population underrepresented (for example those who were unreachable by
 Introduction to social problems and mental health 3
phone). Clearly, experiencing the effects of a natural disaster is not good for anyone; however,
we do know that certain disadvantaged populations are at higher risk for the disaster itself, and
hence for the complicated after effects. The social work response to the incidence of mental
health problems in this population must consider interventions at all levels, in addition to the
direct practice provisions of a range of mental health interventions and services. At the same
time, we need to pay attention to the social issues and inequities, which create, promote and
maintain elevated risk for a number of variables.
Consider the following practice example:

Jonya is a 16-year-old African American female who presented to a community health

clinic in Houston. She was a resident of the Ninth Ward in New Orleans when
Hurricane Katrina struck. She was home alone at the time of the storm; though she
heard warnings to evacuate, her boyfriend told her “it would be fine.” She had lived
there with her mother, who was at the time tending to her own mother, who had
recently been admitted to a nursing home in the next county. After spending seven days
in the Civic Center without sufficient food or water, she was evacuated to Houston.
She had no contact with her family during this time; when she left New Orleans she did
not know whether her mother, grandmother or boyfriend had survived. Once in
Houston, she lived in a makeshift shelter where her already precarious mental health
deteriorated. By the time she came to the clinic, she had not spoken in several weeks.
She sat quietly in the office. The social worker sat with her. She nodded her agreement,
however, to come back in the following day. Over the course of the next several
sessions, during which she mostly sat silent, she began to report that she was having
nightmares daily and even at times when “I don’t even think I was asleep.” She also
reported that prior to the disaster, she had been seeing a counselor at the public clinic,
because her mother was concerned that she continually washed her hands (often until
they bled), worried about germs, and frequently complained that she was dying and
that “people were after me.” These symptoms had begun six months prior to the
hurricane and her mother had voiced her concerns that “you are just like your paternal
grandmother; she was crazy and had to go away – no one ever saw her again.” When
Jonya began to talk about her experience in the immediate aftermath of the hurricane,
she surprised the social worker by going on a tirade about the “black people” behaving
so badly. When the social worker asked her to elaborate, Jonya described the media
images and commentary that she saw on the television at the shelter. Like much of the
rest of the country, she saw images of black men who were described as “looting” stores
alongside images of white people, described as “securing supplies” (Voorhees et al.,
2007). In her vulnerable state, Jonya began to internalize the racism inherent in that
news commentary and began to express shame about herself and the people in her
community. This resulted in a strong resistance to accepting any of the concrete
services, which she badly needed. She then added that she “didn’t like” the Civic
Center and began to talk about having felt very vulnerable and frightened there – “It
was dirty; I’ll never be clean again.”

If we consider only the “facts” of symptoms, we might conclude that Jonya has a preexisting
condition, which has been exacerbated by her ordeal. We might consider a panic disorder,
obsessive compulsive disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, selective mutism. We would also
4 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman
note that there was a possibility of the history of schizophrenia or another psychotic condition
on the paternal side (grandmother was “crazy”, sent away, and never to be seen again).
However, we would also need to consider Jonya in terms of her developmental stage, her
gender, her race, the stigma her mother associated with her grandmother’s psychiatric history,
her lack of financial resources, the trauma of the disaster, her vulnerability to internalized
racism, and the revictimizing experience of the delayed federal response to the disaster. We
would also note that in spite of all of this, by the second or third session, Jonya was able to
confide in the worker, accept services and begin to put together a coherent narrative of her
harrowing experience. While Jonya might well need additional interventions, including
medication evaluation, the ecological perspective and life modeled practice remind us of the
interdependence of many factors as well as the resiliency of human beings under acute stress.
The experience of Hurricane Katrina is extreme but illustrates the “perfect storm” of natural,
personal, social and political phenomena. We are also increasingly aware of the deleterious and
complex effects of war, poverty, immigration status, oppression, racism, sexism, and all forms of
violence, upon the well-being of individuals, families and communities. These pernicious
influences disproportionately affect the most vulnerable (by temperament, health status or social
status) among us.
Social workers tend to emphasize either the “mental health” side or the “social problems/
social justice” side of the equation. However, in doing so, we lose a great deal, the profession
loses, and most importantly, our clients lose. We risk losing our appreciation of the complexity
of the human condition and the ways in which the environment and social forces have the
capacity to either ameliorate or advance an individual’s experience with mental health and
illness. We also risk assigning blame to individuals for their struggles, without considering the
impact of pervasive damaging social influences. This book is a realization of our attempts to
bring together both sides of our social work mission as it is reflected in our knowledge base, our
practice skills and our professional values. As social workers we carry a responsibility and charge
to attend to people who are suffering, triumphing, and living with both the multiple effects of
mental illness and the social problems, which influence them.

