ADDRESSING CHILD STREETISM IN THE LA-NKWANTANANG

MADINA MUNICIPALITY: THE ROLE OF STAKE HOLDERS

BY

AMEKUEDI, Gifty Lebenam

Thesis

Submitted to the KDI School of Public Policy, Korea

In partial fulfilment of the requirements
For the degree of

MASTER OF DEVELOPMENT POLICY

2016
ADDRESSING CHILD STREETISM IN THE LA-NKWANTANANG
MADINA MUNICIPALITY: THE ROLE OF STAKE HOLDERS

BY

AMEKUEDI, Gifty Lebenam

Thesis

Submitted to the KDI School of Public Policy, Korea

In partial fulfilment of the requirements
For the degree of

MASTER OF DEVELOPMENT POLICY

2016
Professor Sung-Joon PAIK
ADDRESSING CHILD STREETISM IN THE LA-NKWANTANANG
MADINA MUNICIPALITY: THE ROLE OF STAKE HOLDERS

BY

AMEKUEDI, Gifty Lebenam

Thesis

Submitted to the KDI School of Public Policy, Korea

In partial fulfilment of the requirements
For the degree of

MASTER OF DEVELOPMENT POLICY

Committee in Charge

Professor Sung Joon PAIK, Supervisor

Professor Ja Eun SHIN

Professor Dong Young KIM

Approval as of August, 2016

 ABSTRACT

In a fast growing world social problems are unavoidable as population and human activities

increase. Child Streetism, one such problem is examined by this paper to investigate its

manifestations in the La-Nkwantanang Municipality. The study falls on the systems theory to

examine key systems in society that exist to ensure the effective running of the society and

survival of all individuals. A snowballing sampling method is adopted for the study due to the

sensitivity of the study. The study adopted the mixed method approach, combining qualitative

and quantitative measures to interpret and discuss findings. Economic hardship was evaluated

to have led most children to the street to work to support themselves and their families. There

was also the realisation of a growing norm whereby children are expected to contribute to the

economic sustenance of their families, thus, resulting in more and more parents sending their

children to work in the streets seeing nothing wrong with it. Significantly, most children

resort to streetism because of the economic activity they engage in. There is enough evident

to conclude that the problem of child streetism in Madina and for that matter Ghana at large

has seen very little intervention especially on the part of the state. It is recommended that the

state of Ghana designs and adopt a national policy to be implemented at the District levels to

deal with the problem of child streetism as no such state policy exists. Also, NGOs such as

SAID and CAS should strengthen their capacities to effectively address child streetism.

Finally, Child Streetism Departments should be set up at the local assemblies to sensitise and

educate families and children on the mitigation of child streetism.

i
 DECLARATION

I, Gifty Lebenam Amekuedi, hereby declare that this research is my own work and all

secondary data employed in composing the thesis are acknowledged accordingly. No part has

therefore been presented in any form to any institution for the award of any other degree.

Signed,

Gifty Lebenam Amekuedi.

25th May, 2016.

ii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I want to thank the Almighty God for life and the ability to complete this thesis. I wish to

express my utmost gratitude to my supervisors, Professor Paik Sung Joon and Shin, Jaeun for

their guidance and time spent to make my work complete. I am especially thankful to my first

chair supervisor, Professor Paik, Sung Joon, for his timely responses and detailed guiding

comments that helped shape my work.

I am equally indebted to the Department of Children of the Ministry of Gender, Children and

Social Protection, the Department of Social welfare both at regional and Madina Municipal

level, the Catholic Action for Street Children, Accra and Street Girls Aid, Accra for their

immense support towards my data collection.

Finally, to all my colleagues, friends and family on whom I continually fell for ideas and

other forms of support, I am most grateful, most especially Asafo Divine, Godwin Odikro

and other graduate students at Geography Department of University of Ghana.

iii
 Table of Contents
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................... i

DECLARATION......................................................................................................................ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ..................................................................................................... iii

CHAPTER ONE ...................................................................................................................... 1

BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION............................................................................ 1

1.0 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1

1.1 Problem Statement ........................................................................................................... 2

1.2 Study Objectives .............................................................................................................. 4

1.3 Research Questions .......................................................................................................... 4

1.4 Significance of Study ....................................................................................................... 5

1.5 Research Methodology..................................................................................................... 5

1.5.1 Data Collection and Source ....................................................................................... 6

1.5.2 Sampling Techniques ................................................................................................ 7

1.5.3 Analysis of Data ........................................................................................................ 8

1.5.4 Study Area ................................................................................................................. 8

CHAPTER TWO ................................................................................................................... 10

LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................................... 10

2.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 10

2.1 Streetism and Child Streetism ........................................................................................ 11

2.2 Causes of Child Streetism .............................................................................................. 14

2.2.1 Socio-cultural Factors .............................................................................................. 15

iv
 2.2.1.1 Political Factors .................................................................................................... 15

2.2.1.2 Generational street children .................................................................................. 15

2.2.1.3 Family Malfunctions............................................................................................. 16

2.2.1.4 Migration and Related issues ................................................................................ 17

2.2.1.5 Social Norms/Working Children .......................................................................... 18

2.2.1.6 Deprivation of Educational Rights ....................................................................... 20

2.2.1.7 Children’s own Choice ......................................................................................... 20

2.2.2 Economic Related Factors ....................................................................................... 20

2.3 Social Effects of child streetism ..................................................................................... 22

2.3.1 Poor Health .............................................................................................................. 22

2.3.2 Victimisation/Exploitation/Discrimination ............................................................. 23

2.3.3 Little or No Education ............................................................................................. 23

2.3.4 Street Children and Child Labour ............................................................................ 24

2.3.5 Social Vices and Destructive Behaviours ................................................................ 24

2.4 Interventions in addressing Child streetism: Stakeholders and Past Attempts .............. 25

2.4.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 25

2.4.2 Interventions to Address Child Streetism ................................................................ 26

2.4.3 Interventions by the state of Ghana to address child streetism................................ 28

2.5 Limitations in Addressing Child Streetism .................................................................... 32

CHAPTER THREE ............................................................................................................... 34

THEORIES AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMWORK ............................................................ 34

v
 3.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 34

3.1 Theoretical Framework .................................................................................................. 34

3.1.1 The Systems Theory ................................................................................................ 34

3.1.2 Conceptualising Child Streetism in the Madina Municipality ................................ 36

3.2 Conceptual/Analytical Framework ................................................................................ 39

3.2.1 Interaction of Sub-systems to Mitigate or Aggravate Child Streetism in Madina .. 39

CHAPTER FOUR .................................................................................................................. 42

CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF CHILD STREETISM IN LA-NKWANTANANG

MADINA MUNICIPALITY ............................................................................................... 42

4.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 42

4.2 Streetism and Child Streetism in Madina.................................................................. 42

4.3 Causes of Child Streetism in La-Nkwantanang Madina Municipality .......................... 49

4.4 Effects of Child Streetism on children ........................................................................... 54

4.4.1 General Effects of Child Streetism .......................................................................... 54

4.4.2 Child streetism and Healthcare ................................................................................ 56

4.4.3 Effect on Health care Seeking Practices .................................................................. 58

4.4.4 Effect of Child Streetism on Education ................................................................... 59

4.5 Interventions to Child Streetism ..................................................................................... 61

4.5.1 Past Assistance Received by Respondent as a Street Child .................................... 61

4.5.2 Desired Assistance ................................................................................................... 62

vi
CHAPTER FIVE ................................................................................................................... 64

THE ROLE OF STAKEHOLDERS IN ADDRESSING CHILD STREETISM IN LA-

NKWANTANANG MADINAL MUNICIPALITY ............................................................ 64

5.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 64

5.1 Diagnosing and Assessing the Role of the Family as a Sub-system in Addressing Child

streetism ............................................................................................................................... 64

5.2 Diagnosing and Assessing the Role of the State of Ghana in Addressing Child

Streetism ............................................................................................................................... 65

5.2.1 Expected Role .......................................................................................................... 65

5.2.2 Actual Role .............................................................................................................. 67

5.3 Diagnosing and Assessing the Role of NGOs in Addressing Child Streetism .............. 71

CHAPTER SIX ...................................................................................................................... 82

KEY FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOOMENDTAIONS .................................. 82

6.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 82

6.1 Key Findings .................................................................................................................. 82

6.2 Conclusion...................................................................................................................... 83

6.3 Recommendations ..................................................................................................... 84

REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................... 85

APPENDIX ............................................................................................................................. 92

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 List of Figures

Figure 3.1 Conceptual/Analytical Framework ......................................................................... 40

Figure. 4.1 Sex Distribution of Respondents ........................................................................... 43

Figure 4.2 Age Distribution of Respondents ........................................................................... 44

Figure 4.3 Educational Background ........................................................................................ 45

Figure 4.4 Place of Origin ........................................................................................................ 46

Figure 4.5 Activity on the Street .............................................................................................. 48

Figure 4.6 Reasons for streetism .............................................................................................. 50

Figure 4.7 General Effects of Streetism on Respondents ........................................................ 54

Figure 4.8 Effect of Child Streetism on Respondent’s Health................................................. 56

Figure 4.9 Health Care Seeking Behaviour of Respondents.................................................... 58

Figure 4.10 Effect of Streetism on Education .......................................................................... 60

Figure 4.11 Receipt of any form of assistance from any stakeholder ...................................... 61

Figure 4.12 Desired Assistance................................................................................................ 62

viii
 List of Tables

Table 4.1 Sex of Respondent and Activity on the Street ......................................................... 49

Table 4.2 Sex and Reason for Streetism .................................................................................. 52

Table 4.3 Age and Reason for Streetism ................................................................................. 53

Table 4.4 Sex and Effect on Health ......................................................................................... 57

Table 5.1 Some Research Works on Street Children by CAS ................................................. 73

ix
 LIST OF ACRONYMS
AIDS Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome

AMA Accra Metropolitan Assembly

CAS Catholic Action for Street Children

CSF Consortium for Street Children

DOVSU Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit

DSW Department of Social Welfare

EOLSS Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems,

ESCWA Economic and Social Commission for West Asia

GLSS Ghana Living Standards Survey

GSS Ghana Statistical Services

HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus

ILO International Labour Organisation

IPEC International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour

JHS Junior High School

MDG Millennium Development Goals

MGCSP Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection

NGOs Non-Governmental Agencies

NPC National Population Census

NVTI National Vocational Training Institute

x
SAID Street Girls Aid

SPSS Statistical Package for Social Science

STDs Sexually Transmitted Diseases

UN United Nations

UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund

xi
 CHAPTER ONE

BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION

1.0 Introduction

The problem of streetism is a complex phenomenon and has intensified over the years to

become a global issue (UNICEF, 1987). Though the phenomenon demonstrates higher

prevalence in more developing countries (which are mostly characterised by rapid and

unguided urbanisation processes) than in developed countries, streetism is not altogether

absent in the latter. There is much evidence across the globe showing the many malfunctions

existing in societies, and the issue of streetism is one persistent menace that continues to

threaten the development of some vulnerable groups in today’s fast growing world.

According to CSF (2003), streetism refers to people, especially children for whom the street,

more than home, has become their real home. With regards to children, the term is broadly

used to refer to children who are forced to spend most of their time outside homes, engaged

in menial income generating activities to survive, and often have to sleep on the street.

Globally, streetism has taken a turn for the worse as numbers increase and living conditions

of street children deteriorate amidst rising economic hardship and social insecurity. With

several stakeholders discussing and assessing the situation, there is often discrepancies

regarding the numbers involved as NGOs, governments and other groups come up with

varying estimates of street children. That notwithstanding, there is reason to believe that the

number of street children keeps increasing globally, and runs to about tens of thousands

(Ennew, 2003). Other global estimates of street children quote 100 million (UNICEF 2006;

Save the Children UK, 2008).

The characteristics, survival strategies and mannerisms of street children may also differ from

one context to another, particularity with regards to developed verses developing and

1
underdeveloped regions. For instance there is reason to believe that most street children in the

United States of America and the developed world are largely from delinquent and violent

families in the poor urban slums, with the children themselves less delinquent, thus more

likely to be ‘thieves than thugs’(Aptekar, 1989b). Another difference some authors note is

that “there are far more females among street children in the developed world than there are

in the developing world. Besides, many homeless children in the developed world are from

middle-class families, unlike the case in the developing world” (Adeyemi 2012). These and

many other context specific factors make it necessary to pursue the study of street children in

their specific contexts before drawing conclusions and comparisons from and to other cases.

1.1 Problem Statement

In Ghana, streetism is a rising social concern as more and more minors and youth take to the

streets on a daily struggle to survive. This phenomenon gravely offsets ‘The Children’s Act,

1998 Act 560’especialy, and other conventions which explicitly outline the rights of the

Ghanaian child and the legal frameworks and policies within which protection, survival and

development of minors are to be pursued. In this Act, guidelines are provided for issues such

as parental duty and responsibility, welfare policy interventions, duties of social workers and

the rights of the child as well as legal frameworks to deal with violations. Despite these

conventions, for one reason or the other, most vulnerable children in Ghana remain

unreached and unprotected in the midst of failed legal, policy, and institutional frameworks

that hamper the achievement of absolute protection and representation of the vulnerable

Ghanaian child and children in general.

Ghana is a developing country with its fair share of rapidly growing and urbanising localities.

However this growth is sometimes set in poorly planned and mismanaged urban centers, poor

and inadequate housing, public infrastructure and other measures that are to ensure proper

transition process of growing urban centers. The result is that Ghana’s cities and towns, like

2
other urbanising centers in other developing countries struggle to keep the problem of child

streetism under control; with the estimates of street children on the rise and very little being

done to contain the situation.

According to the CSF (2003) a count of street children in Ghana’s capital revealed 21,140

street children, 6000 street babies and 7,170 street mothers under age 20 (as cited in Alenoma,

2012). This pre-supposes that some of these ‘street mothers’ (7,170) were possibly on the

streets as children, turned adults and then mothers.

The ‘Census on Street Children in the Greater Accra Region’, according to ‘The Finder’, (a

Ghanaian newspaper) revealed that there were 61,492 street children in the Greater Accra

Region as at 2011 of which 1,757 were counted in the Madina Ga East Municipality, from

which the La-Nkwantanang Madina Municipality was later carved. According to the Family

and Child Welfare Policy Report (2015) of the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social

Protection, over 61,000 children were identified as living or working on the streets in Greater

Accra Region in 2011, of whom 59% were girls.

In 2012, an additional 24,000 street children were again identified in the Greater Accra

Region. Furthermore, the ‘The Finder’ further reveals that 90, 000 children were estimated by

child protection experts to be on the streets of Accra as at 2014.

The La-Nkwantanang Madina Municipality in Accra, which is the locality under study in this

research is one such fast growing area. Doubling as a bustling economic (trade and business)

hub as well as residential area to a large and still growing population, the municipality is

characterised to some extent by poor housing, drainage and little planned settlement

arrangements as is often the case in crowded and ill managed urban areas. As such, it is no

surprise that the incidence of streetism is one major menace that one cannot help but notice

again and again in these areas. In fact, the incidence of streetism seems to be on the increase

3
in the municipality as more people move to cities without the means to acquire proper

housing. This, coupled with the need to engage in minor economic activities as means of

survival contributes largely to increasing street life in Accra. Consequently, some families,

and in some cases children of migrated families or children without families in the city or

elsewhere resort to living on the streets or in unauthorised places close to their stations of

economic activities like water ways, along major roads and other makeshift structures.

It is against this background whereby increasing streetism continually aggravates the

underdevelopment and exploitation of vulnerable children and the need to make this issue a

national priority area of concern that this study seeks to examine the case of child streetism in

the said municipality.

1.2 Study Objectives

The study aims at studying the unique case of child streetism in the Madina La-Nkwantanang

Municipality, focusing on the distinct characteristics and causes of the problem in the area, as

well as assessing the involvement of State and other stakeholders by means of policy

interventions adopted to address the problem.

