A Study of The Apadāna, Including An Edition and Annotated Translation of The 2nd, 3rd and 4th Chapters by Chris Clark
A Study of The Apadāna, Including An Edition and Annotated Translation of The 2nd, 3rd and 4th Chapters by Chris Clark
uk
brought to you by CORE
provided by Sydney eScholarship
CHRIS CLARK
May 2015
ii
CONTENTS
5. EDITION OF THE SECOND, THIRD AND FOURTH CHAPTERS OF THE APADĀNA ...... 115
5.1. Sīhāsanadāyaka .............................................................................................. 115
5.2. Ekatthambhika ................................................................................................ 116
5.3. Nanda .............................................................................................................. 118
5.4. Cullapanthaka ................................................................................................. 119
5.5. Pilindavaccha.................................................................................................. 121
5.6. Rāhula ............................................................................................................. 123
5.7. Upasena Vaṅgantaputta .................................................................................. 125
5.8. Raṭṭhapāla ....................................................................................................... 126
5.9. Sopāka ............................................................................................................ 128
5.10. Sumaṅgala .................................................................................................... 129
5.11. Subhūti.......................................................................................................... 132
5.12. Upavāṇa ........................................................................................................ 137
5.13. Tīṇisaraṇāgamaniya ..................................................................................... 143
5.14. Pañcasīlasamādāniya .................................................................................... 146
5.15. Annasaṃsāvaka ............................................................................................ 148
5.16. Dhūpadāyaka ................................................................................................ 149
5.17. Pulinapūjaka ................................................................................................. 150
5.18. Uttiya ............................................................................................................ 151
5.19. Ekañjalika ..................................................................................................... 152
5.20. Khomadāyaka ............................................................................................... 153
5.21. Kuṇḍadhāna .................................................................................................. 154
5.22. Sāgata ........................................................................................................... 156
v
6. NOTES ON THE EDITION OF THE SECOND, THIRD AND FOURTH CHAPTERS OF THE
APADĀNA ..................................................................................................... 170
6.1. Sīhāsanadāyaka .............................................................................................. 170
6.2. Ekatthambhika ................................................................................................ 172
6.3. Nanda .............................................................................................................. 173
6.4. Cullapanthaka ................................................................................................. 174
6.5. Pilindavaccha.................................................................................................. 176
6.6. Rāhula ............................................................................................................. 177
6.7. Upasena Vaṅgantaputta .................................................................................. 180
6.8. Raṭṭhapāla ....................................................................................................... 183
6.9. Sopāka ............................................................................................................ 185
6.10. Sumaṅgala .................................................................................................... 185
6.11. Subhūti.......................................................................................................... 188
6.12. Upavāṇa ........................................................................................................ 193
6.13. Tīṇisaraṇāgamaniya ..................................................................................... 202
6.14. Pañcasīlasamādāniya .................................................................................... 204
6.15. Annasaṃsāvaka ............................................................................................ 205
6.16. Dhūpadāyaka ................................................................................................ 206
6.17. Pulinapūjaka ................................................................................................. 206
6.18. Uttiya ............................................................................................................ 207
6.19. Ekañjalika ..................................................................................................... 207
6.20. Khomadāyaka ............................................................................................... 208
vi
ABSTRACT
The Apadāna is a Theravāda Buddhist text in the Pāli language which contains a
large collection of “autohagiographies” in verse. It is under-researched, partly
because the Pali Text Society edition of this text is not of a high standard and partly
because very few of its poems have been translated into any European language.
The aim of this thesis is to provide a better understanding of the Apadāna’s content,
its relationship to similar texts and the nature of its historical transmission. A series
of textual comparisons revealed that the Apadāna has structural, stylistic and
thematic similarities to a range of other early Buddhist texts. In particular, the
system of karma underlying much of its narrative is reasonably consistent with that
of several early Sanskrit avadāna collections, including its basic technical
vocabulary. A major component of this thesis is an edition and annotated translation
of the second, third and fourth chapters of the Apadāna. This new edition has been
edited according to stemmatic principles, using a careful selection of nine palm leaf
manuscripts (in Sinhala, Burmese and Khom scripts) and four printed editions (in
Roman, Sinhala, Burmese and Thai scripts). The base text of this edition represents
the reconstructed archetype of the selected manuscripts, corrected only where
absolutely necessary. The corresponding annotated English translation has been
produced with critical reference to the text’s primary commentary in Pāli, the
Apadānaṭṭhakathā, and a word-by-word Burmese language nissaya translation. A
major finding is that existing printed editions of the Apadāna not infrequently
include silent emendations of the received text and also often reproduce the
“smoother” and more easily understood readings first produced during the editorial
preparations to the “fifth Buddhist council” of 1871 in Mandalay. More generally,
this thesis demonstrates the indispensability of manuscripts for the historical study
of Pāli language and literature.
ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ABBREVIATIONS
Pāli texts
Unless otherwise specified, citations of Pāli texts refer to the editions published by
the Pali Text Society, for which the abbreviations and system of Cone (2001: x–xiv)
have been used. Occasionally, citations of Pāli texts refer to editions not published
by the Pali Text Society, in which case the following abbreviations have been used:
General
MW Monier-Williams 1899
P. Pāli
PED Pali-English Dictionary = Rhys Davids and Stede 1921–1925
PTS Pali Text Society
S. Sanskrit
s.v. sub voce (under the word)
trans. translated
§ section
§§ sections
1
1
In using the terms “Theravāda” and “Theravādin” in this thesis, I do not mean to imply that they
have been unchanging constants throughout the history of Buddhism (in particular, see Skilling,
Carbine, Cicuzza and Pakdeekham 2012).
2
For an obituary of Bode, see Ridding 1922. In her editorial note for part two of the Tikapaṭṭhāna,
Caroline Rhys Davids (1922: iii) wrote, “A first edition of the Apadāna—possibly not of the whole
2
Lilley prepared what has until recently been the only complete printed
edition of the Apadāna in Roman script,3 published by the PTS in two volumes
between 1925 and 1927. This work is not without its problems. The text is based
upon the following witnesses:4 two manuscripts in Sinhala script, one of which was
“full of gaps” (Lilley 1925: v); a transcript of a small section of the Apadāna which
Lilley guessed was based on a Sinhala script manuscript (see § 4.1.2.1.8); and an
incomplete transcript of a manuscript in Burmese script which Lilley guessed had
been emended by its original owner, Müller.5 In addition, quotations of the Apadāna
in Müller’s edition of the Therīgāthā-aṭṭhakathā were used.6 Therefore, only one of
the witnesses used to produce this edition covered the entire text. The editorial note
to the first volume begins, “This first edition of the Apadāna in Roman type is
necessarily tentative. It could hardly be otherwise considering the limited number
and the imperfect character of the MSS. [i.e. manuscripts] available for the
preparation of the text” (Lilley 1925: v). Lilley felt the finished product was so poor
that, in her foreword to the second volume, she stated, “the completion of this first
European edition of Apadāna is accompanied by no feeling of satisfaction” (Lilley
1927: vii). Subsequent judgments of this edition have not been much more
favourable. One reviewer largely agreed with Lilley’s self assessments,
commenting that the manuscripts “were hardly adequate for the construction of a
final text. The edition therefore is rather tentative in character” (Barnett 1926: 341).
work—has been unexpectedly held up by the ill-health of its editor”. It seems likely that Rhys
Davids was referring to Bode.
3
The recently published Mahāsaṅgīti Tipiṭaka Buddhavasse 2500 series in Roman script (less
formally known as the World Tipiṭaka series) includes the Apadāna and is a lightly edited
transcription of the Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka series in Burmese script.
4
The term “witness” refers to a reproduction of a particular text, whether it be an early handwritten
manuscript or a previous printed edition.
5
It seems that Müller gave this transcript to Bode who, in turn, gave it to Lilley. Bode (1911: 188n2)
stated it as a fact that this transcription was emended by Müller.
6
Lilley (1925: v) also mentioned that she consulted a commentary, but she gave no details of this
witness, such as whether it was a printed edition or a manuscript, or the script in which it was
written.
3
More recently, Walters bluntly stated that this edition “is highly flawed and in great
need of re-editing” (Walters 1990: 92n14) and that it is “hopelessly confused”
(Walters 1997: 164).
Since the publication of Lilley’s edition of the Apadāna, much of the
scholarly attention on this work has focused upon the text’s first chapter. Barua
(1946) made a study and translation of the first poem, the Buddhāpadāna, while
Kloppenborg (1974) translated the second poem, the Paccekabuddhāpadāna.
Bechert (1976, 1992) highlighted some features of the Buddhāpadāna which he
argued are inconsistent with orthodox Theravādin doctrine. A doctoral thesis
written by Mellick (1993) provided a major step forward in Apadāna studies, with
the inclusion of a new edition and translation of sixteen apadānas, eleven of which
come from the text’s first chapter. The edition was based upon three printed
editions and seven manuscripts. Except for an edited version of the introduction to
the thesis (Mellick Cutler 1994), this research has unfortunately not been published
to date.
Some studies have not specifically focused upon the text’s first chapter. For
example, Law (1937) described some of the flora, fauna, people and places of the
Apadāna. Bechert compiled a list of some unusual grammatical features of the
Apadāna (Bechert 1958a) and also wrote an article concerning the Apadāna’s
relationship with other Pāli texts (Bechert 1958b). In the 1990s, Walters produced a
series of articles on the Apadāna, including a study on the Pubbakammapiloti
(Walters 1990), a study on the apadāna of Mahāpajāpatigotamī (Walters 1994) and
a translation of the latter poem (Walters 1995). Particularly interesting are his
suggestions regarding the social frameworks within which the Apadāna was
composed and his claim that the text’s content correlates well with archeological
and epigraphical remains of the second century BCE (Walters 1997). As already
noted, many of the nuns’ apadānas are quoted in the Therīgāthā-aṭṭhakathā, which
Pruitt reedited (Pruitt 1998) and translated (Pruitt 1999). An edition, translation and
study of the third chapter of the Apadāna was prepared as part of an unpublished
Honours thesis using six printed editions and four manuscripts (Clark 2008). Most
4
recently, Collett (2011) studied the ways in which women are depicted in the
Apadāna.
The preceding survey of Western scholarship on the Apadāna highlights a
few key points. The only complete and widely available7 edition of this text in
Roman script is not highly regarded. Unlike the great majority of canonical works,
the Apadāna has not been fully translated into English, nor indeed any European
language.8 Norman (1994: 168) included an English translation of the Apadāna
among a list of important future tasks for Pāli studies in the West. Much of the
work which has been done on the Apadāna has focused on the text’s first chapter
and the nuns’ apadānas. The bulk of the Apadāna remains unexamined, yet studies
on the text’s content indicate that there are numerous points of interest which
warrant more detailed research. The aim of this thesis is to further our knowledge
of this important composition with an edition, translation and study of a portion of
the monks’ apadānas.
The equivalent terms apadāna and avadāna are found in both Pāli and Sanskrit
literature;9 however, in Pāli works the former is much more common while in
Sanskrit Buddhist works the latter is much more common (Speyer 1909: iii). For
example, the Sanskrit Sarvāstivādin parallel of the Pāli Mahāpadānasutta (D II 1–
54) is titled the Mahāvadānasūtra (Norman 1983: 37). Speyer (1909: iii) stated that
a different prefix is used in each term: apa- and ava-. On the other hand, Norman
7
The Mahāsaṅgīti Tipiṭaka Buddhavasse 2500 edition of the Apadāna is not commercially available
and is only found at the small number of institutions which have to date been presented with the
series.
8
Complete translations of the Apadāna have been published in several different languages from
South and Southeast Asia, a number of which are listed in § 4.2.
9
For avadāna in Pāli, see DOP s.v. kammāvadāna. For apadāna in Sanskrit, see MW s.v.
5
(2008b: 55–56) has suggested that the term apadāna might have been an old hyper-
form created by an erroneous belief that ava- was a voiced version of apa-.
Over a century ago, Speyer (1909: iii–iv) proposed that the terms apadāna
and avadāna are both derived from the verbal root √dā, “to cut”. From this we have
“something selected”, which came to mean “glorious achievement”. Mellick Cutler
(1994: 3–4) observed that this meaning fits the content of the Mahāpadānasutta,
which celebrates the achievements of seven different buddhas in their final rebirths.
It seems the term is also used with this sense in the Cariyāpiṭaka, which exemplifies
the ten perfections (pāramīs) via the narration of a selection of celebrated deeds
performed by Gotama Buddha in his past rebirths. At the conclusion of the
Cariyāpiṭaka, the composition is labeled the “Buddhāpadāniya” (Cp 37,2).10 In the
Pāli canon,11 the term apadāna can literally mean “cutting” or “reaping” (DOP s.v.).
However, as noted by Norman (2007a: 148n47), the “secondary meaning ‘one’s
reapings’ (cf. the metaphorical use in English of ‘sowing’ and ‘reaping’) ‘(the
results) of one’s actions’ is more common”. This sense clearly fits the content of the
Apadāna, which narrates the ripening of karma in story after story. It is conceivable
that for the composers of the Apadāna, the term apadāna meant both “glorious
achievement” and its karmic results.
The Apadāna is divided into four sections: (1) the Buddhāpadāna, “apadāna of the
buddhas”,12 (2) the Paccekabuddhāpadāna, “apadāna of the paccekabuddhas”, (3)
the Therāpadāna, “apadāna[s] of the elder monks”, and (4) the Therikāpadāna,13
10
Page and line number is used here since this passage falls outside of the DOP system of citing the
Cariyāpiṭaka by vagga, poem and verse.
11
In this thesis, the term “Pāli canon” refers to the Pāli tipiṭaka.
12
On the plurality of buddhas in this section, see, for example, Ap 2,18–23, 3,8–14; Ap-a 102,1–2.
13
The term Therī-apadāna is used at Ap-a 101,6, 101,19, 102,10 and is widely used in secondary
literature. However, this spelling does not appear to be used in the Apadāna itself; instead we find
Therikāpadāna (see Ap Ee 512,3; Ap Be II 298,16; the latter line is omitted in the PTS edition).
6
14
As noted by Mellick (1993: 34–35), there is a lack of consistency amongst manuscripts and
printed editions on the exact number of apadānas and chapters contained in the Therāpadāna. The
lower figures given here refer to the PTS edition and the higher figures refer to the Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti
Piṭaka edition.
7
cited Ap 13.1.15 Of course, this method of citation is dependent upon the usage of an
appropriate numbering system within the edition and, therefore, it is further
proposed that editors of future editions of the Apadāna number all apadānas
sequentially and reset verse numbers at the beginning of each apadāna so that this
citation system may be utilised.16
1.4. Date
There is a tenuous consensus amongst scholars that the Apadāna was one of the
final works added to the Pāli canon, dating to approximately the second or first
century BCE (Mellick Cutler 1994: 32). A range of reasons have been given to
support these claims. Norman (1983: 90) argued that the subject matter of the
Apadāna indicates its lateness, stating, “Many of the stories which are told have a
mythological nature, which suggests that the Apadāna is one of the latest books in
the canon. The type of act which is glorified also implies lateness, for there is
mention of the worship of thūpas, shrines and relics, and there is an emphasis upon
generosity and humanitarian deeds”. However, it would be difficult to argue that a
substantial number of other canonical works do not also have a similar
“mythological nature”, e.g. the Mahāsudassanasutta of the Dīghanikāya (D II 169–
199). Regarding the frequent acts of worship and generosity in the Apadāna,
Norman (1983: 90) acknowledged, “Nevertheless, there is already mention of some
of these activities in the Theragāthā and Therīgāthā, which can be dated with fair
probability to the period between the fifth and the third centuries B.C.”. Also on the
basis of subject matter, Bechert (1992: 104) argued that the Buddhāpadāna should
be assigned a later date than the bulk of the Apadāna. He noted that this section
15
Newly edited Apadāna material included in this thesis will, however, be cited according to thesis
section and verse number. For example, the apadāna of Sīhāsanadāyaka will be cited § 5.1 and its
first verse § 5.1.1.
16
The numbering systems used in major printed editions of the Apadāna do not permit citation by
apadāna and verse number and will therefore be cited by page and line number in this thesis.
8
mentions the concept of the buddha-field and argued that, partly for this reason, its
date of composition is similar to that of an important Mahāyāna text which also
illustrates this concept, the Sukhāvatīvyūhasūtra, which he dated to the first century
or early second century CE.17 A study by Walters (1997) draws attention to some
correlations between the content of the Apadāna and epigraphic evidence, with the
intention of contributing to the dating of this text (Walters 1997: 181–182n12).18 In
particular, Walters (1997: 171–172) stated that some of the kinds of items donated
in the narratives of the Apadāna are also recorded in second and first century BCE
donative inscriptions using the same technical terms.
In his study on Pāli metre, Warder (1967: 225) assigned the Apadāna’s date
of composition to approximately 100 BCE. He does not clearly state his reasons for
doing so. One method of analysis might have been to calculate the relative
proportion of the pathyā form of the prior pāda in śloka verses (see Warder 1967:
172–201); however, it does not appear that this was done for the Apadāna. Instead,
it seems that he felt the text’s lack of metrical variety is evidence of its lateness. In
discussing the Apadāna and Cariyāpiṭaka, Warder (1967: 94–95) stated:
Apart from three garbled verses copied from ariyā verses of Th II, the
metrical outlook of these two texts is limited to pedestrian vatta
composition with a very few tuṭṭhubha strophes. In these cases we
may safely conclude that the pious monks who compiled the texts had
no knowledge of metrics beyond the two commonest metres and no
poetic aspirations. These texts tacked on to the end of the last Nikāya
of the Canon may represent a final decadent phase of Pali
composition...
17
Bechert (1992: 103) also stated, “There can be no doubt that the Buddhāpadāna is the work of
monks who either formed a Mahāyānistic faction in the Mahāvihāra or who were ready to accept at
least some very essential elements of Mahāyāna”. Norman (1983: 90–91), however, doubted
whether there was a Mahāyāna influence on this apadāna.
18
This study also investigates the Buddhavaṃsa and Cariyāpiṭaka in the same context.
9
19
tato paraṃ Jātakaṃ Mahāniddeso Cūlaniddeso Paṭisambhidāmaggo Suttanipāto Dhammapadaṃ
Udānaṃ Itivuttakaṃ Vimāna-Peta-vatthu Thera-Theri-gathā [sic] ti imaṃ tantiṃ saṃgāyitvā
Khuddakagantho nāma ayan ti ca vatvā Abhidhammapiṭakasmiṃ yeva saṃgahaṃ āropayiṃsū ti
Dīghabhāṇakā vadanti. Majjhimabhāṇakā pana Cariyāpiṭaka-Apadāna-Buddhavaṃsesu [sic]
saddhiṃ sabbam pi taṃ Khuddakaganthaṃ Suttantapiṭake pariyāpannan ti vadanti (Sv Ee I 15,22–29).
20
tato paraṃ Jātakaṃ Niddeso Paṭisambhidāmaggo Apadānaṃ Suttanipāto Khuddakapāṭho
Dhammapadaṃ Udānaṃ Itivuttakaṃ Vimānavatthu Petavatthu Theragāthā Therīgāthā ti imaṃ
tantiṃ saṅgāyitvā Khuddakagantho nāmāyan ti ca vatvā Abhidhammapiṭakasmiṃ yeva saṅgahaṃ
āropayiṃsū ti Dīghabhāṇakā vadanti. Majjhimabhāṇakā pana Cariyāpiṭaka-Buddhavaṃsehi
saddhiṃ sabbam petaṃ Khuddakaganthaṃ nāma Suttantapiṭake pariyāpannan ti vadanti (Sv Be I
15,27–16,4).
21
Sv Se I 23,7–13; reading identical to Sv Be I 15,27–16,4.
10
the Sinhala script edition of the Simon Hewavitarne Bequest series,22 which
Jantrasrisalai was unable to consult. This edition agrees with the reading of the PTS
edition, despite having slightly different wording, stating that the dīghabhāṇakas
did not regard the Apadāna (nor the Khuddakapāṭha, Buddhavaṃsa and
Cariyāpiṭaka) as belonging to the Khuddakagantha.
I examined two Sinhala script Sumaṅgalavilāsinī manuscripts23 and seven
Burmese script Sumaṅgalavilāsinī manuscripts24 in the hope of gaining clarity on
this issue. Both Sinhala script manuscripts agree with the PTS and Simon
Hewavitarne Bequest editions, in that they state that the dīghabhāṇakas did not
regard the Apadāna as belonging to the Khuddakagantha. All seven Burmese script
manuscripts agree with the Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka and Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka
editions, in that they state that the dīghabhāṇakas did regard the Apadāna as
belonging to the Khuddakagantha. Thus, it seems two different versions of this
passage have existed for quite some time which contain conflicting information
regarding the canonical status of the Apadāna. We are therefore not yet in a position
to use this passage to assess the Apadāna’s date of composition. A new critical
edition of the Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, one which carefully examines its textual history,
might indicate which of these alternatives is the earlier reading.
Over a century ago, Rhys Davids (1908: 603) stated that a quotation of the
Apadāna25 at Thī-a 131,5–6 “mentions the Kathā Vatthu, and apparently refers to the
22
tato paraṃ Jātakaṃ Niddeso Paṭisambhidāmaggo Suttanipāto Dhammapadaṃ Udānaṃ
Itivuttakaṃ Vimānavatthu Petavatthu Thera-Theri-gāthā ti imaṃ tantiṃ saṅgāyitvā Khuddakagantho
nāma ayaṃ ti ca vatvā Abhidhammapiṭakasmiṃ yeva saṅgahaṃ āropayiṃsū ti Dīghabhāṇakā
vadanti. Majjhimabhāṇakā pana Cariyāpiṭaka-Apadāna-Buddhavaṃsehi saddhiṃ sabbam pi taṃ
Khuddakaganthaṃ Suttantapiṭake pariyāpaṇṇan ti vadanti (Sv Ce I 11,29–34).
23
Manuscripts from Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo and Wanawasala Purana Viharaya in
Kelaniya. Photos taken by the Dhammachai International Research Institute in 2010 and 2011.
24
Examined in person at Fragile Palm Leaves Manuscript House in Bangkok during 2012.
Manuscript identification numbers (with the dates in which they were copied) are as follows: 823
(1880), 827 (1786), 1227 (1902), 1236 (1773), 1885 (1906), 2128 (1842) and 2555 (1899).
25
kusalāhaṃ visuddhīsu kathāvatthuvisāradā / abhidhammanayaññū ca vasīpatt’ amhi sāsane (Ap
550,21–22), “I am skilled in the purities, experienced in the kathāvatthu(s), knowledgeable in the
11
book so named, which was composed by Tissa about the middle of the 3rd century
B.C. If this be so, the Apadāna must be one of the very latest books in the Canon”.
Referring to a similar passage,26 Norman (1983: 90) less tentatively stated, “One of
the Apadānas, however, refers to the Kathāvatthu as an Abhidhamma compilation,
which proves that that particular Apadāna must be later than the third council”.27
Commenting on the passage referred to by Rhys Davids,28 Pruitt (1999: 173n1)
argued that the term kathāvatthu is more likely to refer to the ten “topics of
discourse” rather than the text by that name. Jantrasrisalai (2008: 293, 295–297)
made the same argument for the passage Norman discussed29 and further claimed
that the term abhidhamma in this passage does not mean the Abhidhammapiṭaka,
but rather the “essence of dhamma”. Unfortunately the commentary on the Apadāna
does not help resolve this ambiguity, since its author(s) seemed unsure of how to
best interpret the term kathāvatthu at Ap 37,1, stating, “kathāvatthuvisuddhiyā
[means] knowledgeable about purity in the Kathāvatthu composition, or
knowledgeable about the ten topics of discourse, i.e. discourse on desiring little,
contentment, etc.”.30 More recently, a Burmese nissaya of the Therāpadāna glosses
the same term from the same verse as “for the purity of ten topics of discourse,
beginning with the state of desiring little”.31 Even more recently, in a modern Pāli
commentary on the Therikāpadāna,32 Kumārābhivaṃsa (2009: 133) states that the
abhidhamma method and have attained mastery in the teaching”. It seems possible that visuddhīsu
refers to the seven types of purity (Nyanatiloka 2007 s.v. visuddhi).
26
abhidhammanayañño ’haṃ kathāvatthuvisuddhiyā / sabbesaṃ viññāpetvāna viharāmi anāsavo (Ap
37,1–2), “Knowledgeable in the abhidhamma method, instructing everyone for sake of the purity of
the kathāvatthu(s), I dwell without taints”.
27
For a similar statement, see Mellick 1993: 83na.
28
That is, Thī-a 131,5–6.
29
That is, Ap 37,1–2.
30
kathāvatthuvisuddhiyā ti Kathāvatthuppakaraṇe visuddhiyā cheko, appicchasantuṭṭhikathādīsu
dasasu kathāvatthūsu vā cheko (Ap-a Be I 308,5–7). The Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka edition is quoted here
in favour of the PTS edition because the latter appears to contain errors.
31
အပ္ပိစ္ဆတာအစရှိ သာကထာဝတ္ထုဆယ်ပါး၏စင် ကယ်ြခင်းငှာ (Jāgara 1926: I 70,8). See § 4.2 for information
on this nissaya.
32
See § 1.6 for information on this text.
12
term kathāvatthu at Ap 550,21 also refers to the ten topics of discourse. Therefore,
although the only two instances of the term kathāvatthu in the Apadāna are in close
proximity to the term abhidhamma, this does not necessarily mean that what is
being referred to is the Kathāvatthu text of the Abhidhammapiṭaka. It is therefore
proposed that these two passages do not provide unambiguous data for the dating of
the Apadāna.
In his study of two manuscripts of a Gāndhārī version of the
Anavataptagāthā, Salomon (2008) examined three parallel passages between the
Apadāna and Anavataptagāthā.33 For two of these parallels, Salomon (2008: 28)
concluded that, “there can be no doubt that the Ap [i.e. Apadāna] chapters are direct
borrowings from the AG [i.e. Anavataptagāthā]. Both of the Ap passages conclude
with a verse stating that the preceding verses were spoken to the assembly of monks
at Lake Anavatapta. Such a setting is unique within the Ap and can only be an
artifact of a borrowing from the AG”. These passages in the Apadāna must
therefore postdate the composition of the Anavataptagāthā. The British Library
manuscript of the Gāndhārī Anavataptagāthā has been dated to the first half of the
first century CE (Salomon 2008: 88).34 This particular manuscript happens to
include the story of Koṭīviṃśa, which is one of the passages incorporated into the
Apadāna (as the apadāna of Soṇa Koṭivīsa, Ap 298). It seems likely that the
Anavataptagāthā was composed some time before the production of this
manuscript; however, exactly how long before remains an open question. We may
therefore conclude that a form of the apadāna of Soṇa Koṭivīsa dates to at least the
first half of the first century CE, though probably earlier.
As shown, many of the arguments put forth for a precise date of composition
for the Apadāna have been based upon dubious evidence. Further research is
required before we are able to make confident assertions on the dating of this text.
33
See § 2.3 for a comparison between the content of the Apadāna and Anavataptagāthā, and for a
more detailed discussion on these parallel passages.
34
However, Salomon (2008: 88) noted, “A somewhat later date in the first century, or even the early
second century, is not ruled out”.
13
1.5. Geography
35
For a map of this area, see Lamotte 1988: map 1.
36
The PTS edition (Ap Ee 27,3) has the Sanskrit form “Sarasvatī”.
37
See Lamotte 1988: map 2.
14
Madhya Pradesh, and Sāgalā (Sialkot) (Ap 546,13, 583,9), which is in present day
Pakistan. The Apadāna also refers to groups of people who lived surprising far from
the greater Ganges basin, including the Damiḷas (Tamils) (Ap 358,23), Yonakas
(Greeks) (Ap 358,24), Alasandakas (Alexandrians) (Ap 359,3),38 Soṇṇabhūmakas
(people from Suvaṇṇabhūmi)39 (Ap 359,11) and Cīnaraṭṭhas (Chinese) (Ap 359,2).40
1.6. Commentaries
38
This passage must postdate 331 BCE, the year in which Alexandria was founded.
39
Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 49–56) has summarised the difficulties of identifying the exact location
of Suvaṇṇabhūmi (S. Suvarṇabhūmi). Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 55) concluded that “Suvarṇabhūmi
was a broadly used general term applied to all the regions to the east of India”, including present day
Burma and Thailand.
40
The text describes the Chinese as being “from a very distant place” (ārā va, Ap 359,2). According
to Law (1937: 31), this is the only known reference to China in the Pāli canon. The preceding list of
geographic locations is by no means complete; see Law 1937 for some additional places named in
the Apadāna.
41
However, elsewhere von Hinüber (2000: 300) stated that this manuscript was copied in 1557.
15
42
For example, the Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka series and Buddhajayantī Tripiṭaka series.
16
1
Un Avadâna se compose donc de ces quatre parties: 1º un préambule, qui exalte plus ou moins le
Buddha en faisant connaître le lieu de sa résidence; 2º un récit du temps présent, fait par un
narrateur quelconque; 3º un récit du temps passé, expliquant le récit du temps présent et fait par le
Buddha; 4º une conclusion, qui est le précepte donné par le Buddha à l’occasion des faits dont il
vient d’être témoin et des souvenirs qu’il vient de rappeler (quoted in Lenz 2010: 3–4).
2
In this section (§ 2.1), Sanskrit terms (rather than their Pāli equivalents) will generally be used
when referring to Sanskrit texts.
18
3
paṭisambhidā catasso vimokhā pi ca aṭṭh’ ime / chac cābhiññā sacchikatā kataṃ Buddhassa
sāsanan ti (e.g. § 5.1.12), “The four analytical insights and also those eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has been accomplished”.
4
Occasionally, the description of the actual karmic fruits in subsequent rebirths is omitted after such
a prediction, presumably because this description becomes somewhat redundant (e.g. § 5.7; Ap 50–
51). Of course, there are several apadānas which do not fit this general outline. See Mellick 1993:
389–395, 424–430 for discussions on some unusually structured apadānas.
5
One who heard or read Sanskrit avadānas is likely to have assumed that the content is true by
virtue of the fact that they are typically narrated by Gautama Buddha; however, in the Therāpadāna
and Therikāpadāna the stories are narrated by the protagonists themselves. In these apadānas the
protagonists declare that they have realised the six supernormal knowledges (abhiññās).
Significantly, one of these supernormal knowledges is the recollection of previous abodes (i.e.
rebirths) (pubbenivāsānussati) which enables the legitimate and true recollection of one’s past
rebirths.
19
that the content of the Apadāna may be analysed profitably in tandem with an
analysis of Sanskrit avadāna literature.6
6
The remainder of § 2.1 is an edited version of Clark 2011.
7
Similarly, Walters (1997: 173) stated that the Apadāna describes a “karmically black-and-white
world”.
8
The Avadānaśataka and Divyāvadāna have both been associated with the (Mūla-)Sarvāstivādin
school (e.g. Rotman 2008: 17–19; Skilling 2001: 139).
9
For the dating of the Apadāna, see § 1.4. There is a tenuous consensus that the Avadānaśataka was
composed during the first two centuries CE (Collett 2009: 94) and the Divyāvadāna between 200
and 350 CE (Rotman 2008: 6, 385–386n14); however, these dates are far from settled and require
further research.
20
close resemblance of a deed and its fruit. For example, in a story from the
Avadānaśataka a householder anoints the stūpa of Vipaśyin Buddha with various
perfumes and pays homage with incense and flowers (Avś I 352–353). The fruit
which ripens from this karma is a rebirth in which “the scent of blue lotus wafts
from his mouth [and] the scent of sandalwood from his body” (asya mukhān
nīlotpalagandho vāti śarīrāc candanagandhas, Avś I 350,11–12). Likewise, in the
Apadāna a man makes a lion throne and a footstool for Siddhattha Buddha (§ 5.1).
He is then reborn in a huge celestial mansion in Tusita (S. Tuṣita) heaven. The fruit
of making the lion throne is an array of ornate couches in the mansion and the fruit
of making the footstool is a collection of shoes made from precious materials. A
deed is not only echoed in its karmic result, but, as noted by Strong (1979: 230), not
infrequently also in the very name of its performer. For example, in the
aforementioned stories the names of the protagonists are Sugandhi, “Sweet-
scented”, and Sīhāsanadāyaka, “Donor of a lion throne”, respectively.
It may strike the reader as strange that, in the case of Sīhāsanadāyaka,
performing some basic carpentry could lead to such magnificent results. Indeed, the
composers of these texts appear to have been concerned that the intended audiences
might have difficulty accepting some of the narrative. We find passages in which
people express a sense of disbelief (Divy 7–17, 70–71) or surprise (Ap 343,9–10; Avś
I 329,10) about the fruit of karma and, in the case of the Divyāvadāna, successful
attempts are made to change their minds. However, passages from avadāna
literature in which a seemingly trivial deed will later produce a seemingly
disproportionately large karmic fruit are so common that they are a key feature of
this genre of literature. The following examples show that, in the case of giving
(dāna), the market value of a gift does not have a major influence upon the eventual
karmic fruit.10 In the Divyāvadāna, a leper gives some rice water to a monk (Divy
82–83). In the process a fly falls in and, when she begins to remove it, one of her
fingers falls off into the rice water. As a result of this seemingly poor offering, the
woman is reborn in Tuṣita heaven. In the Apadāna it is narrated that a man makes a
flag by tying some of his clothing to a bamboo stick and then offers this to the stūpa
10
However, it is not entirely negligible; see Divy 78–79.