Social workers and mental health

In 1985, the New York Times reported that there was a “quiet revolution” in the provision of
therapeutic mental health services with “social workers vaulting into a leading role” (Goleman,
1985, p. 1). Today, social workers are the primary providers of mental health services for
individuals with some of the most stigmatized mental illnesses (Newhill & Korr, 2004;
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2001, 2006). This trend has been
fueled by several factors. First, social workers are now licensed, registered and/or regulated in
all 50 states. This has made us eligible for third party payments through both agency and
private practices. Second, the landscape has dramatically shifted for psychiatry. As our
knowledge about brain based diseases of mental illness has increased, along with technological
advances that allow us to “see” organic and structural changes in the brains of people with
certain psychiatric conditions, the role of the psychiatrist has changed. Psychiatrists, the former
primary providers of “talk therapies,” have increasingly focused on biology and the roles of
medication in the amelioration of psychiatric symptoms. The norm now in mental health
agencies is for psychiatrists to be employed part time or on a fee for service basis, taking referrals
from non-medical colleagues for medication evaluation for agency clients. Second, the
utilization of mental health services increased significantly between 1994, the time of the first
National Comorbidity Survey Study and the NCS-Revised, ten years later; the twelve-month
utilization of services was 17 percent of the U.S. population, resulting in increased demand for
 Introduction to social problems and mental health 5
additional mental health practitioners. Third, there has been an increased focus on the mental
health needs of children and adolescents, a population long served by social workers in a variety
of settings. Finally, the social work profession has responded to these workforce needs.
Whitaker, Wilson, and Arrington (2008) in a survey of NASW members found that 37 percent
worked in mental health, more than in any other single field of practice. Similarly, in a study of
the NASW workforce (Center for Health Workforce Studies (CHWS), 2006) researchers
surveyed national NASW members who hold state licensure (94 percent of NASW members
hold licensure). They reported that of this group (BSWs and MSWs, i.e., bachelor and master’s
degrees in social work) 40 percent reported behavioral health as their practice area. Of that
group, 37 percent identified practicing in the area of mental health, 3 percent in addictions. In
the study, employment in mental health was highly correlated with the graduate degree, only 4
percent of the behavioral health social workers held only the bachelor’s degree. Fully 20 percent
of licensed MSWs who worked in mental health also held a license in addictions. Contrary to a
perceived trend, greater numbers of social workers graduating before 1980 worked in mental
health than more recent graduates (CHWS, 2006).
At the same time, social workers (and the profession) are committed to issues of social justice
and diversity. Courtney and Specht in their book Unfaithful angels: How social work has abandoned its
mission (1992) warned that the increasing identification of social workers as therapists represents
an abandonment of the central social work mission. Scheyett (2005), on the other hand, argues
that social workers, because we are strong advocates for social justice and equality, are
particularly well suited to work with the mentally ill and to address the prejudices, which affect
them. Scheyett (2005) reports that in a study of mental health social workers, she found that
these social workers were clearly aware of the contemporary issues, which affected their ability
to be helpful to their clients. Over half of the mental health social workers identified waiting lists
for services (57 percent), increases in client eligibility requirements for services (55 percent) and
decreases in services eligible for funding (53 percent) as the most significant changes in the
service delivery system for their clients. One can safely assume that the recession of 2009 and
subsequent federal, state and local social service budget cuts, combined with increasing need,
have exacerbated these problems in the provision of services, particularly given that in 2004, 38
percent of mental health clients were Medicaid and Medicare recipients (NASW, 2008).
However, the results of a recent study raise some troubling issues about this practice area.
Eack and Newhill (2008) surveyed 2,000 National Association of Social Work members about
their experiences and attitudes about working with people with severe and persistent mental
illness (SPMI). Previous research has consistently documented that working with people with
severe and persistent mental illness is challenging (Acker, 1999; Mason et al., 2004; Reid et al.,
1999), which is not surprising to practitioners. In support of their first hypothesis, they found
that the frustrations that social workers experience with clients with severe and persistent mental
illness would influence their attitudes toward them. However, their subsequent findings were
both unexpected and disturbing. They found that social workers’ attitudes toward these clients
were primarily influenced by their frustrations with the clients’ behaviors and treatment issues.
This finding is in contrast to earlier research, which suggests that social workers’ attitudes
toward these clients were influenced primarily by frustrations with system-related issues (Eack &
Newhill, 2008). The researchers concluded that an increased reliance upon a strength based
perspective in the work with people with persistent and severe mental illness can reduce the
frustrations and burnout of social workers, resulting in a reduction of large staff turnover rates
in community mental health centers.
Equally troubling has been the shift toward managed care in the health and mental health
care delivery systems. Managed care was initially designed as a means of controlling spiraling
health care costs by placing limits on covered services and access to those services. However, in
6 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman
spite of requiring increasing copayments and imposing high deductibles, health care costs have
continued to soar. More importantly, attention to the “bottom line” has resulted in care that is
often driven by cost containment rather than by the needs of clients. Therefore, preference is
given to brief models of mental health intervention and acute symptom relief with little
attention to the long term and environmental factors, which may exacerbate a medical or
mental health condition.
The situation is particularly dire in the provision of mental health services. When clients in
an acute episode of schizophrenia for example, require hospitalization for safety and medi-
cation adjustment, only several days may be authorized. In some cases, a new medication will
be tried but the client discharged before it is clear whether the medication is either effective or
tolerated. Social workers experience pressures to conform to the “preferred” treatment
interventions of the managed care company, risking serious sanctions for nonconformance,
such as being denied “panel” status or being refused referrals. This creates disturbing dilemmas
and conflicts for social workers in all mental health settings (Davidson & Davidson, 1996;
Furman & Langer, 2006; Reamer, 1997). Schamess (1998, p. 24) frames the dilemma for our
profession: that minimizing costs and maximizing profit impose corporate values and ideology
on health and mental health agencies. These values and ideology radically differ from social
welfare’s commitment to human rights and provision of safety nets and buffers to our capitalist
system. Furthermore, the outcome of the 2010 national health care legislation debate will have
a significant impact on our clients’ access to mental health care services and on the quality of
those services.