1. To examine the causes and effects of child streetism in the La-Nkwantanang

Madina Municipality

2. To diagnose the current status of state and civil society systems for reducing

child streetism

3. To suggest policy recommendations for addressing child streetism

1.3 Research Questions

The study aims at finding answers to and assessing the issues surrounding these questions.

1. What are the causes and effects of child streetism in the La-Nkwantanang Madina

Municipality?

4
 2. What state and civil society systems are in place to address child streetism?

3. What policy alternatives can address the problem of child streetism?

1.4 Significance of Study

Despite several strategies such as MDG goal two (2) being implemented to promote basic

education and improve child enrolment in schools, increasing child streetism tends to defeat

the purpose of this goal. Most street children are either not enrolled in school or more likely

to drop out of school. This definitely obstructs the aim of the free and compulsory basic

education policy that Ghana adopted with the goal of ensuring universal basic education for

all children.

The tendency of child streetism to offset this development makes it urgent for more efforts to

be pooled into addressing its worsening case in the country. In tackling the problem, it is vital

for thorough understanding of the problem and the subjects being affected.

Thus this study contributes to existing literature on street children in Ghana. By examining

the role of selected stakeholders in addressing child streetism, more light is shed on the

institutional frameworks and approaches that exist to address the issue.

The study also adds significant information to existing literature by studying the unique case

of the chosen municipality which as a result of increasing economic activities now serves as a

hub for more street children than may have been the case in the past.

1.5 Research Methodology

A case study approach was adopted for the study. Following the fact that child streetism may

manifest differing traits and mannerisms among different categories of children and contexts,

5
the focus on the La-Nkwantanang Madina Municipality is to allow an in-depth analysis of the

phenomenon in order to assess its unique nature and causes in the area as well as the

dynamics that may not be highlighted by studies in other settings.

The study employed a mixed method, thus both qualitative and quantitative research analysis

methods were used. The quantitative approach provided analysis and measure for data

collected on the demographic characteristics of street children, statistics on street children

and explored the causes of child streetism in the study area. In addition, qualitative analysis

of the causes, effects of streetism as well as policy interventions was made to provide an in-

depth analysis and understanding of the case of streetism in the district and policy

interventions existing to address the problem.

1.5.1 Data Collection and Source

1.5.1.1 Primary Data
Data was be collected from street children using questionnaires consisting of close and open

ended questions to provide data on causes, characteristics and experiences of street children.

This also bordered on effects of being on the street and possible assistance from the state and

or civil organisations. For convenience, data was only collected from 5 street mothers

(representing families) who had their children also engage in street work.

In addition, data was collected on national welfare policies existing to address child streetism

as well as effects of such policies. In this regards, the interview approach was used to collect

such data from key players at the Department of Social Welfare (DSW) and the Ministry of

Gender, Children and Social Protection (MGCSP) as well as a couple of Non-Governmental

Organisations mandated by the state to assist street children. These departments are largely

involved in the formulation and implementation of policies addressing child protection, of

which child streetism is related to. Data was collected both at the regional level and at the La-

6
Nkwantanang Madina Municipal Assembly level. Selected officials were also interviewed at

the DSW office at the La-Nkwantanang Madina municipality.

1.5.1.2 Secondary Data

Existing data on child streetism in Ghana, particular in the municipality under study or areas

close to it were studied and analysed. These threw more light on areas of child streetism like

statistics on street children, causes, effects and other characteristics of the subjects of study.

Consequently, data collected from the Ghana Statistics Service on the population and

characteristics of the study area was examined. In addition, data on the statistics and traits of

street children in Accra was analysed using a census report on street children done in 2011 by

the Department of Social Welfare, Ghana, in collaboration with the Italian Ministry of

Foreign Affairs and some non-profit organisations. Other existing data providing policy

frameworks such as Draft Policies for Street Children, 1998, the Children Act 560 and the

Family and Child Welfare Policy, 2015 of Ghana were also used to discuss issues relevant to

the study.

1.5.2 Sampling Techniques

1.5.2.1 Methods
The snowballing sampling technique was adopted to identify street children, that is; children

under the age of 18 living and or working on the streets of the La-Nkwantanang Madina

municipality. This became necessary as many children are normally seen in the study area,

which happens to be a very bustling economic hub and for several other socio-economic

activities. Thus, to prevent the assumption that all children found in the street of the study

area were street children, few street children were first identified and later used as leads to

reach other street children.

7
1.5.2.2 Sample size
The study sampled the views of 80 street children from areas of the municipality with high

concentration of street children as respondents of the study, which in this case is Madina

Central Market and its environs.

Interviews were also conducted for 2 key stakeholders each from the Ministry of Gender,

Children and Social Protection and the Department of Social Welfare (DSW) of the La-

Nkwantanang Madina Municipality and the DSW at the regional level. In addition, interviews

were equally conducted for officials from Catholic Action for Street Children and Street Girls

Aid, both of them NGOs that play significant roles in assisting street children in Accra,

including those in Madina Municipal area. Five mothers of street children were also

interviewed.

1.5.3 Analysis of Data

Data collected was analysed using both qualitative and quantitative approaches as required.

Consequently, data from the survey on street children was analysed using the SPSS. This

provided analysis in forms of tables and graphs using variables like demographic data of

respondents, economic activities of respondents, data on educational enrolment and other

statistical data collected.

In addition to this, qualitative analysis was employed. Interviews and discussions held with

respective stakeholders were recorded, transcribed and organised into categories to highlight

the information collected for the differing themes of focus in the study.

1.5.4 Study Area

The aim of this study was to study the issue of child streetism in Ghana, using the La-

Nkwantanang Madina Municipality in Accra as a case study. The La-Nkwantanang

Municipality is situated in the greater Accra region of Ghana, being one of sixteen

Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies in the region. Carved from the Ga East

8
Municipality in the year 2012 the municipality is located at the northern part of the Greater

Accra region. The total land area of the municipality is 70.887 square kilometers. It is

bordered on the West by the Ga East Municipal, on the East by the Adentan Municipal, the

South by Accra Metropolitan Area and the North by the Akwapim South District. The La

Nkwantanang Madina Municipality is generally urban with 84 percent of the population

resident in urban areas. Madina and the Madina market, which serves as the center hub for

trade is a densely populated and lively with all sorts of activities. Major economic activities

in the area consist of agricultural, commerce, services and manufacturing. (Ghana Statistical

Services (GSS), 2014)

According to the last population census in 2010, the total population of the Municipality

stood at 111,926 comprising 48.5 percent males as against 51.5 females (GSS, 2012). With a

household population of 108,051, children made up the largest proportion of the household

structure representing a 35.3 percent. (GSS, 2014)

9
 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 Introduction
This chapter highlights literature and knowledge on the issue of child streetism as put across

by other authors and studies.

Given the complexity and diversity of the dynamics involved in child streetism, it is

unadvisable to make specific generalisations as definitions and scope of the term itself,

causes and consequences of the problem may differ from one location and in one context

even within the same location to the other. Ennew (1996) and Aptekar (1995) warn against

making assumptions about street children of one country based on the experiences of those in

another, signifying that the triggering causes and maintenance for children living on the street

in the developed and developing worlds are very different, as are the social systems,

potentials, resources and therefore, proper interventions.

Available literature examined mostly refers to issues pertaining the phenomenon such as

causes, effects, survival techniques, origins, definitions of street children and child streetism.

There is limited literature on state and other stakeholder interventions to address the problem

and the effectiveness of such measures especially in the literature covering study areas in

Ghana and other developing countries. This is the gap that this study seeks to fill in addition

to studying the peculiar case of the chosen area.

10
2.1 Streetism and Child Streetism
‘Street living children and youth’ is a phenomenon found across globe, not only in

developing countries (Dabir and Athale 2011). This is a sign that social and economic

development do not necessarily come together, thus the problem is not limited to only poor or

developing countries. There is however, often the difficulty of defining what actually

constitutes street children. Different factors like cultural, geographical, economical, age,

gender and the revolutionary nature of street children make it difficult to come up with a

common definition.

Thus, most definitions do fall on these characteristics, namely: the presence and activity of

the child on the street and contact with family. According to the Consortium for Street

Children, CSF (2003), streetism is a broad term used to refer to children who are forced to

spend most of their time outside homes, engaged in menial income generating activities to

survive, and often have to sleep on the street. It further suggests that streetism in general

refers to people, especially children for whom the street, more than home, has become their

real home. These include children who might not necessarily be homeless or without families

and relatives but who live in situations where there is no protection, supervision or direction

from responsible adults.

The United Nations also identifies street children based on the absence of adult supervision.

It defines street children as “children for whom the street (in the real sense of the word, i.e.

wastelands, unoccupied dwellings etc.) more than their family has become their real home, a

situation in which there is no protection, supervision or direction from responsible adult”

International Catholic Children’s Bureau, (1985) as cited by Dabir and Athale (2011). The

United Nations International Children Fund (UNICEF) distinguishes street children into 3

main groups.

11
 I. “Children on the streets: ‘home based’ children who spend much of the day on the

streets but have some family support and usually return home at night

II. Children of the street: ‘Street based’ children who spend most of the days and

nights on the streets and are functionally without family support.

III. Abandoned children: these are also children of the street but have been

differentiated such that they have cut all ties with their biological family and are

completely on their own.”

Also, the United Nations Agency for International Development categories street children as

follows:

I. “A ‘child of the streets’ children who have no home but the streets and no family

support. They move from place to place and live in shelters and abandoned

buildings.

II. A child on the street: children who visit their families regularly and may even

return every night to sleep at home but spend most days and some nights on the

streets because of poverty, over crowdedness or sexual or physical abuse at home.

III. Part of a street family: children who live on the sidewalks or city squares with the

rest of their family. They may be displaced due to poverty, wars and natural

disasters. The families often live a nomadic life, carrying their belonging with

them. Children in this case often work on the streets with other members of their

families.

IV. In institutionalized care” children in this group come from a situation of

homelessness and are at risk of returning to a life on the streets”.

For the purpose of this study, the term street children will be used to refer to children under

the age of 18 who live or work on the streets and in this case in the chosen area of study.

12
Children arrive on the streets between the ages of seven and fourteen, with few leaving home

during adolescence (Daniels & Crawford-Browne 1997). Evidence further shows an

increasing collection of street adults who grew on the streets (Daniels & Crawford-Browne

1997).

“The move from home to the city is a gradual process, beginning with truancy from school,

wandering in the area of community of origin, to the first foray of the city. This may lead to

day strolling in the city or may lead to the child leaving home to either sleep on the streets in

his or her neighbourhood or in the city centre.” (Jackson, 1993).

(Apt 2003) writes that in Ghana, many street youth between the ages of twelve and twenty

years are without homes to return to at night. Most of these youth have travelled from the

countryside mainly to fend for themselves in the cities and urban centres as a result of

poverty. Akuffo (2001) defined a street child as “any child who lives, eats, sleeps and does

almost everything on the street, “He uses the street as his home and other street families as

his relatives”. In Ghana Street children are often found in busy commercial parts of cities and

towns, loitering on the streets, lorry parks, market places and street corners begging for alms

or in a wage earning activity. Some do not have homes nor wish to return home and therefore

spend the nights in stalls, street corners or make do structures. The Human Rights Watch

(2006) stated that adults in recent times have also been on the street and children have been

produced and brought up on the street by individuals on the street.

Another struggle lies in coming by the exact and coherent statistics representing street

children (Cosgrove 1990). Resulting from the fact that different organisations use differing

definitions and criteria for the head count street children; the numbers are often different and

are not necessarily coherent year by year as the sources differ.

13
According to the United Nations International Children’s Education Fund (UNICEF), 2006,

the global estimates of street children (though hard to accurately quantify) stands at about 100

million.

Focusing on Ghana, The Catholic Action for Street Children (2002) estimates of the number

of street children in Accra in 2002 was 19,196 compared to 33,000 as estimated by the

Ministry of Manpower and Employment within the same period (Hatloy and Huser 2005).

Moreover, UNICEF Report (2004) estimated that 30,000 children lived on the streets of

Ghana’s cities and 20,000 of them lived on the streets in Accra. According to CSF, Ghana as

cited in Alenoma (2012), a count of street children in Ghana’s capital revealed 21,140 street

children, 6000, street babies and 7,170 street mothers under age 20; meaning that these ‘street

mothers’ (7,170) were possibly on the streets as children, turned adults and then mothers.

Reports from the ‘Census on Street Children in the Greater Accra Region’, cited by ‘The

Finder’, (a Ghanaian newspaper) revealed that there were 61,492 street children in the

Greater Accra Region as at 2011 of which 1,757 were counted in the Madina Ga East

Municipality, from which the La-Nkwantanang Madina Municipality was later carved. In

2012, an additional 24,000 street children were also identified in the Greater Accra Region.

Furthermore, the ‘The Finder’ further reveals that 90, 000 children are estimated by child

protection experts to be on the streets of Accra as at 2014.

Though difficult to determine the exact number of street children, there are indications that

the numbers could be increasing as indicated by Anarfi and Appiah (2009) and Frempong-

Ainguah et al. (2009).

2.2 Causes of Child Streetism

For the purpose of discussion in this paper, the causes of streetism shall be categorised into

two main areas. Causes of streetism may vary in context but the areas that appear common in

14
most cases can be noted as socio-cultural and economic factors that contribute to the

phenomenon.

2.2.1 Socio-cultural Factors

Concluding from existing literature, several social-cultural factors such as large family size,

societal norms and believes, delinquency of children, domestic violence, child neglect,

broken homes, attraction to city life, urbanization, migration among others play significant

roles to contribute to the phenomenon of child streetism.

2.2.1.1 Political Factors

A social reason related to politics that is believed to contribute to streetism in Egypt is

exclusion from policies, programmes and projects. ESCWA (2009) According to the report,

policies by the government are often limited to a legal approaches instead of addressing the

core causes of the problems faced by children and that which sees children as having

citizenship rights. Barrette reviewed by Mncayi (1996:5) further identifies the school crisis

since 1976, coupled with poor educational facilities, wars and conflicts, and limited funding

for social welfare as contributing to child streetism. The issue of school failure and in

addition the breakdown in alternative care placement leading to streetism is also confirmed

by Cockburn (1990).

2.2.1.2 Generational street children

Generational streetism happens whereby children are born on the streets by street parents,

some of them children themselves (Cockburn, 1990). Similar to this, Boakye-Boaten, (2008)

established that street children give birth to other street children. He calls this group the ‘2nd

Generation Street Children’, meaning there are children who become street children by

reason of the fact that their parents live on the street of Accra. Another study of street women

in Accra also discusses women with children on the streets (Ba-ama, Kumador, Vandyck &

Dzandu 2013). The number of children living with their mothers on the street differed

15
between one and three. 85% had only one child living with them on the street, 12% had two

children and 3% had up to three children. Most children living with street mothers were four

years and below, a stage considered as too early to be separated from their mothers, or too

risky to be delivered to the care of others.

2.2.1.3 Family Malfunctions

Various forms of unfriendly and unconducive conditions at home push children into the

streets. According to ESCWA, (2010), domestic violence, violence at school or work, in the

absence of protection from their families or the state, can drive children to the street. Reports

from an in‐depth study in Indonesia exhibits plainly that although financial hardship is an

important contributing factor, family settings and dynamics leading to neglect, desertion,

abuse and violence, also force children to leave home (Spring, 2003). In the words of a street

boy in Egypt, he says, “the recurrence of violence and the constant anticipation of more abuse

and violence made the environment at home more dangerous and oppressive than the street”

(Mehanna, Al‐Shermani, 2005)

Barrette’s study within the African setting also identifies lack of father figure, unaccepting

step parents, and parentless children as more prone to street life. (New parents after divorce

refuse to take the child, abandoned children, and children born out of wedlock who were

looked after by relatives until adolescence). Others include children dealing with alcoholic

parents, overly strict parents, abused children, prostituting parents, hungry children, broken

families due to influx control, over crowdedness living space (Barrette reviewed by Mncayi

(1996:5) The 1990 Nairobi seminar (involving providers to street children in African region)

also establishes some conditions that lead children to the streets as overcrowding at home,

large families, single parent families, lack of security and parental control, alcoholic parents

and divorce, etc. (Barrette reviewed by Mncayi 1996) according to (Alenoma, 2012).