21
The most well known factor involved in this process is the field of merit (S.
puṇyakṣetra, P. puññakkhetta), which concerns the recipient of a deed more than its
performer. A good field of merit is a person or object with a high spiritual quality
that amplifies the karmic fruit generated from a deed directed towards it. As in the
Pāli canon (e.g. Ap 250,15–17; S I 21,14–17), an agrarian analogy is used in a passage
in the Divyāvadāna to explain this concept (Divy 70–71). It states that even a small
seed can grow into a large tree if the field it is sowed in has good soil. In the same
way, a seemingly insignificant deed can result in a large karmic fruit if directed
towards a good field of merit. It would be difficult to overstate the importance of
this concept in avadāna literature. It is not only assumed knowledge providing
meaning to much of the narrative, but is explicitly discussed in all three of these
collections. For example, in a striking passage in the Apadāna the dialog suddenly
turns to the second person to directly address the audience(s) the composition is
intended for, plainly stating, “you should perform an act of homage to an
unsurpassed field of merit” (puññakkhette anuttare adhikāraṃ kareyyātha, §
5.13.23).
Exactly who or what is a good field of merit? A passage in the Pāli canon
ranks individuals in terms of what one can expect to gain in return, via the ripening
of karma, after giving a gift to them (M III 255). At the bottom of the list is an
animal. The text states that the return to be expected from giving to an animal is one
hundredfold. A slightly better recipient is an unvirtuous ordinary person. The return
to be expected from giving a gift to such a being is one thousandfold. Towards the
top of the list are three types of awakened beings; to use the Pāli terms, the third
22
best individual recipient is an arahat, the second best is a paccekabuddha and the
best is a buddha. The return to be expected from giving to any of these three beings
is incalculable. Similarly, in the Suttanipāta it is explained that “The Buddha… is
an unsurpassed field of merit… [A gift] given to the venerable one has great fruit”
(buddho... puññakkhettam anuttaraṃ... bhoto dinnaṃ mahapphalan ti, Sn 486). The
Divyāvadāna even calls a buddha “a field of merit with two feet” (dvipādakaṃ
puṇyakṣetram, Divy 48,6–7, 63,24). It seems that this general idea is embraced
throughout avadāna literature, in which arhats, pratyekabuddhas and buddhas are
indeed very common recipients of meritorious deeds which eventually yield great
fruit. Similarly, the Apadāna has a past buddha as a deed’s recipient in a great
number of its stories.
In the collections considered here, excellent fields of merit are not restricted
to select living beings, but also appear to include special objects closely associated
with buddhas. Of particular importance are the bodily relics of a buddha.11 The
Divyāvadāna explicitly states that the merit generated from paying homage to a
buddha who has passed into parinirvāṇa is no different from the merit generated
from paying homage to a living buddha (Divy 79,19–20).12 Apparently not all
Buddhist schools agreed with this idea and it is possible that this statement is a
reflection of a doctrinal position held by the Mūlasarvāstivādins (Lamotte 1988:
634), the school most often associated with the Divyāvadāna (e.g. Hiraoka 1998:
419–434). In the avadānas and apadānas considered here, paying homage to stūpas
containing the relics of a buddha is a common deed said to produce great karmic
fruit. Two examples of this have already been described: the story from the
Avadānaśataka in which a householder anoints the stūpa of Vipaśyin Buddha with
perfumes and the story from the Apadāna in which a man offers a flag to a stūpa
11
In the Mahāyāna Suvarṇaprabhāsasūtra, bodily relics are called a field of merit (Bagchi 2002:
107,5). While relics appear to be treated as a field of merit in avadāna literature, I am not aware of
any avadāna passage explicitly labeling them as such.
12
A parallel passage is found in the Vimānavatthu (Vv 47.12), a Pāli text which is thematically
related to the Apadāna (see § 2.4). These passages are consistent with early Indian inscriptions
which indicate that their composers regarded relics as living entities (Schopen 1987: 204–205).
23
The qualities of the performer of a deed are just as important as the qualities of its
recipient. A passage in the Pāli canon lists five conditions which enhance the
karmic fruit of giving: giving with faith, with respect, at the right time, with a
generous mind15 and without harming oneself or others (A III 172–173). However,
13
This seems preferable to the translation “pearls and flowers” by Rotman (2008: 156).
14
Bodhi trees and footprints of the Buddha are discussed as relics of use by Gombrich (1971: 108–
109) and Strong (2004).
15
Here I follow the reading anaggahitacitto at A Ce III 280,11, rather than anuggahitacitto at A Ee III
172,10.
24
in avadāna literature, faith (S. prasāda, P. pasāda)16 is singled out as being the most
important quality one can have while giving or, in fact, performing any kind of
meritorious deed. In a high proportion of avadānas it is specifically mentioned that
the performer of a deed which eventually produces great fruit has faith in his or her
mind at the very moment the deed is performed. For example, in the story of the
leper from the Divyāvadāna, immediately before giving rice water to the monk, she
cultivates faith in her mind (Divy 82,20). In the Apadāna this faith is sometimes
directed towards a buddha (§§ 5.13.24, 5.15.4; Ap 254,26), or towards a feature of a
buddha such as his halo (Ap 129,17, 210,10), his voice (Ap 256,7, 282,7), or his
footprint (Ap 119,16, 383,14, 434,26), or towards the monastic order (saṅgha) (Ap
250,23). Often it is not specifically mentioned to whom or what the faith is directed;
however, the context frequently implies it is to the recipient of the meritorious deed.
While the importance of faith is strongly inferred by its frequent appearance
in avadānas, it is confirmed by passages which clearly state its causal role. In the
Divyāvadāna the Buddha states, “faith in the mind towards tathāgatas [i.e. buddhas]
has inconceivable results” (tathāgatānāṃ cittaprasādo ’py acintyavipākaḥ, Divy
142,9–10).17 Likewise, in a number of stories in the Apadāna, it is declared that the
fruit of generating faith is the avoidance of rebirth in a bad realm (Ap 250,25, 282,9).
In addition, numerous stories state that because of having faith in the mind, rebirth
in a good realm is achieved (e.g. §§ 5.1.3, 5.2.8, 5.5.4).18
What role does faith play in avadāna narrative? In investigating this
question in the context of the Divyāvadāna, Rotman considers faith a powerful
outside force that is able to “allow one to escape from one’s karmic destiny”
(Rotman 2003: 564). Rather than being cultivated by conscious intention, he has
argued that faith arises seemingly automatically upon the sighting of a field of
16
The difficulty of translating this word into a single English term has been noted several times
before since it may also mean “purity”, “tranquility”, “joy”, etc. (for a short overview, see Rotman
2009: 66). For the texts considered here, the translation “faith” seems most apt. See Trainor 1989 for
a discussion on the role of pasāda in Pāli chronicles.
17
Here I follow the reading found in Vaidya 1959: 88,23.
18
These passages may alternatively be translated, “with that faith in my mind...”, in which case a
causal role still seems to be implied.
25
19
In most circumstances this term simply means “pleasant” or “attractive”, but in this context the
translation “agent of faith” (Rotman 2008: 5) seems justified.
20
Similarly, see Avś I 158,8–10.
21
In a more recent work, Rotman (2009: 86–87) identified a number of passages from the
Divyāvadāna in which faith alone appears to produce great fruit.
22
A well known statement from the Pāli canon reads, cetanāhaṃ bhikkhave kammaṃ vadāmi.
cetayitvā kammaṃ karoti kāyena vācāya manasā (A III 415,7–8), “Monks, I declare that intention is
action. Having willed, one performs an action by body, speech [or] mind”.
26
23
For a discussion on this fervent aspiration and others from the Avadānaśataka, see Strong 1979:
230–237.
24
While the noun praṇidhāna is frequently used in the Avadānaśataka and Divyāvadāna to express a
formal aspiration, the Apadāna seems to favour a verb such as (a)patthayiṃ (a denominative verb
formed from the noun attha, “aim”) (e.g. Ap 45,7, 474,8).
27
from the Avadānaśataka, once donated, the toothpick transforms into a great tree, in
the shade of which the Buddha gives a dharma talk (Avś I 159). This then inspires
the gardener to make a fervent aspiration. Such interactions are less common in the
Divyāvadāna25 and, to the best of my knowledge, absent in the Apadāna.
Fervent aspiration is just one method among several in the Divyāvadāna by
which people consciously control the fruit of a deed which has already been
performed. The transference of merit is another such method. In one story, a series
of beings experiencing unpleasant karmic fruit request that a relative from their
previous life give alms to the monk Mahākātyāyana and that the ensuing reward be
directed to them so that their karma may be exhausted (Divy 10,27–29, 12,12–14,
14,28–15,1).26 In a number of avadānas, we find parents expressing the hope that
after their deaths their child will make donations and direct the reward to them
(Divy 2,15–17, 99,6–8).27 Another method for controlling the fruit of an action which
has already been performed is confession. In several stories the protagonist speaks
harshly and is requested to confess the fault in the hope that the karma is thereby
exhausted (Divy 5,4–6, 54,27–55,2). One of these avadānas confirms the success of
this method by stating that, had he not confessed, he would have been reborn in a
hell realm (Divy 55,3–4).
2.1.5. Conclusions
25
For an example, see Divy 226–227 (which has a parallel at Avś I 125).
26
These passages seem to be inconsistent with the formal doctrinal statements on karma in the
Avadānaśataka and Divyāvadāna; for example, na praṇaśyanti karmāṇi kalpakoṭiśatair api /
sāmagrīṃ prāpya kālaṃ ca phalanti khalu dehinām (e.g. Avś I 80,13–14; Divy 131,14–15), “Actions do
not disappear, even over hundreds of crores of aeons. When reaching fullness and the right time,
they yield their fruit on embodied beings”.
27
Parallels are found in the Avadānaśataka, e.g. Avś I 14,15–15,2.
28
or perhaps even destroy, the ensuing fruit. Most studies on avadānas are restricted
to a single text and are therefore unable to provide insight on the cohesion of this
genre of literature. § 2.1 has noted some discrepancies between the three collections
in the way in which karma is narrated. However, these differences are rather
secondary, suggesting that the system of karma, including its basic technical
vocabulary, is represented in a reasonably consistent manner across these three
texts. This indicates there was a shared body of ideas and shared modes of narration
that moved across language and school boundaries. There are numerous textual
parallels between the Avadānaśataka and Divyāvadāna. Due to greater differences
in language and school affiliation, what is more surprising are the parallels between
the Apadāna and Divyāvadāna (e.g. Ap 6,15–16 and Divy 79,21–22). Over half a
century ago, it was perhaps rather preemptively stated that the Apadāna does not
possess the features of Sanskrit avadāna literature (Thomas 1933: 35) and even that
the Apadāna has no connection with Sanskrit avadāna literature whatsoever
(Thomas 1951: 279n1). The present investigation has demonstrated that, in fact, the
content of the Apadāna has a great deal in common with the content of early
Sanskrit avadānas.
“we might well be forced to reckon these Avadānas amongst the oldest Buddhist
inscribed birchbark”.
Avadānas and pūrvayogas, “former connections”, are sister genres in
Gāndhārī literature. While Gāndhārī avadānas are stories of the present, Gāndhārī
pūrvayogas are stories of the past (Lenz 2003: 92). This distinction is unexpected
since, as described in § 2.1.1, one of the defining features of both Sanskrit avadānas
and Pāli apadānas is the inclusion of a story of the past and a story of the present.
Another notable feature of this Gāndhārī material is that the stories are brief
summaries rather than complete narratives and it seems that they were used as
memory aids for monks who would have been required to fill in the details with an
“expansion” upon recitation (Lenz 2010: 6).
Many of the concepts which feature prominently in Sanskrit avadāna
literature, such as faith and fervent aspiration, are rarely mentioned in the Gāndhārī
avadānas and pūrvayogas which have hitherto been edited. A pūrvayoga narrating a
former rebirth of Ājñāta Kauṇḍinya is one exception, in which the protagonist
makes a fervent aspiration to encounter the Buddha in the future and to understand
the dharma (Lenz 2003: 165, 175–176). In the same pūrvayoga, the protagonist
offers to build a hut for a pratyekabuddha, a being who, as noted in § 2.1.3, is a
particularly good field of merit. However, for the most part, these stories do not
have a great deal in common with either Sanskrit avadānas or Pāli apadānas and
there do not appear to be any direct parallels with the Apadāna amongst the
Gāndhārī avadānas and pūrvayogas which have been edited to date. The content of
Gāndhārī avadānas and pūrvayogas is, in fact, much more variable than its Sanskrit
or Pāli counterparts. Less than half of the intelligible Gāndhārī avadānas and
pūrvayogas which Lenz (2010: 7) examined illustrate a link between karma and its
fruit. Other stories concern, for example, the doctrine of impermanence and the first
Buddhist council. Taken as a whole, many of these stories are better described as
“pious legends” rather than narrations of karma and its fruit (Lenz 2010: 13).
Perhaps they offer us a glimpse into the early formative stage of the avadāna genre
before it became a more rigid and stylised literary tradition. However, it is equally
30
possible that this genre was simply more broadly defined in the Gandhāra region
than in other parts of India.
28
The most obvious exception is the Pubbakammapiloti, which, as will be explained, was directly
borrowed from the Anavataptagāthā.
32
One example is the story pertaining to Nandika, which describes that in a past
rebirth he gave food cooked in horse’s urine29 to an ascetic (Anav Gil X.130). The
result of this bad deed is rebirth in hells for a long time, followed by rebirth as a
sick human (Anav Gil X.131–132). The Gāndhārī version adds that, with the
remaining karma, wherever he is subsequently born he starves to death (Salomon
2008: 307–308). This story also serves to illustrate another difference between the
Anavataptagāthā and Apadāna. While the remainder of action (karmāvaśeṣa) is an
important and recurring concept in the Anavataptagāthā (Salomon 2008: 7), the
equivalent Pāli term (kammāvasesa) is mentioned only seven times in the Apadāna
across six stories (Ap 108,15, 144,1, 298,10, 299,13, 299,19, 330,18, 487,11).30 Three of
these occurrences come from passages directly borrowed from the Anavataptagāthā
(Ap 298,10, 299,13, 299,19).
As has already been noted in § 1.4, there are three passages in the Apadāna
which have parallels in the Anavataptagāthā31 and it is almost certain that in two of
these instances the author(s) or compiler(s) of the former text directly borrowed
from the latter text.32 The main supporting evidence for this claim is that the
distinctive concluding statements of both Anavataptagāthā stories are reproduced in
the Apadāna. These verses are very much out of context in their new environment
since they are composed in the third person, which is very uncharacteristic for
Apadāna verse material, and because they mention Lake Anavatapta (P. Anotatta), a
place not referred to elsewhere in the Apadāna.33 The stories of Koṭīviṃśa and
Mahākāśyapa have survived in Gāndhārī, Pāli and Sanskrit.34 Salomon (2008: 64–
74) compared the wording of these different versions and concluded that the Pāli
29
Or, depending upon how one analyses the sandhi, dog’s urine.
30
In addition, the term kammasesa is mentioned at Ap 610,15.
31
The apadāna of Pabhaṅkara (Ap 269–270) is a parallel to the Anavataptagāthā story of Prabhākara
(Anav XXXV), the apadāna of Soṇa Koṭivīsa (Ap 298) is a parallel to the Anavataptagāthā story of
Koṭīviṃśa (Anav VI) and the Pubbakammapiloti (Ap 299–301) is a parallel to the Anavataptagāthā
story of the Tathāgata (Anav XXXVII).
32
Namely, the apadāna of Soṇa Koṭivīsa and the Pubbakammapiloti.
33
With the exception of the first verse of the Pubbakammapiloti (Ap 299,2–3).
34
The Pāli parallel of the latter story may be found at Nett 141,12–142,5.
33
text is closer to the Gāndhārī than to the Sanskrit. Due to the existence and nature of
these parallels, Salomon (2008: 31–32) believed it is plausible that there once
existed a Pāli version of the Anavataptagāthā that bore a reasonably close
relationship with the Gāndhārī version and that, at some point in time before it
became lost, was quoted in the Apadāna and Nettippakaraṇa.35 It may even be that
this lost Pāli Anavataptagāthā also provided the structural basis and thematic
inspiration for the Apadāna, though naturally such a hypothesis is highly
speculative.
The Apadāna has stylistic and thematic affiliations with numerous texts in the Pāli
canon, especially those belonging to the Khuddakanikāya.36 There is a particularly
strong connection between the Apadāna and the Theragāthā and Therīgāthā. So
much so that Norman (1983: 89) stated that the “Apadāna is almost an appendix to
the Theragāthā and Therīgāthā, since it connects together the past and present lives
of the theras and therīs”. Like the Apadāna, both these texts contain, though are not
limited to, autohagiographies composed in verse. In particular, the last two poems
of the Therīgāthā and the Theragāthā poem of Anuruddha37 read like apadānas and
are very much concerned with action and its fruit (Norman 1983: 89; Salomon
2008: 29–30). Many of the monks and nuns who appear in the Theragāthā and
Therīgāthā also appear in the Apadāna and, in these instances, the Theragāthā-
aṭṭhakathā and Therīgāthā-aṭṭhakathā often quote the relevant apadāna. However,
despite their similarities, the poems of the Theragāthā and Therīgāthā usually have
35
That is, the story of Mahākāśyapa at Nett 141,12–142,5.
36
Of course, there are also passages outside of the Khuddakanikāya which have a relationship with
the Apadāna. For example, the content and language of the verses at A IV 89–91 are extremely
reminiscent of the apadānas.
37
In fact, the Anuruddha Theragāthā verses (Th 910–919) constitute a parallel to the
Anavataptagāthā story of Aniruddha (Anav XXIII) (Salomon 2008: 29–30).
34
38
Note the similarity between this verse and two previously cited verses from the Anavataptagāthā
(Anav Gil IV.58, V.69).
35
together with shoes (Bv 24.11). While these deeds are only briefly described and
not within the lexical framework of karma and its fruit, they are reminiscent of the
meritorious deeds depicted in the apadānas. At the conclusion of the Cariyāpiṭaka,
the text is labeled the Buddhāpadāniya (Cp 37,2),39 “apadāniya of the Buddha”. This
label is reasonably apt if we take apadāna to mean “glorious achievement”, since
the Cariyāpiṭaka is a collection of stories narrating Gotama Buddha’s exemplary
practice of the perfections (pāramīs) in previous rebirths as a bodhisatta.
While the Apadāna shares a great deal in common with a number of
canonical texts, some of its content is rather abnormal in the overall context of the
Pāli canon. The Buddhāpadāna (Ap 1–6) in particular has some unusual features, as
highlighted by Bechert (1992). In this apadāna, Gotama Buddha describes an
elaborate buddha-field (buddhakhetta) in which he mentally creates all the buddhas
of the past. These buddhas meditate, give dhamma talks and ask each other
questions. The few descriptions of buddha-fields found elsewhere in the Pāli canon
are less elaborate (Norman 1983: 91). Further, the presence of several buddhas in
the same place at the same time conflicts with the belief that it is impossible for two
buddhas to exist simultaneously in the same world system (e.g. D II 225; M III 65;
Mil 236–239). Although these past buddhas were mentally created by Gotama
Buddha (Ap 2,18–19), their coexistence is nonetheless extremely unusual in early
Pāli literature. In the Buddhāpadāna, Gotama Buddha also states that he shared the
fruit of his meritorious deeds with all beings (Ap 4,13–16). Bechert (1992: 99) noted
that the dedication or transference of merit is found in only a few other passages in
the Pāli canon40 and it is an idea that appears to be rejected in the Kathāvatthu (Kv
347).
Unusual features in the Apadāna’s content are not restricted to the
Buddhāpadāna. § 2.5 will explore an oddity found throughout the Therāpadāna that
has not previously been described.
39
Page and line number is used here since this passage falls outside of the DOP system of citing the
Cariyāpiṭaka by vagga, poem and verse. The close of the Cariyāpiṭaka (Cp 37,2–3) and the close of
both the Buddhāpadāna (Ap 6,17–19) and Pubbakammapiloti (Ap 301,17–19) are very similar.
40
For further details, see Egge 2002: 56–60, 82–86.
36
In canonical Pāli literature there are numerous passages in which the Buddha urges
his followers to realise nibbāna (S. nirvāṇa) by practicing the eightfold path (e.g. S
V 420–424) or by some other means (e.g. S IV 359–361). Elsewhere in the Pāli
canon, the Buddha encourages his followers to gain a good rebirth by performing
meritorious deeds such as giving (e.g. A III 32–34). The process behind the latter is,
of course, the workings of karma, in which a meritorious deed ripens into a pleasant
karmic fruit, while a bad deed ripens into an unpleasant fruit.
A study of such passages indicates the existence of two important pairs of
ethical terms (Premasiri 1976). The first consists of what is wholesome (kusala) and
what is unwholesome (akusala) and is often employed in passages dealing with
nibbāna. The second consists of what is meritorious (puñña) and what is bad (pāpa)
and is often used in passages dealing with karma and rebirth. The first pair provided
a useful set of vocabulary to label what was considered to lead to nibbāna as
wholesome and what was considered to lead away from nibbāna as unwholesome.
On the other hand, the vocabulary of the second pair was used to label what was
considered to result in pleasant karmic fruit as meritorious and what was considered
to result in unpleasant karmic fruit as bad.
An important clarification must be made: these two pairs of ethical terms are
not used to describe two distinct sets of practices (Keown 1992: 122–123).42 For
example, virtuous conduct is an important component of the eightfold path leading
to nibbāna (M I 301). However, at A IV 241–243 it is also stated that virtuous
conduct makes merit and results in a good rebirth. Another example concerns two
almost identical sets of action, that is, the first four wholesome paths of action (e.g.
D III 269) and the first four factors in the uposatha observance (e.g. A IV 248–
41
§ 2.5 is an edited version of Clark 2015.
42
For a more general discussion on this topic, see Aronson 1979.
37
251).43 At A V 57–58 it is stated that one who cultivates the wholesome paths of
action puts an end to suffering (i.e. realises nibbāna). On the other hand, the
uposatha observance is described as a meritorious deed which yields great fruit and
results in a good rebirth (A IV 251–255). Therefore some actions are capable of
generating merit and also leading its performer towards nibbāna. However, there
are a number of key canonical passages, primarily from the Apadāna, which do not
conform to the trends described thus far.
The first of these passages (Khp 8.13–15) was highlighted by McDermott (1973). It
comes from the Nidhikaṇḍasutta44 in the Khuddakapāṭha in which two types of
treasure are contrasted. The first is the material type buried deep underground for a
future need. The text states that such a treasure is eventually shifted or stolen. The
second is merit,45 which we might regard as a form of spiritual currency generated
by the performance of meritorious deeds, for example, “by means of giving,
virtuous conduct, restraint and taming” (dānena sīlena saṃyamena damena ca, Khp
8.6). The sutta attempts to demonstrate that this is the superior type of treasure,
stating it is well buried (sunihita, Khp 8.6, 8.8) and not to be taken away (ajeyya,
43
The difference being that in the wholesome paths of action there is abstention from misconduct in
regard to sensual pleasures, while in the uposatha observance there is abstention from sexual
activity.
44
Kv 351,18–21 quotes a parallel to verse nine of the Nidhikaṇḍasutta (Khp 8.9). As noted by
Jayawickrama (1979: xxiv), it appears that the author of Kv-a regarded this verse as coming from a
source outside of the Theravāda tradition, stating, “[This] sutta is presented [here] after taking it
from another congregation” (suttaṃ parasamayato āharitvā dassitaṃ, Kv-a 100,11). It is also notable
that the Nidhikaṇḍasutta is the only sutta in the Khuddakapāṭha without parallel in the Pāli canon
(von Hinüber 1996: 44). While it is therefore possible that the unusual ideas expressed in this sutta
may originate from non-Theravādins, without further evidence this idea remains speculative.
45
While the commentary of this text explicitly labels the second type of treasure as merit (e.g. Pj I
221,21), the sutta does not do so unambiguously. However, Khp 8.9, 8.16 strongly support such an
association.
38
Khp 8.8). A list is then provided of what may be gained as a result of this second
type of treasure:
The attainment of being a human, pleasure in the world of the gods and the
attainment of nibbāna; all that is gained by means of this [merit].
Mastery of the knowledges and liberation for one properly applying himself on
account of the attainment of friends; all that is gained by means of this [merit].
The analytical insights, the liberations, the perfection of a disciple, the awakening
of a paccekabuddha and the ground of a buddha; all that is gained by means of this
[merit].
46
Be mānussikā. Whole Pāli verses in this section (§ 2.5) have been edited eclectically using three
printed editions: Be (prints from 2006–2008), Ce and Ee. Minor orthographic variants and variants
judged to be incorrect from a grammatical or orthographic standpoint have been omitted. Other
variants are listed after their abbreviated source, as above. For eclectic editing, see §§ 3.2–3.
47
Ce ca, Ee ve
39
and even buddhahood is presented as the result of merit. McDermott (1973: 345)
stated that this is “the lone clear canonical expression of the view that Nibbāna is
simply the reward for the most meritorious of kamma”. However, this is not correct.
There are many similar passages found in the Apadāna.48
As already noted, the Apadāna persistently employs the concepts and vocabulary of
merit and karma in its narratives, describing that appropriately performed
meritorious deeds yield very pleasant fruits, even after immense intervening periods
of time. In some of its narrative, the way in which the Apadāna treats nibbāna is
rather conventional. For example, there are stories which describe the protagonist
realising nibbāna after understanding all the taints (§ 5.6.17), while cultivating the
perception of impermanence (§ 5.9.11), or after practicing with exertion in a grove
inhabited by tigers (§ 5.10.15). What is of particular interest, however, are the
numerous passages in which nibbāna is treated less conventionally by being listed
as one of the possible karmic fruits of a meritorious deed. A small selection of these
passages has been made with the intention of demonstrating the variety of different
ways in which this idea is expressed.
The first such passage (Ap 307,25–28) is part of a rather long story which
begins one hundred thousand aeons ago with a wealthy man deciding to make a
donation to Padumuttara Buddha and his monastic order. Following the meritorious
deed (puññakamma, Ap 307,16), when the narrative eventually reaches the final life
of the protagonist, he states:
48
In addition, Egge (2002: 81–82) has highlighted two passages from the Vimānavatthu in which the
protagonist hopes that awakening will be the fruit of a meritorious deed (Vv 37.13, 81.24).
49
Ee ca
40
The deed [I] performed one hundred thousand [aeons ago] produced a fruit for me
in this life: as if with the speed of a well-released arrow,50 it burnt my defilements.
The word nibbāna is not used in these two verses, nor is it used in most of
the passages examined in the remainder of this section. Pāli texts commonly refer to
nibbāna by employing one of its many poetic adjectives51 or by evoking one of its
defining features. This passage does both. One of the terms used to describe
nibbāna realised in life, as opposed to nibbāna coinciding with death, is the
“quenching of the defilements” (kilesaparinibbāna, Nyanatiloka 2007 s.v. nibbāna).
It is likely the first verse cited here refers to this process. The second verse contains
the expression the “unshakable state” (acalaṃ padaṃ), which is almost certainly
being used as a synonym of nibbāna. Indeed, this phrase follows and qualifies the
word nibbāna in an earlier verse in the Apadāna (Ap 23,23). These two verses
strongly suggest that making a donation to a past buddha and his monastic order
was the reason that the protagonist realised nibbāna.
The story from which the second passage (Ap 453,11–14) comes also begins
one hundred thousand aeons ago and describes a brahman leaving his ten children
to live in a hermitage in the forest. There, he meets Padumuttara Buddha and gives
some fruit to him and his monastic order. Following the meritorious deed
(puññakamma, Ap 452,19), he states towards the end of the story:
50
Particularly in light of Ap 29,16, 280,18, this translation seems preferable to “[I] was well-released
(i.e. awakened), as if with the speed of an arrow”.
51
For some examples, see Norman 2008b: 137.
41
I dwell having attained that which is extremely difficult to see, extremely subtle,
profound [and] well explained; this is the fruit of giving fruit.
After attaining the eight liberations, I dwell without taints, energetic and zealous;
this is the fruit of giving fruit.
It seems a word play is intended in the two verses cited here, with the word
phala being used to mean both “fruit” and “karmic result”. While somewhat
ambiguous, it is reasonably likely that the four terms in pādas a and b of the first
verse refer to nibbāna. For example, at S IV 369,13, 369,17 the terms “subtle”
(nipuṇa) and “extremely difficult to see” (sududdasa) are used as adjectives of
nibbāna (S IV 371,22). At Th 212 the same two terms describe a state (pada) which
the commentary glosses as nibbāna (Th-a II 78,11). However, there is no such
ambiguity in the second verse, since the destruction of the taints is a common
description of nibbāna (e.g. M I 522; S III 58). This verse clearly suggests that
giving fruit to the appropriate recipients can result in the realisation of nibbāna.
The third passage (Ap 351,1–4) to be examined belongs to a story which also
begins in the wilderness. While searching for a spotted antelope, a deer hunter
comes across a certain Anuruddha Buddha, whose name does not appear in the
main canonical lists of past buddhas. The deer hunter makes a pavilion for
Anuruddha Buddha, covers it with lotus flowers and then salutes him. Later he
describes the fruits of his own actions:
52
Ee passitvāna, “having seen”
53
Ee vimokhe
54
Ce phassitvā, Ee passitvā
42
I know my previous abode[s], my divine eye has been purified, I have destroyed my
taints; this is the fruit of [paying] homage to the Buddha.
In the first verse cited here, the protagonist indicates he has the triple
knowledge (i.e. that he is a tevijja). These three knowledges are perhaps best known
from the narration of Gotama Buddha’s own awakening. At M I 247–249 the
Buddha describes that on the night of his awakening he firstly remembered his
former rebirths (the first knowledge), then perceived the rebirth of beings according
to their past deeds by means of his purified divine eye (the second knowledge) and
finally realised awakening after his mind was liberated from the taints (the third
knowledge). That sequence is mirrored in this passage using essentially the same
Pāli terms; however, instead of being the culmination of a great deal of intensive
spiritual practice, it is here declared to be simply the karmic result of paying
homage to a past buddha.56
The final passage (Ap 343,17–20) belongs to a story which begins one
morning thirty thousand aeons ago at a hermitage situated near the Himalayas.
Sumedha Buddha approaches for alms and the protagonist responds by filling
Sumedha Buddha’s bowl with ghee and oil. At the conclusion of the story he states:
55
Ee -cakkhuṃ
56
At Ap 351,10–11, the protagonist also adds that his awakening took place after hearing a talk from
Gotama Buddha, implying that this was also a contributing factor.
43
satipaṭṭhānasayano samādhijhānagocaro58
bojjhaṅgabhojano ajja sappidānass’ idaṃ phalaṃ. (Ap 343,17–20)
In the second verse cited here, the protagonist makes the rather startling
claim that his expertise in meditation is simply the result of doing something as
seemingly trivial as giving ghee to an appropriate recipient. It will be noticed that,
unlike in the preceding passages cited from the Apadāna, the word nibbāna is
explicitly used here, casually listed alongside the attainment of clothing, perfume
and ghee.59 Even the protagonist is surprised that such an immeasurable result could
follow the donation of a little (thoka) ghee (Ap 343,9–10).60
57
Ee vā
58
Ee -jjhāna-
59
At first inspection it seems incongruous that nibbāna is described as “unconditioned” (asaṅkhata)
and yet apparently the causal result of a prior action. However, this verse seems to imply it is the
realisation of nibbāna, rather than nibbāna itself, that was caused by giving ghee, just as it seems to
imply that obtaining clothing, etc., rather than the mere existence of clothing, etc., was caused by
giving ghee. Certain post-canonical Pāli texts carefully spell out that the path does not cause the
arising of nibbāna, which is after all unconditioned, but rather it causes the realisation of nibbāna
(Collins 1998: 184–185).
60
A similar passage is found in the Avadānaśataka (Avś I 329,10).
44
2.5.4. Conclusions
The first conclusion we can draw from these passages relates to vocabulary. It may
be useful to consider again the two pairs of ethical terms described in § 2.5.1. What
is meritorious and what is bad are terms typically employed in the canon to evaluate
actions in terms of their results, often those results expected in a future rebirth.
Perhaps partly because it consists of the end of rebirth, nibbāna is often discussed
using a different set of language: what is wholesome and what is unwholesome. The
key passages examined in this section do not conform to this trend in that this
distinction of vocabulary is no longer observed since nibbāna is unexpectedly
described within the lexical framework of merit and karma. It might be said that the
result is a rather less sophisticated description of the Buddhist path.
The second conclusion we can draw relates to doctrine. Firstly, in the
Khuddakapāṭha passage it is stated that nibbāna may be gained by means of merit.
This is rather unusual and may be contrasted with, for example, a passage narrating
an unsuccessful attempt by Māra to distract the bodhisatta while he is meditating
prior to his awakening, stating he should instead make merit. The bodhisatta
replies, “I do not have use for even a little merit” (aṇumattena pi puññena attho
mayhaṃ na vijjati, Sn 431).61 This passage suggests that merit was irrelevant to
Gotama Buddha’s realisation of nibbāna. Secondly, in the Apadāna passages it is
stated that nibbāna may be the fruit of certain meritorious deeds. It is difficult to
give a complete list of what is considered necessary and sufficient for the
realisation of nibbāna according to early Pāli literature. At S IV 359–361 a number
of practices are listed which lead to nibbāna, such as mindfulness directed to the
body, calmness and insight, the eightfold path, etc. In narrative passages, we also
find, for example, that descriptions of energetic practice in seclusion often
immediately precede the realisation of nibbāna (e.g. S IV 76). In the case of these
four Apadāna passages, the deeds considered to cause the attainment of nibbāna are
giving to a buddha, or a buddha and his monastic order, and paying homage to a
61
See Norman 2006a: 239n431 for a well researched speculation on a possible earlier version of this
passage.