Definitions of mental health, mental illness and recovery

Language matters. In the course of writing and assembling this book, we have had many
spirited discussions about how language conveys values and perspectives about the profession,
mental health conditions and the people affected by them. Consumers from both the mental
health and disabilities movements have made great headway in demanding “person first”
language and the social work profession, by and large, has incorporated this important linguistic
distinction. While some may dismiss the insistence upon saying “the person with schizophrenia”
rather than “the schizophrenic,” this is more than a semantic issue. First, people need to have
the power to define themselves. Second, all people maintain multiple identities and describing
an individual by the name of their “disorder” or “condition” elevates that condition to a
primary descriptor, potentially obscuring both the complexity and essence of a human being.
While the major consumer advocacy group, the National Association for Mental Illness,
continues to use the terminology “mental illness,” some social workers prefer the term
“condition” to “illness,” “disorder” or “disease.” While much of the practice literature and
virtually all of the research literature use these latter terms, our language should be examined in
light of established social work strength, empowerment and ecological perspectives. We have
thus chosen to use these terms interchangeably throughout the book, in recognition of both the
established nomenclature and of our awareness of the more positive and nuanced connotations
associated with more neutral term, “conditions.”
Language and labels in mental health can also convey a society’s social constructions, biases and
etiological assumptions. Conrad (1980) asserts, “Illness and diseases are human judgments on
conditions that exist in the natural world” (p. 105). In this framework, illness is understood as a
deviation from social norms, which can and should be “treated” and further that a society’s
norms and values define what constitutes an illness. For example, until 1974, the psychiatric
profession classified homosexuality as a mental illness. This diagnosis was “removed” at that
time in response to changing norms and values, which resulted from the gay rights and civil
 Introduction to social problems and mental health 7
rights movements. That shift is about far more than language and has very real consequences
for human beings. If homosexuality is a mental illness, by our shared definitions, both a
treatment and a cure are required. And indeed, gay and lesbian people were often subjected to
conversion therapies (Bright, 2004) by which a therapist attempted (with minimal success and a
great deal of distress) to change the sexual orientation of the client.
The social construction model is particularly pertinent when we consider cross-cultural and global
trends in “mental illness”. Watters (2010) in his book Crazy like us: The globalization of the American
psyche, documents the rapid spread of our “western symptom repertoire” across the global. Lee
and Kleinman (2007) report the massive increase in individuals with eating disorders in Hong
Kong and observe: “Culture shapes the way general psychopathology is going to be translated
partially or completely into specific psychopathology” (p. 29). When countries import a
dominant culture’s conceptualization and classification systems of diagnoses and symptoms,
people may “choose” to express difficulties and conflicts in ways, which reflect that influence.
This may be particularly so for post-traumatic stress disorder, eating disorders, gender identity
disorders and other conditions which are particularly influenced by a culture’s norms and belief
systems. Furthermore, evidence suggests that the course of illness varies by culture. The World
Health Organization (WHO, 2007) found in studies spanning 30 years that patients outside the
United States and Europe had significantly lower rates of relapse, in spite of the advanced
technologies and medicines used to treat these conditions in the West. These data suggest that
factors other than medical interventions (perhaps cultural attitudes, traditions, and supports)
have the power to positively influence the well-being of persons dealing with a mental health
condition.
Language also reflects our biases and etiological assumptions. In the 1950s three terms were
commonly used in practice and in the research and literature. The first, “schizophreno-
genic mother,” was applied to the mothers of children suffering with schizophrenia. If we
remember our Latin lessons, we understand this to mean, one who creates a schizophrenic. The
term is laden with what we now know to be erroneous assumptions. Mothers do not create
schizophrenia in their children. In fact, children who are suffering with schizophrenia provide
considerable additional challenges to their parents. We now have research that clearly refutes
what today seems a ludicrous etiological assumption. However, common sense should have told
us the same thing; what would be the possible motivation, conscious or otherwise, for “creating”
a schizophrenic child? Similarly, the mothers of children with autism were commonly referred
to as “refrigerator mothers.” We blamed the mothers for the brain alterations in these children,
which manifest in difficulties relating to others and reading social cues, among other things.
These kind of skewed etiological assumptions were extended to children with asthma as well,
wherein medical problems were ascribed psychological underpinnings. The mothers of these
children were commonly referred to as “smothering mothers,” the irony of which is not lost on
us. When mothers (who continue to be the ones who disproportionately are the ones to access
health care services on behalf of their family members) brought their wheezing children to
emergency rooms, they were indeed, frantic – and it’s a good thing they were. In some cases,
that “franticness” saved their children’s lives. These mothers were “smothering” – if we can
even call it that – in response to a life-threatening event; they were not the cause of that event.
The similarities among these examples are self-evident and lend themselves well to a social
construction perspective for how we think about causality, psychiatric conditions and gender. In
each of these examples, mothers were the common denominator. However, to fully understand
how this came to be, we must understand the era in which this occurred. After World War II,
women, who had both enjoyed and endured the changing roles of women in response to the
needs of the nation at war, were thrust out of the workplace in order to make room for returning
male veterans. Women found themselves with more constricted gender roles in relation to the
8 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman
family. Paradoxically, they were seen as increasingly powerful influences on their children and
their mental health and functioning. As women’s roles have shifted yet again, as fathers assume
slowly increasing roles in the care of our children, and as we look beyond the effects of parental
influence in the genesis of mental health conditions, the “mother-blaming” shifted somewhat.
In fact, when we initially became aware of family systems theory, some of us acted as if the
family was a closed system responsible for creating and maintaining individual disturbance such
as schizophrenia and learning disability. By limiting ourselves to internal family transactions, we
dismissed genetic and environmental forces, judging and blaming parents and exacerbating
their stress. We progressed from blaming the cold, detached mother to blaming both parents for
their double binds and ambiguous communications.
Language itself is generally embedded in culture and the western description of mental health
conditions is a medicalized one. Today, the Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders
(DSM-IV-TR) of the American Psychiatric Association (2000) provides the most comprehen-
sive and standardized description of mental health conditions. According to the DSM-IV-TR
(APA, 2000), a mental disorder is “a clinically significant behavioral or psychological syndrome
or pattern that occurs in an individual and that is associated with present distress . . . or
disability . . . or with a significantly increased risk of suffering death, pain, disability or an
important loss of freedom” (p. xxi). The manual provides criteria for each category of illness,
with a focus upon the presence of particular symptoms and the degree of dysfunction associated
with them. Since the advent of licensure and third party insurance payments for social work
services, the social work profession has had an uneasy relationship with the DSM (Farone, 2002;
Kutchins & Kirk, 1989). On the one hand, agencies and individuals depend upon insurance
reimbursement, which is predicated on standardized diagnosis codes and procedural codes.
These diagnostic codes are required not only by private insurance companies, but also by public
programs such as Medicaid and Medicare. This practice creates problems for social workers
and special challenges for social work educators. While we teach students the importance of
multidimensional assessment which reflects our understanding of an ecological perspective,
these same students, placed in the field, must often submit a diagnosis code on the basis of a first
intake meeting with a client, in order that the agency be reimbursed for their time.
The DSM is now in its fourth incarnation and plans are in place for the fifth edition.
Historically, primarily psychiatrists, with some input from psychologists and less from social
workers developed the manual. The system relies on taskforce work groups who review the
recent literature and survey psychiatrists. Many social workers view this process as seriously
flawed and exclusionary (Kutchins & Kirk, 1989). Recent editions of the manual reflect an
increasing, but insufficient attention to widening the focus of assessment by using a multiaxial
diagnosis system. In addition to the first three axes which record psychiatric and medical
conditions, Axis 4 assesses psychosocial stressors and Axis 5 uses a Global Assessment of
Functioning Score to indicate the degree to which a client’s symptoms impairs their social and
occupational functioning. In practice however, these latter two axes are often not used, as they
are not necessary for reimbursement. In response to concerns about the lack of attention to
cultural factors, the DSM-IV-TR (2000) included an outline for cultural formulation. However,
the outline was relegated to an appendix in the back of the volume and is rarely used.
Interestingly, the process for a fifth edition of the manual has been opened to a wider group of
stakeholders. A website has been established which lists proposed changes and the rationales for
the inclusion and exclusion of various diagnoses. Practitioners from all disciplines, researchers,
and people with mental health conditions and their families, were encouraged to submit via this
website, their comments about the proposed changes. This process reflects a significant shift in
devising the new edition but the degree to which practitioner and consumer input will influence
the content of the book is as yet, unclear.
 Introduction to social problems and mental health 9
The uneasy alliance between the use of the DSM and social work has been well documented
(Kirk & Kutchins, 1995; Kutchins & Kirk, 1989). Critics share concerns that use of the manual
promotes labeling, substitutes social flaws with individual pathology and essentially ignores the
issues of gender, social and socioeconomic factors, including culture (Bentley, 2005; López &
Guarnaccia, 2005). Kirk and Kutchins (1992) went as far as to assert that the DSM is an
instrument of social control, rather than a client focused aid and challenge both its validity and
reliability. Kirk (2005) asserted that the DSM has led to an overreliance on psychotropic
medications to sedate people rather than to address compelling social problems. Frazer et al.
(2009) sampled the National Association of Social Worker’s Register of Clinical Social Workers to
identify why social workers use the DSM-IV; how important social workers rank the reasons for
their use of it for diagnosing; and how often social workers would use it if they didn’t have to. Like
Kutchins and Kirk (1988) before them, they found that insurance reimbursement was the primary
motivator for use of the manual. However, Frazer et al. (2009) also found that 50 percent of their
sample reported that they would continue to use the manual, even if they were not required to do
so and that this position held for social workers employed in both agency and private practice
settings. Those social workers reported that they found the DSM-IV a useful means of assessing
clients. Frazer et al. (2009) conclude with the suggestions that students be taught about the use of
the DSM-IV as a part of assessment and about the inherent flaws and limitations of both the system
itself and our overreliance upon it. They also suggest that advocacy with insurance companies
regarding means for reimbursement would be helpful. These are issues that social workers can also
address, particularly through legislative processes related to health care reform.
Because DSM criteria for diagnoses are so widely used, some would say entrenched, at all
levels of the mental health delivery system, they are often considered to be the “truth.” Most
social workers suggest caution about the scope and overreliance upon the manual. However,
others acknowledge that the classification system does provide a “common language” for
practitioners across disciplines. For example, if a social worker refers a client suffering with
paranoid schizophrenia to another worker, there will be some shared agreement about that
condition and associated symptoms and vulnerabilities. The diagnosis will not convey to
the worker anything about the manifestation of that condition in a particular individual
or anything about the clients’ strengths or transactions with family, community, or other
dimensions of the environment. Clearly, the DSM cannot be a standalone assessment tool
(Frazer et al., 2009). In the research community, having this shared agreement about the
general characteristics of a condition is useful. If a researcher is studying the effects of a
cognitive-behavioral intervention with persons with panic disorder, for example, the practi-
tioner who relies on intervention research will understand what the researcher means by panic
disorder, specifically, and will know that the findings are not generalizable to other related but
distinct anxiety conditions. Overall, the DSM, with its significant shortcomings, should not
“drive” social work interventions with people with mental health conditions.
Not surprisingly, a library search for definitions of mental illness produces exponentially
more “hits” than a search on definitions of mental health. This reality in itself underscores our
awareness of the orientation toward disease rather than wellness held by many of the
professions. As maligned as Freud has become by many since the early 1980s, he is said to have
believed that adult mental health could be measured by the “ability to love and work.” That
definition holds well now, nearly a century later. The World Health Organization asserts that,