Divorce and separation of parents, aged parents who are unable to fend for their families are

16
similar family issues pushing children to the streets to fend for themselves. Adeyemi &

Oluwaseum (2012) also cite large family size leading to streetism whereby poor families are

unable to meet the needs of their rather too large families. This pushes neglected children to

the streets to fend for themselves. In line with this, Ward et al (2007) points out that the

degree of attention given a child can also inform decision to move to the street or not.

In a national survey (South Africa), Richter, (1989) noted that fourteen per cent of the street

children surveyed had step parents in their household of origin, eighty-three cent had grown

up largely with a parent, fifty per cent had families where there was a difficulty with alcohol,

thirty-two per cent had experienced physical abuse and forty-one per cent had left home with

a friend. It is significant that most of the precipitants to the child leaving home - usually

between the ages of seven and thirteen - would be described as traumatic crises in the lives of

children living in the community.

2.2.1.4 Migration and Related issues

For various reasons children may be found moving mostly from rural areas or small towns to

bigger cities and towns. Moloto (1996) recognises some pull factors attracting children to the

city. These constitutes attraction to city life, entertainment, acceptance by peers and peer

pressure. The 1990 Nairobi seminar (involving providers to street children in African region)

identifies factors like drought and displacement as contributing to child streetism. (Barrette

reviewed by Mncayi 1996). Furthermore, Owusua, (2010) discuses streetism among migrant

children from rural Ghana. Some pull factors were recognised as general regional

underdevelopment, agricultural economies, inadequate white collar jobs, and low numbers of

cottage industries (maybe as a result of the nonexistence of electricity or governmental

facilitation of rural economic projects).

Thus, the apparent attractiveness of living in cities, especially Accra, readiness of social

amenities such entertainment centres, restaurants, cinema and video houses, the presence of

17
business avenues such as big markets and places of commerce, the relatively good

infrastructure and even the existence of slums seem to draw more city life hopefuls causing

the rise of migrant street children. (Adeyemi & Oluwaseum 2012) also name modernization

as a causal factor of child streetism, together with urbanisation which pull children to cities in

search of better opportunities. Some indicators of good living bait people, including children,

to urban areas (Adeyemi & Oluwaseum, 2012; Abotchie, 2012). This is also explained in the

context of child streetism by (Lugalla & Kibassa, 2003) that, children who ended up on the

streets left home seeking after greener pastures in cities. Knowing no one in the city, they end

up on the streets. Another study by (CAS, 2003) in Accra and Kumasi however identifies that

the children in most cases, had friends already living on the streets and so joined them. The

causes of streetism among migrant children is again categorised into push and pull factors

(Owusua 2010). Factors like high population of the area, relatively high economic

opportunities, seem to draw more city life hopefuls to these areas.

2.2.1.5 Social Norms/Working Children

There is growing consensus in some societies that children should be trained to take up

responsibility, thus the increasing phenomenon of children being expected to engage in

income generating activities. This is evident in some studies like that of (Adeyemi &

Oluwaseum, 2012), which attributes social norms to causing streetism, that is custom

practices that encourage children to take up economic activities (such as hawking) to assist

sustain their families. In addition, the feature of culture that obliges husbands to be the

solitary bread winners of their families also a contributes to child streetism because that in

cases where the husband fails to provide for the family, they become incapacitated, gradually

leading children to the street.

According to (Alenoma, 2012), about 30% of guardians (out of a total of about 62.5%

contacted) believe that whatever activity their children were engaged in on the streets was a

18
trade which they needed to acquire to live off in the event that they do not perform well in

school or in the absence of formal education. About 33.3 % of biological parents (out of 37.5)

also gave similar reasons.

The irony of this is that since children involved in street life miss much of school or perform

poorly due to divided attention and fatigue from street activities, they hardly achieve much in

school anyway, thus confirming the beliefs of their guardians and parents of the need to find

a ready trade in the event of poor educational achievement thus the higher tendency of

parents guardians guiding wards to learn trades on the streets instead of acquiring formal

education. Other parents also expressed concern about the inability of formal education to

provide their wards with a practical means of sustenance especially should they fail to

perform well in school to acquire higher education, thus the choice of street trading. This

study generally concluded that poverty is not the strongest underlying factor to child

streetism but low level of education among parents and guardians who believe children need

to acquire trading skills as a means of livelihood instead of the impractical formal education.

Similarly, (ESCWA, 2009) establishes that in Egypt, a contributing factor is the fact that,

progressively, children are working at an early age. The study showed the number of working

children between the ages of 6 and 14 as 2,768,000; representing 20.5 per cent of Egyptian

children.

Another culture norm that aggravates the problem of streetism, specifically is the issue of

early and arranged marriages. According to Hatloy, Huser (2005), one such norm is the

evidence of early marriages expected of girls particularly in the Northern regions of Ghana

which drives children to the streets.

19
2.2.1.6 Deprivation of Educational Rights
The 1990 Nairobi seminar (involving providers to street children in African region) states

lack of schooling as one factor that sends children to the streets. (Barrette reviewed by

Mncayi 1996:5). Similarly, ESCWA (2009) identify the deprivation of children’s right to

education as a reason for increased occurrence of child streetism in Egypt. Per the Egyptian

2006 census, the percentage of children between 6 and 18 years who never registered or have

dropped out of basic education was 14.7 per cent, totalling to about three million children.

2.2.1.7 Children’s own Choice

Barrette reviewed by Mncayi (1996) identifies that delinquent behaviour in children send

them to the streets. Alenoma (2012) further discuses that the need to avoid being idle at

home and in few cases the desire of girl children to start acquiring needed wares to be used in

marital homes are some factors of choice that send young females from the Tamale, in Ghana

into street live in the city. In this same research, 8% of the respondents said they were on the

streets because they were not interested in school.

2.2.2 Economic Related Factors

2.2.2.1 Poverty
Poverty is ‘not defined by the extent to which one has money or lacks it, but also by the

inability of the ability of the person that needs support to get it from a person who is capable

of offering him or her support and have obligation to do so’, cited in (Alenoma, 2012).

Consequently many street children are from homes that are unable to secure for them

economic needs, making children resort to the street (Alenoma, 2012). Family poverty shows

up glaringly in the works of Alenoma (2012), Apt and Grieco (1997), Cambell and Ntsabane

(1995), Korboe (1997), and Hatloy & Husser (2005) as a basis of child streetism. Alenoma

(2012) identifies that most parents of street children due to poverty encouraged their wards to

work on the streets to assist the family financially. Such children involved in activities like

20
hawking, dishwashing at local eateries, truck pushing, shoe shinning and running errands for

a fee (Hatloy & Huser, 2005) and (Apt & Grieco, 1997).

Thus it is clearly shown that the economic (financial) condition of a child could serve as a

pushing factor sending him or her into the streets to access other means of economic survival.

Some children may also resort to begging to make ends meet. (Hatloy & Huser, 2005).

Despite the meagre earnings promised by these jobs, they still draw children to the streets.

(Alenoma, 2012). According to reports from a forum on ‘promoting and protecting the rights

of the street child’, Bangkok (2003), children were forced to work to support their parents

who were unable to financially provide for their education (books, construction fee, uniform,

tutoring, etc.). Additionally, some work with street children in Cape Town identifies poverty

as contributing to the problem (Cockburn, 1990). Other writers such Aptekar, 1995; Fortune,

(1993); Bourdillion, (1995) and Cockburn, (1990) also raise poverty as causing child

streetism.

Similarly, the Homestead Annual Report, (Cape Town, 1999), identifies that a large

percentage of respondents in a street child study came from areas termed low socio-economic

areas where most families lived below subsistence level. Furthermore, a study of street

children in Accra and Bamako, show 68% citing family poverty as reason for being on the

streets (Hatloy, Huser 2005). Still other views disclose the key causes of child streetism to be

utter poverty, (Mengesha, 2011).

2.2.2.2 Unemployment/Search for Jobs

A research on street women in Accra shows that 89% of the women were on the streets solely

to work for money (Ba-ama, Kumador, Vandyck and Dzandu 2013). This revelation follows

similar findings that it could be entirely economic motives that drew people from countryside

to urban centres (Asare, 1995). As most of these women had children with them, these

children become street children. Another study in Cape Town also identifies unemployment

21
as contributing to the child streetism (Cockburn, 1990). Additionally some pull factors such

as the availability of money attracting children to the city results in children relocating to

streets in major cities and towns. (Moloto, 1996) Again other studies largely classify

engagement in economic activities for subsistence as a factor pushing children into the street

(Awatey, 2014)

2.3 Social Effects of child streetism

2.3.1 Poor Health
One known effect of streetism on children is their vulnerability to poor health especially with

regards to HIV and AIDS. According to Anarfi (1997), research indicates that street children

are at higher risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases than anyone else. This

conclusion was drawn from the following observations: “(1) most street children are sexually

active, (2) street children have little knowledge on sexually transmitted diseases, (3) street

children mostly engage in unprotected sexual activities and (4) street girls use sexual

activities as medium of exchange for protection from physically attacks from older and

‘stronger bullies”. The last point is confirmed in a research when they stated that the only

source of protection for street girls in Zimbabwe is male friends. It was mostly the case that

male friends demanded for sex from the girls as compensation. (Rurevo, Bourdillon 2003)

Another study in the Kumasi city in Ghana reveals that about 90 percent of the street children

lack detail knowledge on STDs and had less power to negotiate safe sex. (Awatey, 2014).

Similarly, reports from the 2003 forum for East and South Asia on promoting and protecting

the rights of the street child, held in Bangkok, Thailand, supports that street children are at

higher risk of contracting HIV/AIDS because of involvement in prostitution and drug use by

injection based on country experiences.

22
2.3.2 Victimisation/Exploitation/Discrimination
Research in Kumasi indicated that, 34% of respondents who were street children said they

have been raped before. The street girls explained that they are raped when they are attacked

in the night by criminals and the only way out for them to be spared for other harms was to

allow rape. Others sleep on the street with their male peers who end up raping them instead of

the original intention of providing them security (Awatey, 2014). Reports from the 2014

Bangkok Conference on ‘promoting and protecting the rights of the street child’ shows that

children on the street are vulnerable to harm like commercial sex exploitation. The report

further states that in extreme cases street children are kidnapped or removed by exploiters or

even sold into the sex industry by parents who live on the street.

According to the 2003 Forum for East and South Asia on ‘promoting and protecting the

rights of the street child’, held in Bangkok, Thailand, street children are often discriminated

against by society, criminalized by their communities and seen as lesser human beings. Street

children are also easily criminalized by the suspecting public. (Moloto, 1996). Generally,

children are exposed to a wide range of risky conditions on the streets thus, their security and

lives are threatened.

2.3.3 Little or No Education

Studies have shown that most street children have interrupted education, little or no education

and in the cases where they are enrolled in school have poor outputs and eventually drop out.

One such observation came across in a research in Tamale, the Northern regional capital of

Ghana, that though the majority of street children engaged (61.25%) were attending school at

the basic level, schooling activities were sometimes disrupted by street life and fatigue. Also

a good number of them (38.75%) indicated they were not attending school at all. According

to the findings of another study, 52 percent of the street children attended primary school

23
while 38 percent have never enrolled in school and only 8 percent attended junior high school.

However, the majority (90%) were not attending school at the time of interview (ibid).

Similarly, a census conducted on street children in Accra in 2011 reveals that 41.6% of the

street children sampled had never been to school. The remaining 58.4% disclosed that they

were school dropouts. In addition, 24.6% were literates but with difficulty, only 17.6% were

literates whereas 57.8% were illiterates. (DSW, 2011)

2.3.4 Street Children and Child Labour

Hindman (2009) establishes the prevalence of child labour among street children across the

globe using examples from several countries like Mexico, Jamaica, and the United Kingdom.

The author identifies street trading as one major activity children engage in on the street as

well as commercial sex, which is categorised under the worst forms of child labour according

to ILO standards. Reports from I-India, an NGO that works with street children in Indian

states that most street children in the country work. Children as young as six years old collect

recyclable materials from garbage, carrying heavy loads of these. Other common activities

mentioned are collecting firewood, tending to animals, street vending, begging, prostitution

and domestic labour. Some of these jobs according to the report are hazardous.

In Ghana, some common activities identified among street children include hawking in traffic,

head pottering, working for local eateries, shoe shining, truck pushing, begging, etc. (Hatloy

& Huser, 2005), (Apt & Grieco, 1997). Alenoma, (2012) establishes that despite the fact that

the earnings from these activities are very paltry, children are still drawn to the streets by

them.

2.3.5 Social Vices and Destructive Behaviours

Children on the street sometimes end up in self-destructive and dangerous circumstances like

drug addiction, street gang life, crime, among others. The 2003 Forum for East and South

24
Asia on ‘Promoting and Protecting the Rights of the Street Child’, held in Bangkok, Thailand,

talks about the active and fierce involvement of street boys in gang life where they are

involved in activities like gang fights, extortion of money, drug selling, security and parking

services (gangs protecting territories), among others.

Similarly, Arthur (2012) which studies streetism among Ghanaian youth establishes that for

the fact that most street children lack advanced education and skills to secure decent jobs,

they often fall into drugs, gun violence, gang activity, alcohol abuse and a host of other

crimes.

2.4 Interventions in addressing Child streetism: Stakeholders and Past Attempts

2.4.1 Introduction
According to Fraser et al., (2009), an intervention can be defined as purposeful actions taken

to influence a given situation. In social work especially, interventions are steps taken by

qualified practitioners to modify an aspect of an individual, group or communities behaviour,

as part of an overall strategy to help them solve or reduce a problem or function better in

some area of their lives (FASCW, 2001). Thus interventions are purposively implemented

change strategies engaging professionals in addressing situations considered negative.

Interventions may be simple or complex and may comprise of single or cluster of activities

(Midgley 2006). One intervention may differ from the other based on factors such as scope,

purpose, magnitude, motivation and so on.

According to Fraser et al. (2009), interventions can be broadly categorized as structural and

place based. Structural interventions are those that tend to address social structures; such as

laws, social controls, opportunities and access, social roles, or socioeconomic status. On the

other hand, a place based intervention emphasizes where, who, and how the intervention is

taken. This intervention focuses on individuals sharing common space, goals and values

25
(ibid). Generally interventions that are used to address the issue of child streetism are

considered place based.

2.4.2 Interventions to Address Child Streetism

Regarding interventions available for children in general and street children, there are two

broad dimensions, namely; need/charity based and right based interventions (Amtizs, 2003).

The basic assumptions and differences of the two approaches are presented as follows.

“In a traditional need based approach, providing services for children was largely based on

the following major assumptions:

 Children should be supported because they deserve help (SCUK, 2000).

 Providing services for children is a voluntary activity (Amtzis, 2003).

 No one has definite obligations for them (Amtzis, 2003; SCUK, 2000)

 The focus should be on providing welfare services (Amtzis, 2003)

 Each piece of work has its own goal but there is no unifying overall purpose (SC Sweden,

2002; SCUK, 2000).

 Children can participate in order to improve service delivery process (SCUK, 2000).

 The service provisions will look at specific and immediate situation that necessitate

intervention (SC Sweden: 2002)”.

“In contrast, the right based approach has the following underlining assumptions:

 Children are entitled to get support (ibid).