45
One of the few scholars to write on the intended use(s) and audience(s) of the
Apadāna is Walters, who has argued that the apadānas “were probably composed
for performance in empirewide festivals sponsored by the Śunga and Sātavāhana
emperors in the second and first centuries B.C.” (Walters 1994: 368). He suggested
that the “performers were both monks and nuns, who, in the first person, voiced the
achievements of the famous monk or nun to whom the particular apadāna was
ascribed” (Walters 1994: 368). Elsewhere, Walters (1997: 179) stated that the
content of these performances would have actively encouraged the audience’s
participation in such festivals. However, the evidence Walters has cited to support
his theory is not particularly compelling and the idea must be regarded as rather
speculative. For instance, Walters (1997: 192n85) stated, “the texts are addressed to
a plural ‘you,’ an audience, that is enjoined to ‘listen.’ There are also internal
reasons for making his [sic] supposition: unmarked changes of voice that would be
46
unintelligible without separate performers, indeed the very style in which the texts
are written (colloquialism, additions of entertainment value, and the like.)”. The
fact that the Apadāna occasionally addresses an audience in the second person
suggests that the text’s composer(s) did indeed envisage a potential audience;
however, it is not clear from these passages exactly what kind of audience they had
in mind. Similarly, unmarked changes of voice could easily be explained by a monk
or nun upon the recitation of an apadāna without the need for a festival
performance.
While little else has been written on the intended use(s) and audience(s) of
the Apadāna,62 numerous scholars have put forth proposals regarding the audience
for whom early Sanskrit avadānas were intended. There has been a reasonably
strong consensus that avadāna literature was intended for lay people, in part to
foster the material support necessary for the survival of the monastic order. Speyer
(1909: v) commented, “The texts of the avadāna and jātaka kind do not belong to
the higher regions of Buddhist teaching. They are accommodated to the spiritual
wants of the many”. Regarding the usage of this genre of literature, Speyer (1909:
vi) rather bluntly stated:
62
One exception is that of Mellick Cutler (1994: 34), who stated, “homiletic texts such as the
Apadāna were intended to be used by monks and nuns in their role as preachers and transmitters of
the Buddhist doctrine. They were thus directed particularly towards lay audiences, although this is
not to suggest that they could not have been used in teaching monks and nuns as well”. This proposal
will be considered below.
47
Similarly, Strong (1983: 165) proposed that the Aśokāvadāna was addressed
to “lay-oriented Buddhists” and that the text was concerned with “the attraction of
new converts, the reinforcement of the faith of established followers, and the
encouragement of both devotion and donation”. Rotman (2008: 26) drew particular
attention to the great rewards which avadānas promise for those who make
donations to the monastic order, stating, “Listening to such stories would naturally
reinforce the ‘food for merit’ exchange, a give-and-take that is as essential for the
physical survival of monastics as it is for the karmic development of the laity”.63
In order to determine how applicable these comments are to the Apadāna,
the Therāpadāna material edited and translated in this thesis was analysed. Firstly,
the “stories of the past” were studied. Unfortunately, in two thirds of the apadānas
(20 of 30) the protagonist’s position in life is not specified. In 10% of the apadānas
(3 of 30) the protagonist was an ascetic. In no apadāna is it stated that the
protagonist performed the principal meritorious deed while an ordained Buddhist
monk and, in fact, in 17% of the apadānas (5 of 30) it is clear that the protagonist
could not have been an ordained Buddhist monk.64 In 73% of the apadānas (22 of
30) the principal meritorious deed was giving. Food was a particularly common gift
and is found in 36% of these apadānas (8 of 22). An umbrella was donated in 14%
of these apadānas (3 of 22), as was a seat or mat (3 of 22). In 64% of these
apadānas (14 of 22) a past buddha was the most common recipient of a gift, while
in 18% (4 of 22) the monastic order of a past buddha was the recipient. Next,
descriptions of karmic fruits in subsequent rebirths were studied. A number of fruits
are particularly common, including kingship in a heavenly realm or the human
realm in 77% of the apadānas (23 of 30), rebirth in a heavenly realm in 70% (21 of
30), avoidance of bad destinations in 70% (21 of 30), gaining personal possessions
in 20% (6 of 30), gaining wealth in 20% (6 of 30), enjoying the company of
63
For comments on the possible intended uses and audiences of Gāndhārī avadāna and pūrvayoga
literature, see Lenz 2003: 99–102.
64
In two apadānas the protagonist states that he had not obtained ordination, in one the protagonist
refers to himself as a suitor, in another he states that he was a crocodile and in yet another he states
that he was a merchant with a wife.
48
The great majority of the Apadāna is composed in śloka metre. Norman (1983: 91)
assumed that, besides the Paccekabuddhāpadāna which is in triṣṭubh, the Apadāna
is entirely composed in śloka metre.65 However, for other examples of triṣṭubh, see
Ap 492,7–10, 533,9–20, 556,17–20. For examples of a mix of triṣṭubh and jagatī, see
Ap 505,11–14, 556,13–16. Ap 510,11–14 is composed in jagatī. In order to better
understand the way in which śloka metre is used in this text, the Therāpadāna
material edited in this thesis was analysed. It was found that in 2.6% of pādas (46 of
1774)66 there was a resolution on the first syllable and in 0.7% (13 of 1774) there
was a resolution on the sixth syllable.67 Additionally, it was found that 1.6% of
pādas (29 of 1774) were hypermetric, containing nine syllables. On nineteen
occasions, a svarabhakti vowel ought to be disregarded for the purpose of scansion.
There is some metrical license in this material. For example, nineteen vowels have
been lengthened m.c., four vowels have been shortened m.c., on six occasions final
niggahīta has been dropped m.c., there is one instance in which a consonant group
has been simplified m.c. and there is one instance of an unhistoric doubling of
consonants m.c.68
2.8. Conclusions
The preceding discussion has not treated the Apadāna in isolation, but rather in
connection with a range of similar texts by highlighting parallels and divergences.
The primary theme of the Apadāna is that intentional actions ripen to produce
appropriate fruits. Many of the details of this karmic system are shared with other
65
Similarly, see also von Hinüber 1996: 61n214.
66
The total sum of pādas includes the uddānas.
67
I follow Warder (1967: §§ 244–245) and Norman (2004: xxxi, 2007a: liv, 2007b: lxxiv) in
disregarding instances of resolution on syllables other than the first and sixth.
68
For further details, see notes on the edition (§ 6).
50
Buddhist avadāna texts to which the Apadāna is related, often including the same
basic technical vocabulary, such as field of merit, faith and fervent aspiration.
Although it may not have formally belonged to the avadāna genre, the
Anavataptagāthā is particularly similar to the Apadāna in terms of its structure and
content and, moreover, the latter text has almost certainly directly borrowed two
passages from the former text. There are also a number of texts belonging to the
Khuddakanikāya which have stylistic and thematic similarities with the Apadāna,
including the Theragāthā, Therīgāthā, Vimānavatthu, Jātaka, Buddhavaṃsa and
Cariyāpiṭaka. Nonetheless, the Apadāna contains some material which is highly
unusual in the context of the Pāli canon, such as its numerous references to nibbāna
as the fruit of a meritorious deed and the Buddhāpadāna’s description of a buddha-
field. Evidence suggests that this text may have had multiple early intended
audiences, including the laity, and multiple early intended uses, including the
encouragement of donations. Much of the existing research into the content and
style of the Apadāna is ultimately based upon the PTS edition of this text and there
is little doubt that a carefully planned new Roman script edition would further assist
advances in this area.
51
3. TEXTUAL CRITICISM
3.1. Introduction
In § 1.1 it was noted that the PTS edition of the Apadāna is not highly regarded by
scholars and that a new Roman script edition of this text is required. In order to
partially address this need, a major component of the present study is an edition of a
portion of the Therāpadāna. After perusing the introductions to printed editions of
Pāli texts, one might be forgiven for thinking that the construction of a new edition
is a reasonably straightforward, though perhaps time consuming, process. One
would have little appreciation that a number of fundamentally different
methodological approaches are available to an editor and that the text resulting
from each of these approaches is likely to be rather different. The reason for this is
that there has been very little critical discussion concerning the methods of textual
criticism within Pāli studies, both past and present. This paucity of discussion is all
the more striking when compared with the great importance placed upon this topic
in fields such as Biblical studies and classical studies. The present chapter will
survey some of this research outside of Pāli studies with the aim of selecting the
most suitable editorial principles upon which to base a new edition of the Apadāna.
To begin with, a number of general points will be considered.
Handwritten copies of texts tend not to be exact duplicates of their
exemplars. Unintentional and even intentional changes may be introduced by a
manuscript’s scribe. In the case of Pāli literature, early texts have been transmitted
via a long succession of handwritten copies and have therefore inevitably
accumulated a variety of such changes. Understanding the kinds of changes a text
transmitted by handwriting is likely to have met with is essential to the work of
52
1
For a particularly detailed analysis of scribal changes in the context of the transmission of the
Hebrew Bible, see Tov 2012: 219–262.
53
The approaches which have been used to edit the Hebrew Bible can only be
understood in the context of its extant witnesses, which are of two types: Hebrew
witnesses and ancient translations. The three principal groups of Hebrew witnesses
are the Masoretic Text, the Samaritan Pentateuch and the texts found in the Judean
Desert. The Masoretic Text (Tov 2012: 24–74) represents the textual tradition
which was embraced by early rabbinic Judaism and, later, Judaism as a whole. For
this reason, there are a large number of extant witnesses belonging to the Masoretic
group, including over 6000 manuscripts. It appears that this text has been
transmitted with such care that it has changed little since at least the third century
BCE, even preserving old para-textual elements which were not meant to be copied.
The earliest complete extant manuscript of the Masoretic Text, the Leningrad
Codex, dates to 1008–1009 CE. The Samaritan Pentateuch (Tov 2012: 74–93) is a
version of the Torah transmitted by the Samaritan community after their separation
from the Jewish community sometime between the fifth and second century BCE.
This text is thought to have descended from a redaction that was popular in the last
centuries BCE. The Samaritan Pentateuch contains editorial, linguistic and content
differences to the Masoretic Text. The earliest extant manuscripts of this group
54
were copied during the eleventh or twelfth century (Wegner 2006: 171). From 1947
onwards, over two hundred biblical scrolls were found in the Judean Desert (Tov
2012: 93–111), principally at Qumran, dating from 250 BCE to 115 CE. Due to the
location in which they were found, this collection is popularly known as the Dead
Sea Scrolls. Some of these scrolls contain readings similar to the Masoretic Text,
some contain readings similar to the Samaritan Pentateuch, while others are
considered non-aligned. The most important ancient translation of the Hebrew
Bible is the Septuagint (Tov 2012: 127–147), which constitutes a series of Jewish
translations into Greek thought to be made between the beginning of the third
century BCE and the beginning of the second century CE. Some of the Qumran
scrolls contain readings similar to the Septuagint text. The Septuagint is of
considerable importance for textual critics of the Hebrew Bible because it is
believed that the Hebrew exemplars from which it was translated occasionally
represent an older literary tradition than the Masoretic Text.
Despite this multiplicity of text types, the base text of most printed editions
of Hebrew scripture (Tov 2012: 341–366) represents the Masoretic Text only and is
uninfluenced by non-Masoretic sources. Witnesses which have been used as a base
text include the Second Rabbinic Bible, a single manuscript thought to best
represent the Masoretic Text, or a group of Masoretic manuscripts. An important
example is the Biblia Hebraica Series, which is the only complete scholarly edition
of the Hebrew Bible. From the third edition onwards, Biblia Hebraica Series
publications are diplomatic editions2 of the Leningrad Codex, the oldest complete
extant manuscript of the Masoretic Text. Conjectural emendations and variant
readings, including those from non-Masoretic witnesses, are given in the critical
apparatus. There appear to be several reasons why printed editions of the Hebrew
Bible have concentrated on reproducing the Masoretic Text. As noted, this has been
the central text within Judaism from an early period and is therefore regarded by
contemporary Jewish communities as the Hebrew Bible. Because the texts found in
the Judean Desert are fragmentary they cannot be used as the basis for a complete
edition of the Hebrew Bible. In addition, these scrolls were only discovered from
2
A diplomatic edition reproduces the text of a single witness without changes.
55
1947 onwards and it has taken time for the scholarly community to integrate this
new body of literature into existing models of textual transmission. While the
Septuagint is an important source, it is after all not in Hebrew and therefore cannot
be used as the base text of an edition of the Hebrew Bible.
It is not unanimously agreed that producing a diplomatic edition of a
Masoretic witness is the best approach for editing the Hebrew Bible. Tov (2012:
360) noted that when scholars use the Biblia Hebraica Series there are in fact two
texts: the base text of the Leningrad Codex and a virtual eclectic text created in the
mind of the scholar using readings from the critical apparatus. Naturally, the
precise wording of this virtual text will be different for each scholar. These “virtual
eclectic texts” are required because, as noted by Albrektson (2007: 42–46), there
are many passages in the Masoretic Text which are unintelligible and which may be
significantly improved upon by using readings from non-Masoretic sources,
particularly the Judean Desert texts. Hendel (2008: 325–326) argued that such text
critical decisions ought to be made by a qualified editor instead of the reader who
may not have the training necessary to make appropriate choices. A number of
eclectic editions3 of Hebrew scripture have been published; however, a complete
eclectic edition of the entire Hebrew Bible is not among them. A recent project
titled the Oxford Hebrew Bible (Hendel 2008) aims to fill this gap by producing an
eclectic edition which, its editors hope, will represent the text’s archetype.4 An
interesting feature of this project is the way in which substantive readings (the
sequence of words) and accidentals (orthography, vocalisation, accents, etc.) are
treated differently. The editors admit that reconstructing the archetype’s accidentals
would involve a great deal of speculation. Therefore, while substantive readings
will be constructed eclectically from numerous witnesses, accidentals will be
reproduced from a single copy-text, the Leningrad Codex. Additionally, in
instances where the archetype’s substantive reading cannot be determined by text
3
An eclectic edition is one in which the text is constructed from the readings of multiple witnesses
and often includes conjectural emendations.
4
An archetype is the textual form from which all known witnesses ultimately descend. It is not to be
confused with the text’s supposed original form.
56
critical criteria, the reading from the copy-text will be used in the base text and the
alternative reading will be placed in the critical apparatus along with an
abbreviation to indicate it is equally valid.
There are three main types of witnesses of the New Testament: Greek witnesses,
ancient translations and early quotations. Greek witnesses (Metzger and Ehrman
2005: 52–94) total approximately 5700 and include papyri, majuscules (manuscripts
written in majuscule script) and minuscules (manuscripts written in minuscule
script). The oldest extant Greek witness is a small papyrus fragment of the Gospel
of John dating to the early second century, which is thought to be less than 100
years after its composition. The oldest complete extant Greek witness is the Codex
Sinaiticus, a majuscule dating to the fourth century. Ancient translations (Metzger
and Ehrman 2005: 94–126) of the New Testament were made into numerous
languages, such as Syriac, Latin, Coptic and Armenian. Because some of these
translations were made in the second and third centuries, they are of considerable
importance to textual critics. The numerous early quotations (Metzger and Ehrman
2005: 126–134) of the New Testament in commentaries, treaties and sermons help
situate particular readings within a specific time and place. In some instances one or
more variant readings are quoted, which provide important historical information
on the process of textual transmission. New Testament witnesses are often
described as belonging to one of three text types:5 the Western text, the Alexandrian
text and the Byzantine text (Metzger and Ehrman 2005: 276–280, 306–313). The
Western text is a loose collection of witnesses resulting from the “wild” textual
growth of the second century. This text type is characterised by paraphrasing,
harmonising and additions from apocryphal material. The primary Alexandrian text
is a somewhat shorter form of the New Testament which was carefully transmitted
5
A text type is a cluster of witnesses which are judged to contain a similar textual form and believed
to belong to the same general line of transmission.
57
in the city of Alexandria. In contrast to the Western text, the Alexandrian text has
been subjected to few stylistic revisions and most scholars believe that this text type
preserves the earliest form of the New Testament. The Byzantine text is a later
development marked by conflated readings6 and harmonised passages. Partly owing
to this stylistic polishing, it became a very popular form of the New Testament by
the early Middle Ages and the great majority of extant Greek witnesses belong to
this category.
A minority of textual critics favour the Byzantine text on the basis that it is
represented by the majority of witnesses with a high degree of textual uniformity
(Metzger and Ehrman 2005: 218–222). Scholars of this approach, which is often
termed the Byzantine priority, argue that representing a historically popular text
type in an edition’s base text is an attractive alternative to a purely eclectic
approach that, according Robinson (2002: 139), produces a “resultant text that
reflects a piecemeal assemblage created from disparate variant units otherwise
unrelated to each other”. However, it has been pointed out that major disruptions to
the transmission of the other text types might have played a greater causative role in
the eventual popularity of the Byzantine text than any supposed inherent superiority
of this text type (Metzger and Ehrman 2005: 220). In addition, as previously noted,
the Byzantine text is itself usually regarded as a conflated text based upon readings
from disparate textual traditions. Instead, most contemporary textual critics of the
New Testament have embraced eclecticism as a means to reconstruct the earliest
possible textual form. Tov (2000: 203) has commented that eclectic editing is more
suitable for New Testament material than Hebrew Bible material, stating, “the
textual evidence [of the New Testament] is more extensive and a shorter interval
separated the time of the autographs from our earliest textual evidence. The range
of textual variation is also probably much smaller in the case of the New Testament
than in that of the Hebrew Bible”.
Scholars preparing eclectic editions of the New Testament assess two main
types of evidence when evaluating the relative strength of a variant reading:
external evidence and internal evidence (Metzger and Ehrman 2005: 300–315).
6
A conflated reading is the result of a scribe combining two or more variant readings.
58
Greek and Latin classical literature encompasses a large body of texts composed
over a long time period and includes numerous genres, such as philosophy, science,
historiography, poetry and drama. Until the second century CE, the papyrus scroll
was the standard medium for recording Greek and Latin literature (Reynolds and
Wilson 1991: 34). However, during the third century the more durable parchment
codex gained popularity and, from the fourth century onwards, it became more
popular than the papyrus scroll. According to West (1973: 10), the earliest extant
papyrus and parchment fragments date from approximately 350 BCE; however,
such witnesses more commonly date from the second and third centuries CE. Prior
to the ninth century, Greek literature had normally been recorded in majuscule
script, yet by the end of the tenth century majuscule script had largely been
abandoned in favour of minuscule script (Reynolds and Wilson 1991: 59–60).
Many Greek texts were therefore transliterated during the ninth century and the
majority of extant ancient Greek texts ultimately derive from copies made around
this time. Similarly, many Latin texts were transliterated from majuscule script into
Caroline minuscule script during the ninth century (Reynolds and Wilson 1991: 94–
102). The number of extant witnesses varies considerably for each classical work;
some texts are represented by hundreds of manuscripts, some are preserved in just
one manuscript, while for others the earliest witness is a printed edition based upon
a now lost exemplar (West 1973: 9–10). Early quotations, commentaries and
translations exist for some classical texts which serve as valuable secondary
witnesses.
Many classical texts have been edited according to the stemmatic, or
genealogical, approach. While this theory was developed, but not invented, by Karl
60
Lachmann7 during the first half of the nineteenth century, it is perhaps best known
from the detailed description by Maas (1958). The goal of this approach is to
reconstruct the archetype from which all extant witnesses descend. The first step in
this process is to gain an understanding of the relationships which exist between the
witnesses. This is achieved by carefully examining the patterns of agreement and
disagreement between the witnesses and grouping them according to the particular
scribal changes they share, particularly those changes which are unlikely to have
been created by two or more independent scribes by chance. A stemma (short for
stemma codicum) is then created to reflect these relationships by proposing the
branches of textual transmission descending from the archetype to the witnesses,
often via hyparchetypes.8 If it can be demonstrated that a particular witness depends
exclusively upon another witness available to the editor, it is regarded as redundant
and eliminated from analysis. Once a stemma has been created, the text of the
archetype is reconstructed on the basis of the textual agreements between those
witnesses or hyparchetypes which the stemma indicates are the immediate
decedents of the archetype. Finally, if the archetype itself appears to have contained
errors, conjectural emendations are usually made with the goal of reconstructing a
textual form which is older than the archetype. Perhaps the most famous application
of the stemmatic approach is Lachmann’s work on Lucretius, in which he
demonstrated that the archetype of his three main witnesses must have contained
302 pages of twenty-six lines (Metzger and Ehrman 2005: 170).
A number of key assumptions behind the stemmatic approach as described
by Maas (1958) are violated for certain groups of witnesses (Reynolds and Wilson
1991: 214–216). Perhaps most problematic is the assumption that each witness has
been copied from only one exemplar. Maas (1958: 7–8) himself acknowledged that
some readers would “correct” a manuscript they were using on the basis of a copy
7
In addition to editing several classical texts, Lachmann prepared an edition of the Greek New
Testament using the stemmatic approach. However, primarily owing to its great number of extant
witnesses, contemporary editions of the New Testament do not use the full stemmatic approach.
8
A hyparchetype is a hypothetical intermediate copy, which, according to the stemma, is situated
between the archetype and some of its witnesses.
61
which are unlikely to have been the result of scribal emendations, while other
witnesses preserve many incorrect readings which are known to derive from ancient
sources (e.g. they are found in papyrus fragments), it is likely that there has been
more than one ancient line of transmission. Equally, if reasonably early (i.e. early
medieval) witnesses already preserve extremely divergent readings, it is likely that
this divergence dates from antiquity.
Sanskrit literature has been composed for over three thousand years and, at the peak
of its popularity, had spread across most of Central, South and Southeast Asia.
Early Sanskrit compositions were not initially transmitted by handwritten
manuscripts, but were rather preserved by oral means. For example, vedic texts
were orally composed and, for many centuries, handed down orally from one
generation to the next (Olivelle 1998a: 8–10). When these early compositions were
eventually committed to writing, on occasion the tradition of oral transmission
continued alongside the textual transmission (e.g. Graham 1987: 72). In some early
instances, it appears that manuscripts were not used as a vehicle for textual
transmission, but instead as a support for the recitation of an orally transmitted
composition. For example, an early Buddhist Sanskrit manuscript found in
Turkmenistan contains abbreviated stories which appear to have been used as
memory aids to support the recitation of a fuller, and presumably orally transmitted,
version (Lenz 2003: 92–98).9 With the exception of the still undeciphered script of
the Indus Valley civilisation, there is no clear evidence for the existence of writing
in India prior to the middle of the third century BCE (Salomon 1998: 10–14). After
this time, the technology of writing was gradually adopted for the purpose of
preserving Sanskrit literature. One of the earliest extant Sanskrit manuscripts,
which contains a fragment of Aśvaghoṣa’s Saundarananda, has been dated to the
9
The existence of similar manuscripts written in Gāndhārī (Lenz 2003, 2010) demonstrates that this
is not an isolated example in early Indian Buddhism.
63
second or third century CE (Hartmann 1988). Sanskrit texts have been copied onto
a variety of different materials, including palm leaf, birch bark and paper. Many
scripts throughout Central, South and Southeast Asia have been used to record
Sanskrit literature, including, for example, Bengali, Burmese, Devanāgarī, Grantha,
Malayalam, Newari, Oriya, Śāradā, Sinhala and Telugu scripts. Gombrich (1978:
24) estimated that there “may be as many as two million [Sanskrit] manuscripts
extant, though they are perishing fast”.
Some Sanskrit texts have been edited using the stemmatic approach. For
example, in an edition of the Vyavahāracintāmaṇi, Rocher (1956) created a stemma
for the seven witnesses available to him and reconstructed its archetype. However,
the extant witnesses of a large number of Sanskrit texts resist a full stemmatic
analysis. Highly popular Sanskrit texts were copied frequently, which increased the
chance that multiple copies would be available to those who wished to read them.
When a manuscript was read alongside another copy of the same text, its reader
often made “corrections” to it, thus introducing contamination to the text’s
transmission.10 For such texts, therefore, a high proportion of the extant witnesses is
contaminated and mapping individual genealogies is extremely difficult, if not
impossible. Instead, an adaption of the stemmatic approach has often been used for
editing such texts. Described as “one of the most significant events in Indology in
the 20th century” (Brockington 1998: 57), a critical edition of the Mahābhārata was
published by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute between 1927 and 1966 in
nineteen volumes. In total, 1259 manuscripts were consulted and 734 of these were
used to construct the edition, with an average of forty-one manuscripts used per
parvan, “section”. In the detailed prolegomena of the first volume, Sukthankar
(1933: lxxxii) commented that “the genetic method (operating with an archetype
and a stemma codicum) cannot strictly be applied to fluid texts and conflated [i.e.
contaminated] manuscripts; for, in their case, it is extremely difficult, if not utterly
10
In his edition of the Mānavadharmaśāstra, Olivelle (2005: 370n2) noted, “Most, if not all, of our
[ninety-one] mss. [i.e. manuscripts] have above-line or marginal corrections made by subsequent
readers... If these mss. were later copied, then it is likely that the marginal and above-line corrections
would have been incorporated in the copies, creating hybrid mss.”.
64
11
Sukthankar (1933: vii) believed, “The reason for this concomitance between script and version
appears to be that the scribes, being as a rule not conversant with any script but that of their own
particular province, could copy only manuscripts written in their special provincial scripts, exception
being made only in favour of the Devanāgarī, which was a sort of a ‘vulgar’ script, widely used and
understood in India”. However, if this “rule” can be said to apply to the transmission of Sanskrit
literature in general, there have been many exceptions, as is evidenced by the very numerous
occasions in which Sanskrit texts have been transliterated throughout Central, South and Southeast
Asia.
12
The prolegomena of Sukthankar 1933 also heavily influenced one of the few major works on
textual criticism for Sanskrit literature, Introduction to Indian Textual Criticism (Katre 1954).
Indeed, Katre (1954: ix) stated that it was “Sukthankar who was solely responsible for my
undertaking the task of writing the Introduction [to Indian Textual Criticism]”.
65
As with early Sanskrit literature, early Pāli literature was composed and transmitted
orally. Indeed, this mode of transmission heavily influenced the choice and
arrangement of words, and encouraged the development of fixed word formulas
that were comparatively easy to memorise (Allon 1997). It is believed that during
this early period, different bhāṇaka, “reciter”, groups were responsible for
13
Here I am principally concerned with Sukthankar’s editorial logic. Whether the archetype
reconstructed by the editors of the critical edition actually does predate the time in which the text
was first committed to writing is another question. Hiltebeitel (2005), for example, argued that the
Mahābhārata was in fact composed in writing and that the critical edition text represents a written
archetype.
66
14
Reference to the Khuddakabhāṇakas has been made by Norman (2008b: 98).
15
For evidence of monastic specialists in avadāna literature in Gandhāra, see Lenz 2010: 3–14.
16
Unfortunately these collections do not contain a great deal of material related to the Apadāna. In
Vat Lai Hin there are two fragments: one corresponding to Ap 449,26–476,13 (dating to
approximately 1500) and the other corresponding to Ap-a 259,32–572,2 (dating to 1537) (Oskar von
Hinüber, personal communication, 2 March 2008). I would like to thank Oskar von Hinüber for
organising photographs of the former fragment to be sent to me.
67
four groups of scholars worked together to produce a revised version of the Pāli
canon, which came to be known as the “golden edition” owing to the gilding of the
manuscripts. Similarly, beginning in 1856, the Pāli canon was edited by a team of
scholar monks in Mandalay, Burma. This project was undertaken at the request of
King Mindon who, according to Ludu Daw Ahmar (1980: 16), “wanted his copy
thoroughly edited”. The resultant text was written onto palm leaves, engraved onto
marble slabs and later, in 1871, recited at the “fifth Buddhist council”.17 During the
1860s, a team of nearly sixty scholar monks edited the Vinaya at Pelmadulla, Sri
Lanka (Blackburn 2010: 1–7). Local manuscripts were compared with those from
Burma and Thailand and several types of commentarial texts were consulted for
help with difficult passages. The final text was inscribed on palm leaves and taken
on a lengthy procession along the southern coast. From the very late nineteenth
century onwards, series of the Pāli canon began to be printed and published in
Asian countries. A small selection of these series will be surveyed in the remainder
of this section, with the goal of making some general observations on the ways in
which Asian editions of Pāli texts have been edited.
At the request of King Chulalongkorn, the majority of the Pāli canon was
edited by a group of monks and published in Thai script over thirty-nine volumes
between 1893 and 1894 (Chalmers 1898; Grönbold 2005: 39–40). Each volume
begins with a five page preface written in Thai, of which an English translation is
provided by Chalmers (1898). The preface states, “it is only in Siam that Buddhism
stands inviolate. It follows, then, that the present is a fitting time to look into the
scriptures, to purge them, and to multiply copies of them for circulation, so as to
form an immutable standard of true Buddhism for future times” (Chalmers 1898:
3). The preface does not state what witnesses were used to create this text, nor does
it describe the editing methodology which was followed. Occasionally, variant
readings from Sinhala, Burmese and European (i.e. PTS) sources are given in the
17
Although the term “fifth Buddhist council” is used in this thesis, it is a misnomer. The council was
held by Burmese Theravādin monks alone and therefore its text does not fully represent Buddhism
in general, nor even Theravāda Buddhism in particular.
68
critical apparatus. The series omits a number of texts from the Khuddakanikāya,
including the Apadāna.
According to Grönbold (2005: 41–42), the King Chulalongkorn series was
used as the basis for the now more widely used Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka series in
Thai script, which was first published in forty-five volumes between 1925 and
1928. Since this time at least three revisions have appeared. Hamm (1973: 127,
131–132) compared the first and second editions of the Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka
series.18 He found that the second edition contained more variant readings in the
critical apparatus and that some of the readings in the body of the text of the second
edition had been changed without comment. The 1958 print of the Apadāna from
the second edition of the Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka series contains no introductory
matter. However, the 1980 print from the third edition begins with a short preface
in Pāli and Thai.19 It states that one of the reasons for publishing this series is that
the King Chulalongkorn series had sold out and become difficult to find. It further
states that King Rama VII invited senior monks, headed by the supreme patriarch
Jinavarasirivardhana, to reedit the Pāli canon. As with the preface to the King
Chulalongkorn series, it does not state what witnesses were used to create the text,
nor does it describe the editing methodology which was followed. The
Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka series gives variants from Sinhala, Burmese and European
sources.
It has been claimed that the King Chulalongkorn series (Chalmers 1898: 8–
9) and Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka series (Hamm 1973: 127, 134) are faithful and
uncontaminated representations of the manuscript tradition of Thailand. While this
untested hypothesis may be true, according to von Hinüber (1983: 75–76) the
manuscript tradition of Thailand is, for the most part, a reasonably young composite
of readings from Sinhala and Burmese manuscripts. This assertion was partly based
on the belief that, following the mass destruction of manuscripts during the sacking
of Ayudhyā in 1767, the Thai manuscript tradition had to be reestablished with the
18
He calls these editions the “second Siamese edition” and “third Siamese edition” respectively, the
King Chulalongkorn series being the “first Siamese edition”.
19
I would like to thank Chanida Jantrasrisalai who translated the Thai text for me in May 2012.
69
help of manuscripts from Sri Lanka and Burma. Von Hinüber (1983: 76) further
commented:
From 1954 to 1956, the “sixth Buddhist council” was held in Yangon,
Burma.21 The resultant text, the Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka series in Burmese script, was
published in forty volumes between 195022 and 1962 (Grönbold 2005: 47–48;
Hamm 1973: 124–126). Since this time, at least three revisions of this series have
appeared. Occasionally, variant readings from Sinhala, Thai, Cambodian,
European, Burmese and commentarial sources are given in the critical apparatus;
20
Von Hinüber (1983: 88) therefore stressed the value of Thai manuscripts predating 1767, stating,
“the hope is growing and seems to be well-founded now that more material still hidden in Wat
libraries in North Thailand, when brought to light, will help to re-establish an old and truly Thai Pāli
tradition, the value of which for establishing better critical text editions and for the history of Pāli
can hardly be rated too high”.
21
Although the term “sixth Buddhist council” is used in this thesis, it is a misnomer. The council
was largely led by Burmese Theravādin monks, with only limited involvement from other
Theravādin countries, and therefore its resultant text does not fully represent Buddhism in general,
nor even Theravāda Buddhism in particular. Moreover, while it has become commonplace to refer to
a standardised list of six Buddhist councils, a number of alternative lists are found in Pāli texts
(Hallisey 1991). Much of the following information on the Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka series and sixth
Buddhist council has been drawn from Clark forthcoming 2015. See this article for more detailed
information.
22
While most volumes appeared after 1956, Grönbold (2005: 47) claimed that the first volume of the
Abhidhammapiṭaka was published in 1950.
70
however, bibliographical details of these witnesses are not supplied. Hamm (1973:
126, 131–133) concluded that, at times, these variant readings represent a
disappointingly small proportion of the variants actually found in these sources.
Considerably more information on the making of this series is available
compared with that of the King Chulalongkorn or Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka series.
Valuable sources are the Sangāyanā [sic] Souvenir 1954, an English publication
which provides information on the preparations made prior to the council; the 1954
Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Nidānakathā, a nine page Pāli preface found at the beginning of each
major section of the Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka series; 23 and the Chaṭṭha Sangāyanā [sic]
Souvenir Album 1956, a publication in Burmese and English containing council
proceedings and speeches. In these sources, one of the principal rationales put
forward for undertaking this editing project was a concern that existing printed
editions of the Pāli canon contained readings which differed from one another and
which were also often erroneous (Chaṭṭha Sangāyanā Souvenir Album 1956: 36,
219; “Nidānakathā” 2008: ii–iii). It was reported that the text inscribed on the
Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae was used as the base text for this series and that this was
revised by over 1000 monks, divided into over one hundred editing groups, by
means of comparison with other extant printed editions (Sangāyanā Souvenir 1954:
6, 25–27). While the editing methodology is not described in any detail, the editors
appear to have held the belief that the original words of the Buddha could be
reconstructed by choosing the most “correct” readings from among the variants.
The Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Nidānakathā states:
23
Reproduced as “Nidānakathā” 2008: i–ix.
24
advaya literally means “non-dual”. The claim here is that when the Buddha gave a talk, he did not
give multiple versions with different wording, but rather only one version.
71
25
It is unfortunate that the term “correct” is not defined and that the method for choosing among
multiple “correct” variant readings is not described.
26
Of course, other important series of the Pāli canon have been printed in South and Southeast Asia;
however, a full analysis of these is beyond the scope of this thesis. Particularly important are the
Cambodian Tipiṭaka series in Khmer script, published in 110 volumes between 1931 and 1973
(Grönbold 2005: 43); the Nālandā Devanāgarī Pāli series in Devanāgarī script, published in forty-
one volumes between 1956 and 1961 (Grönbold 2005: 50; Hamm 1973: 128–129); and the
Buddhajayantī Tripiṭaka series in Sinhala script, published in fifty-two volumes (over fifty-eight
books) between 1957 and 1989 (Grönbold 2005: 50–51).
72
were made to the text.27 In addition, their critical apparatuses are far from complete.
It can be inferred that the editors of these series did not anticipate that such
information would be of great importance to the intended readers. Instead, the
prefaces of the King Chulalongkorn and Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka series indicate that
the editors’ primary concern was the removal of errors present in previous
witnesses and the presentation of a “purified” text in print form.
Pāli texts began to be published in Europe during the first half of the nineteenth
century, predating the first series from Southeast Asia by over half a century. From
1877 onwards, editions of Pāli texts were being published in much greater numbers,
particularly after the foundation of the PTS in 1881 (de Jong 1987: 23–24). These
early publications were completely dependent upon the availability of palm leaf
manuscripts in private collections and European libraries, such as the Royal Library
of Copenhagen and the India Office Library in London. Some key differences exist
between the PTS series and the series surveyed in § 3.6.1. For the most part, PTS
editions have been edited by European philologists for the academic study of
Theravāda Buddhism, whereas Asian editions have been edited by learned monks to
preserve and spread the dhamma, and to make merit.28 As stated by Balbir (2009:
3), the PTS series is a “heterogeneous collection of editions of unequal quality
based on materials of different types”, whereas the Asian series tend to be carefully
planned unified projects with a higher degree of internal textual consistency. Most
27
As noted by Skilling (2009: 34), “in Southeast Asian printed editions ‘silent correction’ is
generally still considered respectable, and even when some notes are given, they are not systematic
and the editorial principles are rarely adequately explained. Because of this, the reader using the
edition assumes that the text did not have any problems; he assumes that what he reads is exactly
what the original manuscript read. But often that is not the case at all”.
28
The preface to the King Chulalongkorn series refers to its editing and publication as “meritorious
work” (Chalmers 1898: 4) and the preface to the Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka series refers to its
publication as merit making.
73
of the PTS publications from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have
not been superseded by more recent European editions and continue to be used by
scholars. However, this does not mean that they are in no need of revision. In fact,
in recent decades a number of scholars have drawn attention to the limitations of
these early publications and have called for new Roman script editions to be
produced.
In an article first published in 1990,29 Norman critiqued the PTS series by
comparing it unfavorably with editions of the Greek New Testament. In particular,
he drew attention to an edition of the Gospel according to St Luke30 which lists all
significant readings of more than 200 Greek manuscripts, along with several early
translations and quotations of that Gospel. It involved more than 260 readers to
study and collate the manuscripts. Norman (2008b: 81) stated, “I was struck by the
complete contrast to the way in which many editions of Pāli texts have been, and
are, I fear, still being, made... anyone who reads the editor’s preface to many of the
editions published by the Pali Text Society will be amazed at the small number of
manuscripts which editors have thought would be sufficient for them to utilise when
performing their task”. Norman (2008b: 82) also pointed out that in some cases no
information is given on the editing methodology used to construct the text, that is,
why particular readings were selected in preference to alternative readings also
available to the editor.
Cone (2007) also evaluated the PTS series in an article which discusses her
experience editing the new Dictionary of Pāli (Cone 2001–). Cone (2007: 96)
stated, “the PTS editions have a large number of, at best questionable, at worst,
plain wrong, readings. Often these editions are transcriptions of a very few mss, or
even of only one; often they follow only one tradition, usually the Sinhalese... I
suspect, also, that those who did know Sanskrit emended silently”. Cone (2007:
102) went so far as to recommend the reediting of all existing PTS editions,
including canonical and commentarial literature. More recently, Skilling (2009: 32)
criticised PTS editions for largely ignoring Thai manuscripts and early Thai printed
29
Norman 1990; reprinted as Norman 2008b: 80–91.
30
American and British Committees of the International Greek New Testament Project 1987.
74
editions. Similarly, Balbir (2009: 3) commented that the early PTS editions strongly
favoured readings from Sri Lankan manuscripts over readings from Southeast
Asian manuscripts. Balbir (2009: 8) concluded, “That they [i.e. the PTS editions]
need to be revised and improved cannot be denied. The problem is to find the best
way to present the results coming from the availability of new material”. Norman,
Cone and Balbir each gave a small selection of examples from PTS publications to
support their arguments. However, what has not yet been done is a broad
quantitative analysis of the features of the European editions which indicates how
widespread these problems are.
In order to assess the PTS series as a whole, I have examined the prefaces of eighty-
one PTS31 editions of canonical and aṭṭhakathā texts.32 The publication dates of
these volumes range from 1870 to 1998. Firstly, I analysed the number and type of
witnesses used by editors to construct their text. On average, 5.4 witnesses were
used per publication, including 3.5 manuscripts33 and 1.9 printed editions. Figure 1
shows the total number of witnesses used for each edition over year of publication.
A trend line indicates that, on average, the total number of witnesses used has
31
While the Khuddakapāṭha was initially published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of
Great Britain and Ireland (Childers 1870), it was later reprinted by the PTS.
32
Using their abbreviations (with year of publication), they are D I–III (1890–1911), M I–III (1888–
1899), S I–V (1884–1898), A I–V (1885–1900), Khp (1870), Dhp (1994), Ud (1885), It (1889), Sn
(1913), Vv (1977), Pv (1977), Th (1883), Thī (1883), Ap (1925–1927), Bv (1974), Cp (1974), Ja I–
VI (1877–1896), Nidd I–II (1917–1918), Paṭis I–II (1905–1907), Vin I–V (1879–1883), Dhs (1885),
Vibh (1904), Pp (1883), Kv (1894–1897), Yam I–II (1911–1913), Tikap (1921–1923), Dukap
(1906), Sv I–III (1886–1932), Ps I–V (1922–1938), Spk I–III (1929–1937), Mp I–V (1924–1956), Pj
I (1915), Ud-a (1926), It-a I–II (1934–1936), Pj II,1 (1916), Pj II,2 (1917), Thī-a (1998), Ap-a
(1954), Bv-a (1946), Paṭis-a (1933–1947), Vibh-a (1923), Pp-a (1914), Kv-a (1979) and Tikap-a
(1921–1923).
33
In this section, the term “manuscripts” also includes transcripts of manuscripts made by European
scholars.
75
increased over time. In Figure 2, the total number of witnesses used for each edition
has been broken down into the number of manuscripts and the number of printed
editions. A trend line indicates that, on average, the number of printed editions used
as witnesses has increased over time. Due to the publication of new series of Pāli
texts in South and Southeast Asia throughout the twentieth century, this is
unsurprising. Interestingly, a second trend line in the same figure indicates that, on
average, the number of manuscripts used as witnesses has decreased over time. In
numerous prefaces of the early European editions, editors describe the great
difficulty of obtaining even a few manuscripts of a text they wished to edit (e.g.
Fausbøll 1877: i, v; Feer 1898: vii–viii). However, this problem did not worsen
over the twentieth century; in fact, in recent decades it has become easier to obtain
copies of manuscripts, particularly via high quality digital scans. It may be that the
declining usage of manuscripts is primarily a reflection of the greater difficulties
involved with working with this type of witness compared with edited books.
13
12
11
10
Number of witnesses
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
Year of publication
Figure 1. Total number of witnesses used for each edition over year of publication.
76
11
10
9
Number of witnesses
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
Year of publication
Figure 2. Number of manuscripts and printed editions used for each edition over
year of publication.
Burma (30%)
Thailand (11%)
Europe (6%)
India (1%)
34
According to Grönbold (2005: 38), most of Cambodia’s manuscripts are likely to have been
destroyed by the Khmer Rouge. However, it appears that there are still large collections of Laotian
manuscripts in existence, as evidenced by the online Digital Library of Lao Manuscripts
(http://www.laomanuscripts.net/en/index). Unfortunately, this website does not seem to contain
scans of any Apadāna manuscripts.
35
Editors occasionally used previous PTS editions as witnesses in order to construct their text. For
example, in the 1998 edition of the Therīgāthā-aṭṭhakathā, the editor utilised the 1893 PTS edition of
this work, together with the PTS edition of the Apadāna.
78
Burma (33%)
Thailand (4%)
Burma (22%)
Thailand (25%)
Europe (18%)
India (4%)
Morris (1885: viii) stated, “where they essentially differ, I have, in nearly every
case, given the preference to the Siṅhalese readings”. Only 26% of the prefaces
surveyed in this study mention whether or not the text had been emended by the
editor(s) without the support a witness. Of this 26%, one third stated that the text
was not emended, while two thirds stated that the text was emended. For example,
Fausbøll (1877: ii) stated, “I have only corrected the text in places where I was sure,
from other passages, that it was wrong... Sometimes I have let the Sanskritic
orthography guide me, but perhaps wrongly”. In other editions, particularly of texts
belonging to the Abhidhammapiṭaka, repetitious passages have been condensed or
abbreviated. For example, regarding the Paṭṭhāna, von Hinüber (1996: 75)
commented, “This text has been abbreviated in the PTS edition to such a degree that
it forbids our forming any clear picture of its structure or contents. Therefore, the
comparison of the Burmese edition (1959–1967) in five volumes is imperative:
Tikap 317 – 355 e.g. corresponds to about 700 pages in Be”. Finally, in only 17% of
the printed editions surveyed here did the editors give any information from the
colophons of the manuscripts they used, such as the copying date. Only two of the
eighty-one publications supplied this information from all their manuscripts.36
The purpose of this section is not to disparage early European editors of Pāli
texts. In most cases, these pioneers produced the best editions that could be
reasonably expected of them given the limited resources with which they had to
work. In particular, access to manuscripts was very limited and the grammars and
dictionaries available at the time were less comprehensive than those available
today. Indeed, the editors themselves often noted that their editions were tentative
and required future revision. The purpose of this section is, instead, to highlight the
particular limitations of these publications and make some observations that may
aid editors of future editions. The first such limitation is that these editions are, on
average, based upon a small number of witnesses. Due to the publication of new
series of Pāli texts in South and Southeast Asia throughout the twentieth century,
editors increasingly relied upon printed editions for their witnesses rather than
manuscripts. Most manuscripts used to produce these publications were from Sri
36
Namely, Dhp (1994) and Kv-a (1979).
80
Lanka, though a sizable proportion were from Burma. Thai manuscripts were
poorly represented, while Laotian and Cambodian manuscripts were entirely
ignored. Most of the editions examined in this analysis omit information on editing
methodology, including whether or not the text was emended by the editor. When
this information is supplied, there is no consistency between publications. These
results support, and add detail to, the critical assessments summarised in § 3.6.2,
with the exception of the apparently inaccurate claim by Skilling (2009: 32) that
PTS editors have largely ignored early Thai printed editions.37
How, then, should a new edition of the Apadāna be edited and presented? Firstly,
the minimum requirement for a scholarly edition ought to be complete transparency
regarding the manner in which the editor has produced his or her text. This includes
the provision of detailed information on all witnesses, a statement regarding the
textual form the editor has attempted to reproduce and an explanation of the editing
methodology used. As demonstrated in § 3.6, most existing editions of Pāli texts
provide little to none of this information and thereby conceal the editor’s significant
role in shaping the textual form.
Secondly, while editorial intervention into the received text ought to be kept
to a minimum, the published text needs to be accessible to the majority of Pāli
readers. In her critique of PTS editions, Balbir (2009: 16) suggested that the
facsimile edition38 might be a suitable alternative to the eclectic edition, which she
calls the “critical edition”.39 However, it is likely that the readership of such a
37
As quoted in § 3.6.1, a similar claim was made by von Hinüber (1983: 76) regarding the King
Chulalongkorn series.
38
A facsimile edition consists of facsimile reproductions of each page of a manuscript.
39
I have avoided the term “critical edition” in this thesis because it has no widely accepted and
unambiguous definition. Kelemen (2009: 73) stated that a critical edition is a reconstruction of an
ideal text by means of textual criticism. Using this definition, the critical edition is therefore not
identical to the eclectic edition. For instance, the semi-diplomatic edition, that is, one which
81
publication would be limited to a small group of specialists who are able to read the
script in question, who are comfortable reading Pāli without spaces between words
and who are capable of identifying and coping with the many scribal errors found
throughout most Pāli manuscripts.40 Similarly, in another critique of PTS editions,
Masefield (2009: 3) advocated a variant of the diplomatic edition:
Masefield (2009: 3–4) further suggested that such an edition should consist
of an unbroken string of transliterated graphemes, either with or without an
additional transliteration in which the editor has intervened to separate individual
words with spaces. While such an edition would be slightly more accessible than a
facsimile edition, its readership is still likely to be confined to a small number of
highly trained scholars. The quality of text contained in Pāli manuscripts is
extremely variable and if the manuscript in question is to be selected at random, as
Masefield suggests, then it is reasonably likely that its text would contain a large
number of scribal errors. The reader would need to be able to identify these errors
and constantly refer to the variant readings contained in what would surely need to
reproduces the text of a single witness with editorial changes, could also be regarded as a critical
edition.
40
Instead, facsimile editions are more appropriate for Pāli works which are preserved in only one or
two manuscripts, or for historically significant manuscripts, e.g. the oldest known Pāli palm leaf
manuscript, which dates to the eighth or ninth century (von Hinüber 1991).
82
41
It is also problematic that Masefield appears to draw a sharp division between the “genuine
versions” contained in South and Southeast Asian manuscripts and the, presumably “non-genuine”,
text of an edited printed edition. As with printed editions, manuscripts are sometimes a mixture of
readings from multiple exemplars and their scribes also sometimes made silent emendations to the
text.
42
See § 4.1.1 for details on the punctuation used in the edition contained in this thesis.
43
For a similar reason, it would not be particularly appropriate to represent the Apadāna via a
synoptic edition, that is, one in which the readings from each witness are given in full side-by-side
and in which no attempt is made to present a single ideal text. The number of extant Apadāna
manuscripts would also make such an edition very voluminous and would compare unfavourably to,
for example, the successful synoptic edition of the Jambūpatisūtra (Pakdeekham 2009) which
presents the text of only six witnesses.
44
Olivelle (1998b), for instance, discussed the negative repercussions of poorly labeled conjectural
emendations in the early editions of the Upaniṣads. In editions of Greek and Latin texts, it is
common practice to use <angle brackets> to indicate conjectural additions and {braces} to indicate
conjectural deletions (Maas 1958: 22; West 1973: 80).
45
Namely, the editions from the Buddhajayantī Tripiṭaka series, Cambodian Tipiṭaka series,
Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka series, Dayyaraṭṭhassa Saṅgītitepiṭaka 2530 Buddhavasse series, Hanthawaddy
Press series, Mahāsaṅgīti Tipiṭaka Buddhavasse 2500 series, Nālandā Devanāgarī Pāli series, PTS
series and Syāmraṭṭhassa Tepiṭaka series; Buddhadatta 1929–1930; and ဦးခိင် 1917. As far as I am
aware, the edition from the Simon Hewavitarne Bequest series is incomplete and consists of only
83
Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka edition, for example, contains very few errors from an
orthographical or grammatical standpoint and is therefore suitable for the general
reader who wishes to become acquainted with apadāna stories. Another printed
edition of the Apadāna in which its editor has primarily attempted to produce a
polished and highly “readable” text would be of little benefit to Pāli studies. What
has not yet been attempted is an edition which is principally concerned with the
historical development of the text, via a close study of its extant witnesses, and
which presents the earliest possible textual form as the base text. If such an edition
is possible, not only would it make a valuable contribution to the study of the
Apadāna, but it would be of importance to the study of Pāli literature in general.
The final consideration is which editing methodology to adopt. As noted
throughout § 3.6, in most editions of Pāli texts the editor(s) have provided little to
no information on their editing methodology and in such instances the reader is
likely to assume, often perhaps correctly, that the editor(s) in fact had no clear
methodology and simply choose the readings which most appealed to their own
personal predilections. Some PTS editions explicitly state that this is what was done
(e.g. Feer 1884: xiii). Needless to say, this is not an appropriate method by which to
produce a scholarly edition, particularly if the goal is to represent the earliest
possible textual form. Earlier in this chapter, a number of editing methodologies
was surveyed in order to demonstrate the diversity of options available for editing a
text represented by multiple witnesses. Are any of these approaches suitable for a
new edition of the Apadāna?
In § 3.2 it was noted that diplomatic editions based upon a Masoretic witness
have been particularly popular for publications of Hebrew scripture. This is, in part,
due to the privileged place that the Masoretic Text has had within Judaism from a
reasonably early period and the existence of several Masoretic manuscripts which
were copied approximately one thousand years ago (Tov 2012: 44–46). Within
Theravāda Buddhism, however, there is no particular text type or set of manuscripts
which practicing communities agree is authoritative and, in the case of the
one volume of the projected two volumes. For further details on some of these publications, see §
4.1.2.1.
84
Apadāna, there are no known complete manuscripts which are especially old.
Therefore, no single witness stands out as being particularly suitable for providing
the base text of a diplomatic edition of the Apadāna. Alternatively, the problems
associated with selecting a manuscript at random to provide the base text of an
edition of a Pāli text have been described above.
In § 3.3 it was noted that most modern editions of New Testament scripture
have been produced using eclecticism, particularly reasoned eclecticism which
takes external evidence into consideration. The external evidence provided by New
Testament witnesses is particularly powerful because of the short interval
separating composition dates and the earliest extant manuscripts, and because
research has revealed the key features of the primary text types into which early
witnesses may be divided. In the case of the Apadāna, however, external evidence
is weak. Since our earliest extant manuscripts postdate the text’s composition by a
very significant period of time, differences between the copying dates of almost all
extant manuscripts are not particularly significant.46 Furthermore, so little research
has been conducted into the features of the main text types of Pāli manuscripts that
we are not yet able to judge a reading on the basis of the text type to which it
belongs. Therefore, if the Apadāna were to be edited eclectically, the main type of
evidence used would be internal evidence, meaning that the text would be edited
using thoroughgoing eclecticism. The main danger of such an approach is that, if
the evidence is not strong enough, the resultant text might be an artificial new
creation rather than something which truly represents an early textual form.
In § 3.4 it was commented that Greek and Latin classical texts have most
often been edited using the stemmatic approach. Both the Hebrew Bible and New
Testament have been preserved in thousands of manuscripts and it is therefore
inconceivable that their witnesses could be manually arranged into detailed
stemmas. However, the reasonably small number of manuscripts in which most
Greek and Latin classical texts are preserved is well suited for stemmatic analysis.
Stemmatic editing might be similarly appropriate for the Apadāna, since the
46
The primary exception being the Apadāna fragment from Vat Lai Hin, which dates to
approximately 1500 CE (see § 3.6.1n16).
85
number of its known extant manuscripts is not exceptionally high. Additionally, the
goal of this approach is compatible with the editing goal proposed earlier in this
section, namely, the reconstruction of the Apadāna’s earliest possible textual form.
Of course, the success of the stemmatic approach is inversely proportional to the
extent to which a text’s witnesses are contaminated. The transmission history of
Pāli literature is, as yet, poorly understood and therefore the frequency and extent
of contamination found in Pāli manuscripts is unknown. However, a small number
of Pāli texts have been successfully edited using the stemmatic approach, including
the Upāsakajanālaṅkāra (Saddhatissa 1965), Dīghanikāyaṭīkā Līnatthappakāsinī (de
Silva 1970) and Aṅguttaranikāyaṭīkā Catuttha Sāratthamañjūsā (Pecenko 1996–
1999).47 The stemma of the Upāsakajanālaṅkāra witnesses indicates that one
manuscript drew from two exemplars; however, the stemmas in the latter two
publications do not depict contamination in the branches of manuscript
transmission. It is therefore possible that a similarly low level of contamination is
present in manuscripts of the Apadāna. If some manuscripts are found to be heavily
contaminated and resist a strict stemmatic analysis, it might be possible to group
these into a single cluster and treat them as a whole unit within the stemma, as per
the adaption of the stemmatic approach used for editing several Sanskrit texts (see §
3.5). It is therefore recommended that a new scholarly edition of the Apadāna be
edited stemmatically.
47
For sake of completeness, it should be noted that some Pāli scholars do not believe that stemmatic
editing is appropriate for Pāli literature. In her critique of PTS editions, Balbir (2009: 6) rather
strangely commented, “The search for archetypes, i.e. the oldest copy of a text, which has been
applied to the manuscripts of Classical Antiquity, is certainly rather vain and perhaps off the mark
given the modes of diffusions of Buddhist literature, the wide geographical regions where the texts
were copied, and the profusion of manuscripts”. That Pāli literature has spread out over wide
geographical regions via numerous manuscripts is no reason to abandon the stemmatic approach. In
fact, such a situation is likely to minimise contamination and thereby favour successful stemmatic
editing.
86
1
See § 4.1.2 for details on witnesses.
87
compared them all with the aid of an open source computer program called Juxta,2
which visually highlights differences between a base text and alternate versions.
This comparison revealed that there was a relatively large number of variant
readings and indicated that therefore it would not be possible to cite all these
witnesses in a new printed edition of the Apadāna. This comparison further
revealed that a number of the witnesses were textually very similar, meaning that it
would not even be necessary to cite all these witnesses. After closely studying the
relationships between these witnesses, nine manuscripts were selected to serve as
primary sources for the new edition. This final selection was based upon a number
of factors, including quality of digital photographs, manuscript age, script type,3
number of scribal errors and textual relationships with other manuscripts.
Specifically, manuscripts were selected so as to represent as many significant
branches of textual transmission as possible. Therefore, manuscripts which were
textually redundant were omitted, together with those found to be contaminated
with the text of the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae,4 which evidently exerted a strong
influence upon the late manuscript tradition of Burma.5 In addition to these nine
manuscripts, four of the most widely used printed editions were selected to serve as
secondary witnesses. Besides these thirteen witnesses of the Apadāna, quotations of
the root text in an old Apadānaṭṭhakathā manuscript were also cited. However,
printed editions of the Apadānaṭṭhakathā were not used in this fashion, principally
2
Version 1.7 downloaded from http://www.juxtasoftware.org.
3
It is a matter of regret that I was unable to access more than one Khom script manuscript from
Thailand.
4
Namely, §§ 4.1.2.2.5, 4.1.2.2.6, 4.1.2.2.8.
5
Regarding the Kuthodaw Pagoda site, Maung Tsain (1951: 20) wrote, “On other days the long
white colonnades of gleaming shrines are empty, save for an occasional visitor; or for a few Monks
in the Yellow Robe, who, kneeling within the little shrines, are busily comparing with the stone
inscription a new-written palm-leaf manuscript of Sutta, Vinaya or Abhidhamma; and marking on it
where the text differs, or the copyist has erred”. It is notable that amongst the manuscript witnesses
included in the pilot study, 100% of Burmese script manuscripts (nine of nine) were found to be
contaminated, while only 22% of Sinhala script manuscripts (two of nine) were found to be
contaminated. This may well reflect different approaches to copying manuscripts in these countries.
88
because it was found that their quotations of the root text had often been
harmonised with popular printed editions of the Apadāna; this was especially the
case for the PTS edition of the Apadānaṭṭhakathā. Finally, by carefully analysing
the transcriptions of the nine primary manuscript witnesses in Juxta using the
methodologies outlined by Maas (1958) and especially West (1973), a stemma was
created which represents their hypothesised relationships. This stemma, displayed
and described in § 4.1.3, is broadly arranged into two principal branches of
transmission via two principal hyparchetypes.
The aim of this new edition of the Apadāna is to reconstruct the earliest
possible textual form and therefore its base text primarily reflects manuscript
readings. One of the principal methods used to achieve this is the reconstruction of
the stemma’s archetype using the methodologies outlined by Maas (1958) and
especially West (1973), the application of which will now be briefly described. A
reading supported by both principal hyparchetypes almost certainly represents the
text of the archetype. In cases where the principal hyparchetypes contain different
readings, a number of considerations have guided my text critical decision making.
Often, one of the readings is erroneous from an orthographic, grammatical or
semantic standpoint and appears to have arisen from a simple scribal mistake. If the
principal hyparchetypes contain different readings yet neither is erroneous, the
situation is more difficult. In such cases, I have particularly kept in mind two of the
most important guidelines of textual criticism: (1) the reading which most easily
explains the development of the other reading(s) is likely to be the earliest, and (2)
the more difficult (but not more implausible) reading is likely to be the earliest. In
such cases, I have also favoured readings which are supported by the text of the
Apadānaṭṭhakathā manuscript. It is clear that the archetype contained numerous
pādas which were metrically nonstandard; therefore, while I have not ignored
metrical considerations, I have not allowed them to significantly influence my
choice of readings. I have not standardised the orthography or sandhi found in the
manuscripts, but have instead attempted to represent the orthography and sandhi of
the archetype. Amongst the manuscript witnesses, I have given slightly less weight
to the readings contained in B2 and S1 because these witnesses show the most
89
evidence of conscious editorial emendation. Each set of variant readings was treated
as a unique case requiring a flexible approach, rather than the mechanical
application of a rigid set of text critical rules.
It was found that the reconstructed archetype occasionally contains readings
which are erroneous from an orthographic, grammatical or semantic standpoint (see
§ 4.1.3 for a description of the archetype). In such instances, rather than reproduce
the erroneous archetypal reading in the base text, I have instead replaced it with a
corrected reading. Wherever possible, I have used readings found in manuscripts
for such corrections, often those belonging to hyparchetype e which shows evidence
of having been consciously revised (e.g. §§ 6.2.7, 6.5.1, 6.8.3). On the rare
instances in which this was not possible, I have used readings found only in printed
editions (e.g. §§ 6.5.12, 6.7.2). Each base text reading which I considered to be a
deviation from the archetype has been placed within [square brackets] and the
probable corresponding archetypal reading has been listed in the critical apparatus.
It is intended, therefore, that the base text of this new edition represents the
archetype of the selected manuscripts with its obvious scribal errors removed. Page
numbers belonging to the PTS edition of the Apadāna are provided in the base text
within [square brackets].
Each entry in the critical apparatus includes the following information: (1)
the apadāna and verse number to which the variant reading belongs, (2) the base
text reading, (3) the variant reading, and (4) the sigla of the witnesses which contain
this variant reading. For example, the first entry reads, “1.1 di-] dvi- B1 B2 Be”,
which has the following meaning: (1) the variant reading belongs to apadāna one,
verse one, (2) the base text reads di-, (3) the corresponding variant reading is dvi-,
and (4) this variant reading is contained in the witnesses B1, B2 and Be. The
hyphens in di- and dvi- indicate that these words are the first members of a
compound. Several abbreviations are used in the critical apparatus. A number in
superscript immediately following a base text reading is used for instances in which
the base text reading occurs more than once in the verse and, in these instances, the
superscript number identifies which of these is being referred to. For example, at §
5.1.10 the word tayo occurs twice; an entry in the critical apparatus which relates to
90
this verse begins with “tayo2”, which means that the variant reading relates to the
second occurrence of this word. “(=)” indicates that I considered the variant reading
equally likely to have belonged to the archetype as the base text reading. In such
instances, the reading from hyparchetype b has been placed in the base text.6 The
term “omits” indicates that the specified witnesses omit the base text reading. The
term “adds” indicates that in the specified witnesses the additional reading
immediately follows the base text reading. “B4(p)” refers to an alternative root text
reading available to the commentator(s) of the Apadāna, as preserved in the
Apadānaṭṭhakathā manuscript B4 and indicated in this text by the term pāṭha,
“[variant] reading”.
For manuscript readings which contain scribal corrections, I have cited the
corrected reading and ignored scored off grapheme(s). The reason for this is that in
all the manuscripts used for this edition corrections appear to have been made by
the original scribe7 with reference to his exemplar, as opposed to corrections made
with reference to a second manuscript belonging to a different branch of
transmission. Variant readings judged to be erroneous from an orthographic,8
grammatical9 or semantic10 standpoint have not been included in the critical
apparatus, except in cases where the base text departs from the likely text of the
archetype (see below). Minor valid variations of sandhi11 and orthography12 have
also been excluded from the critical apparatus. A minor variation is here defined as
6
This follows a similar practice suggested by Hendel (2008: 330, 346), which was briefly
summarised in § 3.2.
7
This is evidenced by the similar palaeographic features of corrections and scored off grapheme(s),
and by the frequent placement of corrections immediately following the erroneous scored off
grapheme(s), rather than being interlinear. Additionally, corrections in these manuscripts do not
appear to belong to a different hyparchetype.
8
For example, at § 5.1.2 C3 reads sumaṇo instead of sumano.
9
For example, at § 5.4.18 B1 reads sari kokanudaṃ ahaṃ instead of sariṃ kokanudaṃ ahaṃ.
10
For example, at § 5.1.2 B2 reads pādapiṭṭham akās’ ahaṃ, “I made the top of a foot”, instead of
pādapīṭhaṃ akās’ ahaṃ, “I made a footstool”.
11
For example, at § 5.2.3 C2 reads gaṇaṃ tadā instead of gaṇan tadā.
12
For example, at § 5.1.5 C1 reads kaṃñāsahassāni instead of kaññāsahassāni.
91
13
For example, Ap 322,4 reads pañca hetū (declined), while, only four verses prior, Ap 321,26 reads
pañcahetū (first member of a compound). Equally, Ap 204,15 reads sattasattati kappamhi
(undeclined), while Ap 198,22 reads sattasattatikappamhi (first member of a compound).
14
I would like to thank Oskar von Hinüber and Alexander Wynne for their helpful suggestions on
representing Pāli cardinal numbers.
15
The edition of the third chapter contained in this thesis is not based upon that of Clark 2008 and,
primarily because of the different editing methodologies used, their texts frequently differ.
93
This Burmese script palm leaf manuscript is held at the Colombo National Museum
Library in Sri Lanka, under the shelfmark B13. It was briefly described by de Silva
(1938: 270 / § 1782) in a catalogue of the museum’s palm leaf manuscripts. The
description includes a note that the manuscript was “presented by the King of
Burma”; however, unfortunately the name of the king is not given. On July 2, 2009,
volunteers of DIRI took digital photographs of all leaves of this manuscript. For the
most part, the quality of these images is reasonably good. The title on the cover leaf
is အပဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ်ပါဌ်, while the title in the upper right corner of recto sides is
အပါဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ် (sic). Each leaf typically contains eight lines of clear handwriting.
The 243 leaves are numbered on the upper left corner of recto sides in Burmese
script beginning with က and ending with ပိ. Sinhala script numbering has been
added in the left margin of verso sides, beginning with ක and ending with ත. The
manuscript contains the entire Apadāna. Common errors include i for ī, ñc for ñj, ṭh
for ṭṭh, p for b and the omission of niggahīta. There are infrequent corrections
which are generally not interlinear, but rather immediately follow the erroneous
scored off grapheme(s). After the end of the Apadāna text there is a colophon in
Pāli, which is unusual for a Burmese script manuscript. It reads:
16
In this thesis, Burmese dates have been converted into Western dates using version 3.0 of the
SEAsian Calendars program downloaded from http://home.thep.lu.se/~larsg/Site/download.html.
This program was developed by Lars Gislén and John Christopher Eade, author of Eade 1995.
17
It is highly unusual for a colophon in a Burmese script manuscript to define the completion date
with reference to the moon’s alignment with a lunar mansion. It is likely that the scribe mentioned it
here in order to clarify the precise twelfth day of the month, in place of simply stating whether the
moon was waxing or waning. For this particular month and year, the SEAsian Calendars program
states that the moon was in the lunar mansion of Dhanasidda during thirteenth day of the waning
moon. Due to the nature of its orbit, the moon does not always exactly align with the predicted lunar
mansion; therefore, because he mentioned the “twelfth”, it is reasonably certain that the scribe
wished to refer to the twelfth day of the waning moon. The passage dvāsīti... gaṇā constitutes five
pādas in the śloka metre and this format might explain the usage of the abbreviation Dhana for
Dhanasidda/Dhaniṭṭhā (S. Dhaniṣṭhā). I assume also that gaṇā is an abbreviation of tārāgaṇā. The
passage Dhanassa... gaṇā is particularly difficult to understand and may well contain spelling errors,
which are in fact found throughout this colophon; therefore, my translation is tentative. I would like
to thank Christian Lammerts and Alexey Kirichenko for their generous help with these two pādas,
without which I would have understood very little.
18
A parallel to the passage parama-... -samuditena may be found at the end of several commentaries
in which Buddhaghosa is praised (e.g. Pj I 253, 5–6).