Mental health can be conceptualized as a state of well-being in which the individual realizes
his or her own abilities, can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work productively and
fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to his or her community.
(WHO, 2007)
10 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman
From the WHO’s constitution: “Health is a state of completed physical, mental and social well-
being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity.”
Definitions of recovery focus upon the pathways from illness to health. White, Boyle, and
Loveland (2005) write:

recovery from mental illness must be defined as a complex, dynamic and enduring process
rather than a biological end-state described by an absence of symptoms . . . Recovery is, in
its essence, a lived experience of moving through and beyond the limits of one’s disorder.
(White et al., 2005, p. 235)

In their comprehensive view of the literature, they highlight several other characteristics of a
recovery perspective: individuals must recover from illness, stigma, and at times, the iatrogenic
effects of treatment (Spaniol, Gagne & Koehler, 2003); recovery exists on a continuum; there is
a necessary balance between recovery debits and recovery capital (Granfield & Cloud, 1999);
and there are many varieties of recovery experience. White (1996) identifies different styles of
recovery: acultural whereby an individual has no affiliation with a community of others with
similar struggles, bicultural whereby an individual affiliates with those within and without the
community; and culturally enmeshed styles of recovery, wherein a person is totally immersed in a
culture of recovery. Individuals in recovery may also experience critical developmental points,
which heighten the likelihood of entry or acceleration into recovery (Young & Ensing, 1999).
Additionally, families of persons with mental health conditions must also struggle with and
adapt to both incremental and cumulative changes related to the recovery process of their loved
one (Spaniol & Zipple, 1994). These principles are congruent with the best of our social work
traditions; the importance of the individual: environment transactions and fit; client self-
determination, and the importance of mutual aid supports. In recovery focused mental health
practice, the client, rather than the worker or the intervention, may well be considered the
central change agent. This is a powerful reformulating of recovery.