 Supporting the children is mandatory (Amtzis, 2003)

 There are binding legal and moral obligations to provide services for children (ibid).

 Priority in providing service should be given for marginalized groups (Lansdown, 2005)

 The promotion and protection of rights of children are based on international standards

(SC Sweden: 2002)

26
 Children are active participants in decisions that affect their lives just because, it is their

right (SC Sweden: 2002; Amtzis, 2003)

 Both outcomes and processes are monitored and evaluated (Lansdown, 2005)

 There is an overarching goal to which all work contributes and strive to achieve (SC

Sweden: 2002:22).

 Interventions should focus on analysing the root causes (Amtzis, 2003; SCUK, 2000).

In the case of Ghana, many NGOs, and the government have come up with several

intervention actions to address the issue of child streetism in an attempt to reduce the menace.

Some NGOs like Plan International Ghana, Child Rights International, Catholic Action for

Street Children (CAS) and several other local and international NGOs have stepped in to

contribute to eradicate child streetism mainly through providing educational and vocational

training and housing facilities for these children.

However, at the state level, the DSW of Ghana is mandated to implement child protection

policies under community programmes. These policies are to ensure:

1. The promotion and protection of the rights of children

2. Justice and administration of child related issues

The dilemma that now exists is the extent to which these policies are being implemented and

their practically in addressing the problem of increasing minors in major streets of the nation.

It is prudent to begin to rigorously evaluate the efforts of these organisations in addressing

the issue as child streetism still appears to be on the increase, thus the need to revisit

approaches and to make improvements in intervention strategies to produce more efficient

methods. It is the aim of this study to closely examine the methods of interventions being

adopted by the DSW of Ghana in addressing child streetism and to establish grounds on the

27
extent to which these interventions solve or reduce the problem they are directed at

addressing.

2.4.3 Interventions by the state of Ghana to address child streetism

2.4.3.1 The Children’s Act 560 of Ghana
The children Act 560, ascended into parliament on 30th December 1988 seeks to represent

and protect the interest of the Ghanaian child in terms of basic rights, maintenance and

adoption, regulate child labour and apprenticeship, and for other matters concerning the

welfare of the child. The act serves as the major law and policy guiding child protection in

the country, having taken into consideration some conventions from international and other

national guidelines.

Aside other conventions adopted in the Act to protect and ensure the survival and

development of the child, the section 18 of the Children Acts, spells out specific criteria used

to determine when a child is in need of care and protection by the state. The District

Assembly is responsible for protecting the welfare and rights of the children within the

district, whereas the Departments of Social Welfare and the Community Development

Centers are to investigate cases of rights violations.

Under this Act, section 18 defines these criteria for state intervention in terms state protection

and care in the event that the child is found:

Section 18 (f)” Is wandering and has no home or settled place of abode or visible means of

subsistence;

(g) is begging or receiving alms, whether or not there is any pretence of singing, playing,

performing, offering anything for sale or otherwise, or is found in any street, premises or

place for the purpose of begging or receiving alms;

28
(h) Accompanies any person when that person is begging or receiving alms, whether or not

there is any pretence of singing, playing, performing, offering anything for sale or

otherwise”(Republic of Ghana, The Children’s Act 560, 1988:10)

In response to these circumstances, section 19 of the Act defines actions to be taken.in cases

of a child needing such protection and care. Actions involve investigation, and when it is

determined that the child’s current situation poses harm to him or her, further action is taken.

In this case:

“Act 20 (1) A Family Tribunal may issue order to the Department on an application by a

probation officer or social welfare officer under section 19(4).

(2) The care order shall remove the child from a situation where he is suffering or likely to

suffer significant harm and shall transfer the parental rights to the Department.

(3) The probation officer or social welfare officer shall take custody of the child and shall

determine the most suitable place for the child which may be –

(a) An approved residential home

(b) With an approved fit person; or

(c) At the home of a parent, guardian or relative.

(4) The maximum duration of a care order shall be three years or until the child attains

eighteen years whichever is earliest and the Family Tribunal may make an interim order or

may vary the order.

(5) The Family Tribunal may make a further order that the parent, guardian or other person

responsible for the child shall pay for the cost of maintaining the child.” (Republic of Ghana,

The Children’s Act 560, 1988:11)

29
With the implementation of this Act in the right and adequate way means that children found

in the street are to be guided back to their parents or relatives, and measures put in place that

these parents live up to their responsibility to the children. On the other hand, in the absence

of parents or relatives, or in the case that the above are unable to cater for the children, they

are to be rightfully placed in state care.

2.4.3.2 The Family and Child Welfare Policy under the Ministry of Gender, Children and
Social Protection (MGCSP)
The policy was introduced by the MGCSP with support from UNICEF in February, 2015.

There was increasing concern arising from issues like child trafficking, children living and or

working on the streets, absence of birth registration for some children, corporal punishment,

domestic violence, sexual abuse and exploitation found prevalent in Ghana with more

children being victimised. Other forms of abuse include child marriage, female genital

mutilation and the Trokosi system of shrine enslavement which prevail partly in some regions.

These necessitated the introduction of the new policy to address the problems that were on

the rise despite the presence of the Children’s Act and other former policies aimed at

protecting the Ghanaian child.

The policy was also a response to challenges identified in the existing policies which tended

to facilitate little coordination and was characterised mostly with reactive measures with very

few preventive measures. The new policy was also to complement the gap in the old system

which also lacked reliable information systems and had poor coordination among key actors.

The policy aimed at achieving the following objectives:

1. “To design child and family welfare programmes and activities to more effectively

prevent and protect children from all forms of violence, abuse, neglect and

exploitation

2. To ensure effective coordination of the child and family welfare service at all levels

30
 3. To empower children and families to better understand abusive situations and make

choices to prevent and respond to situations of risk

4. To build the capacity of institutions and service providers to ensure quality of services

for children and families in urban and rural areas

5. To reform existing laws and policies to conform to the new vision for Child and

Family Welfare

6. To ensure provision of adequate resources for the functioning of the Child and Family

Welfare service at all levels”. (MGCSP, 2015)

Thus 11 strategies were adopted towards achieving these

“Strategy 1: Strengthening community structures

Strategy 2: Early intervention through social protection

Strategy 3: Improved child and family welfare services

Strategy 4: Alternative care – when the child’s family is not an option

Strategy 5: Regular coordination and improved information and data management

Strategy 6: Empower children and young people

Strategy 7: Empower families through social dialogue and change

Strategy 8: Social welfare resources and capacity building

Strategy 9: Building alliances with Civil Society Organizations

Strategy 10: Legal and policy reform

Strategy 11: Analysis of and advocacy for adequate financial, technical and human resources”

(MGCSP, 2015:3)

These strategies aim to address 3 key areas:

31
 1. “Child protection issues arising from family related problems like domestic

violence, and children living or working on the street.

2. Cases of child maltreatment in terms of violence of all kinds, abuse, exploitation

and neglect in all settings

3. Other protection issues concerning children especially older children not

perpetuated by a third party but the child’s own risk taking behaviour like

substance abuse, unwanted pregnancy or being in conflict with the law” (MGCSP,

2015:3)

2.5 Limitations in Addressing Child Streetism

Despite efforts being made by both NGOs and government institutions to address the rise of

the child streetism phenomenon, the problem seems to be nowhere close to being solved or

eradicated. According to Mengesha (2011), some challenges that were identified with efforts

being put forward to address child streetism.

 “There is a lack of broader and acceptable approaches to guide the interventions

 There is a lack of cooperative and supportive mechanisms for the interventions

 The outcomes of the interventions are incompatible

 Duplication efforts and wastage of resource is common in the interventions

 Majority of the interventions lacks accountability and transparency

 Some malfunctioning interventions causes harm to the children“

Other issues gathered from other works reveal that often times, policy solutions tend to

address the immediate effects of the problem without necessarily addressing the root causes

of streetism. According to Awatey, (2014) on street children in Kumasi, Ghana, only 2% of

the street children spoken to have received assistance from any humanitarian agency in the

32
past. Many street children do not receive assistance from government institutions as well as a

result of the difficulty in targeting strategies.

33
 CHAPTER THREE

THEORIES AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

3.0 Introduction
The previous chapter was dedicated to discussing existing literature and studies on street

children, their characteristics, behaviour patterns and other related issues.

This chapter discusses the ‘Systems Theory’ which is adopted to understand the interrelations

between chosen subsystems at play in the social system (society) and their influence on

phenomenon of child streetism. The chapter further provides a conceptual framework to

analyse the phenomenon. The analysis borders on the subsystems that interrelate to keep the

Madina society functioning properly as a whole and the consequences of the failure of any to

play its role.

3.1 Theoretical Framework

Society as a social system is held together by subsystems with varying actors contributing to

a continuous interaction among all stakeholders to maintain a healthy and problem free

environment. In the La- Nkwantanang Madina Municipal area, like all societies, such

subsystems equally interact to keep the society going. In this case subsystems like the

governance system, family system and civil society are earmarked as playing vital roles in an

interconnected and complex arrangement to ensure proper functioning of the municipality. In

order to assess the relationship between child streetism and the functions or malfunctions of

said social systems, the System Theory is adopted to discuss the factors that work towards

mitigating or causing an upsurge of child streetism.

3.1.1 The Systems Theory

According to Laszlo and Krippner (1998), ‘Systems’ in general refer to the “complex

interaction of components together with the relationships among them that permit the

identification of a boundary-maintaining entity or process”. Flood and Jackson (1991) cited

34
in Meredith (2005) also describe the ‘System’ as an “interrelated network of parts exhibiting

synergistic properties where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts”.

Systems provide an effective framework for the execution of tasks such that they are made up

smaller individual parts interrelating with each other to bring about a desired outcome. The

‘Systems’ Theory’ remains significant as it allows for the explanation of complex

connections existing between phenomena. As suggested by O’Leary (2007), emphasis is

placed on the interconnections between the sub systems, owing to the fact that the

effectiveness of the whole system depends largely on a healthy interrelationship between sub-

systems. Due to the complexity of the phenomena in social sciences, arising from multiple

interactions of elements within the particular phenomena, it is more difficult to apply the

theory to the social sciences. However, the systems theory still remains relevant in its

application to other fields aside the biology field from which it originated. In most cases the

theory is adapted and applied to other fields of study including the social sciences. The theory

thus provides a systematic means to analyse the origin, development and operation of a given

phenomenon.

Another fact to note is that the immediate environment within which a system finds itself

largely influences the outcome of the interactions between subsystems. As designated by

Meredith (2005), the environment as an external force influences how sub-systems behave

within the larger system. However, some margins separate these sub-systems from the

environment and as such, the level of interaction between the external forces determine

whether a system is closed or open. Leiper (2003) cited in Meredith (2005) reveals that a

system is closed when the interaction between sub-systems are not influenced by external

forces. On the other hand, a system is open when there is interaction of sub-systems with

external forces.

35
3.1.2 Conceptualising Child Streetism in the Madina Municipality

As a system, the survival of the Madina municipality depends significantly on the interactions

between sub-systems that are to work inter-dependently to ensure the continuity and proper

functioning of the society. Sub systems in this social system therefore comprise of the family

system, governance system and the civil society.

The family is the basic social institution of society. The family therefore always remains a

visible part of the social organisation (Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems, EOLSS). It

serves as the first point of contact for a child. The family as a sub-system of society provides

a platform where children are produced, raised and socialised into the larger society. The

family is responsible for protecting a child, providing guidance, as well as providing basic

needs like education, shelter, food and clothing for that child. Thus families ensure the

uttermost survival and development of the child. According to the Ghana Children’s Act 560,

parents are to ensure the welfare of the child. Children have the right to life, dignity, respect,

leisure, liberty, health, education and shelter from their parents. Additionally, children are to

be protected from “neglect, discrimination, violence, abuse” and risky exposure. Parents are

thereby to provide “good guidance, care and maintenance” for children. (Children’s Act 560,

1988). If a family is well able to provide the needs for a child as well as provide guidelines

such that the child does not stray from expected norms of society, that child is more likely to

integrate into society. On the other hand families that fail to protect and provide the needs of

their children may have these children resorting to other means for survival which may lead

to negative outcomes in society such as child streetism.

Furthermore, every society is governed by laws and regulations that seek to maintain order

and development. Good governance ensures that responsibilities and duties of governments

towards citizens and vice versa are clearly defined and adhered to. As such the governance

sub-system provides laws and legislations, policies and institutional frameworks to manage

36
and protect children in the municipality. These laws and polices seek to protect and ensure

the rights of the child. With regards to children in Ghana, such laws and policies like the

Children’s Act 560, 1988, the UN’s Conventions on the Rights of the Child, the recent Child

and Family Welfare Policy are the major laws guiding issues related to children. These are to

clearly define the boundaries, terms and conditions under which the child should be protected

and catered for to ensure positive development and survival. Similarly there are laws to guide

urban settlements such that individuals are not allowed to reside on unauthorised locations

like water ways, railways, lorry stations and other unapproved places. The governance system

also provides the institutional frameworks within which these policies will be implemented

and monitored to achieve desired results.

These laws when enforced ensure that children are not left to cater for their own needs as

parents and the state are responsible for protecting and providing the needs of children. In

cases where parents or families fail to protect children, the state is to intervene either by

mandating parents to live up to their responsibilities or by providing care and protection for

the child. Laws guiding settlement arrangements will also ensure that settlement conditions

that make it easy or unavoidable for children to engage in street life will be done away with.

Finally, the civil society serves as a link between the citizens (families) and government to

address the interests of each part. “Civil society is a sphere of social interaction between the

household (family) and the state which is manifested in the norms of community cooperative,

structures of voluntary association and networks of public communication … norms are

values of trust, reciprocity, tolerance and inclusion, which are critical to cooperation and

community problem solving, structure of association refers to the full range of informal and

formal organization through which citizens pursue common interests” (Veneklasen, 1994),

cited in (Ghaus-Pasha, 2014:5).The existence of civil society groups like the church, non-

governmental organisations, and other advocacy groups is to serve as a sub- system that

37
complements the work of the state in the various sectors. Such groups mediate between the

state and the people in areas of governance, infrastructure, justice administration, provision of

services, thus reaching the unreached population as the state cannot singlehanded attend to all

concerns at one time. Thus civil society groups contribute to the proper functioning of the

whole social system through their works in humanitarian aid, social activism, advocacy,

justice administration among other necessary areas of concern. In the event that the state and

family fails totally or partly to protect and provide for children, civil society groups can play

major roles in breaching this gap by providing their own interventions or putting pressure on

the state or families to live up to expectations. This role can also contribute significantly to

doing away with the ills of child streetism when civil society groups are able to intervene to

protect children.

Consequently, the effective function of Madina municipality as a system depends largely on

the efficient interaction of the above sub systems in their respective roles and functions; the

family to protect its members especially children, as well as providing basic needs, emotional

support, and ensuring overall survival and development; policies, institutional frameworks

and laws to regulate the activities of the human society, provide protection and assistance to

vulnerable groups and define the roles and responsibilities of the state towards populate and

vice versa; civil society groups to provide social support systems where the state or family

fails or lacks capacity.

Being an open system, the Madina municipality is influenced by its environment. External

factors like the economy and political issues greatly influence the function of the system as

its sub-systems interact with these external factors. In this case, a very significant external

factor which is the economy is identified as having influence on the actions of the mentioned

sub-systems. The economic status of the municipality largely influences issues like poverty,

distribution of resources, employment which in turn influence the functions of the sub-system

38
at work here. Other factors like political decisions and actions can also influence the

functions of various sub-systems. The function or malfunction of any of these sub-systems

can be made better or worse by the influence of the above mentioned and other external

factors.

3.2 Conceptual/Analytical Framework

In order to have a clear picture of the mentioned sub-systems at play in this social system, a

concept is developed to portray the interactions and actions between the parts that contribute

to preventing or aggravating child streetism. The concept further illustrates how that each of

these sub-systems can be influenced by external factors in the environment.