19
My translation assumes that the following are errors: -makaraṇaṃ (for -pakaraṇaṃ), -paṇḍitena
(for -maṇḍitena), sīlācāraṃ guṇasamuddaya- (for sīlācāraguṇasamudaya-), -vipullena (for
95
4.1.2.1.2. B2
This Burmese script palm leaf manuscript is held at the British Library, under the
shelfmark IO Man/Pali78. It was briefly described by Fausbøll (1894–1896: 27 / §
78) in his catalogue of Mandalay manuscripts held in the India Office Library. In
2010, I obtained grayscale digital photographs of all leaves of this manuscript. For
the most part, the quality of these images is reasonably good. In 2011, I visited the
British Library to examine this manuscript in person and clarify readings which
were unclear in the digital photographs. The manuscript contains the entire
Apadāna, divided into two sections. In the first section, the title on the cover leaf
and upper right corner of recto sides is ထရအပဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ်ပါဌ်. In the second section,
the title on the cover leaf and upper right corner of recto sides is
ထရီအပဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ်ပါဌ်. Each leaf typically contains nine lines of very clear
handwriting. There are 268 leaves in total; not 221, as stated by Fausbøll (1894–
-vipulena), likkhito (for likhitaṃ), cāyaṃ (for ca idaṃ or ca imaṃ), Pagguṇe (for Phagguṇe),
dvādasami- (for dvādasamī-), supariniṭhitā (for supariniṭṭhitā) and tiṭhatu (for tiṭṭhatu).
20
My translation assumes that the following are errors or premodern orthographic variants: တပိတွဲ
(for တပိ ့တွဲ), လဆန် (for လဆန်း), အပါဒါန် (for အပဒါန်), ရကူး (for ရးကူး) and ြပဉ်စ (for ြပဉ့်စ).
96
1896: 27). These are numbered on the upper left corner of recto sides beginning
with က and ending with ဖ; however, there are a few blank leaves with no
pagination. While not particularly numerous, errors include i for ī, ṭh for ṭṭh and the
omission of niggahīta. There are extremely few corrections. Immediately after the
end of the Apadāna text, there is a long colophon in Burmese lasting for twenty-
eight lines. This colophon discusses King Thibaw, the last king of Burma, and
Queen Supayalat, and includes three dates from early 1879. The most recent of
these is, “Thursday, the fifth day after the full moon in the month of နယန်, in the
present year 1241 Sakkarāja [Era] [i.e. June 8, 1879]” ( ကာဇာသက္က ရာဇ် ၁၂၄၁ခ။
နယန်လြပည့် ကျာ်၅ရက်၅ တး န ့).
My pilot study of all available witnesses of the second chapter indicated that
the exemplar of this manuscript is § 4.1.2.2.4, which also appears to have been the
exemplar of the Apadāna portion of the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae (§ 4.1.2.2.7). This
conclusion, based purely upon stemmatic analysis, is consistent with the known
history of these three witnesses. That is, we would expect that a royal manuscript
connected to King Thibaw would have been copied from a royal manuscript
connected to his predecessor, King Mindon. My pilot study further indicated that
B2 is a more faithful and careful reproduction of § 4.1.2.2.4 than the Kuthodaw
Pagoda stelae.
4.1.2.1.3. B3
This Burmese script palm leaf manuscript is held at the National Library of
Myanmar, Yangon, under the shelfmark 270. In 2013, I visited the library and took
digital photographs of all leaves of this manuscript. The quality of these images is
good. The manuscript omits the Therikāpadāna. The title in the upper right corner
of recto sides is အပါဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ် (sic). Each leaf typically contains ten lines of
somewhat untidy and cramped handwriting. The 156 leaves are numbered on the
upper left corner of recto sides beginning with က and ending with ဍား. Common
97
errors include i for ī, ṭh for ṭṭh, ḍh for ḍḍh, d for r, p for b, pp for pph and the
omission of niggahīta. There are corrections which are generally not interlinear, but
rather immediately follow the erroneous scored off grapheme(s). Immediately after
the end of the Therāpadāna, there is a colophon in Burmese and Pāli. It reads:
21
My translation assumes that the following are errors or premodern orthographic variants:
ထရာအပါဒါန် (for ထရာပဒါန်), ပီ ပီ (for ပီး ပီ), တပိးတွဲ (for တပိ ့တွဲ), လြပဉ် (for လြပဉ်)့ , သာကျာ နး (for
သာ ကာ န ့), ချက်တီ (for ချက်တးီ ), အပါဒါန် (for အပဒါန်), ြပဉ်စ (for ြပဉ်စ
့ ), ကာင်မ ကာင် (for
ကာင်းမ ကာင့်), လတန် ့ (for လတ္တ ˳), အရိမိ တယ (for အရိ မ တ္တ ယျ), ဘူး တွရပါလိး (for ဖူး တွ ့ရပါလိ), ဟိ တာ
(for ဟိ), ပါ ဿ (for ပါ သာ), လိ က္ခယျ (for လိ ခယျ), ပိတကတ္တ ိယ (for ပိဋကတ္တယ), စာ ရရ သ (for
စာ ရးရ သာ), ကိ ့ (for ကိ or ကိဝ့်), နှင် (for နှင့်) and ြပဉ်စ (for ြပဉ်စ
့ ). In addition, the words သမ သိယာ
ought to follow ဗဒ္ဓရူပ.
98
4.1.2.1.4. B4
This Burmese script palm leaf manuscript of the entire Apadānaṭṭhakathā is held at
the Fragile Palm Leaves Manuscript House in Bangkok, Thailand. The manuscript
identification number is 3875. It was briefly described by Nyunt (2014: II 502) in a
recently published catalogue of the Fragile Palm Leaves manuscript collection. In
March 2008, digital photographs were taken of all leaves of this manuscript. The
quality of these images is good. The title in the upper right corner of recto sides is
အပါဒါန်အ ကထာ (sic). Each leaf typically contains nine lines of clear handwriting.
The 341 leaves are numbered on the upper left corner of recto sides beginning with
က and ending with ဝ. The few corrections it contains are generally not interlinear,
but rather immediately follow the erroneous scored off grapheme(s). Immediately
after the end of the Apadānaṭṭhakathā, there is an incomplete colophon in Burmese
and Pāli, which states, “Each letter should be [regarded as having] equal
[importance] to a statue of the Buddha; therefore, only a wise man should write out
the three piṭakas. On the tenth day after the full moon in the month of တာ်သလင်း,
1160 Sakkarāja [Era] [i.e. September 4, 1798]...” (အက္ခရာဧက မကဉ္စ။ဗဒ္ဓရူပသမ
သိယာ။တသ္မာဟိပ ိ တာ ပါ သာ။ လိ က္ခယျပိဋကတ္တယ
ိ ။ ။သက္က ရာဇ်၁၁၆၀၈ခ တာ်တလင်
လြပည် ကျာ်၁၀တရက် နတွင်အ...).22
When citing this witness in the critical apparatus, I have attempted to use
only direct quotations of the root text and exclude glosses. In many instances,
distinguishing between these two types of readings is relatively straightforward,
such as when a word or phrase is followed by the particle ti or when whole pādas
are quoted; however, in other instances the distinction is less clear. On occasion,
minor changes to the orthography were necessary when making citations. For
example, B4 quotes the root text of § 5.1.3b, stating, gharaṃ tattha akāsin ti;
22
My translation assumes that the following are errors or premodern orthographic variants: လိ က္ခယျ
(for လိ ခယျ), ပိဋကတ္တိယ (for ပိဋကတ္တယ), ၁၁၆၀၈ခ (for ၁၁၆၀ခ), တာ်တလင် (for တာ်သလင်း), လြပည် (for
လြပည့်) and တရက် (for ရက်).
99
however, because a verbatim citation of akāsin would not make a great deal of
sense, it is instead given in the critical apparatus as akāsiṃ.
4.1.2.1.5. Be
This Burmese script printed edition represents the sixth Buddhist council version of
the Apadāna. Volume one was published in 1960, 1991 and 1997, the latter having
496 pages (excluding front matter). Its text corresponds to Ap 1–378. Volume two,
which also includes the Buddhavaṃsa and Cariyāpiṭaka, was published in 1960,
1991, 1997 and 1999, the latter having 476 pages (excluding front matter). Its text
corresponds to Ap 378–615. A slim critical apparatus contains variant readings
from Sri Lankan, Burmese, Thai, Cambodian and “English” sources, none of which
are identified with bibliographical information. Each volume contains indexes of
keywords, names, variant readings and verses (listed by first pāda). A short list of
corrections is included in volume one.23
4.1.2.1.6. C1
23
For additional information on this series and the sixth Buddhist council, see Clark forthcoming
2015.
100
Khuddakanikāya and contains the entire Apadāna. Common errors include ī for i,
ṅg for g, n for ṇ and vy for bb. There are many instances in which this manuscript
omits several consecutive syllables. These omissions, which usually coincide with
those of the witness S2 in the PTS edition of the Apadāna, have generally not been
noted in the critical apparatus of this new edition. Corrections are generally not
interlinear, but rather immediately follow the erroneous scored off grapheme(s).
The manuscript is undated. Immediately after the end of the Apadāna, there is a
short phrase in Sanskrit, which states, “May there be success in all goals”
(sarvārtthasiddhir bbhavatu).24
4.1.2.1.7. C2
This Sinhala script palm leaf manuscript is held at the Velivita Saranankara
Sangharaja Museum of Malwathu Maha Viharaya in Kandy, Sri Lanka, under the
shelfmark 32. On July 16, 2009, volunteers of DIRI took digital photographs of all
leaves of this manuscript. The quality of these images is fair. Each leaf typically
contains nine lines of reasonably clear handwriting. The 180 leaves are numbered
on the left margin of recto sides beginning with ක and ending with ඨී. The
manuscript contains the entire Apadāna and is part of a set of Khuddakanikāya texts
which also includes the Buddhavaṃsa and Itivuttaka. Common errors include ṅg for
g, th for t, n for ṇ, and vy for bb. There are many instances in which this manuscript
omits several consecutive syllables and, as with C1, these are usually the same as
those of S2 in the PTS edition of the Apadāna. These omissions have generally not
been noted in the critical apparatus of this new edition. Corrections are generally
not interlinear, but rather immediately follow the erroneous scored off grapheme(s).
The manuscript is undated. Immediately after the end of the Apadāna, it states in
Sinhala diyavaḍana maṅguli, the significance of which is not entirely clear, but
24
My translation assumes that the following are errors: sarvārttha- (for sarvārtha-) and bbhavatu
(for bhavatu).
101
which may be translated, “Ceremony for making more water”.25 Following this is a
series of short phrases in Sanskrit, which states, “May there be success. May there
be good. May there be freedom from disease. May there be success in desired
goals” (siddhir astu. subham astu. ārogyam astu. iṣṭārtthasiddhir astu).26 Lastly,
there is another phrase in Sinhala, which states, “May I become a supramundane
buddha” (lovuturā budu vemvā).27
4.1.2.1.8. C3
This Sinhala script palm leaf manuscript is held at the Royal Asiatic Society of
Great Britain and Ireland, London, under the shelfmark RAS Morris 11. It was
described by Filliozat (1999: 57) in her catalogue of Pāli manuscripts held at this
institution. As mentioned by Filliozat, a transcription of this manuscript was used
for the first eleven and a half chapters in the PTS edition of the Apadāna (Ap 1–
150). As also noted by Filliozat, the manuscript contains European figures written
in ink and pencil, including the numbering of leaves and verses, and underlining of
occasional words. With the exception of leaf numbering, these markings cease at
approximately the same point at which the PTS edition stops citing the transcription
of this manuscript (leaf ෙග). On April 26, 2012, digital photographs were made of
the first half of this manuscript. The quality of these images is good. Each leaf
typically contains nine lines of clear handwriting; not usually eight, as stated by
Filliozat (1999: 57). The 169 leaves are numbered on the left margin of recto sides
beginning with ක and ending with ටෑ. The manuscript contains the entire Apadāna.
Common errors include ī for i, ṇ for n, th for t, n for ṇ, ndh for ṇḍ, l for ḷ and the
omission of niggahīta. Corrections are generally not interlinear, but rather
25
I wish to thank Rolf Heinrich Koch, Patrick Olivelle and Rohana Seneviratne for their suggested
translations of this Sinhala phrase.
26
My translation assumes that the following are errors: subham (for śubham; alternatively, this word
is in Pāli) and iṣṭārttha- (for iṣṭārtha-).
27
I wish to thank Anne Blackburn for translating this Sinhala phrase.
102
4.1.2.1.9. C4
This Sinhala script palm leaf manuscript is held at Tissava Raja Maha Viharaya in
Katupotha, Sri Lanka. On July 28, 2010, volunteers of DIRI took digital
photographs of all leaves of this manuscript. The quality of these images is
reasonably good. Each leaf typically contains eight lines of reasonably clear
handwriting. The 173 leaves are numbered on the left margin of recto sides
beginning with ඞූ and ending with තා. The manuscript contains the entire Apadāna
and, judging from the leaf numbering, is part of a set containing other texts.
Common errors include ī for i, u for ū, ṇ for n, t for n, th for t, n for ṇ, n for t, l for ḷ
and the omission of niggahīta. Corrections are generally not interlinear, but rather
immediately follow the erroneous scored off grapheme(s). The manuscript is
undated. Immediately after the end of the Apadāna, there are three phrases in
Sanskrit, followed by one phrase in Pāli, followed by another two phrases in
Sanskrit, which state, “May there be success. May there be good. May there be
freedom from disease. May buddhahood be accomplished. May there be success in
all goals. May there be prosperity” (siddhir astu. subham astu. ārogyam astu.
buddhattaṃ sijjhantu. sarvārtthasiddhir astu. śriyaṃ bhavatu).28
4.1.2.1.10. C5
This Sinhala script palm leaf manuscript is held at the National Library near the Sri
Dalada Maligawa in Kandy, Sri Lanka, under the shelfmark 51B. On July 14, 2009,
volunteers of DIRI took digital photographs of all leaves of this manuscript. The
28
My translation assumes that the following are errors: subham (for śubham; alternatively, this word
is in Pāli), sarvārttha- (for sarvārtha-) and śriyaṃ (for śriyā).
103
quality of these images is reasonably good. Each leaf typically contains eight lines
of reasonably clear handwriting. The 174 leaves are numbered on the left margin of
recto sides beginning with ඛෟ and ending with ඩු. The manuscript contains the entire
Apadāna and is part of a set of the Khuddakanikāya. Common errors include ī for i,
n for ṇ, l for ḷ and the omission of niggahīta. Some corrections are interlinear and
others immediately follow the erroneous scored off grapheme(s). The manuscript is
undated. Immediately after the end of the Apadāna, there are three phrases in
Sanskrit, followed by one phrase in Pāli, which state, “May there be success. May
there be good. May there be freedom from disease. May buddhahood be
accomplished” (siddhir astu. subham astu. ārogyam astu. buddhatthaṃ
siñajjhantu).29
4.1.2.1.11. Ce
This Sinhala script edition contains Pāli text on left hand pages and a Sinhala
language translation on right hand pages. Published in 1961, volume one contains
661 pages (excluding front matter) and its text corresponds to Ap 1–338. Volume
two is divided into two separate books, the first of which was published in 1977,
contains 443 pages (excluding front matter) and corresponds to Ap 339–511. The
second book of volume two was published in 1983, contains 259 pages (excluding
front matter) and corresponds to Ap 512–615. A list of abbreviations identifies a
number of witnesses cited in the critical apparatus, including the Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti
Piṭaka edition, an unspecified Sinhala printed edition (probably Buddhadatta 1929–
1930), an unspecified Thai printed edition (probably Cattasalla 1958–1959; §
29
My translation assumes that the following are errors: subham (for śubham; alternatively, this word
is in Pāli), buddhatthaṃ (for buddhattaṃ) and siñajjhantu (for sijjhantu).
104
4.1.2.1.14) and the PTS edition. The list of abbreviations in volume one also refers
to a palm leaf manuscript from Seluttarārāma. A number of sigla used in the critical
apparatus, however, are not defined. Each volume contains an index of verses
(listed by first pāda), while the second book of volume two also contains indexes of
keywords and names which only relate to this particular book. A surprisingly
common error is mbhi for mhi.
4.1.2.1.12. Ee
Lilley, Mary E., ed. 1925–1927, reprinted 2006. The Apadāna. 2 vols. Lancaster:
Pali Text Society.
This Roman script edition contains a total of 629 pages (excluding front matter),
with continuous pagination across the two volumes. It is based upon two Sinhala
script manuscripts and two incomplete transcripts, one of which was based on a
Burmese script manuscript and the other a Sinhala script manuscript (see §
4.1.2.1.8). Quotations of the Apadāna in Müller’s edition of the Therīgāthā-
aṭṭhakathā were also used. Volume two contains a name index and a list of
corrections. For information on the background and reception of this edition, see §
1.1.
4.1.2.1.13. S1
This Khom script palm leaf manuscript is held at the National Library of Thailand,
Bangkok, under the shelfmark 9937. It was described by Mellick (1993: 36–40).
Members of the Dhammakaya International Society of Australia helped me obtain a
paper photocopy of all leaves of this manuscript. The quality of this photocopy is
generally fair; however, some portions are difficult to read. Each leaf typically
contains five lines of clear handwriting. The 546 leaves are divided into 22 bundles
105
(phuk) of 24 leaves (25 leaves when including the cover leaf for each bundle).
Several variant titles are listed on the bundle cover leaves, including Apadāna,
Apādāna (sic) and Appadāna (sic). The manuscript contains the entire Apadāna.
Common errors include o- for u-, i for ī, tt for t, p for m and the omission of
niggahīta. The manuscript contains extremely few corrections and is undated.
4.1.2.1.14. Se
This edition in Thai script was first published in 1927. Volume one was republished
in 1958 and 1980. The 1958 edition, which is the version cited in this new edition,
contains 623 pages (excluding front matter). Its text corresponds to Ap 1–365.
Volume two, which also includes the Buddhavaṃsa and Cariyāpiṭaka, was
republished in 1959, 1979 and 1995. The text of the 1959 edition corresponds to Ap
365–615. A slim critical apparatus contains variant readings from Burmese and
“European” sources, and porāṇakapoṭṭhakas, “old books”, which presumably refers
to old Thai manuscripts. None of these sources are identified with bibliographical
information. Both volumes contain indexes of keywords, names and verses (listed
by first pāda). A list of corrections is included in volume one.
4.1.2.2.1. Burmese script palm leaf manuscript held at the Fragile Palm Leaves
Manuscript House in Bangkok under the manuscript identification number 646 and
described by myself (Clark 2008: 10–11) and Nyunt (2014: I 318). It excludes the
Therikāpadāna. According to the colophon, it was copied in 1808. Digital colour
photographs were supplied by the Fragile Palm Leaves Manuscript House. Analysis
106
4.1.2.2.2. Burmese script palm leaf manuscript held at the British Library under the
shelfmark IO Pali21 and described by Oldenberg (1882: 61 / § 21) and Mellick
(1993: 36–40). Its colophon names King Tharrawaddy (reigned 1837–1846). Digital
grayscale photographs were supplied by the British Library. It was found that this
manuscript is a sister of B3, that is, both manuscripts have descended from a
common hyparchetype which has descended from hyparchetype c. A reasonably
large proportion of the photographs of this manuscript was difficult or impossible to
read and it is primarily for this reason that it was excluded from the edition.
4.1.2.2.3. Burmese script palm leaf manuscript held at the Library of the Ministry of
Religious Affairs in Yangon under the shelfmark 2019. According to the colophon,
it was copied in 1840. Digital colour photographs were supplied by Thant Thaw
Kaung. Analysis indicated that this manuscript bears a reasonably close relationship
to § 4.1.2.2.1. Because it contains a large number of scribal errors and because the
photographs are difficult to read clearly, this witness was excluded from the edition.
4.1.2.2.4. Burmese script palm leaf manuscript held at the British Library under the
shelfmark IO Man/Pali77 and described by Fausbøll (1894–1896: 27 / § 77),
Mellick (1993: 36–38, 40) and myself (Clark 2008: 11). The most recent year
mentioned in the long colophon is 1857. Digital grayscale photographs were
supplied by the British Library. Analysis indicated that this manuscript is likely to
be the exemplar of both the Apadāna text inscribed on the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae
(§ 4.1.2.2.7) and B2. A reasonably large proportion of the photographs of this
manuscript was difficult to read and it is primarily for this reason that it was
excluded from the edition.
4.1.2.2.5. Burmese script palm leaf manuscript held at the Fragile Palm Leaves
Manuscript House in Bangkok under the manuscript identification number 2684
107
4.1.2.2.6. Burmese script palm leaf manuscript owned by myself. The manuscript is
undated. Analysis indicated that this manuscript is contaminated by the Kuthodaw
Pagoda stelae, or the exemplar of the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae, and therefore it was
excluded from the edition.
4.1.2.2.7. Kuthodaw Pagoda marble stelae associated with the fifth Buddhist council
(stelae numbers 665–687) located in Mandalay, Burma. The text was inscribed on
these particular stelae between 1866 and 1867. Digital colour photographs were
taken by myself in 2011. Because some of the stelae were unclean and the camera
resolution was not ideal, the inscribed text was often difficult to read clearly.
Besides these photos, I examined a DVD-ROM containing digital photographs of
the stelae (မဟာဂန္ဓာရ ကျာင်းတိက်, သီတဂူကမ္ဘာ့ဗဒ္ဓတက္က သိလ် and Alpha Computer 2006).
While the stelae were cleaned in preparation for this project, the camera resolution
is poor and therefore, again, the inscribed text was often difficult to read clearly. As
stated in § 4.1.2.1.2, it appears that B2 is a more faithful and careful reproduction of
§ 4.1.2.2.4 than the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae. Because it is also much clearer to read
in the images available to me, B2 was chosen over the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae to
represent the text associated with the fifth Buddhist council.
30
February 28, 1869, to be precise. Nyunt (2014: II 292) stated that the copy date is 1868; however,
this calculation might have been based upon the Sakkarāja Era year alone (1230) without reference
to the month and day, which the colophon supplies. As demonstrated by Eade (1995: 19), this
information is important in making such calculations because the beginning of the Gregorian
calendar year does not align with the beginning of the Burmese calendar year.
108
4.1.2.2.8. Sinhala script paper manuscript held at the John Rylands Library in the
University of Manchester and described by Jayawickrama (1972–1973: 148–149),
Mellick (1993: 36–38, 40–41) and myself (Clark 2008: 12). The first page states in
English, “Copied at Waskaḍuwa 1894”. Digital colour photographs were supplied
by the John Rylands Library. Analysis indicated that the base text of this
manuscript (as opposed to its numerous interlinear corrections) is contaminated by
the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae, or the exemplar of the Kuthodaw Pagoda stelae, and
therefore it was excluded from the edition.31
4.1.2.2.9. Sinhala script palm leaf manuscript held at the Gangaramaya Temple in
Colombo. Digital colour photographs were supplied by DIRI. Analysis suggested
that this manuscript is a sister of C4, that is, it appears that both manuscripts have
descended from a common hyparchetype which has descended from hyparchetype
c. A reasonably large proportion of the photographs of this manuscript was difficult
to read and it is primarily for this reason that C4 was instead used in the edition.
4.1.2.2.10. Sinhala script palm leaf manuscript held at the Sri Gotabaya Rajamaha
Viharaya in Bothale, Sri Lanka. Digital colour photographs were supplied by DIRI.
Analysis indicated that this manuscript bears a reasonably close relationship to C4.
This manuscript is missing numerous sections of text and was therefore excluded
from the edition.
4.1.2.2.11. Sinhala script palm leaf manuscript held at the Sri Mahapurana Viharaya
in Kirindiwela, Sri Lanka. It excludes the Therikāpadāna. Digital colour
photographs were supplied by DIRI. Analysis indicated that this manuscript is a
sister of C3, that is, it appears that both manuscripts have descended from a
common hyparchetype which has descended from hyparchetype c. However,
31
In agreement with this observation, I have elsewhere noted (Clark 2008: 12) that the pattern of
orthographic errors suggested the existence of a Burmese script witness within this manuscript’s line
of transmission. It is interesting that the text associated with the fifth Buddhist council had affected
the transmission of Pāli literature within Sri Lanka so quickly.
109
Figure 6 shows the stemma of the manuscripts used in this edition. Lowercase
letters b–e represent hyparchetypes while all uppercase letters represent witnesses.
Solid lines represent direct textual transmission and broken lines represent
contamination. The stemma hypothesises that there are two main branches of
transmission descending from the archetype (a) to the two principal hyparchetypes
(b and c). Two further hyparchetypes descend from hyparchetype b (d and e).
Analysis indicated that hyparchetypes c and d both have a relatively high degree of
internal textual uniformity. That is to say, the readings of witnesses belonging to
hyparchetype c (B3, C3, C4 and C5) are frequently identical or near identical32 and,
similarly, the witnesses belonging to hyparchetype d (C1 and C2) are frequently
identical or near identical. In contrast, hyparchetype e has a lower degree of internal
textual uniformity in that the readings of its witnesses (B1, B2 and S1) are less
frequently the same. Indeed, the exact relationships between these three latter
witnesses are not entirely clear and resist a strict stemmatic analysis, unlike all
other witnesses in this stemma. They have therefore been grouped into a single
cluster, as per the adaption of the stemmatic approach often used for editing
Sanskrit texts (see § 3.5). Interestingly, the stemma demonstrates that there is no
single “Burmese” version of the Apadāna, nor is there a single “Sinhala” version.
32
However, because B3 is contaminated by a witness belonging to hyparchetype e, it occasionally
differs from C3, C4 and C5.
110
b c
d e B3 C3 C4 C5
(B1, B2, S1)
C1 C2
Figure 6. Stemma of Apadāna manuscripts
While the Apadāna has not been fully translated into any European language,33
complete translations have been published in several different languages from
South and Southeast Asia. The Buddhajayantī Tripiṭaka edition includes Pāli text on
33
See § 1.1 for information on existing English translations of apadānas.
112
left hand pages and a Sinhala translation on right hand pages.34 Similarly, the
Cambodian Tipiṭaka edition includes Pāli text on left hand pages and a Khmer
translation on right hand pages. The Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka edition has been
translated into Burmese ( ထရာပဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ်ြမန်မာြပန် 1993). I have been informed
that there are several Thai translations of the Apadāna, including those published by
monastic universities and a government publication which has been revised several
times.35
My translation is of the Pāli base text in the edition presented in this thesis (§
5).36 The translation is in prose rather than verse, because the main priority has been
to convey my understanding of the meaning of the Pāli text as clearly as possible,
which would be compromised by the pressures of English metre. My translation
style has been heavily influenced by Norman’s translations of the Dhammapada
(Norman 2004), Suttanipāta (Norman 2006a), Theragāthā (Norman 2007a) and
Therīgāthā (Norman 2007b).37 Regarding his original translation of the Theragāthā,
Norman (2007a: xxxvii) commented, “I tried as far as possible to produce a literal,
almost word-for-word, translation, which in some places resulted in a starkness and
austerity of words which bordered upon the ungrammatical in English, but would, I
hoped, when considered alongside the original Pāli adequately convey my
understanding of the theras’ words”. In general, I have aimed for a translation style
which is somewhat less rigidly literal than Norman’s. While it was indeed often
possible to produce a literal translation in reasonably natural English, on occasion it
was not, in which case I provided a less literal translation than was feasible in
deference to more natural and “readable” English. I have attempted to use the same
34
Commenting upon this translation, Gombrich and Obeyesekere (1988: 448) wrote, “the language
they have employed is so learned and archaic that even we, who are relatively well educated, can
barely understand it”.
35
Susanne Ott, personal communication, 30 October 2014.
36
As argued by Tov (2000), an eclectic translation based upon several different printed editions (e.g.
Bodhi 2000, 2005, 2012) is not particularly desirable, in part because the reader can often not be
certain of what source the translation is based upon in any given passage.
37
See also Norman 2008a: 60–81, 2009 for discussions on translating.
113
English words to translate the same Pāli words, though style and context has created
numerous exceptions to this rule.
It is the role of a translator to make a source text intelligible, not the reader
of a translation, who in many cases will be a non-specialist untrained in the
language of the source text (Norman 2008a: 75–77). Therefore, as few Pāli words
as possible have been left untranslated. Proper nouns are generally left untranslated;
however, sometimes they directly relate to the karmic narrative and, in these
instances, an English translation has been provided in inverted commas within
round brackets on the first occurrence, e.g. “Sīhāsanadāyaka (“Donor of a lion
throne”)” (close of § 7.1). Not infrequently, the Apadāna employs a long series of
epithets and adjectives to describe a past buddha (e.g. § 5.7.1) and such passages
are often difficult to translate. I have occasionally opted to use—em dashes—to
isolate these series in the hope that the meaning of the verse will be more easily
understood, particularly for instances in which the English translation most
naturally requires the series to be placed mid-sentence. Words in the translation
which do not have direct correlates in the Pāli text, though which have been added
with the aim of making the text more intelligible, have been placed in [square
brackets].
My translation has often been guided by the Apadānaṭṭhakathā; however,
occasionally it diverges from the commentarial interpretation where I have found
the glosses to be unconvincing. Most of the verses in this thesis, however, are not
commented on by the Apadānaṭṭhakathā, yet this lacuna is filled by a Burmese
nissaya of the Therāpadāna (Jāgara 1926). The Pāli root text of this nissaya appears
to be based upon the Apadāna text inscribed on the stelae at the Kuthodaw Pagoda,
or a text very similar to it, and glosses each Pāli word or phrase with a Burmese
word or phrase. The title page and epilogue of this text explains that the nissaya
was prepared at the request of ဦးခန္တီ and was based upon the nissayas of “former
teachers” (who are unfortunately not identified by name).38 It is a work which
38
There are at least two additional Burmese nissayas of the Therāpadāna: one was written by
ဆရာ တာ်ဦးပတ် (Maṅ:-krī: Mahāsirijeya-sū 2012: 89), while the other was written by
ဆရာ တာ်ရှင်ဣန္ဓာသဘ (Peter Nyunt, personal communication, 4 June 2012).