Demographics
The scope of mental illness nationally is staggering and can be understood through statistics, role
disability, financial burden of disease, and notably, by the face of both human suffering and resiliency. The
National Comorbidity Survey Replication Study (NCS-R) provides comprehensive statistics on
the prevalence, severity and comorbidity (the occurrence of two or more diagnoses in an
individual) of mental illness in the United States. Kessler, Chiu, Demler and Walters (2005)
reported that 26.2 percent of Americans aged 18 and older suffer from a diagnosable mental
disorder in a given year, which translates to nearly 60 million people. This figure pertains to the
occurrence of diagnoses with various severity; they clarify that 6 percent of the population
suffers from serious mental illness. However, nearly half of those with any mental health
condition suffer from a second or more. These figures do not apply for children or early or
middle stage adolescents, a growing subgroup of those experiencing psychiatric difficulties. By
and large, the most prevalent diagnoses among the adult population are the mood conditions,
which are strongly comorbid with anxiety disorders and substance abuse. Of the depressive
disorders, major depression is the most prevalent and occurs nearly double the rate in women
as in men (Kessler et al., 2003). Schizophrenia affects 2.4 million adults in a given year (1.1
percent of the population) (Regier et al., 1993). Anxiety disorders affect 40 million adults (18.1
percent), also have high rates of comorbidity, often with other anxiety disorders and have earlier
ages of onset (Kessler et al., 2005). There has been greater attention to the incidence of post-
traumatic stress disorder in the past several decades and this affects 7.7 million adults (3.5
 Introduction to social problems and mental health 11
percent) (Kessler et al., 2003). Some groups are at significantly higher risk; 19 percent of
Vietnam veterans suffer PTSD at some point after serving (Dohrenwend et al., 2007).
The numbers are particularly troubling in regard to children and adolescents. The National
Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), a collaboration between the National
Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) and the National Center for Health Statistics at the Centers
for Disease Control (CDC), studied children ages 8–15. Thirteen percent of subjects met criteria
for one of the following six disorders: attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, depression,
conduct disorder, anxiety disorder or eating disorders (NIMH). Importantly, Kessler et al.
(2005) found that half of all lifetime cases of mental illness begin by age 14, and three-quarters
by age 24. These numbers raise critical questions about diagnosing patterns and trends, the
possibility of the medicalization of normal childhood behaviors and the dramatic increase in use
of psychotropic medication for children, even preschoolers.
The examination of role disability provides a much more nuanced understanding of both the
individual and communal effects of psychiatric conditions. Merikangas et al. (2007) reported
that 53 percent of adults in the United States have a mental or physical condition which
interferes with either their attendance at work or conducting their usual activities for several
days per year. Of that group, each experienced an average of 32 days of disability per year.
Major depression was second among all conditions in disability days, at 387 million. Any of us
who work with clients whose level of depression is this debilitating, understand the human costs
of being unable to function as usual. While these data provide a clear picture of the economic
impact of role disability, they do not reflect the personal and relational impact. For example,
people with major depression are going to experience role disability in their roles as mothers
and fathers, partner, relative and friend clearly affecting the well-being of families on both acute
and chronic bases.
In terms of the financial burden of disease, Kessler et al. (2008) report that major depressive and
anxiety disorders (those defined as disorders which have seriously impaired the person’s ability
to function for at least 30 days in the previous year) cost the nation nearly $200 billion in lost
earnings. The costs are actually much higher, as the study did not include people with condi-
tions such as schizophrenia and autism. Indirect costs, less easily computed, are also high and
include the costs of treating these conditions and of providing Social Security payments for
the disabled population. People are often incarcerated or are homeless as direct or indirect
consequences of having a mental condition; these situations carry high financial and social costs
to the nation as well. Kessler et al. (2008) also reported that there was a calculable effect on
individual wage earners as well; those with serious mental illness (SMI), as defined in the study
reported incomes significantly lower than those without SMI, sufficient enough to propel some
individuals and families into poverty.
There is also a human face to the challenges and triumphs of living with a chronic mental
health condition. A 37-year-old woman, Ruth, a social worker, took very seriously her
professional mandate to confront social problems and injustices. In the midst of the 2009
national recession and massive budget cuts to social service and mental health agencies, she
addressed a committee of a west coast state legislature. She spoke as a social worker and as a
mental health consumer:

My prognosis about 15 years ago was that I would end up in a state hospital for the rest
of my life. I had been in psychiatric hospitals at least six times between the ages of 12 and
19. I was in and out of short-term and long-term residential placements, partial hospital
12 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman

programs, a special education school and an adult group home. I have multiple
psychiatric diagnoses including major depressive disorder and post-traumatic stress
disorder.
When I was 12 I became involved with the Department of Mental Health (DMH).
DMH provided case management support, access to resources, and continuity in my life.
I was lucky to have the same case manager during my time with DMH and she knew me
well and could help when it was needed. This connection has remained important
throughout my life. It was through my case manager that I became involved with
supported education services. Through my worker I was supported through many phases
of my life. She provided so much more than meets the eye. It was through her that I was
able to access important resources, navigate a daunting system, find funding, utilize state
rehabilitation services and apply to schools and the list could go on. I knew I could always
count on her support and she remained a guiding force throughout my schooling and
beyond. It is with her support and many others that I was able to obtain an Associate’s
degree, a Bachelor degree in Social Work and an MSW. Without this support, I do not
believe I would be where I am today. My experiences working with refugees and my
studies with spiritual leaders and others provide me the support to carry on.
I feel truly lucky to have had all the support I have had in my life. I have an amazing
psychiatrist and an incredible social worker. I continue to struggle with mental illness but
I know that no matter what condition I am in I know I can count on the support of these
professionals, family and friends. I work full time as a social worker and while that can be
challenging at times, I am able to support myself. I have a wonderful supervisor who
supports me and believes in me. I have had many struggles in the past months but it has
been with all of this help that I have survived, prospered, and become who I am today.
I cannot stress enough the importance of having a good support system. I know that in
my life and with my clients’ lives this can be a guiding force in surviving mental illness.
Departments of mental health have the ability to help clients with mental illness to
become more than just a diagnosis. They have the ability to help clients achieve more
than they thought possible. Some may say too many resources were used on me and too
many resources are used on people with mental illness today. I like to think it is money
well spent. In helping people to prosper, you help society as a whole. It is easy in tough
economic times to cut mental health services with the thought that each service is too
costly and unnecessary. I would encourage you to take a broader look at what this means
for people. It means increased hospitalizations, increased medications, and an increase in homelessness
. . . and the list goes on.
I continue to need support and know that I can count on the people in my life to
provide it. It is my hope that others will be in this same position. A position where they
are not only obtaining services but also helping to provide services to some of the most
vulnerable in our society. I like to think that it is through my experiences that I am able
to better serve clients.