3.2.1 Interaction of Sub-systems to Mitigate or Aggravate Child Streetism in Madina

The sub-systems; family, governance and civil society interact to ensure proper function and

wellbeing of all elements in the Madina municipal area. The three also play distinctive roles

to ensure the system is kept in its expected condition.

3.2.1.1 The Family

When families take care of children and protect them from all possible risks, children have a

better opportunity to develop as expected. In playing its role the family relies on and interacts

to some extent with both the state (through governance systems) and civil society to ensure

that all the needs of the child are met. It is less likely for a child whose needs, both emotional

and physical are being met by the family to resort to street life for survival or for any other

reasons than a child whose needs are not being met. On the other hand, external factors like

poverty, financial constraint, unemployment, inadequate welfare services, and irresponsibility

of parents which is not properly regulated by the law can cause the family not to function

properly in this role. Failure of the family to sustain children normally leads to children

seeking alternative means of sustenance and the street is one major place where they end up.

39
3.2.1.2. Governance
The governance system must be able to call to order all issues regarding child care and

protection. When families are unable to care for children, the state must have measures in

place to make sure that a child does not suffer. Laws, policies and institutional frameworks

should provide a guide to justice administration for children, their education and their upkeep.

When this is done children will not be left by themselves to resort to street life as the laws

will intervene so child streetism can be mitigated. However, governance can be interrupted

by external issues like political decisions, lack of resources and non-implementation of laws

and policies. This will render the governance system unable to protect and prevent children

from resorting to street life.

Figure 3.1 Conceptual/Analytical Framework

 Family
 Upbringing Effective
 Protection Functioning
 Basic
Mitigation of
needs etc.
Child
Positive Streetism
 Governance
 Laws
 Policies
Child
 Justice
Development
systems Outcome
 Civil Society
 Social
Support
Upsurge of
 Social Negative Child Streetism
protection
Ineffective
 Advocacy
Functioning
etc.

Source: Author’s construct, 2016

40
3.2.1.3. Civil Societies
Finally civil societies exist in the social structure to play supportive roles to the state and

households. In the even that families and, or the state are unable to provide protection and

secure the welfare of children, civil societies can fill in the gap. Civil societies play roles in

advocacy for child rights and protection, provide physical and emotional assistance where it

is needed and these can keep children from having to resort to street life. With the right

financial environment, civic freedom, state support and regulations by laws, civil society

groups will do better at providing relief to children who cannot be cared for by families or the

state. However, these external issues can influence the function of civil society groups

negatively such that they may not have enough resources, civic freedom, or support from the

state to function. In some cases when left unregulated by state laws civil society organisations

can stray from their expected roles and this will render their role in preventing child streetism

ineffective or inadequate.

In conclusion when the three sub-systems function properly in their respective roles while

interacting among themselves, there is better opportunity to prevent child streetism. On the

other hand a breakdown in the function of one or all sub-systems creates conditions that lead

children to the street. These functions or malfunctions of the sub-systems can be made better

or worse by unfavourable external factors that they respond to, it being an open system.

41
 CHAPTER FOUR

CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF CHILD STREETISM IN LA-NKWANTANANG

MADINA MUNICIPALITY

4.0 Introduction

The previous chapter outlined the theories and conceptual framework underpinning the

dynamics involved in child streetism in the Madina Municipality. The Systems Theory was

used to understand the roles played by identified sub-systems of the lager social system

(society) in order to maintain a wholesome society at all given times. This chapter discusses

the causes and effects of child streetism in the study area and analyses these factors in

relation to the leaks in the social system that cause the problem to prevail. The chapter also

provides an analysis of some traits and mannerisms of street children in the area.

4.2 Streetism and Child Streetism in Madina

In order to better understand child streetism in Madina, some traits and mannerisms of street

children were studied. Results give an insight into characteristics like the age and sex

distribution, educational background, origin, and the activities that children engage in on the

streets.

The streetism phenomenon is very evident in Madina due to the very busy nature of its

central business area. People engage in street life like such as begging, loitering, petty trade

with some actually living on the street. Children are no exception from street life in Madina,

thus for several reasons children have taken to the streets with the market areas, lorry stations,

major streets in and around the central business areas being the spotlights where they are

mostly found. In Madina most children were found on the street because they worked there

to earn a living for their own upkeep or to provide financial assistance to their families.

It became evident that more girls were found on the streets of Madina than boys.

42
Figure. 4.1 Sex Distribution of Respondents

78.8

80
70
60
Percentage

50
21.3
40
30
20
10
0
Male Female

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

Accordingly, out of 80 respondents who engaged in the survey, 64 of them representing

78.8percent were females while 16 of them representing 21.3percent were males. The

distribution of the sex of respondents falls in pattern with the census on street children in

Accra in 2011 which reveals that there were more females (57%) than males (43%) on the

streets. Similarly, Hatloy & Huser (2005) in their study in Accra further revealed that 75

percent of street children comprised of girls while 25percent were males.

It is understood that, the incidence of economic engagement among children in urban areas is

more likely among girls between ages 7-14 as compared to boys of the same age group

(Ghana Living Standards Survey (GLSS), 2005 as cited in AMA, 2014). In addition to this,

hawking and head pottering as economic activities are largely practised by females than

males. AMA (2014) discloses in its research on street children in Accra that head pottering

was an activity engaged in by girls. These factors play a significant role in the pattern of

having more girls involved in street work than boys, especially in areas where the main

activities are hawking and head pottering. Furthermore, the study again asserts that another

factor that contributes to having more females than males on the street is the fact that more

43
girls drop out of school than boys with almost twice as many females (2.7 million) than males

(1.4 million) who never attend school (GLSS, 2005 as cited in AMA 2014). A study by the

International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) confirms further that

girls work more than boys due to their domestic duties, thus more girls are involved in child

labour than boys (Allais, 2009).

As suggested by existing literature, children arrived in the street from ages seven to fourteen

(Daniels & Crawford-Browne 1997). The same is evident in child streetism in Madina. The

age distribution of respondents in Figure 4.2 shows that children within ages of 10-14

representing 65 percent form majority of respondents. This is followed by children within

ages 15-18 representing 27.5 percent. The smallest group therefore consists of the very young

children within the ages of 5-9 and these account for 7.5 percent of the total number of

respondents. Apt &Grieco (1995) reveal similar age distributions in their study on street girls

in Accra with majority of children (45.53%) between the ages of 15-17, while many others

(30.36 %) also fell within the age range of 12-14.

Figure 4.2 Age Distribution of Respondents

Percentage

65.0

7.5 27.5

5-9
10-14
15-18

Age

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

44
This finding is also in tandem with the statistics from the census on street children in Accra in

2011 which states that most children who find themselves on streets fall within the ages of 11

and 15. A major factor that explains the prevalence of young working children on street is the

fact that children in such age groups are found to be economically active. As posited by the

GLSS (2005), children as young as 7 are economically active. The report estimated that about

54.1percenr of nearly 18 million persons 7 years and older are economically active. Reports

also indicated that nearly 13% of children aged 7-14 are economically active (GLSS, 2005).

The study further studied the educational background of respondents. Consequently, Figure

4.3 shows the representation of respondents with regards to their educational status. The

result shows that 50 percent of the children had dropped out of school to work on the streets

for diverse reasons. A number representing 30 percent also happened to be enrolled in the

school at the time of survey.

Figure 4.3 Educational Background

Never been
Completed enrolled
JHS

Enrolled
30%

Dropped out
50%

Never been enrolled Enrolled Dropped out Completed JHS

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

However, 13 percent of the respondents indicated that they had completed Junior High

School (JHS) and were unable to continue to the next level. According to AMA (2014), 58

percent of street children in Accra had never been enrolled in school and 30 percent were

45
enrolled in school at the time of the survey on street children in 2011. The differences noticed

in the two surveys show a decreased rate in non-enrolment, with less children in the category

of never been enrolled in this survey.

While Jackson (1993) determines that children gradually move from home to the street until

they permanently live on the streets, street children in Madina come to work during the day

and go back to sleep home with parents or on their own at night. Some of these children were

migrants from other regions to Accra living on their own or with relatives or non-relative

guardians.

Figure 4.4 Place of Origin

Source:
15.0 16.3
Percentages

13.8
Fieldwork, 11.3
11.3
6.3 7.5
8.8
2016 3.8
2.5
3.8

Figure.4.4 above indicates that respondents come from all the ten regions of Ghana, with a

few from outside the country. This is to say that child streetism is not limited to some

particular regions though some regions tended to be largely represented as compared to

others. This study shows that the three northern regions of Ghana altogether account for 42.6

percent of the total number of respondent, with the Upper West region showing the largest at

largest (16.3%) number. In a related study conducted by Apt &Grieco, (1995), respondents

from the 3 northern regions made up 66.97 percent of all respondents. Accordingly, Korboe

(1996) undertook a study on street children in Kumasi (the second largest city in Ghana) and

46
the results affirmed that most children (46%) on the streets were migrants from the three

Northern regions.

A number of factors are identified as contributing to the increased numbers of street children

from some regions as compared to others. One of such is the incidence of poverty in the

various regions. It is clear that the incidence of poverty and poverty gaps are not evenly

distributed among all 10 regions. As such, some regions, especially the 3 northern regions

have higher poverty incidence as compared to other regions.

That is to say these regions have more significant proportions of the population living under

the poverty line. That said, studies have shown that more than 4 in every 10 persons (44.4%)

are poor in the Upper East region while in the Northern and Upper West regions, 1 in every 2

persons (50.4%) and 7 out of every 10 (70.7%) are poor respectively. These poverty

incidences are very significant when compared to that of the Greater Accra region which

stands at 5.5 percent (GLSS 6, 2014). The Volta region was also reported to have worsening

inequality in its rural areas as levels of inequality increased from 35.4 percent to 41.2 percent

between 2005 to 2013 in the region, with poverty incidence at 33.8 percent as at 2013

(GLSS6, 2014). These, coupled with other conditions that perpetuate economic hardship and

unemployment in some regions push more people including children from these areas to

migrate to the cities in search of better opportunities. With the majority not having proper

skills and the means to secure proper jobs and accommodation, most end up on the streets of

Accra including Madina.

Another important factor that pulls more children (mostly girls) from the 3 northern regions

to the streets in Accra as compared to other regions is the lack of importance placed on girl

child education in these areas. Little value is placed on female child education as compared to

male child education. One reason that makes this possible is the issue of early marriage

47
arrangements to which girls fall victim by virtue of cultural practices. Girls, as they are

married at tender ages are more likely not to be sent to school or drop out of school and run

from home to the city in an attempt to avoid being married early. Girls also leave home to

work in the cities in order to prepare themselves materially for marriage. Awumbila and

Ardayfio-Schandorf, (2008) in a study on female head porters from the 3 northern regions in

urban centers like Accra confirms that young girls do not only migrate from their hometowns

to escape poverty but also to work to prepare for marriage.

Children on the street were involved in one activity or the other as was revealed by the survey.

The results are represented in the figure below.

Figure 4.5 Activities on the Street

1.3

27.5
Hawk

Head
71.3 portering
Loitering

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

As indicated by Figure.4.5, majority of the respondents (71.3%) were engaged in hawking as

a form of economic activity. Items that the respondents hawked ranged from sachet water to

soft drinks, snacks of various kinds and other petty goods. This was followed by a 27.5

percent who were head potters and 1.3 percent found to be loitering at the time of survey.

This shows consistency with findings from a survey on street girls in Kumasi which indicated

48
that hawking was taken up by 28.5 percent of respondents with 28 percent involved in head

pottering. (Korboe, 1996).

The study further examined the gender dynamics of activities street children engage in. In a

cross tabulation of the gender and activities undertaken, the study revealed in Table 4.1 that

both males (16) and females (41) were engaged in hawking. Interestingly, as 22 female

respondents engaged in head pottering, none of the males engaged in this activity. This could

be explained by the existing gender roles which assert that head pottering is for women and

girls.

An attempt was made to determine whether the sex of respondents correlated with their

activity on the street. Table 4.1 below explains the results of the test.

Table 4.1 Sex of Respondent and Activity on the Street

What do you do on the streets?

Head
Hawk pottering Loitering Total
Sex of Male 16 0 0 16
Respondent
Female 41 22 1 64
Total 57 22 1 80
Source: Fieldwork, 2016

4.3 Causes of Child Streetism in La-Nkwantanang Madina Municipality

Streetism is a major challenge of urban population in most developing countries. As a result,

child streetism has also been identified as an aspect of streetism characterized with several

challenges. The current study identified three major factors accounting for child streetism in

the La-Nkwantanang municipality.

According to Figure 4.6, 51 percent of respondents stated that they engage in streetism to

offer financial support to their families or guardians while 18.8 percent of the children

49
indicated that they were working on the street to save money for school. Lastly, 30 percent

revealed that they were on the street because they wanted to work. Some of these children

who by themselves chose street work, especially girls from the three Northern regions often

got attracted to coming to work in Accra because they see people from their towns who have

gone to work in the city come and go. In an interview with some female porters, a thirteen

year old girl explains:

“I have been hearing people saying Accra! Accra! So I also came to see Accra for

myself” (Female Street Child, Madina, 2016).

Figure 4.6 Reasons for streetism

51.3
Percentage

30.0
18.8

Support
family/guadian Save for school
financially Personal Interest
in working

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

Apt & Grieco, (1997) makes similar findings in their research on street children in Accra in

which 78.5 percent of respondents revealed that they engaged in streetism to work for money.

Also 4.46 percent maintained that they wanted to gain experience outside home thus the

decision to migrate to the city to work on the streets. It is a problem when minors (children

below 18 years) chose to work on the street instead of remaining in school or acquiring

vocational training.

50
For children who had to work to assist their families financially, some factors account for this.

One such development is the growing norm of children being expected to work to support

themselves and the family where necessary. In a discussion with children on the street, a

child posited,

“My school uniform is torn so my aunty asked me to sell and save money to sew a new

one for school next term. I also want to save some money so that I can go to school

next term” (Female Street Child, Madina 2016).

This was admitted by a 14 year old girl who said she was currently out of school to work to

buy new school uniforms and other materials she needed for school.

As discussed in the literature by Adeyemi & Oluwaseum (2012), the roles of some social

norms, which encourage children to take up economic activities in the event that the family

suffers financial constraints, contribute significantly to child streetism. A study conducted by

Alenoma (2012), further pointed out that about 30 percent of guardians believe that whatever

activity their children engaged in on the streets was a trade which they needed to acquire to

live off in the event that they do not perform well in school or in the absence of formal

education. Besides, 33.3 percent of biological parents equally gave similar reasons for

allowing their children to engage in economic activities. This also reflects the situation in

other countries such as Egypt where progressively, children work on the street at an early age.

Consequently, the study showed that the number of working children between the ages of 6

and 14 represented 20.5 percent of Egyptian children.

Further linked to this is the issue of economic hardship that some families face, which serves

as another contributing factor pushing children into street work. Once there is the need to find

a means of sustenance, it becomes a norm for parents or guardians to engage children in some

income generating activities. One such common activity is hawking on streets, market areas

51
and lorry station, thus the emergence of working street children. Furthermore, some children

had to work on the streets because they were specifically brought to the city to assist maintain

a guardian’s business. In this regard, individuals normally solicit the labour of children whose

parents want to send them to work or who by themselves want to work in the city. Thus, they

come to live with non-relative or relative guardians who in other words become their

employers and so they are engaged in an economic activity to support the individual in return

for which their own needs are met. Some of these children do this because their parents are

no longer able to cater for their basic needs especially education, or because they do not have

immediate family to support them financially. These factors are affirmed by studies such as;

Alenoma (2012), Apt and Grieco (1997), Cambell and Ntsabane (1995), Korboe (1997), and

Hatloy and Husser (2005) which cite family poverty as a basis for child streetism.