114
5.1. Sīhāsanadāyaka
5.2. Ekatthambhika
1.10 -sattati1] -sattatimh’ Be Ce | dve-] dvā- C5 | -sattati2] -sattatimh’ Be Ce | tayo2] tato B3 | Su-] Sa-
B1 | -nāmakā] -nāyakā C5 | 1.11 -sattat’] -sattati B1 B4, -sattatimh’ Ce | -ratana-] -ratna- C1 | catu-]
cātu- B1 B2 | -ddīpamhi] -dīpamhi B2 Be Ce Se | 1.12 vimokhāpi] vimokkhāpi B1 B2 B3 Be S1 Se |
vimokhāpi … -katā] ca pe Ce | chac cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā Be Se | ti] omits B2 Be Ce | 1.close
-ttherassa apadānaṃ] -therassāpadānaṃ B2, -ttherassāpadānaṃ Be Ce | samattaṃ] paṭhamaṃ B2 Be
Ce | 2.1 ahu] ahū C2 | saraṇaṅ] saraṇa- C1 | 2.2 saṅgamma] saṅkamma B3 | ekatthambhaṃ] ekaṃ
thambhaṃ B1, ekathambhaṃ B2 B3 | 2.3 upagamma] upāgamma B3 B4, pagamma S1 | paṭipucchiṃ]
paripucchaṃ B4, paripucchiṃ Be Se | ahaṃ] tadā S1 | 2.4 viyākaṃsu] vyākaṃsu C1 | sīlavanto]
sīlavantā B1 | mālaṃ] sālaṃ C3 C4, sālā C5 | -tthambho] -thambho B1 B2
117
5.3. Nanda
chac cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā Be Se | ti] omits B2 Be Ce | 2.close -tthambhiko] -thambhiyo B1,
-thambhiko B2 | -tthambhika-] -thambhika- B1 B2, -tthambhadāyaka- B4 | -ttherassa apadānaṃ]
-therassa apadānaṃ B1 C1 C2 Ee, -therassāpadānaṃ B2, -ttherassāpadānaṃ Be Ce | samattaṃ]
dutiyaṃ B2 Be Ce | 3.1 Padumuttarassa] Padumuttara- B3 | vatthaṃ khomaṃ] vatthuttamaṃ B1 C1
C2 Ee | 3.2 -uttama-] -uttara- (=) B1 B2 B3 Be C3 C4 C5 Ce | -nāmako] -nāyako B4(p) C1 C2 Ee Se |
bhavissati] bhavissasi Be Ce Ee Se | 3.3 -sampattiṃ] -sampattī Be Ce Ee, -sampatti C1 C2 S1 | kusala-]
sukka- S1 Se | -mūlehi] -mūlena B1 | tvaṃ] tuvaṃ C1 C2 | 3.4 gedham] gedhim B1 C1 C2 | codito]
vedito B1 C1 C2 | tato] tadā B2 Be Ce | 3.5 kusala-] sukka- B1 | nibbāyissasi ’nāsavo] nibbāyissas’
anāsavo Ce | 3.6 satta-] sata- B3 B4 Ce S1 Se | sattakappasahassamhi] kappasatasahassamhi B1 |
saṭṭhi-] saṭṭhiṃ C1 C2 Ee | -sahassāni] -sahassamhi B1 B2 Be S1 Se | -jjanā] -janā S1 | 3.7 Celā] Cela-
B4 | nāma] ca B1 B3, va B2 Be Ce Se, -nāmā B4, omits C1 C2 Ee S1 | caturo] cattāro B4
119
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Nando thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti. Nandattherassa
apadānaṃ samattaṃ. [58]
5.4. Cullapanthaka
5.5. Pilindavaccha
5.6. Rāhula
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Rāhulo thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti. Rāhulattherassa
apadānaṃ samattaṃ. [62]
6.10 -saddāvi[v]ittan taṃ] B1 B2 S1 Se, -saddā avivittaṃ B3 Ce Ee, -saddāvicittan taṃ (a) C1 C2,
-saddā avicittaṃ C3 C4 C5 | sudassanaṃ va] sudassanañ ca C1 | 6.11 niggacchate] nigacchate S1 |
uggacchante] uggacchanto B2 | suriye] sūriyo B1 B2, sūriye Be Ce Ee S1 Se | virocissati] virocessati
Be Ce | 6.12 kappa-] kappe B1 | nāmena] gottena Be | 6.13 hi] va B1 S1 Se, so B2 Be Ce | so] yo C3 C5 |
6.14 vaseyya agāraṃ] vaseyyāgāraṃ Ce | agāraṃ] āgāraṃ Ee | -vatti] -vattī Be C2 Ce Ee | bhaveyya]
bhavissa (=) C3 C4 C5 | so] yo C3 C4 C5 | tādi] tādī Be C1 C2 Ce | 6.15 agāramhā] agārasmā B4 |
6.16 camarī] cāmarī B1 B2 B4 Be Se | viya] va C1, -r-iva C2 Ee S1 Se | mamaṃ] evaṃ B2 Ce, mama
(=) B3 B4 C3 C4 C5 | rakkhi] rakkhiṃ B2 Ce, rakkhe S1, dakkhi Se | -muni] -mune Ce | 6.18
catasso … -katā] pe Ce | vimokhāpi] vimokkhāpi B1 B2 Be S1 Se | chac cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā Be Se |
ti] omits B2 Be Ce | 6.close Rāhulo] Rāhula- C4 | -ttherassa apadānaṃ] -therassāpadānaṃ B2,
-ttherassāpadānaṃ Be Ce, -therassa apadānaṃ C1 C2 Ee | samattaṃ] chaṭṭhaṃ Be Ce
125
7.1 nisīdantaṃ] nisinnaṃ taṃ C1 C2 Ce Ee Se, nisinnan taṃ S1 | 7.2 kaṇikāraṃ pupphitaṃ]
kaṇikārapupphaṃ B2 Be | vaṇ[ṭ]e] Be Ce Se, vaṇḍe (a?) B2 B4 S1, vaṇṭaṃ Ee | chetvān’ ahan]
chetvāna taṃ S1 Se | ahan] tan B4 | 7.3 paramannaṃ] paramānaṃ B4 | navame] adds va B4 |
samaṇ[e]] B1 B2 B3 B4 Be Ce Ee S1 Se, samaṇo (a) C1 C2 | 7.4 sayambhū] sayambhu B3 C1 C2 |
-ppavecchanā] -pavecchanā B2 Be S1 Se | 7.5 -ppasādena] -pasādena B2 | anubhossati] anubhossasi
B1 B2 B3 Be C1 C2 S1 | tiṃsakkhattuṃ ca] satakkhattuṃ ca B1, chattiṃsakhattuṃ B2,
chattiṃsakkhattuṃ Be Ce, tiṃsakhattuñ ca C1 | karissati] bhavissati C3 C5 | 7.6 -kkhattuñ] -khattuñ
B2 C1 C2 Ee | -vatti] -vattī Be C2 Ce | -nā[t]o] B1 B2 B3 Be Ce Ee S1 Se, -nātho (a) C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 |
asaṃkhayaṃ] asaṅkhiyaṃ Be Ce Ee | 7.7 yaṃ … bhavissati] satasahass’ ito kappe
Okkākakulasambhavo / Gotamo nāma gottena satthā loke bhavissati Be, satasahasse ito kappe
Okkākakulasambhavo / Gotamo nāma gottena satthā loke bhavissati Ce | vadanti] vadati S1 |
-paññaṃ] -pañña- B1 B3, -paṃña- C1 | kappe ’to] kappe B1, kappato C3 C4 C5, kapp’ ito S1 |
-sahasse] -sahassamhi B1, adds Okkākakulasambhavo / Gotamo nāma gottena S1 Se | esa] eso B4 Ee
Se, eka- C3 C4 C5 | 7.8 dippamānamhi] dibbamānamhi B1 B2 Be C5, dissamānamhi (=) C3 C4 C5 |
gamissati] ca bhavissati B1, bhamissati B3, adds tassa dhammesu dāyādo oraso dhammanimmito Be
Ce, gamissasi C1 C2, ramissati C3 C4 C5, bhavissati S1
126
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Upaseno Vaṅgantaputto thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti.
Upasenavaṅgantaputtattherassa apadānaṃ samattaṃ.
5.8. Raṭṭhapāla
5.9. Sopāka
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Sopāko thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti. Sopākattherassa
apadānaṃ samattaṃ.
5.10. Sumaṅgala
pacchime] pacchima- Ce Se | sāpākaṃ] sapāka- B2 Be Ce, sopāka- S1, sāpāka- Se | 9.8 anagāriyaṃ]
anāgāriyaṃ B3 | 9.9 -viriyo] vīriyo B2 Be | alatthaṃ] aladdhaṃ B1 | 9.10 -navute] -navut’ B2 Ee,
-nnavut’ Be | 9.11 -navute] -navut’ B2 Ee, -nnavut’ Be | saññaṃ2] paññaṃ B3 | 9.12 catasso … kataṃ]
pe Ce | vimokhāpi] vimokkhāpi B1 B2 Be S1 Se | chac cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā Be Se | ti] omits B2 Be
Ce | 9.close Sopāko] Sopāka- B2 | -ttherassa apadānaṃ] -therassāpadānaṃ B2, -ttherassāpadānaṃ Be
Ce, -therassa apadānaṃ C1 C2 Ee S1 | samattaṃ] navamaṃ B2 Be Ce | 10.1 yiṭṭhu-] yaṭṭhu- C1 C2 |
paṭiyādetvāna] paṭiyātetvāna C1 C2 | brāhmaṇ[e]] Be Ce Ee S1 Se, brāhmaṇo (a) C1 C2 C5 | visāle]
visade B1 | 10.2 -dass[iṃ]] B2 Be Ce Ee Se, -dassī (a?) B1 C3 C4 C5 | sayambhuṃ] sayambhu- C3,
sayambhū- C4 C5 | 10.3 jutimantaṃ] jutīmantaṃ C2 C3
130
uddānaṃ:
5.11. Subhūti
na jhāyissasi] na jhāpessasi Ce, n’ eva yāyasi Ee, na yāyissasi S1 Se | 11.19 agāra[ṃ]] B1 B2 Be Ce,
agārā B3 C1 C2 Ee Se, agāra (a?) C3 C4 C5, anāgārā S1 | jīvihisī] jīvihisi B1 Be, jīvit’ isī C3 C4 C5 |
tuvaṃ] tvaṃ C1 C2 | mattikaṃ] pattikaṃ S1 | nihitaṃ] nicitaṃ C1 C2 Ee | 11.20 sakaṃ] sayaṃ B2 Be
Ce, saka- S1 | jīvihisi] jīvihisī C1 Ee Se, jīvit’ asi C3 C5 | 11.21 vāremi] dhāremi (=) B3 C3 C4 C5 Ee |
saṃkilesagataṃ] sakaṃ kilesagataṃ B1, yaṃ kilesaṃ gataṃ C3 C4 C5 | manaṃ] pana B1 | pāpa-]
pāpā B1 B2 B3 Be C3 Ce S1 Se | 11.22 appamāda-] apamāda- B1 | pavane] vipine B2 Be Ce | 11.23
appamāda-] appamāde (=) B1 B3, appamādena S1 Se | -rataṃ] maṃ Se | uttamatthaṃ] uttamattha- (=)
B3 C3 C4 C5 Ce, uttamattaṃ C2 | 11.24 anūpamo] anupamo B1 B2 B3 C2 C4 Ee | rūpenāsadiso]
rūpen’ asadiso C4 Ce | caṃkamī] caṅkami B1 B3 S1, caṃkami C2 | 11.25 vijju] vijjū Be C1 Ce S1 |
ñāṇenāsadiso] ñāṇen’ asadiso B3 | caṃkamī] caṅkami B1 B3, caṃkami C2 | 11.26 sīha-] siṅga- C3
C5 | lāsito] lasito Ce, abhīto Se | caṃkamī] caṇkami B1 B3 S1 | 11.27 siṅgi-] siṅgī- B1 Be Ee S1, siṃgī-
Ce | -savaṇṇābho] -suvaṇṇābho (=) B1 C3 C4 C5 Ce Ee S1 Se | khadiraṅgāra-] khadiragāra- B3 |
caṃkamī] caṅkami B1 B3 S1 | 11.28 -nibho] -sannibho Se | -māye] -māso (=) B3 C3 C5, -māse C4 Ee
135
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Subhūti thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti. Subhūtittherassa
apadānaṃ samattaṃ.
5.12. Upavāṇa
12.32 uḷāro] oḷāro S1 Se | -n-eso] h’ eso Be Ce, eso S1 Se | ca] hi C1 C2 Ee | kubbanti tappare] kubbant’
anappakaṃ Ce | 12.33 karissāmi] kassāmi (=) B1 B2 B3 Be C3 C4 C5 Ce | 12.34 veḷagge] veḷugge C3
C4 C5 Se | ālaggetvāna] ālagetvāna B1 Be Ce | ukkhipi] ukkhipim B2 Be Ce | 12.35 Abhisammatako]
Abhisammato S1 | bhiyyo] bhīyo C4 Ce, bhīyyo C5 | 12.36 samaṇaṃ] sumanaṃ C1 C2, samanaṃ C3
C5 | 12.37 ānandi] ānanda- B2 Be Ce S1 Se, ānandiṃ (=) C3 C4 C5, ānandaṃ Ee | anubhossasi]
anubhosi B3, anubhossati C5 | 12.38 hatth[ī]] B3 Be Ce Ee Se, hatthi (a) B1 B2 C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 S1 |
patt[ī]] Be C2 Ce Ee Se, patti (a) B1 B3 C1 C3 C4 C5 S1 | -aṅgin[ī]] B2 Be C2 C3 Ce Ee Se, -aṅgini (a)
B1 C4 C5 S1, -aṃgini C1 | parivāressanti] parivārenti C1 C2 Ee | 12.39 saṭṭh[i]-] B2 Be Ce, saṭṭhiṃ (a)
C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 Ee, saṭṭhī S1 Se | -turiya-] -tūriya- B2 Be | bheriyo] bherīyo B2 | parivāressanti]
parivārenti Ee | 12.40 cha[ḷ]-] B1 B2 B3 Be Ce S1 Se, chal- (a) C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 Ee | vicitta-] vicitra-
S1 | 12.41 āḷāra-] aḷāra- Be C1 C2 Ce Ee | -pamhā] -mukhā Se | -saññā] -saṇhā Ce | parivāressanti]
parivārenti B1 C1 C2 Ee
142
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Upavāṇo thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti. Upavāṇattherassa
apadānaṃ samattaṃ.
5.13. Tīṇisaraṇāgamaniya
13.8 carime] cariye S1 | 13.9 -loka-] -loke (=) B3 C3 C4 C5 Ee | yaṃ] adds yaṃ S1 Se | upapajjāmi]
upagacchāmi Ce | 13.10 amita-] amitaṃ B2 | 13.11 suvaṇṇavaṇṇo] adds va B3 C3 C4 C5 | paṭikanto]
paṭikkanto Ee | accuggato] abbhuggato B1 B2 Be | mamaṃ] mama B1 C5 Ce S1 Se | 13.12 dibba-]
dibbaṃ C1 C2 Ce Ee | 13.13 -kkhattuñ] -khattuñ B2 B3 | -vatti] -vattī Be C2 Ce Ee | -nā[t]o] B1 B2 B3
Be C1 Ce Ee S1 Se, -nātho (a) C2 C3 C4 C5 | asaṃkhayaṃ] asaṅkhiyaṃ Be Ce Ee, asaṃkhiyaṃ C1
C2 | 13.14 pacchime] pacchima- Ce | sampatte] sampatto C4 C5 | 13.15 nikkhamitvāna] nikkhametvā
B3, nikkhametvānaṃ C3, nikkhamitvānaṃ C4 C5 | sahasā] sahassa- B1 C1 C2 Ee, hasa- B2 Be, hāsa-
Ce, sāyaṃ S1 Se | khiḍḍa-] -khiḍḍā- Ce Se | -samaṅgī] -samaṅgi (=) B1 B3 C3 C5 S1 | ’haṃ] omits
B1 | 13.16 addasāsiṃ] addas’ āhaṃ B2 | me1] maṃ B2 | 13.17 anussariṃ] anussaraṃ B3 C3 | 13.18
sattavassena] sattame vasse B2 Be
145
5.14. Pañcasīlasamādāniya
chac cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā Be S1 Se | ti] omits B2 Be Ce | 13.close Tīṇi-1] Ti- (=) B2 B3 Be C3 C4
C5 Ce | -saraṇāgamaniyo] -saraṇagamaniyo B1 B2 B3 Be Ce, -saraṇāgamayo C3 C4 | Tīṇi-2] Ti- (=)
B1 B3 B4 Be C3 C4 C5 Ce, omits B2 | -saraṇāgamaniya-] Saraṇagamaniya- B2, -saraṇagamaniya- B3
B4 Be Ce, Tisaraṇāgamaya- C3 C4 | -therassa apadānaṃ] -ttherassa apadānaṃ B1 C4 Se,
-therassāpadānaṃ B2, -ttherassāpadānaṃ Be Ce | samattaṃ] tatiyaṃ B2 Be Ce | 14.1 Candavatiyā]
Haṃsāvatiyā B1 | bhatako] bhaṭako B2, bhatiko S1 Se | ās’] omits S1 | 14.2 mahandha-] tamandha-
(=) B3 C3 C4 C5, tamanta- B4 | -kārapihitā] -kārāpihitā B1 C1 C2 Ee, -kārapahitā B3 | -aggīhi] -aggī
pi C2 Ee | 14.3 varāko] bhaṭako B2 | bhatako] dukkhito B2, bhatiko S1 Se | -sīlaṃ] -sīle B3 C3 C4
C5 | rakkheyyaṃ] rakkhe C5 | 14.4 Anomadassissa] Anomadassi- Ce | munino] muni Ee | 14.5 āyu]
āyuṃ B3 C1 C2 | 14.6 -kāle ca] -kālamhi B2 Ce | ca] omits C1 C2, va (=) C3 C4 C5 | sahassayutto te]
sahassassa yutto Ce | mārisāyaṃ] mārisassa B2, mādisāyaṃ C3 C4 C5
147
14.7 vattante] sampatte C1 C2 Ee, vattate S1 Se | carime] parime S1 | mama] mamaṃ Se | sīlaṃ]
cittaṃ B1 | 14.8 tiṃsa-] ti- B1 | kkhattuñ] -khattuñ B2 B3 | dibbaṃ] dibba- B2 B3 Be S1 Se | 14.9
-kkhattuñ] -khattuñ B2 | -vatti] vattī Be C2 Ce Ee | -nāto] -nātho C3 C4 C5 | asaṃkhayaṃ]
asaṅkhiyaṃ Be Ee, asaṃkhiyaṃ C1 C2 Ce | 14.10 pure] pūre B1 B3 C3 | Vesāliyaṃ] Vesāliyā C5,
Sāvatthiyaṃ S1 | -sāle] -kule B2 | -aḍḍhake] -vaḍḍhake C3 C4 C5 | 14.11 -upanāyike] -ūpanāyike Be
C1 C2 C3 Ce Se | dibbante] dippante B1 Be Ce Ee Se | ca] va C2 | eva] evaṃ C3 C4 C5 | 14.12 saha]
sammā S1 | sutvān’] suten’ Ce | sīlaṃ1] sīghaṃ Ce | 14.13 pañca-] satta- B1 | -vassena] -vasso ’haṃ
Ce | upasampādayī] upasampādayi (=) B1 B3 Be C3 C4 C5 Se | 14.14 gopetvā] gopitvā C1 C2 Ee |
ahaṃ1] ayaṃ B1 | aparimeyye] aparimeyy’ B2 | n’ … ahaṃ2] na gacchati B1 | 14.15 so ’haṃ] svāhaṃ
B2 Be Ce | yasam] sayam B2 B4 | sīlāna] sīlānaṃ B4 C1 | pi kittento] pakittento B1 Ee S1 Se,
pakittente C1 | kittaye] kitteyya Ce | ekadesakaṃ] ekades’ ahaṃ B1 | 14.16 gopetvā] gopitvā C1 C2
Ee | het[ū]] Be C4 Ce Ee Se, hetu (a) B1 B2 B3 C2 C3 C5 S1 | bhavām’ ahaṃ] bhavāmi ’haṃ Se
148
5.15. Annasaṃsāvaka
5.16. Dhūpadāyaka
5.17. Pulinapūjaka
5.18. Uttiya
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Uttiyo thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti. Uttiyattherassa
apadānaṃ samattaṃ.
5.19. Ekañjalika
18.10 -navute] -navut’ B2 Ee, -nnavut’ Be | taraṇāya] tāraṇāya Ce | 18.11 catasso … kataṃ] pe Ce |
vimokhāpi] vimokkhāpi B1 B2 Be S1 Se | chac cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā Be S1 Se | ti] omits B2 Be Ce |
18.close Uttiyo] Uttariyo Ce | Uttiya-] Uttariya- Ce | -ttherassa apadānaṃ] -therassāpadānaṃ B2,
-ttherassāpadānaṃ Be Ce, -therassa apadānaṃ S1 | samattaṃ] aṭṭhamaṃ B2 Be Ce | 19.1 -vaṇṇaṃ]
-vaṇṇa- B2 | Vipassi-] Vipassiṃ B2 Be Ce Se | -sattha-] satta- B2, -satta- C2 | -vīraṃ] -varaṃ B2 Be |
19.2 adanta-] santa- B3 | -damanaṃ] -damakaṃ Ce | tādi[ṃ]] B2 B4 Be Ce Ee S1 Se, tādi (a) B1 B3 C2
C3 C4 C5 | -vādi-] -vādiṃ B2 Be C1 Ce Ee S1 Se | -matiṃ] -muniṃ C2 Ee, -patiṃ S1 | 19.3 -navute]
-navut’ B2 Be Ee | yaṃ] omits B1 B2 | akariṃ] kariṃ Be C5 Ce Ee | 19.4 catasso … kataṃ] pe Ce |
vimokhāpi] vimokkhāpi B1 B2 Be S1 Se | chac cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā Be S1 Se | ti] omits B2 Be Ce
153
5.20. Khomadāyaka
uddānaṃ:
Subhūtivaggo tatiyo.
catutthabhāṇavāraṃ.
5.21. Kuṇḍadhāna
5.22. Sāgata
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Sāgato thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti. Sāgatattherassa
apadānaṃ samattaṃ.
5.23. Mahākaccāna
5.24. Kāḷudāyin
itthaṃ sudaṃ āyasmā Kāḷudāyī thero imā gāthāyo abhāsitthā ti. Kāḷudāyītherassa
apadānaṃ samattaṃ. [87]
5.25. Mogharājā
25.11 paṭigaṇhi] paṭiggaṇhi Be Se | subhakena] sugato naṃ B1, sahatthena B2 Be Ce, sutena C4 |
bhuñjitvā tañ] bhuñjitvāna B1 B2 B3 C3 | tañ ca] c’ eva S1 | -ññū] -ññu (=) B1 B3 C3 C4 C5 |
vihāsaṃ] vihāsa- B3, vehāsaṃ Be Ce Se, vehāsan C1 Ee, vehāsa- C2 | 25.12 -dassī] -dassi B1 B3 S1 |
25.13 -ppasādena] -pasādena B2 | so] yo C1 | 25.14 -ddasañ ca] -ddasaṃ va C1, -ddasa- Ce, -saṭṭhiñ ca
S1 Se | khattuṃ] -kkhattuṃ B1 Be C2 Ce S1 | padesarajj’] pathabyā rajjaṃ B2 Be, padesarajjaṃ C4
S1, pathavyā rajjaṃ Ce | vasudhaṃ] va suddhaṃ C1 C5 | 25.15 pañc’ eva] pañca ca (=) B3 C3 C4 C5,
pañca va C1, atha pañca- Ce | -kkhattuñ] -khattuñ B2 B3 | -vatti] -vattī Be C2 Ce Ee | asaṃkhayaṃ]
asaṅkheyyaṃ B2 Be Ce Se, saṅkheyyaṃ B3, saṃkheyyaṃ C1, asaṅkheyaṃ Ee, asaṃkheyyaṃ S1 |
25.16 ajjhāyako] ajjhāyiko S1 Se | -gū] -gu C1 C4 | 25.18 sampanno] sampannaṃ B2 Be Ce | -kicco]
-kiccam B2 Be, -kiccaṃ Ce | anāsavo] anāsavaṃ B2 Be Ce | sattha-] satta- B3 | etadagge] etaggo C1,
etagge C5 | 25.19 mānusakaṃ] manussakaṃ B2 | chetvāna] chetvā B1 | 25.20 catasso … kataṃ] pe
Ce | catasso … Buddhassa] pa B2 | vimokhāpi] vimokkhāpi S1 Se | vimokhāpi … -katā] pa Be | chac
cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā S1 Se | ti] omits B2 Be Ce
164
5.26. Adhimutta
5.27. Lasuṇadāyaka
5.28. Āyāgadāyaka
5.29. Dhammacakkika
5.30. Kapparukkhiya
29.2 cāruvaṇṇo va] cātuvaṇṇehi B2, catuvaṇṇāya B4(p) S1 Se, cāruvaṇṇā va C1 C2 C4, cāruvaṇṇ’
eva C5 | -yogga-] -yoga- S1 | -bala-] -phala- B4 | -vāhano] -vāhanā B2 | anuyuttā] anuyantā B2 Be S1
Se | bahujjanā] bahujanā (=) B1 C3 C4 C5 S1, bahū janā B3 Se | 29.3 saṭṭhi-] saṭṭhī Se | -turiya-] -tūra-
B2, -tūriya- B3 Be S1 | parivārem’] paricārem’ B2 Be Ce | sadā] tadā (=) B1 C2 C4 C5 | parivārena]
paricārena B1 | 29.4 -navute] -navut’ B2, -nnavut’ Be | cakkaṃ] vattaṃ C4 | dhamma-] cakka- B3 |
-cakkass’] -vattass’ B3 C4 | 29.5 -rājā] -rāja- B2 Be Ce | -vatt[ī]] Be Ce Ee Se, vatti (a) B1 B2 B3 C1
C2 C3 C4 C5 S1 | -bbalā] -pphalā B1, -bbalo C1 C2 | 29.6 catasso … kataṃ] pe Ce | catasso …
Buddhassa] pa B2 | vimokhāpi] vimokkhāpi B1 S1 Se | vimokhāpi … -katā] pa Be | chac cābhiññā]
chaḷ abhiññā Ee S1 Se | ti] omits B2 Be Ce | 29.close -cakkika-] -cakkadāyaka- B4 | -ttherassa
apadānaṃ] -therassāpadānaṃ B2, -ttherassāpadānaṃ Be Ce, -therassa apadānaṃ C1 C2 C4 Ee |
samattaṃ] navamaṃ B2 Be Ce | 30.1 -dusse] -rūpe B4 | laṃghitvā] laggetvā B2 Ce S1 Se, lagetvā Be,
laṃghetvā C2 Ee | ṭhapes’] upes’ B1 | 30.2 upapajjāmi] ūpapajjāmi C1 Ee Se
168
uddānaṃ:
dvāraṃ] dvāre S1 Se | patiṭṭhati] ca tiṭṭhati S1 | 30.3 ahañ] ayañ B1 | keci] ke ca C1 | mam avassitā]
mama nissitā C1 C2 Ee, mama vasikā C3, samavassikā Se | gahetvāna] gahetvā C2 | sadā] tadā B1 C1
Se | 30.4 -navute] -navut’ B2, -nnavut’ Be | rukkhaṃ] dussaṃ C3 C4 C5 | ahaṃ] tadā Ce Ee | 30.5 ca]
omits C2 | sucelā] sucalā B3 | -vatt[ī]] B2 Be Ce Ee Se, -vatti (a) B1 B3 C1 C2 C3 C4 C5 S1 |
mahabbalā] mahapphalā B1, mahābalā C2 Ee | 30.6 catasso … kataṃ] pe Ce | catasso … Buddhassa] pa
B2 | vimokhāpi] vimokkhāpi B1 S1 Se | vimokhāpi … -katā] pa Be | chac cābhiññā] chaḷ abhiññā Ee S1
Se | ti] omits B2 Be Ce | 30.close Kappa-] Kappi- B4 | -ttherassa apadānaṃ] -therassāpadānaṃ B2,
-ttherassāpadānaṃ Be, -therassa apadānaṃ C1 Ee, -ttherāpadānaṃ Ce | samattaṃ] dasamaṃ B2 Ce,
dasamaṃ / Kuṇḍadhānavaggo catuttho Be | uddāna uddānaṃ] tass’ uddānaṃ Be Ee | -kaccānā]
-kaccāno B2, -kaccāna- B3, -kaccāyano S1 | Udāyī] Udāyi (=) B1 B3 C1 C5 | Rājasavhayo]
Mogharājako B2 Be Ce | Adhimutto] Abhimutto C4 C5 | Lasuṇado] Lasuṇādo C1 | Āyāgi] Āyāga-
B1, Āsabha- B2, Āyāgī Be C1 C2 Ce Ee | -rukkhi] -rukkhī Be C1 C2 Ce Ee Se, -rukkhiyattherassa
apadānañ C3 C5, -rukkhiyattherassa apadānaṃ C4 | ca] va C1 | gāthā] gāthāyo Ce | dvaya-] dvayaṃ
(=) B3 C3 C4 C5 S1 Se, dvā- C1 C2 Ce Ee | -sataṃ] adds ti Ce Ee, adds pi ca S1 Se
169
Kuṇḍadhānavaggo catuttho.
6.1. Sīhāsanadāyaka
7. There is little doubt that the archetype contained the reading bahu, which I take
as an adverb modifying nibbattanti. Only three manuscripts, all of which belong to
the more heavily emended hyparchetype e, contain the reading bahū. This reading,
an adjective qualifying pallaṃkā, has resulted in a less difficult text.
8. pāda a demonstrates the tendency for scribes to reduce a hypermetric nine
syllable pāda to an eight syllable pāda. In B2 sovaṇṇa- has been emended to
soṇṇa-, while in C2 rūpimayā has been emended to rūpiyā. Cf. § 6.1.5.
rūpi is not listed in PED, perhaps because it does not appear to be used in any
other canonical text. Just as soṇṇa is a contraction of suvaṇṇa, rūpi appears to be a
contraction of rūpiya (cf. Geiger 1994: § 27.7).
The svarabhakti vowel in -veḷuriyā- should be disregarded for the purpose of
scansion. The reading -veḷuriyā- is m.c. for -veḷuriya-.
9. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
11. I regard catuddīpamhi as a dvigu karmadhāraya compound with a neuter
locative singular declension.
12. Almost all apadānas have this as their last verse. The pattern of manuscript
readings strongly suggests that chac cābhiññā was the archetypal reading. B4 gives
this reading in a passage corresponding to Ap-a 295,19, which comments upon Ap
48,20.1 This reading is also found in the Vat Lai Hin manuscript fragment (Ap
449,26–476,13) which dates to approximately 1500. I understand chac cābhiññā to be
equivalent to cha(ḷ) ca abhiññā, “and the six supernormal knowledges”. Lilley
mistook the Sinhala grapheme cc for ḍ, which has resulted in Ee having the
nonsensical reading chaḍabhiññā. It is possible that the editor(s) of hyparchetype e
did not understand chac cābhiññā and so emended it to chaḷ ābhiññā, believing it to
be more correct; however, because abhiññā is incorrectly spelt, this reading has not
been recorded in the critical apparatus. The reading chaḷ ābhiññā has been emended
to chaḷ abhiññā in numerous printed editions, perhaps the earliest being that of ဦးခိင်
(1917). To the best of my knowledge, the present edition is the first to represent the
earlier reading, chac cābhiññā.
1
However, in the PTS edition the quotation of the root text has been emended to read chaḷ abhiññā
(Ap-a 295,19).
172
close. Almost all the manuscripts I have used to produce this edition conclude each
apadāna with the word samattaṃ, “concluded”. As far as I am aware, this word was
first replaced by ordinals (paṭhamaṃ, “first”, dutiyaṃ, “second”, etc.) by the editors
of § 4.1.2.2.4, that is, in Mandalay just prior to the fifth Buddhist council. Soon
after, these ordinals were carved onto the marble stelae at the Kuthodaw Pagoda
and reproduced in most printed editions. This, however, represents a modern
alteration to the text.
6.2. Ekatthambhika
component of the compound has been elided for sake of metre, rather than
lengthened as per usual. See Edgerton 1953b: § 4.11 for a parallel example in BHS.
12. devatta is a neuter noun meaning “state of being a god” and is glossed in Ap-a
314,15 with devaloka. Similarly, Ap-a 314,15 glosses mānusa with manussaloka and
so I take it to be a neuter noun meaning “state of being a human”, instead of an
adjective. Ap-a 314,14 states that while being in the accusative case
(upayogavacana), each term is being used in a locative sense (bhummattha).
13. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
6.3. Nanda
editions has given the term a plural declension, -sampattī, a reading which I have
found in no manuscript.
There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda b.
5. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda b.
7. It is likely that hyparchetype c retains the archetypal reading of pāda b;
namely, Celā nāma caturo janā. A similar reading is found in B4, Celanāmā cattāro
janā. It seems that the editor(s) of hyparchetype b deleted nāma, perhaps to avoid a
hypermetric nine syllable pāda. While the witnesses of hyparchetype d preserve
this deletion, in two witnesses belonging to hyparchetype e va/ca has been added
after the word Celā in order to avoid a seven syllable pāda.
6.4. Cullapanthaka
2
However, the editor of the PTS edition, Jayawickrama, has represented this phrase as aham hi.
175
3
For sake of clarity, Sanskrit verbal roots (and prefixes) will be used in these notes instead of their
Pāli equivalents.
176
13. As noted in CPD s.v. aṭṭhārasavassa, pāda a of this verse involves tmesis, that
is, the separation of a compound by another word or group of words. In this
instance, the particle ca has separated the compound aṭṭhārasavasso for sake of
metre. In Be, Ce and Se, easier readings have been adopted which avoid tmesis.
14–17. There is a parallel at Th 557–560.
14. gatī is m.c. for gati.
16. The Burmese scholar monks who edited the version of the Apadāna preserved
in B2 (see § 4.1.2.1.2) have harmonised pāda a with the rather different reading
found at Th 559, which demonstrates the extent to which this version has been
revised.
18. The archetypal reading was kokanudaṃ, as is evidenced by the fact that it is
contained in all cited manuscripts including B4, except those belonging to
hyparchetype d. The term kokanuda, which is listed in neither PED nor DOP,
appears to be a valid variant spelling of kokanada, “red lotus”. For example, at A V
196 we find the proper name Kokanuda in the base text with Kokanada listed as a
variant reading, and at M II 91 and S I 81,13 we find Kokanada in the base text with
Kokanuda listed as a variant reading.
6.5. Pilindavaccha
Compare with the much longer apadāna of the same name at Ap 302–316.
1. Sumedh[e] aggapuggal[e]: It is likely that the archetype had the very awkward
reading Sumedho aggapuggalo. While the commentary does not directly quote pāda
b, it is probable that Sumedhe aggapuggale was the reading available to the
author(s) of the commentary, which states, Sumedhe lokanāyake aggapuggale
khandhaparinibbānena nibbute satī ti (Ap-a 322,22–23). The manuscripts of
hyparchetype e follow this explanation.
4. ramiṃsu: The variant reading ahesu could be m.c. for ahesuṃ.
177
6. āsiṃ: Although less preferable than the base text reading, the variant āsi could
be regarded as a masculine nominative singular form of āsin, “[I was] eating”,
which could be read with the variant reading -bhojane, “foods”.
7. A parallel is found at D III 199,29–32.
11. āsi[ṃ]: B2 and S1 read āsiṃ; however, because this verse is omitted in the
manuscripts belonging to hyparchetype d, it is not possible to infer what
hyparchetype b read. The inclusion of the square brackets either side of the
niggahīta is therefore intended to indicate uncertainty regarding its inclusion in the
archetype, rather than certainty that it did not belong to the archetype.
The probable archetypal reading, rājāsi, may be understood in two different
ways. Firstly, as an unusual alternative spelling to rājisi, “royal sage”, which is in
fact the reading found in B2 and Se, and which is glossed by Jāgara (1926: I 113,4)
in his nissaya with ရဟန်းအလားတရား စာင့် သာမင်းသည်, “a king who observes the
doctrine as though he were a monk”. Secondly, as a mistake for rājāsiṃ, “I was a
king”. I have adopted the former understanding primarily because I do not wish to
emend the reconstructed archetype unless absolutely necessary. It is possible that
rājāsi was used instead of rājisi in order to make the pādayuga adhere to the
popular third vipulā of the śloka metre (Warder 1967: 174–175).
12. ahuṃ is found in a number of printed editions, but in none of the manuscripts
cited in this edition. The archetypal reading, ahu, is clearly incorrect. The reading
ahaṃ, while semantically acceptable, is only found in B1, S1 and Se. It seems most
likely that ahu is an erroneous reading for ahuṃ.
close. Note that the reading -therassa, as opposed to the usual -ttherassa, is given in
the base text, as per the goal of this edition which is to represent the archetype with
as few emendations as possible.