Ruth speaks of the pain and the pride involved in her ongoing struggles with chronic mental
health conditions. She is well aware of the social issues, which affect both the etiology and the
course of the psychiatric conditions in her life. More importantly, for her as a person, a client
and a social worker, she knows what social conditions favorably impact the lives of people living
with mental health problems. She calls for comprehensive, ongoing, integrated services that
 Introduction to social problems and mental health 13
support all areas of her life. She also warns of the social problems created when people do not
have access to these services – more restrictive and costly interventions, overreliance on
medication, and increased rates of homelessness and poverty. She also speaks powerfully about
the importance of the helping relationships she has developed with her own social workers and
other professionals. Ruth says little about her own attributes, strengths and resilience. However,
they come through in her testimony and through her own work with clients.

Social work programs and social work roles

In helping people with mental health conditions, the social work function is to help clients and
their families to cope with the tasks and struggles in day-to-day living, and to influence the social
and physical environments to be more responsive to meeting their needs. Living with a mental
health condition is often a stressful and painful experience. The stress and associated pain
emerges from a perceived ecological imbalance between a person’s life demands and personal
and environmental resources to meet the demands. These perceived transactional imbalances
create life stressors in three interrelated areas: life transitions and traumatic events, environ-
mental pressures, and dysfunctional interpersonal processes (Gitterman & Germain, 2008).
For a person suffering from a mental heath condition, life transitions and changes can be
particularly stressful. Transitions in life impose new demands, require new responses, and can
be, therefore, often deeply distressing. Some changes in routine, some flexibility in processing
new information and in problem-solving are required. For the emotionally and cognitively
challenged person, these adaptive tasks place difficult demands and threaten their coping
abilities. Sudden and unexpected changes are particularly stressful and debilitating. The
immediacy and enormity of a traumatic life event often triggers deep despair, and immobilization.
Helping a person with a mental health condition deal with life changes and traumatic events is
a significant focus for both preventive and rehabilitative interventions.
Helping clients with mental health conditions to negotiate complex organizations and inter-
personal networks is also a critical social work function. While social and physical environments provide
resources and supports, they also serve to obstruct the tasks of daily living, and represent signi-
ficant stressors. For people with mental health conditions, the social and physical environments
are often overwhelming and a significant source of severe stress. Organizations such as schools,
hospitals, social security, public assistance, child welfare may overpower. Interpersonal networks
such as relatives, friends, workmates and neighbors may be dysfunctional, scarce and unavailable,
so that clients are, in effect, socially and emotionally isolated. Interpersonal networks may also be
intrusive and violate essential personal boundaries. The physical environment may be crowded,
unsafe and insecure and pose overwhelming threats to our clients with mental health conditions.
Helping these clients access and negotiate their social and physical environments is a distinctive
social work function.
In struggling to manage life transitional and/or environmental stressors, problematic
interpersonal relationships in families and groups may create and/or exacerbate existing stress.
Unfulfilled mutual expectations, exploitative relationships, and blocks in communication create
problems for individuals with mental health conditions as well as to their family members.
Helping people with emotional and cognitive difficulties and their family members to deal with
relationship and communication difficulties and to find common ground are essential social
work activities.
Social workers and their clients with mental health conditions may also develop interpersonal
difficulties. When social workers define the difficulties as client resistance or lack of motivation,
they add to the client’s overall level of stress (Gitterman, 1983, 1989; Gitterman & Nadelman,
14 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman
1999; Gitterman & Schaeffer, 1972). The social work task is to define the interpersonal obstacle
in transactional terms, owning our contributions to the difficulties between us.
Helping people with their life transitional, environmental and interpersonal stressors provide
the social worker with a clear and distinctive professional function. We perform these functions
in every aspect of service delivery to people with mental health conditions. We assume respon-
sibilities as crisis counselors, mediators, educators, skills trainers, case managers, medication
facilitators, consumer and family consultants, diagnosticians, mediators and therapists, inter-
agency and interdisciplinary team collaborators, advocates and community organizers, pro-
gram evaluators and researchers, and administrators and policy analysts (Bentley, 2002).
Practice settings include formal settings such as hospitals and outpatient clinics, partial
hospitalization programs, residential treatment facilities and child guidance centers. We are also
offering services in schools, corrections facilities, homeless shelters, the military, and group
homes. In addition, there is a promising trend, which resonates with the profession’s under-
standing of complex environmental influences and natural support networks. There has
been an increase nationwide in the use of such programs as Intensive Child and Adolescent
Psychiatric Preventive Services (ICAPPS) and Assertive Community Treatment (ACT) for
people with severe and persistent mental illness. Both programs utilize interdisciplinary teams,
flexible professional roles and intensive, comprehensive and individualized services for
individuals and their families. Developed as alternatives to more costly and restrictive levels of
care such as hospitalization, these programs offer far more than cost savings. Clients served in
these innovative programs typically have access to 24-hour crisis lines, a range of in-home
services and a committed intervention team which includes professionals and paraprofessionals.
The social work role in these programs is both flexible and responsive to the needs of individual
clients at particular points of time. Most of the social worker’s activity takes place in the client’s
natural environment, offering opportunities for more comprehensive assessment and for the
mobilization of strengths in that environment. Additionally, in this kind of intervention, the
willingness of the social worker to “join in” the client’s life outside the agency office, offers
opportunities for a working alliance that is more rooted in the client’s own experience and may
be more sustaining. In this role, the social worker combines the provision of concrete services
and psychological support, with the shared experience of the client’s day-to-day life. This can
provide a powerful alliance and human connection for both the client and the worker. On a
macro level, consumer alliance groups such as the National Alliance for Mental Illness (formerly
the National Alliance for the Mentally Ill) have strongly endorsed a recovery model for people
living with mental health conditions. Built upon the notion of “recovery” commonly associated
with substance abuse treatment, and upon a commitment to patients’ rights, the movement has
made significant inroads from a grassroots movement to influencing federal and state policies.
The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) and the
Interagency Committee on Disability Research (ICDR) has worked together to develop a
consensus statement (NASW, 2005) and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
(U.S. DHHS) (2006) stated in 2005, “recovery is an individual’s journey of healing and trans-
formation to live a meaningful life in a community of his or her choice while striving to achieve
maximum human potential.”
As social service budgets and “entitlements” are being decimated and further stigmatized,
our commitment to understanding the interdependence of mental health conditions and social
problems and injustices and to our dual mission is more important than ever. We have come a
long way from the days when Ruth, for example, was expected to live out her days in state
hospital facilities. We have also learned from the difficulties associated with the deinstitu-
tionalization movement of the 1970s wherein people with severe and persistent mental illness
were released into communities that did not have sufficient resources for basic needs such as
 Introduction to social problems and mental health 15
housing. People with mental illness can and do live fulfilling lives, develop and maintain
important interpersonal relationships, love, choose partners, marry and raise children. They
also study, work and give back to their communities. But, like all of us, they cannot do it alone.
Social workers are in unique positions to help, advocate for, and learn from people living with
mental health conditions.