Table 4.2 Sex and Reason for Streetism

Sex of respondent * Why is respondent working/living on the streets Cross

tabulation

Why is respondent working/living on the streets Total

To support Save for school Personal

family/guardian Interest in
financially working

Male 13 (16.25) 3 (3.75) 0 16 (20)

Sex of respondent
Female 28 (35) 12 (15) 24 (30) 64 (80)

Total 41 (51.25) 15 (18.75) 24 (30) 80 (100)

Source: Fieldwork 2016

The study further sought to understand the relationship between one’s sex and the causes of

streetism. The table 4.2 shows that male street children (16.25%) moved onto the streets

because they needed to raise money to support their family/guardian while few of them

52
(3.75%) did so because they needed to save money for education. On the other hand majority

of female street children (35%) similarly were on the streets to support family/guardian.

Quite a significant number of females’ street children (30%) stated that personal interest in

working for cash motivated them to move onto the streets.

Table 4.3 Ages and Reason for Streetism

Age of respondent * Why is respondent working/living on the streets- Cross

tabulation

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

Why is respondent working/living on the streets Total

To support Save for school Personal

family/guardian Interest in
financially working

5-9 4 (5) 0 2 (2.5) 6 (7.5)

Age of respondent 10-14 32(40) 9 (11.25) 11 (13.75) 52 (65)

15-18 5(6.25) 6 (7.5) 11 (13.75) 22 (27.5)

Total 41 (51.25) 15 (18.75) 24 (30) 80 (100)

Further, the study also sought to understand the relationship between age of respondents and

the causes of streetism. The study established that most respondents in the age bracket of 10-

14 (40%) were on the street to make money to support family/guardian with 11.25 percent

and 13.75 percent of respondents on the streets to save money for school and for personal

interest respectively. It is also interesting to note that 13.75 percent of respondents in the age

bracket of 15-18 are on the streets to make money for themselves in other areas aside

education. This however is surprising as one will expect such age groups to be interested in

saving money for education.

53
4.4 Effects of Child Streetism on children
The poor conditions of work, characterized with poor environmental conditions have resulted

to children being negatively affected by streetism. The study found out that child streetism

has had several daunting effects on the general wellbeing, health and education of children.

4.4.1 General Effects of Child Streetism

Consequently, the study examined the effect of streetism on the general wellbeing of children

as indicated in Figure 4.11. Accordingly, most respondents representing 61.3 percent

revealed that they face fatigue and other health related challenges as a result of working on

the street. Besides, 17.5 percent indicated that victimization and exploitation were other

forms of challenges affecting them on the streets. In addition, 11.3 percent of respondents

complained of insecurity as a threat to their wellbeing while, 2.5 percent and 1.3 percent of

respondents highlighted emotional distress and physical abuse as effects of streetism

respectively. However, 6.3 percent of the respondents stated streetism had no negative effect

on them.

Figure 4.7 General Effects of Streetism on Respondents

80.0
61.3
Percentage

60.0

40.0

17.5
20.0
11.3
0.0 2.5
1.3 6.3

Source Fieldwork, 2016

54
In a discussion with some of the respondents on the effects of streetism on their health, they

noted that risk of accidents, body aches, headaches and cholera among others were some of

the health conditions they were exposed to while working on the streets. Some also expressed

that they often went home exhausted after a day’s work on the street. In a discussion with a

respondent, a twelve year old child notes;

“I have been hit by a vehicle before so when I am hawking I feel pains in my thighs”

(Female Street Child, Madina 2016).

When probed further, it was realised that this twelve year old was hawking on an empty

stomach at the time of the interview. This is similar to findings from a survey on street

children in Kumasi that noted that some children complained of fatigue, headaches and body

pains as a result of the various activities they engage in on the streets (Korboe, 1996). With

regards to victimization and exploitations, this category of respondents were children who

occasionally; suffered bullying from older children or adults; were sometimes underpaid for

services rendered to clients and were taken advantage of in one way or the other as street

children. The challenge of insecurity stems from loss of properties (cash and materials) due to

unsecured and vulnerable shelter arrangements, threats of sexual abuse by males on females

who sleep in unsecured places. Some girls opined that they were often been disturbed and

wooed by males in and around the places where they usually engaged in their street work. In

an interview with a 14 year old female hawker, she reveals:

“There is a certain man at the station who is always calling him to come to him, so I

told my grandmother and she said if he gives me money, I should report to her so that

she reports to the police. I ignore him all the time but he will not leave me alone”

(Female hawker, Madina 2016).

55
In addition, there was also the issue of some children being nearly hit by moving vehicles and

other motorists.

Children who complained of emotional distress and physical abuse were those school

dropouts who felt left out when they see their colleagues in school while they had to work on

the streets, or children who wished that instead of working or living on the streets living they

would rather live with their own parents and not work on the street. Some also expressed that

they felt bad when their colleagues saw them working on the streets and yet still others

expressed concern about the delay in their education due to the fact that they had to quit

school and work on the street. Some children also complained of being verbally abused

during their interactions with the public, especially their clients, other street workers and

people in and around the lorry stations and markets which they worked.

4.4.2 Child streetism and Healthcare

The study further examined the kinds of health related effects streetism was having on

children. As shown by figure 4.7, respondents expressed some concerns with regards to their

health. According to 22.5 percent of respondents, they were at risk of being involved in motor

accidents as a result of the nature of the work they did on the street.

Figure 4.8 Effect of Child Streetism on Respondent’s Health.

60.0
53.8
50.0
Percentage

40.0

30.0 22.5
23.8
20.0
10.0
0.0

Risk of accidents
Illness
No effect

56
Source: Fieldwork, 2016

Also, 53.8 percent complained of ill health while 23.8 percent stated that they do not

experience any health problems due to streetism. This risk of motor accidents arises from the

ever present impact of moving vehicles, motorcycles and other kinds of vehicular activities

that could render child street hawkers victims of accidents. Should this happen, victims may

be left maimed or injured for a period of time and this will negatively impact their health

temporality or permanently.

The illnesses associated with the respondents included backaches or other forms of body

aches resulting from carrying loads to hawk or engaging in head pottering, headaches from

being in the scorching sun for too long, or cholera or malaria from unfavourable living and

environmental conditions among others.

The study further identified that there was an uneven negative effect of streetism on male and

female children. According to Table 4.5, more females face risk of accident (13.75%) and

illness (47.5%) as a health challenge than the male counterparts who recorded 8.75% and

6.25% respectively. Some studies on migrants female porters migrating from the three

Northern regions disclose that these girls often are exposed to daily risks including health

risks and even more so in comparison to male migrants (NPC, 2010).

Table 4.4 Sex and Effect on Health

What health challenges does

respondent face
Risk of
accidents Illness No effect Total
Sex of Male 7 (8.75%) 5 (6.25%) 5 (6.25%) 17 (21.25%)
respondent
Female 11 (13.75%) 38(47.5%) 14 (17.5%) 63 (78.75%)

Total 18 (22.5%) 43(53.75%) 19 (23.75%) 80 (100%)

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

57
4.4.3 Effect on Health care Seeking Practices

Another issue examined has to do with how respondents sought to address their health

problems. As shown in Figure 4.8, only a number representing 6.3 percent of respondents

indicated that they seek medical care in a hospital or clinic in the event of taking ill. A

significant section of 41.3 percent also revealed that they either bought drugs by themselves

at local pharmacies or receive drugs from their guardians when they took ill.

Figure 4.9 Health Care Seeking Behaviour of Respondents

41.3
33.8

6.3 18.8

Seek medical
care Self
medication Has not
sought No need for
healthcare healthcare

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

This indicates that this category of respondents sought to self-medication. This was mainly

due to the fact that respondents were not registered under the national health insurance

scheme to be able to access free health care or they lacked the resources to pay for medical

care.

However, 33.8 percent and 18.8 percent revealed that they do not seek for healthcare when

they are ill and also did not have a need for medical attention respectively. These groups are

largely respondents who believed that they did not have any significant health problem, with

58
a few venting that though they took ill sometimes, access to health care was not provided by

their parents or guardians. Hatloy & Huser (2005) identified that street children were daily

exposed to health hazards and lacked access to proper health care and this is significantly the

case of the subjects of this study.

4.4.4 Effect of Child Streetism on Education

The study further examined the effect of streetism on education. As indicated by Figure 4.9

below, 32.5 percent of respondents conveyed that working on the street affected their

education. These were mostly children who were currently enrolled in school at the time of

the survey and usually engaged in street work after school or sometimes during school hours.

Some of these children complained of their inability to complete their home works for the

next school day due to fatigue and limited studying time after working on the street. Other

children reported that once a while they had to miss class to work on the street and this made

it difficult for them to follow every subject being taught at all times. After probing one child,

he testifies that:

“Sometimes I sell till it is 7 or 8 pm in the evenings and I just go home to sleep. If I

didn’t do my homework before coming to sell I take it to school the next day and do it”

(Male Street Child, Madina, 2016)

The remaining 67.5 percent was mostly made up of children who were not enrolled in school

at the time of the survey. Some of the reasons accounting for non-enrolment included:

children not having interest in schooling, children being dropouts or never being enrolled and

though some were willing to enrol; their guardians were incapable of assisting them through

school. This confirms works that show that for one reason or the other, children on the streets

are often denied of their rights to education. It should be noted that sometimes, non-

enrolment of street children in school may be their own choice, though this is not largely the

issue in this survey. According to 2011 Census on Street Children in Accra reports, many

59
children dropped out of school following that their parents were unable to provide for their

needs in school (AMA, 2014). This further confirms a study reported in the Nairobi seminar

(involving service providers to street children in African region) which stated lack of

schooling as one factor that sends children to the streets (Barrette reviewed by Mncayi

1996:5).

Figure 4.10 Effect of Streetism on Education

32.5
Yes

No
67.5

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

The report further reveals that some of the children on their own accord decide not to go to

school anymore due to unpleasant situations like bullying, punishments at school, academic

failure, poor teaching and so forth. Similarly, ESCWA (2009) states the deprivation of

children’s right to education as a reason for increased occurrence of child streetism children

in Egypt, where about 14.7 percent of children between 6 and 18 years had never been

registered or dropped out of basic education.

60
4.5 Interventions to Child Streetism
4.5.1 Past Assistance Received by Respondent as a Street Child

The study further examined the kind of assistance respondents received in the past or

currently receiving from humanitarian organisations and state agencies. However, it was

disappointing to note that none of the respondents attested to having received any form of

assistance from the state, any civil society group or an individual by virtue of the fact that

they were street children.

Figure 4.11 Receipt of assistance from any stakeholder

100.0

100.0

80.0
Percentage

60.0

40.0

20.0

0.0

No

Source: Fieldwork 2016

This is an extreme case though quite similar to findings by (Awatey 2014), where only 2% of

respondents in a survey on street children in Kumasi, Ghana held that they had received aid

from any humanitarian organisation.

This manifestation brings into question the extent to which the state and civil society

organisation have reached out to street children over the past years. According to the Family

and Child Welfare Policy, child protection issues arising from family related problems like

children living or working on the street are to be dealt with by the state. However, at the time

of this survey no child attested to having had any contact with the state in regards to that.

61
Some civil society organisations that have also taken up the role of assisting street children

have equally not been able to reach these children. This signifies a gap that needs to be filled

so that all children on the street receive the necessary attention from the state, families and

civil society organisations.

4.5.2 Desired Assistance

Furthermore, in an attempt to examine the desired assistance needed by respondents, the

study in Figure 4.12 outlines the following as suggested by street children. About 72.5

percent of respondents expressed their need for educational assistance, mainly in forms of

scholarships and financial assistance that caters for their educational expenses. This,

according to most of them will make it no longer necessary for them to work on the street to

support themselves or their families financially. On the contrary, few respondents revealed

that on finding financial assistance of any kind to support their education, they would still

want to work on the streets as they had other siblings at home who needed support as well.

Figure 4.12 Desired Assistance

80.0
70.0
60.0
Percentage

50.0
40.0 72.5
30.0
20.0
10.0 25.0
0.0

Educational 2.5
Assistance Assistance to
learn trade/Start None needed
business
Form of Assistance

Source: Fieldwork, 2016

In addition, 25 percent postulated that they needed assistance to learn a trade of their interest,

or to start a business of their own in order to build a future career. Few of these children were

62
not sure if given the opportunity they would immediately give up working on the street to

learn a trade as they felt they would want to keep working for a little more time before they

quit.

Finally another 2.5 percent did not think that they needed assistance of any kind as street

children. Some children in this category happened to be working on this street not because

they needed the source of income but because they just wanted to, thus they did not see the

need for assistance as they believed their parents could still cater for their needs. Still others

thought they were doing well working on the street thus, did not necessarily require

assistance of any kind.

The fact that majority of children working on the street desired to have educational assistance

expresses the failure of the education and social protection policies to cushion vulnerable

children who have greater risk of not being able to afford an education due family poverty or

neglect. The system has also failed to ensure that children from poor homes who do not wish

to acquire formal education have access to alternatives like vocational training though state

intervention.

63
 CHAPTER FIVE

THE ROLE OF STAKEHOLDERS IN ADDRESSING CHILD STREETISM IN LA-

NKWANTANANG MADINAL MUNICIPALITY

5.0 Introduction
The previous chapter examined the factors resulting to child streetism in the La-Nkwantanang

Municipal area and also assessed the effects of streetism on the general wellbeing, health and

education of the children. Likewise, possible forms of assistance received from various

agencies were discussed. This chapter examines the role of stakeholders in the prevention,

mitigation and management of child streetism in the study area. These stakeholders include

the family, state agencies and non-governmental agencies. The distinct roles played by each

and their respective impact on child streetism are discussed in subsequent sections.

5.1 Diagnosing and Assessing the Role of the Family as a Sub-system in Addressing
Child streetism
As discussed in the conceptual framework, the family of a child is legally bound to ensure the

welfare of that child. The rights of children secure their life, dignity, respect, leisure, health,

education, liberty and shelter. Parents are also obligated by the law to protect their children

from neglect, discrimination, violence or abuse of any kind (Children’s Act 560, 1988). Thus,

the family is the first institution in society that is expected to see to the welfare of the child.

Examining the case of child streetism in La- Nkwantanang Madina Municipality, it is

evident the family sub-system has failed to prevent child streetism to a large extent. Children

found on the street had to work either to support themselves or their families. These are the

very roles of the family and not of the child. According to the law guiding the management

and protection of children, children are to be kept in school with all basic needs provided. In

the case of the street children in Madina, they had to contribute financially to the provision of

their basic needs by engaging in street work or totally provide those needs for themselves

despite the negative implications on their holistic wellbeing.

64
Furthermore, information from some street families interviewed revealed that, parents and

guardians had no choice but to engage their wards in economic activities due to financial

constraints. In addition, most of the children who were not living with biological parents did

not have any significant support from their parents financially and in some cases no other

forms of support at all were given. They were being catered for by guardians or took care of

their own needs. Some of these children, especially in the cases of the girls from the three

Northern regions further indicated they rather sent monies home to their parents from time to

time.

Due to external factors such as poverty, unemployment and others leading to financial

difficulty, the family support system for providing the needs of children has broken down.

This has led children into streetism. There is also a break in the absolute control that families

should exercise on children such that some children can decide by themselves to work on the

street rather than be in school.

5.2 Diagnosing and Assessing the Role of the State of Ghana in Addressing Child
Streetism
5.2.1 Expected Role
The Department of Social Welfare (DSW) and the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social

(MGCSP) in Ghana are the two key state agencies responsible for protecting children and

seeking the welfare and maintenance of children.