6.6. Rāhula
4
The Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka edition is quoted here in favour of the PTS edition because the latter
appears to contain an error.
179
3. I have divided the text of pāda a according to the commentarial gloss, which
reads taṃ gandhakuṭiṃ sobhayamāno (Ap-a 324,22), “illuminating that perfumed
hut”. Note that it is clear from this explanation that the author(s) of the commentary
regarded the present participle as having a causative meaning, despite not having a
causative declension. Perhaps in response, the editors of Be and Ce have instead
used virocento, while S1 and Se read virocayaṃ.
4. susanthatā: susanthato is the reading of hyparchetype b while susanthatā is the
reading of hyparchetype c. The latter is more likely to have belonged to the
archetype for two reasons. Firstly, this reading is supported by the commentary on
this particular pāda in B4, the text of which corresponds to Ap-a 324,27–28.
Secondly, “a well spread out mat” makes better sense than a “well spread out
mirror”. It is possible that susanthatā was altered to susanthato by the scribe of
hyparchetype b in order to make the past passive participle agree with ādāso, to
which it has a close proximity.
5. pāda a is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
-veḷuriyā- is m.c. for -veḷuriya-.
The subject of nibbattissanti is the noun phrase of pāda d, ye ke ci manaso piyā,
“Whatever is dear to his mind”. It contains an indefinite pronoun and is therefore
intentionally ambiguous. The same pāda is found throughout the Vimānavatthu
when describing the karmic fruits enjoyed by gods (e.g. Vv 1.2, 2.2, 3.2). Evidently
this ambiguity unsettled some editors of the Apadāna. The nissaya of Jāgara (1926:
I 114,9) adds the subject ရတနာတိ ့သည်, “treasures”, in a gloss; in Be, S1 and Se, ākāse
has been emended to pāsādā, “palaces”; while in Ce, ākāse has been emended to
ādāsā, “mirrors”.
6. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
pāda c is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
8. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
Reṇuvatī: It is not possible to know with certainty the exact name of the city
listed in the archetype because of the unclear stemmatic pattern of manuscript
variants and because, as far as I know, none of the alternatives are found elsewhere
180
in Pāli literature. Reṇuvatī was chosen primarily because it has a semantic meaning
(“Dusty”).
I regard caturassaṃ as a dvigu karmadhāraya compound with a neuter
accusative singular declension.
9. pāda a is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
11. suriye: The variant reading sūriye is m.c. for suriye and the variant reading
sūriyo is m.c. for suriyo.
To the best of my knowledge, the earliest occurrence of the variant reading
virocessati is found in the edition produced by Buddhadatta (1929–1930), who
evidently felt that the verb virocissati required a causative meaning and so silently
emended the received text.5 This smoother reading has subsequently been adopted
in Be and Ce (cf. § 6.6.3). However, aṭṭhayojanaṃ does not need to be taken as the
object of the verb; rather, it can be seen as the accusative of distance (“for eight
yojanas”). I regard aṭṭhayojanaṃ as a dvigu karmadhāraya compound with a neuter
accusative singular declension.
14. bhaveyya: The variant reading bhavissa could be regarded as a rare instance of
the unaugmented conditional. For other examples, see Oberlies 2001: § 50n2.
16. -muni: The variant reading -mune could be regarded as a rare example of the -e
masculine vocative singular declension of the i stem (Oberlies 2001: § 32.3).
5
For additional information on the relationship between Buddhadatta 1929–1930 and the
Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka edition, see Clark forthcoming 2015.
181
reading available to the author(s) of the commentary ended in a locative -e, for it
contains the gloss vaṇṭasmiṃ (Ap-a 326,20; B4 reads vaṇḍasmi). It needs to be
pointed out that no manuscript I examined contains the reading vaṇṭe.
3. samaṇ[e]: The probable archetypal reading, samaṇo, is not erroneous from a
grammatical standpoint. However, I have adopted the reading of hyparchetype e
and B4, samaṇe, because it fits the story more comfortably and, more importantly,
because this is clearly the reading which was available to the author(s) of the
commentary. Ap-a 326,28 reads aṭṭha samaṇe samitapāpe khīṇāsavabhikkhū
bhojesin ti, “I fed eight ascetics in whom evil had been calmed, monks whose taints
had been destroyed”.
4. The word pavecchana is not listed in PED, which is understandable since, to the
best of my knowledge, this is its sole occurrence in the Pāli canon. It appears to be a
noun formed from the verb pavecchati with the neuter primary nominal suffix -ana;
thus, pavecchanā is the ablative singular declension. Norman (2006a: 247n463–
466) critically reviewed the various possible derivations of pavecchati and
concluded that it most likely developed from payacchati (S. pra-√yam), “to give”.
The noun pavecchana, therefore, most likely means “giving” and “gift”. The
Apadānaṭṭhakathā does not comment upon this verse; however, in his nissaya,
Jāgara (1926: I 116,20–21) glosses pāda d with ြမတ် သာဆွမ်းအလှူြဖင့်လည်း ကင်း, “and
because of donating excellent alms”.
6. gaṇanā[t]o: The archetypal reading, gaṇanātho, “protector of a following”, is
nonsensical within this pādayuga, as it is at §§ 5.11.39, 5.11.49, 5.12.43, 5.13.13
(cf. § 5.14.9). Ap-a 228,36 glosses gaṇanāto from a parallel pāda (Ap 23,6) with
gaṇanavasena, “through counting”.
asaṃkhayaṃ: asaṃkhiya is the usual Pāli equivalent to the Sanskrit word
asaṃkhya (MW s.v.) with a svarabhakti vowel i. However, in this verse asaṃkhaya
is represented in the majority of manuscripts and is clearly the archetypal reading.
While not listed in PED, CPD, or DOP, it is likely to be the Pāli equivalent to the
BHS word asaṃkhyaya (BHSD s.v.). Alternatively, it is possible that asaṃkhaya is
another Pāli equivalent to the Sanskrit word asaṃkhya, with a svarabhakti vowel a.
182
7. kappe ’to: This is the reading of hyparchetype b while kappato is the reading of
hyparchetype c. The latter reading is found in the commentary on this particular
pāda in B4, the text of which corresponds to Ap-a 326,32; however, this seems to be
a gloss rather than a direct quotation of the root text. The phrase kappato is
regularly used in the Apadānaṭṭhakathā to gloss the word ito in similar pādas, e.g.
Ap-a 312,31, 312,34, 316,28. The reading kappato is unlikely to have belonged to the
archetype because it produces a rather awkward sentence and because its
alternative, kappe ’to, more closely resembles the pattern found in similar passages
in the Apadāna.
The term sumedho is potentially confusing. If understood as a proper noun, this
verse is stating that Padumuttara Buddha predicted there would be a Buddha named
Sumedha after the passing of one hundred thousand aeons. Sumedha Buddha,
however, lived seventy thousand aeons after Padumuttara Buddha, meaning that,
according to this interpretation, Padumuttara Buddha made an inaccurate
prediction. It is perhaps for this reason that in S1 and Se two pādas have been added
which name Gotama and his ancestry, and in Be and Ce this verse has been replaced
by an entirely different one in which Padumuttara Buddha predicts there will be a
Buddha named Gotama after the passing of one hundred thousand aeons. However,
the received text of the manuscripts does not need to be so drastically emended.
Both the Apadānaṭṭhakathā (Ap-a 326,29–33) and the nissaya of Jāgara (1926: I 116–
117) offer the reasonable interpretation that the term sumedho is simply an adjective
describing Gotama Buddha as “wise”.
8. As noted at A I 24,22–23; Ap-a 326,4–5, the Buddha declared Upasena
Vaṅgantaputta to be foremost among those who inspire faith in all respects
(samantapāsādika). A pādayuga which refers to this has been inserted in Be;
however, this line is not found in any Apadāna manuscript I have consulted. A
footnote in Be states idaṃ pādadvayaṃ Theragāthā-aṭṭhakathāyam eva dissati, “this
pair of pādas appears in the Theragāthā-aṭṭhakathā”.
183
6.8. Raṭṭhapāla
6
Page and line number is used here since the passages cited fall outside of the DOP system of citing
the Vimānavatthu and Petavatthu by poem and verse.
7
Ap-a 332,6 instead reads upasobhito sobhamāno. As is often the case in the PTS edition, it appears
that the quotation of the root text has been harmonised to agree with the reading found in a printed
edition of the Apadāna.
184
hatthipa, “elephant driver”, is not listed in PED, nor is this meaning of pa,
“guarding, ruling”. The Sanskrit equivalent of the former term is hastipa (MW s.v.).
3. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
catupaññā[sa]sahassāni: The erroneous archetypal reading, catupaññā-
sahassāni, appears to have been the result of simple haplography. It is possible that
the editor(s) of hyparchetype e corrected this mistake with reference to the
commentary.
Ap-a 332,11–13 glosses pāda c with sabbaparikkhārasahitaṃ mohoghasadisaṃ
mahādānaṃ sajjetvā, “having prepared a great gift similar to a great flood, together
with all the requisites [for a monk]”. If read literally, however, the meaning of this
pāda is problematic, which may explain the creation of the three alternative
readings listed in the critical apparatus.
5. Jalajuttamanāyako: Ap-a 332,23–28 notes that the variant reading
Jalanuttamanāyako, “The best leader of the blazing ones”, was known to the
author(s) of the commentary.
6. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
kārayī is m.c. for kārayi.
7. byamhuttamamhi, which is likely to have been the reading contained in the
archetype, is only found in one manuscript cited in this edition, B2. However, the
other manuscripts contain similar readings, including byamhatamhi,
byamuttamamhi and byanamhuttamamhi.
12. The variant reading nirūpadhi is m.c. for nirupadhi.
14. Parallels to the first pādayuga may be found at S I 173,1; Sn 79.
The svarabhakti vowel in viriyaṃ should be disregarded for the purpose of
scansion.
185
6.9. Sopāka
6.10. Sumaṅgala
variant is niyyāteti (DOP s.v.), the verb paṭiyādeti does not appear to take the form
paṭiyāteti elsewhere in the Pāli canon. Because of its rarity, there is no entry for
paṭiyāteti in PED.
brāhmaṇ[e]: The archetypal reading, brāhmaṇo, is contradicted by the
commentarial gloss paṭiggāhake suddhapabbajite (Ap-a Be II 29,14),8 “pure ascetic
recipients”. Among the manuscripts cited in this edition, only S1 contains the
reading brāhmaṇe; however, B1 and B2 read brahmaṇe, while B3 and B4 read
brahmāṇe.
2. Piyadass[iṃ]: B2 reads Piyadassiṃ; however, because this particular word is
omitted in the manuscripts belonging to hyparchetype d, it is not possible to infer
what hyparchetype b read. The inclusion of the square brackets is therefore
intended to indicate uncertainty regarding its inclusion in the archetype, rather than
certainty that it did not belong to the archetype.
3. The variant reading jutīmantaṃ is m.c. for jutimantaṃ, which puts the pādayuga
into the popular pathyā form of the śloka metre.
Regarding pāda c, ādiccam iva rocantaṃ is the reading of hyparchetype b while
ādiccaṃ va virocantaṃ is the reading of hyparchetype c. The former is supported
by Ap-a 336,23 which reads, ādiccam iva suriyam iva rocantaṃ sobhamānaṃ,
“ādiccam iva [means] like the sun; rocantaṃ [means] shining”.
6. Parallels to the first pādayuga may be found in numerous canonical texts, e.g. S
III 91,1; Sn 544; Th 629.
nisīda tvaṃ: The variant reading nisīdataṃ is perhaps best understood as a third
person singular imperative middle verb meaning “sit down”.
8. tāhaṃ: I understand the variant reading t’ āsaṃ to be equivalent to taṃ āsaṃ,
“that food”.
pāṇihi is m.c. for pāṇīhi.
9. katañjali: This reading is best understood as a bahuvrīhi compound with a
masculine nominative singular declension of the i stem. The variant reading
katañjalī is found in a number of printed editions, both at this location and
8
The Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka edition is quoted here in favour of the PTS edition because the latter
appears to contain an error.
187
elsewhere in the Apadāna (e.g. Ap 320,9, 375,17, 438,5), and is best understood as a
possessive adjective with a masculine nominative singular declension of the in
stem. Of course, the difference in meaning between these two interpretations is
negligible.
10. pāda a is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
14. In Pāli, tmesis usually involves the separation of a compound by a one-syllable
word (for examples, see Oberlies 2001: 123). However, in pāda a of this verse, my
understanding is that the three-syllable phrase c’ aṭṭha ca, “and eight”, has been
inserted in the middle of the compound dasakhattuṃ, “ten times”, resulting in the
phrase “ten—and eight—times”, i.e. “eighteen times”.
pāda c is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
15. oggayha: The Sanskrit equivalent is avagāhya; therefore, as noted in DOP s.v.
ogāhati, ogayha is orthographically more correct than oggayha. However, as is also
noted in DOP, oggayha is a common variant spelling found in numerous Pāli texts
and, because it is likely to have been the archetypal reading, it has been reproduced
uncorrected in the base text.
uddāna
A number of the proper nouns listed in the uddāna have been modified for sake
of metre.
gaṇe: While gaṇe is preferable from a metrical standpoint, vagge is slightly
preferable from a stemmatic standpoint. These two readings are therefore
considered equally likely to have been the archetypal reading.
There are 139 verses in this edition of the second chapter, assuming that the text
ought to be divided into equi-length verses containing four pādas. The uddāna
represented in the base text of this edition states that there are 137 verses. The
discrepancy could be accounted for if the text is instead divided into 133 verses of
four pādas and four verses of six pādas. Alternatively, it is possible that two
additional verses were added to the chapter after the uddāna was composed. The
188
uddānas of B2,9 Be and Ce state that there are 138 verses in the second chapter;
however, B2 and Ce divides the text into 139 verses, while Be divides the text into
140 verses.
6.11. Subhūti
9
B2 contains the erroneous reading aṭha- and is therefore excluded from the critical apparatus.
189
errors, none of the witnesses belonging to hyparchetype b contain the exact wording
na gihī nāpi. Primarily for this reason, the reading of hyparchetype c is represented
in the base text.
muttako: PED s.v. states that muttaka is only found in compounds. This is
evidently untrue; however, I am unaware of any other occurrence of muttaka as an
independent word in the Pāli canon.
11. s[īghaṃ]: siṅga, “horn” or “calf”, is the likely reading of hyparchetype b while
piṅga, “tawny”, is the reading of hyparchetype c. Neither of these readings makes
sense in the context of this verse and it is possible that both are scribal errors for
sīghaṃ, the reading of S1 and Se, which has been adopted in the base text.
Nonetheless, the resultant Pāli text is awkward and its meaning is unclear, which
indicates that this verse was already corrupted in the archetype, particularly the text
belonging to pāda c. The emendation saddhādhuraṃ, “yoke of faith”, appears to
have first been inserted by the editors of the fifth Buddhist council text (as
-dhūraṃ) and has been reproduced in many printed editions (e.g. Be, Ce and Ee; here
corrected to -dhuraṃ); however, this reading is not supported by any manuscript I
have examined which predates the fifth Buddhist council. In addition, while the
term saddhādhura is found in a number of commentarial texts, to the best of my
knowledge it does not appear in any other Pāli canonical text.
vahi ’si: vahin is not found in PED; see MW s.v. I understand the variant
reading pāhisi to be a second person singular future verb from √pā, meaning “you
will protect”. It is likely to be a correction of the reading belonging to hyparchetype
c, pahisi.
12. A parallel to the first pādayuga may be found at Ja I 130,17.
There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda b.
13. jīv[i]hisī is m.c. for jīv[i]hisi.
18. DOP s.v. kūṭa1 lists this occurrence of kūṭa under the meanings, “a prominence
or projection; a horn; a summit; a peak”. This listing appears to be solely based
upon the reading of Ee, jātarūpaṃ yathā kūṭaṃ n’eva yāyati katthaci / tathā
sīlavihīno tvaṃ n’ eva yāyasi katthaci, “As a gold summit moves nowhere, so you
who have abandoned virtuous conduct will move nowhere”. However, this is a
190
clumsy simile and, moreover, the archetype most likely read jhāyati and jhāyissasi
instead of yāyati and yāyasi. In this context, kūṭa is perhaps most appropriately
regarded as an adjective meaning “counterfeit”, qualifying jātarūpa, “gold”. A
similar term in Sanskrit is kūṭasvarṇa (MW s.v.). Counterfeit gold can refer to a
cheaper metal which has been covered with gold (e.g. S I 79,21); however, in this
passage it most likely to refers to gold which has been alloyed with significant
proportions of other metals. At A III 16; S V 92, it is stated that when gold is
alloyed with iron, copper, tin, lead, or silver, it is no longer shiny (pabhassara).
Counterfeit gold (jātarūpapatirūpaka) is used at S II 224,14–17 as a simile for
counterfeit dhamma. In the present verse, it appears to be used as a simile for a
kūṭajaṭila, “counterfeit matted hair ascetic”, a term which is used at e.g. Ja I 375,23-
24. One meaning of the verb jhāyati is “to burn” (from √kṣai); however, jhāyati is
perhaps best understood in this verse as having the less literal related meaning, “to
shine”, though I am unaware of any other instance of this verb having this precise
meaning. It is quite possible that jhāyati was chosen over other verbs which more
naturally mean “to shine” in order to create a word play on the verb jhāyissasi,
which means both “you will shine” and “you will meditate” (from √dhyai). The
above interpretation of this difficult verse was aided by the nissaya of Jāgara (1926:
I 126,25, 28–29), which glosses kūṭaṃ with ကာက်ကျစ်စဉ်းလဲ သာ, “counterfeit” and na
jhāyissasi with မ တာက်ပလတ္တ˳, “[you] will not shine”.
19. agāra[ṃ]: agāra is the reading of hyparchetype c, agārā is the reading of
hyparchetype d and agāraṃ is the probable reading of hyparchetype e. The former
reading best explains the development of the other readings and is therefore most
likely to have belonged to the archetype.
jīvihisī is m.c. for jīvihisi. The variant reading jīvit’ isī is best understood as
jīvito isī prior to sandhi, meaning “living as a sage” (isī being m.c. for isi).
Despite appearing elsewhere in the Pāli canon (e.g. M II 63,23), PED does not
give the meaning “maternal” under mattika. The Sanskrit equivalent is mātṛka (see
MW s.v.).
23. appamāda-: This is the likely reading of hyparchetype b while apamode is the
reading of hyparchetype c. The latter is almost certainly a scribal error for
191
43. Note the unexpected shift from second person verbs to the third person verb
hessati. Somewhat surprisingly, this shift in the received text has been reproduced
unmodified in Be and Ce.
44. -guṇa[m]hi: -guṇahi is the likely reading of hyparchetype b while -guṇe hi is
the reading of hyparchetype c. The former erroneous reading best explains the
development of all other readings and therefore most likely belonged to the
archetype. If this is so, then it follows that the archetypal reading was recognised as
an error and emended to -gaṇamhi by the editor(s) of hyparchetype d and emended
to -guṇe hi by the editor(s) of hyparchetype c. The probable archetypal reading,
retained without amendment in B1 and S1, is most likely a scribal error of -
guṇamhi, although no manuscript cited in this edition contains this reading. While
the reading of hyparchetype b, -guṇe hi, is not erroneous, the placement of the
particle hi is abnormal. The alternative of taking this as -guṇehi is unattractive from
a grammatical and semantic perspective; however, this appears to have been the
understanding of the editors who produced the text of B2, since they
correspondingly emended -vihāre ca to -vihārena.
45. abbhuggamī is m.c. for abbhuggami, in order to put the pādayuga into the
popular pathyā form of the śloka metre.
47. There is a resolution on the sixth syllable of pāda a.
48–50. Note the parallel with the prediction verses at §§ 5.11.38–40.
48. A parallel to the first pādayuga is found at A IV 90,5. As noted in § 2.4, the
content and language of the verses at A IV 89–91 are extremely reminiscent of the
apadānas.
49. I assume that susampattiṃ refers to dvesampattiṃ (for the latter term, see §
6.3.3 and the note at § 7.3.3).
51. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
52. A parallel to the second pādayuga is found at Thī 71.
193
6.12. Upavāṇa
contains additional emendations which, as far as I can surmise, were created during
the editorial preparations for the fifth Buddhist council of 1871. The most radical
difference in this version is the addition of four verses which describe yakkhas
building the stupa and which are based upon existing verses in the received text.
While B2 is closely related to B1, it is also contaminated by a witness belonging to
hyparchetype c, which represents the archetypal version of this passage. It seems
likely that when the two existing versions of this passage were compared by the
editors of the fifth Buddhist council text, these editors noticed that the first version
mentions yakkhas but not garuḷas, while the second version mentions garuḷas but
not yakkhas. The result is a conflated text which mentions both yakkhas and
garuḷas. This third conflated version also fully describes seven types of beings
contributing to the construction of a stupa which is seven leagues high, unlike the
other two versions which only fully describe six types of beings. The changes
introduced in this third version may also have been partly influenced by Ap-a
343,31–32, 567,9–10 which have the same list of seven types of beings, though in a
slightly different order.
1. The svarabhakti vowel in Padum(a)- should be disregarded for the purpose of
scansion.
-dhammāna is m.c. for -dhammānaṃ.
Parallels to the second pādayuga may be found at Bv 2.217, 11.30, 18.26,
20.34.
2. katvā: katvāna is the reading of hyparchetype b while katvā is the reading of
hyparchetype c. It appears that the editor(s) of hyparchetype e responded to the
hypermetric pāda produced by the additional syllable in katvāna by altering
citakaṃ to citaṃ.
4. The ordinals in this verse and the next qualify a noun with a feminine
nominative singular declension. Jāgara (1926: I 131,30) glosses paṭhamā with
ပဌမပစ္စယာသည်, “first terrace”. Walters (1997: 189n54) appears to suggest that the
ordinals in this passage refer to a series of reliquary urns whereby each one is
placed inside the next. Alternatively, it is possible that they refer to a series of
layers (kañcukā, CPD s.v., see §§ 5.12.8, 5.12.16). While these suggestions fit the
195
context well, the fact is that neither the root text nor its commentary specifies what
the ordinals refer to, and my translation reflects this ambiguity.
maṇi-: The variant reading maṇī- could be m.c. for maṇi-.
catutthi is the probable archetypal reading; however, I am unaware of any
instance in which this ordinal has a final short i in the feminine nominative singular
declension. Therefore, in the base text, this short vowel has been lengthened.
5. DOP s.v. kāca1 cites this particular appearance of kāca; however, it does not list
it under the primary meaning “glass”, but instead states that it is probably an error. I
disagree with this assessment because kācehi is the likely archetypal reading and it
fits the context well.
sabba-: The variant reading sabbaṃ may be an adverb meaning “completely”.
The svarabhakti vowel in -ratana- should be disregarded for the purpose of
scansion.
ūpari is m.c. for upari; however, it may also be viewed as an example of
standard external sandhi in which an initial vowel is sometimes lengthened
following a vowel elision.
6. Ap-a 568 comments upon this verse after it comments upon § 5.12.8, implying
that the order of verses in the version available to the commentator(s) differed from
the order presented here.
ratanā- is m.c. for ratana-.
-sovaṇṇamayo best explains the development of the other readings. It has
resulted in a hypermetric nine syllable pāda, and the two variant readings
demonstrate two different strategies used by scribes to eliminate one of the
syllables.
7. pāda c is hypermetric, containing nine syllables. It is likely that the variant
reading kassāma (for karissāma) developed in response to this.
8. While DOP s.v. āveṇika lists āvenika as a valid variant of āveṇika, CPD s.v.
āvenika states, “āvenika [is a] wrong spelling for āveṇika”. I have therefore chosen
to emend the archetypal reading āvenikā to āveṇikā.
Norman (2003: 252) stated that in Sanskrit, “śarīra in the singular means
‘body’, not ‘relics’, which is its meaning in the plural”. Here, however, there is only
196
one relic, so a plural noun would not be appropriate. The text makes it clear that the
body has been burnt and all that is left is a single relic. See Vv 63.32 for another
instance in which sarīraṃ has the meaning “relic”. After briefly discussing the
apadāna of Upavāṇa, Strong (2004: 45) noted, “in terms of relics, there are two
basic types of previous buddhas: those whose bodily relics are scattered to various
regions, and those whose relics (bodies) are kept together and enshrined in a single
stūpa”.
pāda d is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
9. The svarabhakti vowel in ratanehi should be disregarded for the purpose of
scansion.
vaḍḍhesu is m.c. for vaḍḍhesuṃ.
byapahan(a)ti/vyapahan(a)ti is not found in PED (MW s.v. vy-apa-√han). The
only other instance of this verb in early Pāli literature which I am aware of is at Mil
127,26.
11. The expression in pāda a is unusual. We might instead expect a verb such as
āsimhā̆ or ahumhā̆, resulting in the meaning, “Let us not be negligent!”. Indeed, at §
5.12.15, we find the variant reading ahumhā. Moreover, the official sixth Buddhist
council translation reads, ငါတိ ့သည်ကသိလ် ကာင်းမ၌ မ့ လျာ့ြခင်းတိ ့သည်မြဖစ် က စကန်လင့်,
“Let us not be negligent in regards to [this] meritorious deed” ( ထရာပဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ်
ြမန်မာြပန် 1993: I 80,13). However, the root text cannot mean this, unless we
understand assumhā to be assu amhā prior to sandhi and we understand assu to be
an indeclinable meaning “indeed”; yet this would be most unusual Pāli.
pāda c is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
12. achādayuṃ is m.c. for acchādayuṃ, involving the simplification of a consonant
group.
15. pāda c is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
16. tāra-: This is the reading of hyparchetype c, taru- is the reading of
hyparchetype d, while the readings stemming from hyparchetype e are variable and
include tāva. The probable archetypal reading is tāra-. PED does not include an
entry for tāra, while DOP s.v. tāra only lists the meanings, “high, shrill; a high
note; a loud or shrill note”. However, MW s.v. tāra lists several additional
197
meanings, such as, “shining, radiant... clean, clear... good, excellent”. These
meanings fit the context of this verse very well.
17. I regard catuyojanam as a dvigu karmadhāraya compound with a neuter
accusative singular declension.
Parallels to the second pādayuga may be found at Bv 1.15, 7.24.
20. pāda a is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
I assume that phalikā is an example of the nonstandard -ā feminine singular
instrumental declension. See Oberlies 2001: § 31.1 for this form. It is likely that the
variant reading phalikāhi is an emendation made by scribe(s) who were unaware of
this nonstandard declension.
21. I regard pañcayojanam as a dvigu karmadhāraya compound with a neuter
accusative singular declension.
Four additional verses follow § 5.12.21 in B2, Be, Ce and Se. The wording of
these four verses is slightly different in each of the four witnesses and rather than
quote each separately in the critical apparatus, which would take up a large amount
of space, the primary quotation represents the text of Be. Where B2, Ce, or Se differs
from Be, the variant has been placed in square brackets immediately after the word
it replaces.
23. pādas a and c are hypermetric, each containing nine syllables.
24. -sovaṇṇamayaṃ best explains the development of the other readings. It has
resulted in a hypermetric nine syllable pāda, and the two most popular variant
readings demonstrate two different strategies used by scribes to eliminate one of the
syllables.
25. I regard sattayojanam as a dvigu karmadhāraya compound with a neuter
accusative singular declension.
26. ābhā could either refer to the lights of the stupa, in which case it has a feminine
accusative plural declension, or it could refer to the lights from the moon, sun and
stars, in which case it has a feminine nominative plural declension. CPD s.v. ābhā
evidently accepts the former interpretation, since it states that in this passage ābhā
has an accusative plural declension. However, in favour of the latter interpretation,
we would expect multiple lights from the moon, sun and stars, but just one light
198
from the stupa. Moreover, Ap-a 569,5–6 appears to accept the latter interpretation,
stating, atibhont’ eva na tass’ ābhā ti tassa cetiyassa pabhaṃ candasuriya-
tārakānaṃ pabhā na atibhonti ajjhottharantī ti attho, “atibhont’ eva na tass’ ābhā
[means] the lights of the moon, sun and stars did not surpass, did not overwhelm,
the light of that shrine”.
27. ukkhipanti: A variant reading is upakkhipanti. Neither PED, nor CPD, nor DOP
contain an entry for upakkhipati; however, it may be viewed as a legitimate
equivalent of the Sanskrit upakṣipati (MW s.v. upa-√kṣip).
29. Semantically, we might assume that the two present participles gacchato and
gacchantā best describe the garland. Jāgara (1926: I 136,3) appears to have done so
and glossed gacchato with လက ာ်လှည့်သွား သာ, “[garland] which circumambulated
clockwise”. However, to make this explanation feasible, Jāgara inserted the word
gacchantaṃ between the quotation of the root text and the gloss, which was
presumably intended as a correction to the received text. Yet rather than modify the
received text, I regard gacchato as m.c. for gacchanto, a present participle with a
masculine nominative plural declension describing te, “they”. It is possible that the
two present participles therefore refer to the visitors going to (i.e. visiting) the
stupa, or going around (i.e. circumambulating) the stupa.
suggatiṃ is m.c. for sugatiṃ, involving an unhistoric doubling of consonants.
31. ahosi[ṃ]: ahosi is the reading of hyparchetype c while ahosiṃ is the probable
reading of hyparchetype e. Because this verse is omitted in the manuscripts
belonging to hyparchetype d, it is not possible to infer what hyparchetype b read.
The inclusion of the square brackets either side of the niggahīta is therefore
intended to indicate uncertainty regarding its inclusion in the archetype, rather than
certainty that it did not belong to the archetype.
32. For another example of the rare -n- sandhi consonant, see Th 564 and Norman
2007a: 238n564.
I regard dhātugharedisaṃ as dhātugharaṃ edisaṃ prior to sandhi and therefore
this term has been represented as dhātughar’ edisaṃ in the base text. Alternatively,
following Jāgara (1926: I 136,16–17), it may be regarded as dhātughare īdisaṃ prior
199
to sandhi, which, following Jāgara’s glosses, may be translated as, “at [whose] relic
building there is such [a marvel]”.
kubbanti: A popular variant reading found in B2, B3, Be, C3, C4 and Se, is
kubban na / kubbaṃ na. Jāgara (1926: I 136,19–20), whose root text contained this
variant reading, glossed kubbaṃ with ြပုကန်လျက် “while performing” and na
susaññā: On the same page of the parallel just cited (J VI 503,15), the editor,
Fausbøll, has added the following footnote to the reading susaññā: “so all three
MSS. for susoñño?”. This footnote was commented on by Norman (2003: 176–177)
in a study on the Vessantarajātaka. Norman (2003: 176) stated that the suggested
editorial correction susoñño “is very attractive” because J VI 504,30 provides the
gloss sussoṇiyo, “with good buttocks/hips”. Norman then proposed that an even
better emendation is susoññā, which he understood to be sussoṇiyo after the term
had adopted the ā stem and undergone an orthographic change. Norman’s primary
supporting evidence is the existence of this very reading in the parallel passages at
Ap 307,5, 353,23, 356,5, 413,24. However, a deeper investigation of this issue
indicates that neither J VI 503,15 nor the received text of the present verse (§
5.12.41) should be modified to susoññā. As recognised by Norman (2003: 177),
there are two commentarial glosses which instead support the reading susaññā, the
first at Ja VI 52,9, susaññātā, “well perceived”, and the second at Ap-a 277,34–35 (on
Ap 40,7), sundarasaññitabbasarīrāvayavā, “whose body and limbs are to be well
perceived”. As also recognised by Norman (2003: 177), in the parallel passages at
Ap 22,17, 40,7, 73,15, the reading is susaññā. While investigating this, I found it
curious that all these examples of susaññā in the Apadāna fall within volume one of
the PTS edition and all examples of susoññā in the Apadāna fall within volume two.
The reason behind this becomes clear in light of the foreword to volume two, in
which Lilley (1927: vii–viii) wrote, “Two misreadings in Part I were brought to my
notice when the work was practically through the press by Dr. W. Stede, who
pointed out to me that on p. 22, g. 107, and in similar passages throughout the text
the reading should be su-soññā instead of su-saññā”. It is therefore evident that the
four examples of susoññā in volume two are editorial emendations which are not
clearly marked as such. To confirm this, I examined these four passages in all
Apadāna nine manuscripts10 and found that, with the exception of three minor
variants at Ap 353,23,11 in each instance the reading is susaññā. I understand
susañña to be an adjective meaning “the perception of whom is good” (i.e. “good
10
With the exception of C3, of which I was only able to check the reading at Ap 307,5.
11
C2 reads supaññā, while C4 and C5 read susamhā.
201
looking”), in much the same way that sudassana means “the slight of whom is
good” (i.e. “good looking”). In this context, the gloss of sussoṇiyo at J VI 504,30
might simply specify the way in which these women are “good looking”. An
alternative understanding of susañña is “with beautiful gestures”. The foregoing
investigation highlights the importance of utilising the primary sources, i.e.
handwritten manuscripts, and the unreliability of some printed editions in faithfully
representing the received text.
There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda c.
45. Note the unexpected shift from second person verbs to the third person verb
bhavissati. While bhavissati is clearly the archetypal reading, it has been corrected
to bhavissasi in all cited printed editions.
47. Note the different orthography of the protagonist’s name here (Upavāna) and in
the close (Upavāṇa). As per the goal of this edition, that is, to represent the
archetype with as few emendations as possible, I have not harmonised this
orthography.
48. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
jhāpayī is m.c. for jhāpayi.