Web resources
Council on Social Work Education
www.cswe.org
National Association of Social Workers
www.nasw.org
National Institute of Mental Health
www.nimh.gov

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Text revision) Washington, DC: APA.
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Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Bentley, K.J. (2005). Women, mental health, and the psychiatric enterprise: A review. Health and Social
Work, 30, (1), 56–63.
Bright, C. (2004). Deconstructing reparative therapy: An examination of the processes involved when
attempting to change sexual orientation. Clinical Social Work Journal, 32 (4), 225–254.
Center for Health Workforce Studies (CHWS). (2006). National study of licensed social workers. Retrieved
January 29, 2010, from www.workforce.socialworkers.org/studies/natstudy.asp
Conrad, P. (1980). On the medicalization of deviance and social control. In D. Fogarty (ed.), The Critical
psychiatry: The politics of mental health. New York: Pantheon.
Courtney, M.E., & Specht, H. (1994). Unfaithful angels: How social work has abandoned its mission. New York:
Free Press.
Davidson, J.R., & Davidson, T. (1996). Confidentiality and managed care: Ethical and legal concerns.
Health and Social Work, 21 (3), 208–215.
Dohrenwend, B., Turner, J., Turse, N., Adams, B., Koenen, K., & Marshall, R. (2007). Continuing
controversy over the psychological risks of Vietnam for U.S. veterans. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 20 (4),
449–465.
Eack, S.M., & Newhill, C.E. (2008). What influences social workers’ attitudes toward working with clients
with severe mental illness? Families in Society: Journal of Contemporary Social Services, 89 (3), 419–428.
Farone, D.W. (2002). Mental illness, social construction, and managed care: Implications for social work.
Social Work in Mental Health, 1 (1), 99–113.
Frazer, P., Westhuis, D., Daley, J.G., & Phillips, I. (2009). How clinical social workers are using the DSM-
IV: A national study. Social Work in Mental Health, 7 (4), 325–339.
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13/46/
Germain, C.B., & Gitterman, A. (1980). The life model of social work practice. New York: Columbia University
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Gitterman, A. (1983). Uses of resistance: A transactional view. Social Work, 28 (2), 19–23.
Gitterman, A. (1989). Testing professional authority and boundaries. Social Casework, 70 (March), 165–171.
16 Nina Rovinelli Heller and Alex Gitterman
Gitterman, A., & Germain, C.B. (2008). The life model of social work practice: Advances in theory and practice (3rd
ed.). New York: Columbia University Press.
Gitterman, A., & Nadelman, A. (1999). The white professional and the black client revisited. Reflections:
Narrative of Professional Helping, 5 (4), 67–79.
Gitterman, A., & Schaeffer (1972). The white professional and the black client. Social Casework, 53 (spring),
280–291.
Goleman, D. (1985, April 30) Social workers vault into a leading role in psychotherapy. The New York
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Granfield, R., & Cloud, W. (1999). Coming clean: Overcoming addiction without treatment. New York: New York
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Kessler, R.C., Berglund, P., Demler, O., Jin, R., Koretz, D., Merikangas, K.R. et al. (2003). The
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(NCS-R). Journal of the American Medical Association, 289 (23), 3095–3105.
Kessler, R.C., Chiu, W.T., Demler, O., & Walters, E.E. (2005). Prevalence, severity, and comorbidity of
twelve month DSM-IV disorders in the National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R). Archives of
General Psychiatry, 62 (6), 617–627.
Kessler, R.C., Galea, S., Gruber, M.J., Sampson, N.A., Ursano, R.J., & Wessely, S. (2008). Trends in
mental illness and suicidality after Hurricane Katrina. Molecular Psychiatry, 13 (4), 374–384.
Kirk, S.A. (ed.). (2005). Mental disorders in the social environment: Critical perspectives. New York: Columbia
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Kirk, S.A., & Kutchins, H. (1992). The selling of DSM: The rhetoric of science in psychiatry. Hawthorn, NY:
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Kirk, S., & Kutchins, H. (1995). Should DSM be the basis for teaching social work practice in mental
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Kutchins, H., & Kirk, S.A. (1988). The business of diagnosis: DSM-III and clinical social work. Social Work,
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Kutchins, H., & Kirk, S.A. (1989). DSM-III-R: The conflict over new psychiatric diagnoses. Health and
Social Work, 14 (2), 91–101.
Lacasse, J.R., & Gomory, T. (2003). Is graduate social work education promoting a critical approach to
mental health practice? Journal of Social Work Education, 39 (3), 383–408.
Lee, S., & Kleinman, A. (2007). Are somatoform disorders changing with time: The case of neurasthenia
in China. Psychosomatic Medicine, 69, 846–849.
Logan, J. (2006). The impact of Katrina: Race and class in storm damaged neighborhoods. Retrieved
February 12, 2010, from Brown University, www.s4.brown.edu/Katrina/report.pdf
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References

1 Introduction to social problems and

mental health/illness

Acker, G.M. (1999). The impact of clients’ mental illness

on social workers’ job satisfaction and burnout. Health and
Social Work, 24, 112–119.

American Psychiatric Association (APA). (2000). Diagnostic

and statistical manual of mental disorders, (4th ed., Text
revision) Washington, DC: APA.