The Department of Children of the MGCSP

The MGCSP’s ‘Family and Child Welfare Policy’ seeks to protect and ensure the rights,

survival and wellbeing of Ghanaian children through various measures. Street children are

65
briefly mentioned in this policy. Thus, the state is to provide protection for children when

issues like:

1. Child protection issues arising from family related problems like domestic violence,

and children living or working on the street.

2. Cases of child maltreatment in terms of violence of all kinds, abuse, exploitation and

neglect in all settings

3. Other protection issues concerning children especially older children not perpetuated

by a third party but the child’s own risk taking behaviour like substance abuse,

unwanted pregnancy or being in conflict with the law” (MGCSP, 2015:3)

Thus, per the directions of these policy areas, street children are to be protected by the state

by virtue of their being on the street and or involved in situations that pose threats to their

wellbeing.

The Department of Social Welfare, Ghana

In addition, the DSW is expected to implement the Children’s Act and other laws guiding

child protection in the country. The Act seeks to represent and protect the interest of the

Ghanaian child in terms of basic rights, maintenance and adoption, regulate child labour and

apprenticeship, and other matters concerning the welfare of the child.

According to Section 16 of the Act, Districts and Community Units are to protect child

welfare and promote the rights of the child within its area of jurisdiction. These units were

also to investigate cases of child rights violations.

In addition, section 18 clarifies situations in which children are in need of care and protection.

A child is to be reported as needing care and protection from the state in the event that he:

66
Section 18 “(f) Is wandering and has no home or settled place of abode or visible means of

subsistence;

(g) is begging or receiving alms, whether or not there is any pretence of singing, playing,

performing, offering anything for sale or otherwise, or is found in any street, premises or

place for the purpose of begging or receiving alms;

(h) Accompanies any person when that person is begging or receiving alms, whether or not

there is any pretence of singing, playing, performing, offering anything for sale or

otherwise”(Republic of Ghana, The Children’s Act 560, 1988:10)

These instances do not categorically refer to street children of all kinds, for instance working

street children as observed by this survey. The policy provisions are quite ambiguous and do

not necessarily capture street children, though some street children may be found in some of

the circumstances being pointed out.

Section 19 further defines actions to be taken in aid of children found to be in need of care

and protection. Children were to be given temporal homes which were part of the

department’s institutionalised centers. They were later to be settled into permanent living

arrangements such as a state homes, the home of a parent, guardian or relative or other

residential homes following the determination of the Family Tribunal of what was best for the

child considering the situation he or she was found in.

5.2.2 Actual State Roles

In an interview with an official from the Department of Children of the MGCSP, it was made

clear that the department currently plays a coordinating role for all state agencies having hand

in child protection related work. With a responsibility to report back to the United Nations the

execution of the Conventions of the Rights of the Child and other child protection activities,

the department gathers information on the activities of various departments connected to

67
child welfare and protection. Departments like the Ghana Health and Education Services, the

Child Labour Unit of the Ministry of Labour and Manpower Development, the Department of

Social Welfare, the Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVSU) of the Ghana

Police, among others, all work to protect and promote the welfare of children. Thus the

Department of Children monitors the works of each of these and reports to the leading

organisation overseeing the United Nations Conventions on the Rights of the Child. All these

departments at the Madina Municipal level thus report their work on child protection and

welfare to their regional offices, who in turn report to the Department of children under the

MGCSP to be reported to the UN. The department holds stakeholders meetings to discuss the

progress of work by the various departments. These departments also invite the ‘Department

of Children’ to witness and take part in their programs and activities seeking to ensure the

welfare of children. Thus ‘Department of Children’ monitors their works through to ensure

that they deliver as expected. The various departments equally present periodic reports to the

Department of Children to be evaluated and reported to other overseeing agencies, (the

Government and the United Nations)

The department is similarly responsible for coordinating the implementation of the newly

introduced Family and Child Welfare policy, which has had its operational plan made and

roles given to each child protection agency to play.

Despite all these roles played by the Department of Children, it is not or has not been

involved in overseeing any policy implementation that directly addresses the peculiar

problem of street children in Madina and Ghana as a whole for that matter. That said, some of

the above roles may contribute to addressing child neglect and abuse and other forms of child

rights violations which may directly or indirectly lead to child streetism, but there is much

left to assume as there is no intervention directly addressing child streetism in Madina.

68
Information gathered through an interview with some officials of the department reveals that

there were no known future projections by the department to adopt a policy to strictly address

child streetism.

In an attempt to identify the loopholes in the system that has made it unable to address child

streetism, external factors like unfavourable political decisions, and lack of resources (both

physical and human) were some issues connected to the inability of the department to address

child streetism. Information gathered from officials of the department made it clear that they

had a very limited budget which was nowhere close to facilitating the work of the department

let alone addressing child streetism. One official noted,

“You can see that our lights are out and we sit here without power, if we can’t get money to

pay for electricity how much for more a budget to work with” (Official of the Department of

Children, Accra, 2016.)

This was in an attempt to explain that the department suffered from stark lack of resources,

thus their inability to carry out their work as expected. There was also the problem of

inadequate human resource as well as capacity building. The department could not always

hire required staff nor train existing ones to meet the changing expectations of their work due

to political reasons which made it impossible to hire and lack of adequate budget for training.

An official explains,

“We have work to do, but we cannot hire people to cover increasing concerns because hiring

has been ceased for some years now” (Official of Department of Children, MGCSP, Accra

2016.)

Furthermore, the La-Nkwantanang Municipal office of the Department of social welfare is

equally responsible for the protection and promotion of the rights of children that fall under

69
its jurisdiction among other social protection roles. Currently, the department actively plays

roles in areas of

1. Justice Administration

2. Community Care

3. Child Right Protection and Promotion.

Under the Child Rights Protection and Promotion, the department arbitrates issues bordering

on the maintenance and wellbeing of the child. This becomes necessary when one parent, in

most cases fathers refuse to provide the basic needs of a child. The case is brought to the

office where the parents are met and the rights of the child and the responsibilities of each

parents are made clear. Thus, the offenders are told their responsibilities to the child and

advised by the department to oblige by them. When it happens that this action fails to compel

the offenders to provide for the child, the case is referred to the court of law where a legal

action is taken in the best interest of the child.

At the time of this research, there was no active intervention specifically tailored to deal with

child streetism. According to information gathered from the department, the closest cases to

child streetism they deal with are when missing children are brought to the office. When that

happens, the department is unable to directly help the child because they do not have facilities

in that regards. The reported missing children are therefore sent to children homes in an

attempt to cater for their needs.

Similarly, the DSW complains of blatant lack of financial resources in doing their work. One

official opines,

“Even when street children are brought to us we can’t help them, because there is no system

for them. We sometimes send missing children to Osu Children’s Home and they also

complain there is no space” (Official, DSW, Madina 2016).

70
Information gathered from interviews reveal that the DSW is hampered with financial

hardship, with their budgets not always been financed by the district, making them having to

work with very meagre resources. One official explained how difficult it was just to conduct

monitoring activities on day care centers, NGOs and other concerns due to the lack of

departmental vehicles and other logistics.

“We don’t have vehicles, so we walk to do monitoring, we can’t always take taxis because

they are costly. So we just do what we can and the work is slow and very tiring. Every year

we are asked to present a budget but we do not always get funding for all our activities”

(official from DSW, Madina, 2016)

It is evident from the current roles being played by these two state departments that, there is

no standing state policy or intervention that directly addresses the ‘street children’ problem in

Madina. The fact that there is no policy being implemented to address child streetism shows

that the governance system has failed to address the problem.

5.3 Diagnosing and Assessing the Role of NGOs in Addressing Child Streetism
Non-Governmental Organisations are authorised by some state laws to provide assistance in

various forms and also engage in advocacy for important issues of concern to the civil society.

This role both complements and checks the efforts of the state to promote development and

good governance. Many local and international civil society organisations in Ghana exist to

provide humanitarian assistance in addition to advocacy services. The role of two such

organisations that provide assistance in different forms to street children in Accra will be

discussed and assessed.

71
Catholic Action for Street Children (CAS)
C.A.S was founded in April 1993 in response to concerns raised after a research by the

Department of Social Welfare- Ministry, the Department of Social Work at Legon and Father

John of Hope for Life, (funded by Save the Children Fund) was carried out on street children

in Accra.

C.A.S has since been actively involved in research on street children and also providing

various forms of assistance to them.

The Role of CAS in Addressing Child Streetism

C.AS defines street children using three categories.

1. Migrant Children on the streets

2. Children born on the streets (2nd generational street children)

3. Urban poor street children

In order to be considered a benefactor of the intervention programmes of CAS, the child

should have no form of support from anyone and must be living on their own on the street.

Types of Intervention

1. Research On Street Children

One of the most significant roles played by CAS is its periodic research on street children in

an attempt to know more about the subjects of their charge. The organisation itself was

birthed by some pioneers of the first research on street children in Accra published under the

name ‘Street Children in Accra’ in 1991 by N. Apt, E.Q Blavo and S.K. Opoku. Their

research on street children usually aim to find out about the background of the children, why

there are on the street, what they do on the street, how they can be helped and all other

dynamics of child streetism.

Some other works on street children by CAS include:

72
Table 5.1 Some Research Works on Street Children by CAS

Year Research Topic By

1 1996 Survey on the Situation of Street Children and STD/AIDS in Ghana. Dr. Arnerfi – CAS
2 1996 Embedded Evaluation Programme for Street Children. CAS, SAID (Street Girls Aid)
3 1996 Some Mothers and Babies of Konkomba market Shanty CAS
4 1996 Headcount of Street Children CAS/SAID
4 1999 Exodus CAS/UNICEF
5 2003 The Ghanaian Street child CAS
6 2011 Census on Street Children in Accra CAS/Department of Social
Welfare

2. Training and Financial Assistance

CAS operates a center for street children in Accra, Ghana. Street children are normally

reached through the outreach programmes of CAS as they go to the flashpoints of the

children including Madina Municipal areas among other districts in Accra. They engage them

in various activities. The children are encouraged to walk into the center and makes use of the

facilities such as library, health facilities, classroom lessons and training centers.

Step by Step Intervention

When a child walks into CAS to seek assistance, that child should have been cut from all

support from anyone and must be willing and serious about learning a skill or studying. A

background check is done on the child called the Social Survey. Reports from the Social

Survey determine whether a child should be assisted or not as this involves steps to verify the

said story, family background and circumstances leading to the child leaving home to live on

the street and whether or not those with family and relatives were wanted back home. When

73
it’s agreed that assistance should be given, arrangements are made for the child to learn a

skill of his or her choice. Provisions are made for children to learn skills in sewing, mobile

phone repairs, metal works, hairdressing, catering, and auto mechanic among others either

within or without the premises of CAS while the child is continually supported financially

until completion of training. There is also rehabilitation for children dealing with drug

addictions and counselling services provided to children who need them.

All children undergoing training have to go through all the stages leading to writing National

Vocational Training Institute (NVTI) Grade Two Trade Test. If assessment proves successful,

children who complete training will have an external examiner from NVTI to test and issue

certificate to them in the particular trades or skills.

Children placed on the Short Term Sponsorship Programme, in which they are recruited to

learn skills and trades either in-house or with non-CAS workshops are provided with an

18months funding to learn the trade and also provide for their basic needs.

Effectiveness of Interventions

Over the years CAS has had many children pass through their training programmes and

educational programmes. Though the very initial aim of CAS had been to formally educate

the children, this has become increasingly difficult over the years as it became more and more

difficult to control children or get them to adapt to classroom discipline following the lives

they have led on the streets. However, the center holds successful vocational training

programmes and some formal education interventions for its benefactors. According to CAS

2015 reports, attendance in 20015 was as follows:

8,112 children visited the Refuge, 4,183 boys and 3,929 girls. 2015 saw 40 children wanting

to be part of classroom learning. About 400 children were reported to have visited CAS clinic

facility in the year with various forms or illness, and some pregnancy and antenatal cases.

74
Demonstration of the various skills was made to children for a couple of weeks to enable

them identify with the various skills in order to choose one to pursue.

Skill training Boys Girls

Sewing 35 63
Woodcarving 70 3
Handicraft 58 31
Hairdressing 0 17

As at the end of year 2015, the training department had 38 children under apprenticeship in

the various skills, with a 70% being trained in-house and remaining 30% to outsourced

training workshops.

Some children were housed at the Hopeland Center, which is another training premise of

CAS. This center houses children in need of reform, children following the basic literacy

programme and children preparing to be on the sponsorship program to learn a trade (this is a

program where the child is sent to a workshop other than the training centers CAS itself owns)

to learn a skill or trade while the child is being supported financially and monitored by CAS

officials.

According to the 2015 report of CAS, 64 children transitioned to Hopeland and 4 children

were reunited with their families.

Thus the two priority aims of CAS, which are to get to know street children and to assist

individual children to find something substantial doing for sustenance is by far being

achieved.

For children who complete their training or educational programs and leave the care of CAS,

follow ups are occasionally done on them to determine how sustainable the impact of

intervention is. Its gathered from CAS that at the time the NGO turned 10 years, it conducted

a major follow up research on its benefactors and realised that half of them were settled and

doing well. That is to say they were married and catering for their families, or they had gone

75
back to their places of origin, they were not in trouble with the law, or they were making

businesses out of the trades learnt.

The work of CAS contributes significantly to reducing the incidence of child streetism in

Accra as whole, including some suburbs of the Madina municipal area. Children who are

assisted to learn employable skills, upon completion are helped to find suitable

accommodation to prevent them from living in the streets. Children are advised to settle

down and integrate into society, that is go back to their hometowns to practise their trades or

set up their own businesses or find employment with the skill so that they do not need to

indulge in street life to survive.

Though a positive effect of their intervention is evident, the work of CAS does not

necessarily benefit all street children. For instance, the children identified by this survey were

working street children, and from most of their experiences CAS deals with children who

have no support from anyone. Thus, there is a gap whereby children who only work on the

street may not necessarily benefit from the interventions of CAS though some may need it.

Other challenges hampering the work of CAS in addressing child streetism are external

factors like lack of resources, and practical assistance from the state. In an interview with

officials of CAS it was put forward that CAS has had to reduce their staff over the past years

due to limited resources. There is also the problem of inadequate funding to expand

interventions to reach more children. There is the challenge of little assistance from the state

whereby the state fails to actively get involved in addressing the problem on the ground. An

official opines,

“The state can do more; we are only an NGO and can’t do things at large. It will be better if

the state takes an active role in addressing child streetism so that NGOs can assist with

research” (CAS Official, Accra, 2016).

76
Street Girls Aid (SAID), Accra
SAID was founded in 1994 with the aim of assisting pregnant street girls and young street

mothers by providing them with protection and a better life. To start with, temporal shelter

was provided for young street mothers and pregnant street girls where maternal care and

other needs important to their conditions were met.

The Role of SAID in Addressing Child Streetism

SAID defines street children in the following categories

1. Children working on the street (children on the street)

2. Children living on the street (children of the street)

On the large, SAID deals directly with girls living on the street, however in some extreme

cases where a girl working on the street is identified to be in danger due to one reason or the

other, or is in dire need of some assistance, SAID offers such assistance.

According to information gathered from SAID officials, about 70% of street children they

come across are migrant children, that is, street girls coming from other regions to live in the

capital city, and 30% urban poor.

Types of Interventions

1. Outreach Programs

Fieldworkers from SAID go out to the flashpoints of street children in Accra to interact with

them and learn about them. Once familiarity is built, children open up about their situations

and problems so that SAID can offer assistance.

In addition SAID does street education during on its outreach programs. Sensitisation is done

on topics like communicable diseases, e.g. cholera, teenage pregnancy and other topics that

are of necessity to the children.

77
SAID also sensitises the district assemblies about the plight of the street child and calls for

their involvement in reaching out to them.

SAID has a number of operational locations in Accra where street girls are reached, including

Madina (which is part of the study area of this paper).

Day Care Centers

A major problem SAID identified was the realisation that many street mothers, including

child mothers have to carry their babies at their backs while engaged in one economic activity

or the other. Normally the alternative for carrying one’s child while working was to leave him

in the care of another child. Thus, one normally finds children as young as 8, or 9 years old

being asked to watch over several babies as their mothers worked on the street. This

reiterated the need for SAID to facilitate Day Care Centers to be accessible by street mothers.

The centers were set close to the streets and the markets where the mothers work. Thus, street

mothers can leave their babies in the centers for free and go about their daily activities. This

prevents them from having to haul their babies in the sun and other harsh conditions as they

strive on the street to make ends meet.

At the time of this study, SAID had up to three of such centers at major flash points of street

living activities.

Mobile Library

SAID also operated a mobile library whereby a van carries books to some flashpoints of

street children to encourage and help children to read. This was to improve their literacy

skills and provide an avenue for street children to access a library which otherwise was

mostlyt unavailable to them.

78
Ante-natal Assistance

In its quests to assist pregnant girls who in most cases have been abandoned by the males that

impregnated them, SAID operated a 24/hour refuge for pregnant girls. SAID provides ante-

natal care and facilitates safe delivery for them, having employed a medical team for this

purpose. This facility has been available since 20 years ago. Thus, SAID provides shelter and

medical care for heavily pregnant street girls. The girls are permanently put up in the center

when they become heavily pregnant or nearing delivery. Prior to that, they still work on the

street to save money and come for medical care in the refuge. The girls are housed and

assisted further in the center till after 3 months of delivery, after which they are no longer on

this assistantship.

Training and Capacity Building for Street Girls

During outreach campaigns, girls who show interest in learning a skill are referred to the

center by SAID field workers. Pregnant girls are sometimes referred to SAID by its sister

organisation, CAS, or some girls refer themselves, having seen other girls who benefited

from SAID training programmes. A background check is done to investigate the background

and story of the child. When enough is learnt about the child and it is determined there is no

need for family reunion, the child is admitted and introduced to a vocational skill training

program of her choice. There are facilities for the girls to learn skills in sewing, hairdressing

and cookery among others.

Training takes between three months to a year depending on the skill involved. The girls

learning various skills stay in the facility of SAID five days in the week, that is, from

Monday to Friday and go back to their street work during the weekends. In-house

examinations are periodically arranged for those being trained to ascertain whether or not

they are ready to be passed out to work on their own.

79
The above roles played by SAID addresses the problem of street children by providing the

children with temporal shelter while they learn useful skills that will render them employable

in the near future. Children who pass out of training are able to practice their learnt skills to

make a living or seek employment in such fields. Also by providing safety and health needs

to pregnant girls, SAID alleviates the grave health risks that girls on the street face daily. This

further enhances the health and wellbeing of both the unborn baby and mother. By providing

day care centers to street mothers in and around their workplaces, SAID further helps to

prevent more children from being hauled into street life by unavoidable circumstances. The

children are much safer at the day care centers and are less exposed to the risks they face as

children of street mothers. The children will also benefit from early childhood development

programs that will enhance their education.

According to information gathered from interviews at SAID, one major factor limiting SAID

in its role in addressing child streetism was noted as limited resources. Due to dwindling

funds, SAID was limited in the number of street children they reach and the expansion of

their interventions. Another challenge identified was unpredictable movement of street

children due to the unstable nature of their lifestyle, thus SAID is not always able to follow

up on potential benefactors during their field outreach programmes.

With the challenges being faced by the two NGOs, they are unable to completely address

child streetism due to the limits posed by these challenges. These limits render their systems

incapable of reaching all their expected targets in addressing child streetism.

In conclusion, the roles being played by these three subsystems, family, governance and civil

society only addresses child streetism in Madina to some extent. The system is affected by

external factors like poverty, unemployment, inadequate resources, non-implementation of

policies and non- existent of policy such that the problem of child streetism receives little

80
attention. Furthermore, apart from the specific roles of NGOs discussed in the paper to

address child streetism in Madina there is very little being done in terms of state policy

intervention.

81
 CHAPTER SIX

KEY FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOOMENDTAIONS

6.0 Introduction
The previous chapter presented the results of both qualitative and quantitative data collected,

analysed and discussed the issues and implications arising from the results. This chapter

provides a summary of major findings, conclusion and recommendations.

6.1 Key Findings

1. Financial constraint (poverty) remains the major constraining factor that affects the role of

families in effectively bringing up their children in Madina thus leading to some children

having to work on the street to support themselves and their families. In addition a significant

proportion of children did not have financial support from their parents for one reason or the

other. Consequently, most of these children therefore had to work to save money for their

educational expenses, or for their upkeep.

2. Despite the existence of state institutions such as the Ministry of Gender, children and

social protection and the Department of Social Welfare as a policy implementation body, the

study found out that there is no single law/policy strictly addressing the problem of child

streetism in Ghana. This implies a loophole in the whole system as the state is unable to play

its role in protecting street children, thus negatively affecting the mitigation of child streetism.

3. Nationally, there are numerous NGO’s across engaged either solely or partly in addressing

child streetism. This study examines the work of two such NGOs, CAS and SAID, that work

in assisting street children partly in Madina and other parts of Accra. That not

notwithstanding SAID was found out to be more visible in Madina than CAS.

4. The study established 3 key causes for child streetism in the Madina Municipality. They

included working on the street to provide financial support to family/guardian, to save for

82
education and children’s individual desire to earn cash. The study established that, engaging

in street work to provide financial support to family/guardian (51.3%) was the main cause of

child streetism in Madina. Also, children who migrated to work in the city were influenced

by factors such as the desire to experience city life and escape economic hardship.

5. Furthermore, the study established that the effects of child streetism in Madina were multi-

faceted. Most respondents (61.3%) stated health problems as the main effect. Health issues

among respondents included risk to accidents, body aches, headaches and cholera. In addition,

lack of access to proper health care was also presented as a recurring challenge for street

children. It was further established that female street children were at greater risk of health

challenges than males. Other effects suffered by street children included victimisation (17.5)

and insecurity (11.3%). Some respondents (6.3%) however stated they did not have any form

of effect.

6.2 Conclusion
Child streetism is a major social problem in most cities in Ghana especially Accra and

Kumasi which are the two largest cities. This has received attention from various

stakeholders including the state and the civil society. The La-Nkwantanang Madina

Municipal area after the Accra Metropolitan area remains one of the most economically

active suburbs of Accra. As such the incidence of child streetism in the area has significantly

increased over the years.

Examining the case of child streetism in the area, it is evident that children are pushed to the

street against their will or sometimes by their own choice. Some children have to engage in

economic activities on the street in order to support themselves or their families financially.

Conditions on the street like victimisation, poor health, poor sanitation, lack of proper

accommodation, risk of accidents continue to make the living conditions of street children in

the La-Nkwantanang Municipal area difficult. Some of these children have no adults to watch

83
out for them and this may lead to further exploitation and unfortunate incidences that will

endanger their wellbeing.

It was significantly noted that street children did not usually receive any form of assistance

from the state or civil society organisation, meaning the street child is left to his plight. In

relation, it was established that the state of Ghana has not adopted any policy to specifically

address child streetism and to protect and ensure the welfare of street children. Street children

therefore remain unheard, unprotected and uncared for by the state and to some extent by

their families and civil society. If the current findings from this study are not given immediate

attention by all stakeholders (Family, Government and Civil Societies), there is the likelihood

of further upsurge in child streetism as proposed by the conceptual framework guiding the

study.

6.3 Recommendations

1. There is the need for Ghana as a state to formulate and adopt a policy that specifically

addresses the issue of child streetism. This need comes from the realisation that

lumping child streetism as a problem together with other child protection issues does

not allow much room for the issue to be adequately dealt with. There should therefore

be a policy specifically designed to address child streetism.

Furthermore, a laid down policy and institutional framework within which the policy

will be designed, implemented, monitored and evaluated should be of high priority. In

addition, roles and responsibilities for leading departments to facilitate the

implementation of the policy should be assigned and clearly stated.

Finally state agencies to be responsible for implementing these policy interventions

must be well equipped in capacity and resources to carry out this role as current

84
 departments supposed to lead child protection are significantly crippled by lack of or

limited resources thus are unable to function properly.

2. NGOs should lobby for more assistance to strengthen and support their role in

addressing child streetism. Particularly for SAID, they must increase their financial

support base to enable them reach out to more street children while at the same time

strengthening ties with the local assembly in addressing child streetism in Madina.

These civil society groups should further put more pressure on the state to become

more involved in addressing child streetism.

3. NGOs must prioritise sensitisation on issues that affect children on the street. As a

short term measure to addressing the challenges faced by street children, NGOs

should intensify outreach programmes to educate street children on the dangers of

issues like self-medication and concerns in security, victimisation, abuse, among

others; as well as mitigation measures to help street children better manage their

challenges and street life in general.

4. Finally, the state must institute a national program to continually educate and sensitise

societies (families) on the ills of engaging children in streetism rather than giving

them quality education, being it formal or vocational. To consolidate the role of

families, departments to address child streetism should be instituted at the local level

to provide guidance to parents and guardians and the society at large.

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91
 APPENDIX
Questionnaire for Street Children Survey

Date of interview……/……../2016 Location……………….

SECTION I – Respondent’s Social and Demographic Background
1. Sex 1. Male [ ] 2. Female [ ]

2. Age 1. 5-9 [ ] 2. 10-14 [ ] 3. 15-18 [ ]

3. What is your educational status? 1. Never been enrolled in school [ ]

2. Enrolled [ ] 3. Dropped out [ ]

4. What is your religious affiliation? 1. Christian [ ] 2. Moslem [ ]

3. Traditional [ ] 4. Other (please specify)

5. What is your ethnic background? 1. Akan [ ] 2. Ga-Adangbe [ ] 3. Ewe [ ]

4. Mole Dagbani [ ] 5. Guan [ ] 6.Other (please specify)…………………

6. Where were you born? Town............................... Region…………

7. Where did you live before moving into this community? Town...............

Region........................

8. How long have you being on the street? 1. 1-3yrs [ ] 2. 4-6yrs [ ] 3. 7yrs and above [ ]

SECTION II- Family Background

9. Where are your parents living currently? ……………..

10. Do you live with your parents? 1. Yes [ ] 2. No [ ]

11. If No, where do you live? .............................

12. If you do not live with them are you in contact with them? 1. Yes [ ] 2. No [ ]

13. If yes, through which medium? 1. Phone [ ] 2. Visit [ ] 3. Other ………………….

14. What is the occupation of your mother?

15. What is the occupation of your father?

16. How many siblings do you have? 1. Zero [ ] 2. One [ ] 3. Two [ ] 4. Three [ ]

5. Others………..

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 17. Where are your siblings? ................................................................................................

18. What do your siblings do?

19. Are your parents aware you work/live on the streets? 1. Yes [ ] 2. No [ ]

20. Do your parents take care of your needs while you work/live on the streets?

21. If yes, what form of care?

1…....................................2………………………..…….3……………………………

22. If no, do you have any relative or other individuals giving you any form of daily

assistance?

23. If yes, what form of assistance does the person/persons give?

1…………………………………………

2………………………………………….

3………………………………………….

SECTION I1I – Traits and Causes of Child Streetism

24. What is the reason why you are on the streets?

…………………………………………………………………………………..

25. Is it your decision to work/live on the streets? 1. Yes [ ] 2. No [ ]

If yes why did you make such a decision?

…………………………………………………………………………………...

26. If no whose decision was it?

……………………………………………………………………………………

27. What do you do on the streets? 1. Hawk [ ] 2. Head pottering [ ] 3. Shoe shining [ ] 4.

Others [ ]

Name others………………………………………………………………………………..

28. Where do you spend the nights after each day on the street?

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 …………………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………….................................................................

SECTION IV – Social Effects of streetism

Positive Effects
29. What benefits do you get from living or working on the street?
1…………………………………
2…………………………………..
3…………………………………..
Effect on Education
30. Are you enrolled in school? 1. Yes [ ] 2. No [ ] if yes, please skip to question (33)

31. If no, why are you not enrolled in school?

32. Do you want to enrol in school? 1. Yes [ ] 2. No [ ]

33. If no, why do you not want to be enrolled in school?

……………………………………………………………………………………

34. Does streetism affect your education? 1. Yes [ ] 2. No [ ]

35. How does streetism affect your education?

…………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………

Effect on Health

36. How does working/living on the street affect your health?

37. Do you suffer any health condition?

38. Are you able to assess health services when you become ill? 1.Yes [ ] 2.No [ ]

39. How do you access health care?

General Effects

40. What are some of the difficulties you face living/working on the streets? (Security,

victimisation/exploitation, general upkeep, etc.)

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 ………………………………………………………………………………………………

………………………………………………………………………………………………

………………………………………………………………………………………………

SECTION V – Intervention and Assistance

41. Have you ever received any assistance as a street child? 1. Yes [ ] 2. No [ ]

42. If yes please provide the following details. If no please skip to question 43.
Institution Name Form of assistance How often (or Effect/benefit of assistance
how many times)
is/was assistance
given
State
NGO
Church
Individual
Other (please
specify)

43. If you are to be receive any assistance, what form of assistance do you think is most

appropriate?

1.……………………………………………………………………………

2……………………………………………………………………………

3……………………………………………………………………………

44. What do you think can be done to reduce child streetism?

1…………………………………………………………………………………………

2…………………………………………………………………………………………

3…………………………………………………………

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Interview Guide for Family of Street children

Date of interview……/……../2016 Location……………….

1. Whose decision was it for your child to live/work on the street?

2. If it was your decision, why did you make such a decision

…………………………………………………………………………………………

………………………………………………………………………………………….

3. If it was the child’s own decision or external decision why did you allow it?

4. How does streetism affect your child?

………………………………………………………………………………

5. What can you do as a parent to keep your child from the street?

………………………………………………………………………………….

Interview Guide for State Agencies (DSW & MGCSP)

Date of interview……/……../2016 Location……………….

SECTION I - Existence of National Policies/Law

1. What are the laws and policies guiding issues relating to children in Ghana?

2. What are the laws and policies guiding child streetism in Ghana?

SECTION II – Traits, Causes and Effects of Child Streetism

3. How does the department define a street child?

4. What is the child streetism situation in the La-Nkwantanang Municipality?

5. What factors have you identified as causing child streetism in the La-Nkwantanang

municipality?

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 6. What are the social effects of streetism on the children in the municipality?

SECTION IV-Policy Interventions and Frameworks Addressing Child Streetism

7. What national policy/ies) directly addresses child streetism?

8. How long has the policy been implemented?

9. How does the policy address child streetism?

10. In the absence of specific policies addressing child streetism, how does your

department work to protect the rights of children and deal with other child

maintenance related issues?

11. How does this role contribute to preventing child streetism?

12. Are there future projections to adopt policies solely to address child streetism?

13. How do you assess the performance of your role in child protection?

14. What are the challenges you face in playing your role?

15. What recommendations will you give for addressing child streetism?

Interview Guide for NGOs

SECTION I– Traits and Causes of Child Streetism

1. How does your organisation define street children?

2. What reasons account for the children you work with coming to the street.

3. What activities do street children engage in and why?

4. How has streetism affected the children you work with?

SECTION II-Policy Interventions and Frameworks Addressing Child Streetism

5. What policies have you adopted to guide your work in street child protection and

maintenance?

6. What interventions do you have for street children?

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7. How does the intervention work?

1. What criteria must one meet to benefit?

2. What are the activities of the intervention?

3. How long does intervention last?

4. What are the expected outcomes for your interventions?

5. What are the actual outcomes achieved?

8. How does your intervention address the problem of child streetism

9. How does the intervention affect the life of the street child?

10. How do you measure the effectiveness of your interventions?

11. What challenges do you face in your work with street children

12. What do you think can be done to address the problem of child streetism

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