Bentley, K.J. (ed.) (2002). Social work practice in mental

health: Contemporary roles, tasks, and techniques. Pacific
Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.

Bentley, K.J. (2005). Women, mental health, and the

psychiatric enterprise: A review. Health and Social Work,
30 , (1), 56–63.

Bright, C. (2004). Deconstructing reparative therapy: An

examination of the processes involved when attempting to
change sexual orientation. Clinical Social Work Journal,
32 (4), 225–254.

Center for Health Workforce Studies (CHWS). (2006).

National study of licensed social workers. Retrieved
January 29, 2010, from
www.workforce.socialworkers.org/studies/natstudy.asp

Conrad, P. (1980). On the medicalization of deviance and

social control. In D. Fogarty (ed.), The Critical
psychiatry: The politics of mental health . New York:
Pantheon.

Courtney, M.E., & Specht, H. (1994). Unfaithful angels:

How social work has abandoned its mission. New York: Free
Press.

Davidson, J.R., & Davidson, T. (1996). Confidentiality and

managed care: Ethical and legal concerns. Health and Social
Work, 21 (3), 208–215.

Dohrenwend, B., Turner, J., Turse, N., Adams, B., Koenen,

K., & Marshall, R. (2007). Continuing controversy over the
psychological risks of Vietnam for U.S. veterans. Journal
of Traumatic Stress, 20 (4), 449–465.

Eack, S.M., & Newhill, C.E. (2008). What influences social

workers’ attitudes toward working with clients with severe
mental illness? Families in Society: Journal of
Contemporary Social Services, 89 (3), 419–428.

Farone, D.W. (2002). Mental illness, social construction,

and managed care: Implications for social work. Social Work
in Mental Health, 1 (1), 99–113.

Frazer, P., Westhuis, D., Daley, J.G., & Phillips, I.

(2009). How clinical social workers are using the DSMIV: A
national study. Social Work in Mental Health, 7 (4),
325–339.

Furman, R., & Langer, C.L. (2006). Managed care and the
care of the soul. Journal of Social Work Values and
Ethics, 3 (2). Retrieved January 29, 2010, from
www.socialworker.com/jswve/content/blogcategory/ 13/46/

Germain, C.B., & Gitterman, A. (1980). The life model of

social work practice. New York: Columbia University Press.

Gitterman, A. (1983). Uses of resistance: A transactional

view. Social Work, 28 (2), 19–23.

Gitterman, A. (1989). Testing professional authority and

boundaries. Social Casework, 70 (March), 165–171.

Gitterman, A., & Germain, C.B. (2008). The life model of

social work practice: Advances in theory and practice (3rd
ed.). New York: Columbia University Press.

Gitterman, A., & Nadelman, A. (1999). The white

professional and the black client revisited. Reflections:
N arrative of Professional Helping, 5 ( 4), 67–79.

Gitterman, A., & Schaeffer (1972). The white professional

and the black client. Social Casework, 53 (spring),
280–291.

Goleman, D. (1985, April 30) Social workers vault into a

leading role in psychotherapy. The New York Times, p. 1.

Granfield, R., & Cloud, W. (1999). Coming clean:

Overcoming addiction without treatment. New York: New York
University Press.

Kessler, R.C., Berglund, P., Demler, O., Jin, R., Koretz,

D., Merikangas, K.R. et al. (2003). The epidemiology of
major depressive disorder: Results from the National
Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R). Journal of the
American Medical Association, 289 (23), 3095–3105.

Kessler, R.C., Chiu, W.T., Demler, O., & Walters, E.E.

(2005). Prevalence, severity, and comorbidity of twelve
month DSM-IV disorders in the National Comorbidity Survey
Replication (NCS-R). Archives of General Psychiatry, 62
(6), 617–627.

Kessler, R.C., Galea, S., Gruber, M.J., Sampson, N.A.,

Ursano, R.J., & Wessely, S. (2008). Trends in mental
illness and suicidality after Hurricane Katrina. Molecular
Psychiatry, 13 (4), 374–384.

Kirk, S.A. (ed.). (2005). Mental disorders in the social

environment: Critical perspectives. New York: Columbia
University Press.

Kirk, S.A., & Kutchins, H. (1992). The selling of DSM: The

rhetoric of science in psychiatry. Hawthorn, NY: Aldine de
Gruyter.

Kirk, S., & Kutchins, H. (1995). Should DSM be the basis

for teaching social work practice in mental health? No!
Journal of Social Work Education, 31, 159–168.

Kutchins, H., & Kirk, S.A. (1988). The business of

diagnosis: DSM-III and clinical social work. Social Work,
33 , 215–220.

Kutchins, H., & Kirk, S.A. (1989). DSM-III-R: The conflict

over new psychiatric diagnoses. Health and Social Work, 14
(2), 91–101.

Lacasse, J.R., & Gomory, T. (2003). Is graduate social work

education promoting a critical approach to mental health
practice? Journal of Social Work Education, 39 (3),
383–408.

Lee, S., & Kleinman, A. (2007). Are somatoform disorders

changing with time: The case of neurasthenia in China.
Psychosomatic Medicine, 69, 846–849.

Logan, J. (2006). The impact of Katrina: Race and class in

storm damaged neighborhoods. Retrieved February 12, 2010,
from Brown University, www.s4.brown.edu/Katrina/report.pdf

López, S.R., & Guarnaccia, P.J. (2005). Cultural dimensions

of psychopathology. In J.E. Maddux & B.A. Winstead (eds)
Psychopathology: Foundations for a contemporary
understanding (pp. 19–38). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates.

Mason, K., Olmos-Gallos, A., Bacon, D., McQuilken, M.,

Henley, A., & Fisher, S. (2004). Exploring the consumer’s
and provider’s perspective on service quality in community
mental health care. Community Mental Health Journal, 40 ,
33–46.

Merikangas, K.R., Ames, M., Cui, L., Stang, P.E., Ustun,

T.B., von Korff, M., & Kessler, R.C. (2007). The impact of
comorbidity of mental and physical conditions on role
disability in the US adult population. Archives of General
Psychiatry, 64 (10), 632–650.

National Association of Social Workers (NASW). (2005).

Assuring the sufficiency of a frontline workforce: A
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