49. While the cardinal three is most often ti- at the beginning of a compound, it
may also be tayo- and tīṇi- (DOP s.v.; Oberlies 2001: 197n2). Perhaps because of
the rarity of this form, the phrase tīṇiyojana- has been emended to tiyojanāni in B2,
Be and Ce. It appears that this change was first introduced during the editorial
preparations for the fifth Buddhist council of 1871. DOP s.v. tīṇi states that the
reading tīṇiyojana- in this passage is probably wrong; however, it is widely
supported in the manuscripts. Cf. § 5.18.8.
I understand the probable archetypal reading, ussissanti, to be a third person
plural passive verb from ud-√śiṣ, equivalent to the Sanskrit ucchiṣyate. While
sissati is listed in PED, ussissati is in neither PED, nor CPD, nor DOP, which is not
particularly surprising since, to the best of my knowledge, it does not appear
elsewhere in the Pāli canon. In the Apadāna, the word dhaja, “flag”, is often
associated with some variant of the verb usseti, “raises”, e.g. Ap 2,6, 4,8, 177,7. It
may well be that ussissanti is an old scribal error for ussiyanti or ussīyanti, “were
202
raised”; however, despite the latter appearing in Ce, neither is found in any of the
manuscripts cited in this edition.
50. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
6.13. Tīṇisaraṇāgamaniya
11. PED does not give the meaning “always” for sabbattha. See MW s.v. sarvatra.
paṭikanta is not listed in PED. I understand it to be derived from prati-√kam.
Note that yaso is masculine in this verse, as it is in Sn 438.
12. For a parallel to the first pādayuga, see § 6.11.48.
15. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda c.
sahasā: sahassa- is the likely reading of hyparchetype b while sahasā is the
reading of hyparchetype c. The latter is perhaps more likely to have been the
archetypal reading because the alternative is semantically awkward and results in a
hypermetric pāda.
PED does not give the meaning “accompanied by” for purakkhata, but see MW
s.v. puraskṛta.
16. A parallel to pādas b–c may be found at Thī 320.
nirūpadhiṃ is m.c. for nirupadhiṃ.
18. I regard sattavassena as a dvigu karmadhāraya compound with a neuter
instrumental singular declension.
There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda c.
upasampādesi sambuddho: The variant reading upasampādayī̆ Buddho is likely
to be a conscious harmonisation with the parallel pādayuga at § 5.14.13.
19. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
20. suppaṇihitaṃ: The variant reading suppaṇīhitaṃ is m.c. for suppaṇihitaṃ.
23. I understand passayissatha to be a second person plural future verb from pra-
√śri (MW s.v. pra-√śri2). PED does not list passayati; however, for a similar verb
see DOP s.v. nissayati.
24. The archetypal reading gopaya could be a second person singular imperative
verb meaning “guard!”. However, throughout the passage §§ 5.13.23–25, all finite
verbs have second person plural conjugations. Particularly in light of the reading
parigopiya at § 5.13.25, it seems more likely that the archetypal reading is a scribal
error for the absolutive gopiya.
25. Following Jāgara (1926: I 142,12), I understand vo to be a second person
pronoun with an uncommon nominative plural declension (see Oberlies 2001: 183–
184).
204
6.14. Pañcasīlasamādāniya
6.15. Annasaṃsāvaka
6.16. Dhūpadāyaka
6.17. Pulinapūjaka
6.18. Uttiya
1. -bhojana-: The variant reading -gocara- may have been taken from the
commentary, which glosses pāda c with ahaṃ sabhojane sakagocare pasuto
byāvaṭo (Ap-a 349,15), “I was occupied on my own food”.
-pasutāhaṃ: The variant reading -pasūtāhaṃ could be m.c. for -pasutāhaṃ,
which puts the pādayuga into the popular pathyā form of the śloka metre.
2. nadi[ṃ]: The archetypal reading nadī can only make sense if we assume that it
forms the first member of the compound nadītaritukāmo, “wishing to cross the
river”; however, I am unaware of any other example in Pāli literature in which an
infinitive in a nominal compound is not the first member. I have therefore treated
the archetypal reading as an error.
10. There is a resolution on the first syllable of pāda a.
6.19. Ekañjalika
6.20. Khomadāyaka
uddāna
A number of the proper nouns listed in the uddāna have been modified for sake
of metre.
Dhūp[o]: The archetypal reading was most likely Dhūpaṃ and no manuscript I
have consulted contains the reading Dhūpo. If Dhūpaṃ is interpreted as a noun
meaning “incense”, it ought to have a masculine nominative singular declension
and read Dhūpo as per the other proper nouns in the uddāna, including Saraṇa and
Pulina which are usually considered to be neuter in gender. It might be argued that
Dhūpaṃ is a present participle from the verb dhūpati (DOP s.v.) with a masculine
nominative singular declension; however, its meaning, “heated” or “suffering”, is
inappropriate. It seems more likely that Dhūpaṃ was a scribal error in the archetype
for Dhūpo.
There are 186 verses in this edition of the third chapter, assuming that the text
ought to be divided into equi-length verses containing four pādas. The uddāna
states that there are 185 verses. The discrepancy could be accounted for if the text is
instead divided into 183 verses of four pādas and two verses of six pādas.
Alternatively, it is possible that one additional verse was added to the chapter after
the uddāna was composed. If the four additional verses found in B2, Be, Ce and Se
(see § 6.12.1–26) are included in the total count, this discrepancy is greater, which
provides further evidence that these four verses are late additions.
209
6.21. Kuṇḍadhāna
√kamp. The meaning of the latter noun is likely to be extremely similar to that of
the former noun.
15. For parallels to the first pādayuga, see § 6.8.14.
The svarabhakti vowel in viriyaṃ should be disregarded for the purpose of
scansion.
6.22. Sāgata
6.23. Mahākaccāna
6.24. Kāḷudāyin
6.25. Mogharājā
11. subhaka is not listed in PED. I understand it to be the noun subha, “politeness”,
with the secondary nominal suffix -ka.
vihāsa is not listed in PED, which is not particularly surprising since, to the best
of my knowledge, it does not appear elsewhere in the Pāli canon. Just as vehāsa is a
contraction of vehāyasa, vihāsa appears to be a contraction of vihāyasa.
14. pāda a involves tmesis. The reading of Ce avoids this tmesis, yet has produced a
hypometric pāda containing seven syllables.
15. pāda a involves tmesis. The reading of Ce avoids this tmesis.
pāda c is hypermetric, containing nine syllables. Alternately, the svarabhakti
vowel in asaṃkhayaṃ could perhaps be disregarded for the purpose of scansion.
16. Parallels to the first pādayuga may be found at Bv 2.5, 4.10, 14.9, 25.10; Th
1171. This phrase also occurs frequently in prose texts, e.g. A I 163,11–12; D I 88,4–
5.
6.26. Adhimutta
6.27. Lasuṇadāyaka
3. nirat’ ass’: Ee displays the text as niratass’, which makes the past passive
participle agree with Vipassissa instead of ahaṃ. I have instead followed the more
semantically appropriate word division of Ap-a 365,16, which states assa... nirato.
4. pāda a is hypermetric, containing nine syllables.
lasuṇassa: The variant reading lasuṇadānaṃ is best understood as having a
neuter ablative singular declension, meaning “[This is the fruit] from giving garlic”.
6.28. Āyāgadāyaka
2. vaḍḍhake hi: Ee displays the text as vaḍḍhakehi, “with labourers”; however, this
would seem to require the presence of an unstated intermediary, resulting in the
awkward translation of pāda a, “Having had [someone] speak with labourers”. The
causative verb kathāpetvā most naturally relates to one or more persons in the
accusative case and therefore it is best to read as vaḍḍhake hi.
kārayes’: As indicated by DOP s.v. karoti→kārāpeti, in this passage the variant
reading kārapes’ might be m.c. for kārāpes’.
4. Strictly speaking, hanti is a third person singular verb from √han and,
following this interpretation, pāda b ought to be translated “and one did not strike
my weapons”. This, however, does not make a great deal of sense and we would
instead expect the third person plural verb hananti, which would make pāda b mean
“and weapons did not strike me”. Indeed, Jāgara (1926: I 166,17) understood
satthāni to have a nominative plural declension and hanti to be a plural verb. The
occurrence of hanti in this verse may be a singular verb used in place of a plural
verb due to the pressure of metre, or it may simply be an error. My translation
assumes the former.
6.29. Dhammacakkika
6.30. Kapparukkhiya
1. laṃghitvā: The meaning of this archetypal reading within the overall context of
the apadāna is not clear; however, it may imply that the protagonist avoided
luxurious clothing. Ap-a 367,26 (and the commentary manuscript B4) contains the
corresponding gloss olaggetvā, “having fastened on [multicoloured cloths]”. This
gloss is phonographically similar to the archetypal reading; however, being derived
from √lag instead of √laṅgh, its meaning is significantly different and therefore it
is not particularly helpful. It is likely that the variant readings laggetvā and lagetvā
are based upon this commentarial gloss and because these variants are more easily
understood it is not particularly surprising that they are have been reproduced in
several printed editions.
3. mam avassitā: mama vasikā, “being under my control”, is the probable reading
of hyparchetype c; mama nissitā, “dependent upon me”, is the reading of
hyparchetype d; while mam avassitā, “dependent upon me”, this is the probable
reading of hyparchetype e. The probable reading of hyparchetype e best explains
the development of the other readings and is therefore most likely to have belonged
to the archetype.
217
uddāna
There are 113 verses in this edition of the fourth chapter, assuming that the text
ought to be divided into equi-length verses containing four pādas. The uddāna
states that there are 112 verses. The discrepancy could be accounted for if the text is
instead divided into 110 verses of four pādas and two verses of six pādas.
Alternatively, it is possible that one additional verse was added to the chapter after
the uddāna was composed.
218
7.1. Sīhāsanadāyaka
1
For information on the buddhas who preceded Gotama Buddha (e.g. Siddhattha Buddha), see
Horner 1975: xxvi–xlvi.
2
A great deal more is included within the term loka than the everyday usage of its translation,
“world”. Ap-a 322,19–20, for instance, glosses lokanātho with kāmarūpārūpalokassa nātho padhāno,
“protector, chief of the desire-, form- and formless-world[s]”. See Nyanatiloka 2007 s.v. loka.
3
Commenting upon a parallel pāda (Ap 33,9), Ap-a Be I 297,25–26 glosses nibbute with
khandhaparinibbānena parinibbute, that is, nibbāna coinciding with death, as opposed to nibbāna
realised in life. The Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka edition is quoted here in favour of the PTS edition because
the latter appears to contain an error.
4
The difficulty of translating the word pasāda into a single English term has been noted several
times before since it may also mean “purity”, “tranquility”, “joy”, etc. (for a short overview, see
Rotman 2009: 66). In the apadānas, the translation “faith” seems most apt.
5
On the various definitions of the length of a yojana, see Skilling 1998.
219
6
That is, couches other than the one mentioned in § 5.1.5.
7
Karmic fruit is a direct result of intentional action. Therefore, passages in the Apadāna which state
that a karmic fruit is the result of a donated object, as opposed to the act of donating that particular
object, are abbreviations m.c. Examples in which it is stated that a fruit is the result of an action are
§§ 5.1.9d, 5.5.10d, 5.18.10d.
8
Literally, “[It was] in the ninety-fourth aeon from now that I performed the deed at that time”.
9
For a list of the good and bad destinations, see Nyanatiloka 2007 s.v. gati.
10
I understand the term tesattati to be a cardinal number used as an ordinal. This is a common
feature of Apadāna passages which involve the counting of aeons. See Collins 2006: 74 and Norman
1992 for the use of cardinals in place of ordinals.
11
This proper noun might be considered a karmic fruit of generating the mental state of the same
name in § 5.1.2.
12
D I 89,1–4 identifies the seven jewels as the wheel jewel, elephant jewel, horse jewel, gem jewel,
wife jewel, householder jewel and advisor jewel.
13
For a parallel pāda (Thī-a 7,1–2), Pruitt (1999: 12) translates sacchikatā as relating only to the
abhiññās. However, my translation reflects Ap-a 238,16–21, 295,16–23, which also relates sacchikatā
220
In this way the venerable elder Sīhāsanadāyaka (“Donor of a lion throne”) spoke
these verses. The apadāna of the elder Sīhāsanadāyaka is concluded.
7.2. Ekatthambhika
1. The blessed one Siddhattha had a following of very many. And they, gone to
the Buddha as a refuge, had faith in the Tathāgata.
2. After assembling and holding discussions, they all [commenced] building a
hall for their teacher. Not having a [tree] trunk, they searched [for one] in a
vast forest.
3. Having seen them in the wilderness, I then approached the following, held
up cupped hands in respectful salutation [and] I questioned the following.
4. Questioned by me, those virtuous lay disciples replied, “We wish to build a
hall; [however, until now] we did not have a [tree] trunk”.14
5. [I said,] “Give me the [tree] trunk, I will give it to the teacher, I will bring
back the [tree] trunk. Have little exertion”.
6. Trusting, with contented minds, they gave15 me the [tree] trunk. Then,
turning back, they went to their own house[s].
7. When the following of many had recently departed, I then gave the [tree]
trunk [to Siddhattha Buddha]. Joyful, with a joyful mind, I raised the first16
[tree trunk for use as a pillar].
8. Because of the faith in my mind I was reborn in a celestial mansion. My
dwelling rose seven stories high.
to the paṭisambhidās and vimokhas. For details on the four analytical insights, eight liberations and
six supernormal knowledges, see Nyanatiloka 2007 s.v. paṭisambhidā, vimokkha and abhiññā,
respectively.
14
The next verse implies that at this stage of the narrative the following had found a tree trunk
suitable to use in building the hall. Therefore, although the passive verb labbhati is in the present
tense, the context demands that it be interpreted as referring to the recent past.
15
See Norman 2006a: 247n463–466, 2007b: 143n272 for discussions on the verb pavecchati.
16
Alternatively, paṭhamaṃ could be read as an adverb meaning “at once”.
221
In this way the venerable elder Ekatthambhika (“Having a [tree] trunk”) spoke these
verses. The apadāna of the elder Ekatthambhika is concluded.
7.3. Nanda
1. I gave a linen garment to the blessed one Padumuttara, supreme in the world,
venerable,18 self-dependent, great sage.
2. The Buddha named Jalajuttama19 explained this to me, “Because of this act
of giving a garment, [you] will have a golden complexion.
17
Alternatively, yasodhara could be understood as being the name of the king.
18
I have adopted the translation “venerable” for tādin, as per Norman 2007a: 145n41.
19
Jalajuttama is a synonym of Padumuttara.
222
3. “After experiencing the two fortunate states [of being a god or a human],20
impelled by good foundations,21 you will be the younger brother of the
blessed one Gotama.
4. “Impassioned by passion, in the habit of pleasure, bound to a greed for
sensual pleasures,22 you, being urged by the Buddha, will then go forth.
5. “After going forth, impelled by a good foundation, understanding all the
taints, you will be quenched there, without taints”.
6. Seven thousand aeons ago [I] was four [men] named Cela (“Garment”).
Seventy thousand aeons ago [I] was four men named Upacela (“Near a
garment”).
7. Five thousand aeons ago [I] was four men named Cela, endowed with the
seven jewels, lords in the four continents.
8. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Nanda spoke these verses. The apadāna of the elder
Nanda is concluded.
20
Here, my translation has been guided by Ap-a 316,12–13, dibbamanussasaṅkhātā dve sampattiyo
anubhavitvā, “After experiencing the two fortunate states called ‘divine’ and ‘human’”.
21
Alternatively, kusalamūlehi could be translated as “by foundations of merit” if the first element of
the compound were considered a noun (BHSD s.v. kuśalamūla). However, in the Apadāna
kusalamūlehi and kusalamūlena are used synonymously with the more frequently occurring and
metrically favourable sukkamūlena, “by a pure foundation”, the first element of which is clearly an
adjective.
22
This aspect of Nanda’s life is described in Th 157; Ud 21–24. Eventually, however, the Buddha
named Nanda foremost amongst his disciples whose doors were guarded in the sense faculties (A
25,11–12).
223
7.4. Cullapanthaka
23
This verse implies that the narrative beginning at § 5.4.5 involves not only a shift in location, but
also in time, backwards, just prior to the moment at which the protagonist gives Padumuttara
Buddha the umbrella of flowers.
24
Ap-a 320,24 glosses bhāsato with bhāsamānassa vacanaṃ. It is clear that the expression mama
bhāsato, which occurs many times throughout the Apadāna, is a genitive absolute containing a
present participle. Therefore, the translation “Hear my words” by Pruitt (1999: 194) for a parallel
pāda (Thī-a 147,18) does not appear to be correct.
25
My translation is guided by DOP s.v. dharati→dhāreti→8 which refers to dhārayissati in this
verse, and the nissaya of Jāgara (1926: I 109,30) which states that padumaṃ is in the nominative
case.
224
10. “A hundred thousand aeons from now, born in the Okkāka family, there will
be a teacher in the world named Gotama.
11. “When [Gotama Buddha’s] word is illuminated, he will obtain the human
state. He will be the best at [creating] a body made of mind.26
12. “There will be two brothers, both named Panthaka.27 After experiencing the
supreme goal, they will illuminate the teaching”.
13. And, while eighteen years old, I went forth to the houseless state. I did not
find attainment in the teaching of the Sakyan son.
14. My progress was slow, I was initially despised and my brother turned me
away, [saying,] “Go to your own house now!”.28
15. Being turned away at the gateway of the Order’s park, I stood there dejected,
full of longing for asceticism.
16. Then the teacher came there, touched my head, took me by the arm [and]
brought me to the Order’s park.
17. From compassion the teacher gave me a foot towel, [saying,] “Exclusively
[and] intensively direct your thoughts upon [the phrase ‘this is] so clean’”.29
26
At A I 24,1–3 the Buddha names Cullapanthaka foremost in this skill.
27
For information on Cullapanthaka’s brother, Mahāpanthaka, see Bodhi 2012: 1604–1605n84.
28
My translation of §§ 5.4.14–17 has been influenced by the translation of Norman (2007a: 63–64)
of the parallel verses Th 557–560.
29
There are multiple ways to understand § 5.4.17c–d. Commenting upon the parallel at Th 560, Th-a
II 240,6–9 states etaṃ suddhaṃ colakhaṇḍaṃ rajoharaṇaṃ rajoharaṇan ti manasikārena
svadhiṭṭhitaṃ katvā eka-m-antaṃ eka-m-ante vivitte gandhakuṭipamukhe nisinno adhiṭṭhehī ti tathā
cittaṃ samāhitaṃ katvā pavattehi, “etaṃ suddhaṃ [means] a piece of cloth; having attentively made
[your mind] well fixed upon [the phrase] ‘removing dirt, removing dirt’; eka-m-antaṃ [means]
seated to one side, in solitude, in front of the perfumed hut; adhiṭṭhehi [means] having made your
mind so concentrated, practice!”. CPD s.v. ekamantaṃ states that the commentarial gloss of
eka-m-antaṃ is mistaken and that the meaning of the passage is, “Exclusively [eka-m-antaṃ],
intensively [svadhiṭṭhitaṃ] direct your thoughts on [adhiṭṭhehi]: ‘this is clean’”, with an intended pun
involving two slightly different meanings of adhi-√sthā. Norman (2007a: 64, 237n560), however,
believed that in this instance adhiṭṭhehi means to “take (formal) possession of” and provided the
translation, “Take careful possession of this pure thing, on one side”. The CPD interpretation of this
passage appears to be more consistent with the Theragāthā-aṭṭhakathā than Norman’s interpretation.
225
18. Taking it with [both] hands,30 I remembered the red lotus [umbrella]. My
mind was released there; I attained arahatship.31
19. In every case [I] have reached perfection in [creating] bodies made of mind.
Understanding all the taints, I dwell without taints.
20. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Cullapanthaka spoke these verses. The apadāna of
the elder Cullapanthaka is concluded.
7.5. Pilindavaccha
It is also more consistent with the expansion of this episode found in numerous other commentarial
works (e.g. Ap-a 317–318; Mp I 216; Vism 388) and with the nissaya of Jāgara (1926: I 110).
30
The act of receiving the foot towel from Gotama Buddha stimulates Cullapanthaka to remember
his giving an umbrella of lotuses to Padumuttara Buddha. Note that the pādas describing these two
events (§§ 5.4.4a, 5.4.18a) are similarly worded, which serves to highlight this connection.
31
Interestingly, in the Theragāthā version of this story, the protagonist states that he realised
awakening after entering concentration for the attainment of the highest goal (Th 561–562). In
contrast, in the Apadāna version, he realises awakening after recalling a former rebirth in which he
gave Padumuttara Buddha an umbrella after, in fact, preventing this buddha from entering
concentration (§ 5.4.3).
32
The word thūpa is translated as “stupa”, the Anglicised version of the Sanskrit stūpa, since this is
now regarded as an English word and is found in English dictionaries.
226
3. At that time there was an attendant of the blessed one Sumedha. [Also]
named Sumedha,33 he then expressed his appreciation.
4. Because of the faith in my mind I was reborn in a celestial mansion. Eighty-
six thousand accharās enjoyed themselves with me.34
5. They continuously attended only to me with all manner of sensual pleasures.
I surpassed other gods. This is the fruit of the meritorious deed.
6. Twenty-five aeons ago I was a member of the warrior class, named Varuṇa.
At that time I was a wheel-turning monarch whose food was very clean.
7. They did not sow seed, nor were ploughs pulled. People ate rice ripened in
uncultivated [ground].
8. After ruling there I again went to existence as a god. At that time also I had
such an attainment of wealth.
9. [Whether] friends or foes, all living beings did not harm me; I was dear to
all. This is the fruit of the meritorious deed.
10. Thirty thousand aeons [ago] I gave the gift at that time. I am not aware of
[having been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of
anointing with perfume.35
11. In this fortunate aeon I was a ruler of people, a royal sage with great power,
a wheel-turning monarch with great strength.
12. After establishing many people in the five precepts [and] causing them to
reach a good destination, I became dear to the deities.36
13. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
33
Bv 12.23, however, states that Sumedha Buddha’s attendant was named Sāgara.
34
An accharā is a kind of celestial nymph. Perhaps an equally valid translation of the second
pādayuga of this verse is, “Eighty-six thousand accharās had sex with me” (MW s.v. √ram).
35
The object which was anointed with perfume is unspecified. The two most obvious candidates are
the stupa mentioned in § 5.5.1 and the alms mentioned in § 5.5.2. Another passage in which it
appears that the protagonist applies perfume to alms is Ap 516,7.
36
At A I 24,25–26 the Buddha names Pilindavaccha foremost amongst his disciples who are dear and
pleasing to the deities.
227
In this way the venerable elder Pilindavaccha spoke these verses. The apadāna of
the elder Pilindavaccha is concluded.
7.6. Rāhula
1. In a seven story palace I gave a mat to the blessed one Padumuttara, supreme
in the world, venerable.
2. Surrounded by a thousand [arahats] whose taints had been destroyed, the
great sage—lord of bipeds, bull among men—approached his perfumed hut.
3. Shining upon that perfumed hut, the teacher—god of the gods, bull among
men—standing within the Order of monks, said these verses:
4. “I will praise him by whom this brilliant bed37 has been well spread out, as
though it were a mirror; listen while I am speaking.
5. “Whatever is dear to his mind will arise in the sky, made of gold, made of
silver and made of lapis lazuli.
6. “As lord of the gods38 he will rule over the gods sixty-four times.
Immediately after, he will be a wheel-turning monarch a thousand times.
7. “Twenty-one aeons from now he will be a member of the warrior class,
named Vimala, a conqueror possessing the whole world, a wheel-turning
monarch.
8. “[There will be] a city named Reṇuvatī, well built with bricks, three hundred
[yojanas] in length, having four corners.
37
The commentary identifies the word seyyā with the pāsāda, “palace”, mentioned in § 5.6.1 (Ap-a
324,26–27; however, in the PTS edition the text has been made to read seyyo). Presumably, its
author(s) took seyyā to be an adjective meaning “excellent” with the feminine, nominative, singular
declension. This explanation is unconvincing, not the least because pāsāda is, of course, a masculine
noun. It is more logical to take seyyā as a feminine noun meaning “bed”, referring to the santhara,
“mat”, mentioned in § 5.6.1. Elsewhere in Pāli literature, beds are described as spread out, e.g. yo
pana bhikkhu saṃghike vihāre seyyaṃ santharitvā vā santharāpetvā vā… (Vin IV 41,21–22, “A monk
who, having spread out a bed or having had it spread out in a dwelling place of the Order…”).
38
That is, as Sakka (S. Śakra, Indra).
228
39
Vissakamma (S. Viśvakarman, MW s.v.) is known as “the divine architect” in both Buddhist and
Brahmanical literature. D II 180–181, for instance, describes him creating a palace named Dhamma
for King Mahāsudassana.
40
D II 170,12–16 identifies the ten sounds as belonging to elephants, horses, carriages, kettle drums,
mṛdaṅga drums, vīṇā lutes, singing, cymbals, gongs and cries of “enjoy, drink and eat!”.
41
In the Mahāpadānasutta, a very similar statement is made by brahmans soon after the final birth of
a bodhisatta, owing to the presence of the thirty-two marks of a great man (D II 16,13–15, 19,8–11).
42
It seems that here the aorist ajjhagā is used as a future. On aorists occasionally having a future
sense, see Alsdorf 1936: 323–324; Norman 2007a: 157n78. In his nissaya, Jāgara (1926: I 115,12–13)
appears to assign ajjhagā an optative meaning, with the gloss ရရာ၏, “he should attain”.
43
For nipaka having the meaning “zealous”, see Norman 2007a: 159n85.
229
18. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Rāhula spoke these verses. The apadāna of the elder
Rāhula is concluded.
44
DOP s.v. kaṇikāra identifies this flower as belonging to the tree Pterospermum acerifolium.
45
I understand navame to be an ordinal being used as a cardinal (see Geiger 1994: § 118.4).
46
PED s.v. cakkavattin notes that there are three sorts of wheel-turning monarchs: one who rules
over all four continents (cāturanta-), one who rules over one continent (dīpa-) and one who rules
over part of one continent (padesa-). Here, the text mentions that the protagonist possessed a
padesarajja, “regional kingdom”, implying that he was the least powerful of the three sorts of wheel-
turning monarchs.
230
In this way the venerable elder Upasena Vaṅgantaputta spoke these verses. The
apadāna of the elder Upasenavaṅgantaputta is concluded.
7.8. Raṭṭhapāla
47
My translation of carima follows DOP s.v., which states that in this passage the word is a noun.
231
7. “Eighteen thousand upper rooms will have appeared in the best of celestial
mansions and they will be made of nothing but gold.
8. “As lord of the gods he will rule over the gods fifty times. And he will be a
wheel-turning monarch fifty-eight times.
9. “A hundred thousand aeons from now, born in the Okkāka family, there will
be a teacher in the world named Gotama.
10. “Having fallen from the world of the gods, impelled by a pure foundation, he
will instantly be reborn into a rich family having great wealth.
11. “Subsequently going forth, impelled by a pure foundation, he will be a
disciple of the teacher, named Raṭṭhapāla.
12. “Being resolute for exertion, calm, without basis for rebirth, understanding
all the taints, he will be quenched, without taints”.
13. [I] rose up, renounced [the world and] abandoned my attainments of wealth.
I do not have affection for wealth, as though it were a glob of saliva.48
14. Energy is my beast of burden bringing me to rest from exertion. I carry my
last body in the teaching of the fully awakened one.49
15. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Raṭṭhapāla spoke these verses. The apadāna of the
elder Raṭṭhapāla is concluded.
48
A similar attitude towards wealth is expressed throughout Raṭṭhapāla’s Theragāthā verses (Th
769–793) and the Raṭṭhapālasutta (M II 54–74).
49
I follow Norman (2007a: 134–135n11) in translating (sammā)sambuddha as a past passive
participle, while regarding Buddha as a title and leaving it untranslated.
232
7.9. Sopāka
1. While cleaning my cave in the highest mountain in a forest, the blessed one
named Siddhattha came into my vicinity.
2. Seeing the Buddha arrived, I arranged a mat for the venerable one, supreme
in the world, [and] gave him a seat of flowers.50
3. Having sat down on the seat of flowers and understanding my disposition,
Siddhattha, leader of the world, declared impermanence:
4. “The formations are indeed impermanent, subject to arising and decay.
Having arisen, they cease. Their quiescence is joyful”.
5. Having said this, the all-knowing one—supreme in the world, bull among
men, hero—rose into the air like a king of geese in the sky.
6. Abandoning my own view, I developed the perception of impermanence.51
Having developed it for one day, I died there.
7. After experiencing the two fortunate state[s of being a god or a human],
impelled by a pure foundation, when my final rebirth had been reached I
entered the womb of an outcaste.
8. Having departed from the house, I went forth to the houseless state. While
seven years old, I attained arahatship.
9. Putting forth energy, resolute, well concentrated upon the virtuous practices,
pleasing the great man,52 I obtained full ordination.
10. Ninety-four aeons ago I performed the deed at that time. I am not aware of
[having been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of giving
[a seat of] flowers.
11. Ninety-four aeons ago I developed the perception [of impermanence] at that
time. Developing that perception [of impermanence] I attained the
annihilation of the taints.
50
It is unclear whether the seat of flowers is the previously mentioned mat or a separate item.
51
The benefits of this practice are described at S III 155–157.
52
That is, Gotama Buddha. See Norman 2007a: 199–200n289 on the word nāga. In the translation
here I have followed DOP s.v. nāga→3.
233
12. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Sopāka (“Outcaste”) spoke these verses. The
apadāna of the elder Sopāka is concluded.
7.10. Sumaṅgala
53
Here, I follow the interpretation of vedajāta by Norman (2006a: 122, 377–378n995).
234
10. “Amongst the eight [types of noble people]55 sitting round [and] eating,56
there are many [arahats] whose taints have been destroyed. [However,] you
alone have this supernormal power;57 I go to you as a refuge”.
11. And the blessed one Piyadassin—supreme in the world, bull among men—
sitting down within the Order of monks, said these verses:
12. “He fed the Order—upright, concentrated—and the awakened Tathāgata.
Listen while I am speaking.
13. “He will rule over the gods twenty-seven times. Pleased58 with his own deed,
he will enjoy himself in the world of the gods.
14. “He will be a wheel-turning monarch eighteen times.59 He will live on earth
for five hundred reigns of earth”.
15. Having plunged into the wilderness, the forest, a grove inhabited by tigers,
being resolute in exertion I burnt up my defilements.60
54
In his translation of the Theragāthā, Norman (2007a: 24, 44, 117) evidently understood the term
buddhaseṭṭha to be a genitive tatpuruṣa compound, providing the translation “best of the Buddhas”.
De Jong (1972: 300) criticised this interpretation and instead proposed that the term is a
karmadhāraya compound meaning “excellent Buddha”. This is in line with Ap-a 337,16, which
provides the gloss seṭṭhassa Buddhassa. In the Apadāna, numerous past buddhas are described as
buddhaseṭṭha, which adds further weight to de Jong’s argument since they can hardly all be the best
of the buddhas.
55
I am guided here by the explanation at Ap-a 337,20, aṭṭhannaṃ ariyapuggalānaṃ antare, “amongst
the eight [types of] noble people”. On the eightfold division of ariyapuggala, see Nyanatiloka 2007
s.v.
56
Ap-a 337,19–20 glosses bhuñjaṃ (though the PTS edition reads bhuñjan in error) with
bhuñjantānaṃ, i.e., a present participle with a masculine, genitive, plural declension. While my
translation reflects this gloss, I know of no other instance in which syncope (loss of one or more
medial syllables; Oberlies 2001: § 22.2) occurs in a present participle.
57
Ap-a 337,21–22 explains, ākāsacaraṇasammujjananimujjanādi-ānubhāvo, “the supernormal power
of moving, plunging, diving, etc., in the air”.
58
Alternatively, abhiraddha could mean “successful [in]”.
59
Literally “ten and eight times”.
60
Sumaṅgala’s energetic practice of meditation is described in his Theragāthā verse (Th 43).
235
16. Eighteen hundred aeons [ago] I gave the gift at that time. I am not aware of
[having been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of giving
the meal.
17. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Sumaṅgala spoke these verses. The apadāna of the
elder Sumaṅgala is concluded.
The summary:
7.11. Subhūti
1. Not far from the Himalayas there was a mountain named Nisabha. [There,] I
carefully made a hermitage, I carefully built a leaf hut.61
2. At that time I was a matted hair ascetic named Kosiya, practicing severe
austerities, living alone at Nisabha without a companion.
3. I did not eat fruit, root or leaf at that time. I lived upon only wild [wind]fall
at that time.62
61
Following the interpretation of Jāgara (1926: I 124,18), I understand mayhaṃ to be an example of
the agentive genitive.
236
4. I did not violate right livelihood, even while risking my life. I satisfied my
own mind. I abandoned the improper means of seeking [food].
5. When a thought connected with passion arose in me, I myself examined [it].
Concentrated, I tamed it, [saying to myself:]63
6. “You desire the desirable and you loathe the loathsome and you are
bewildered by the bewildering. Depart from the forest!
7. “This [forest] is the abode of pure stainless ascetics. Do not defile the pure.
Depart from the forest!
8. “When you will obtain [what is] suitable after becoming a householder, do
not fail at both [the ascetic life and the householder life]. Depart from the
forest!
9. “As a wood firebrand from a funeral pyre is nowhere useful—not in the
village or in the wilderness, for it is not highly regarded wood—
10. “[so] you are like a firebrand from a funeral pyre, being neither a
householder nor restrained. Today you are separate from both [the ascetic
life and the householder life].64 Depart from the forest!
11. “Could it be [that] you have this [thought]?65 For who knew you had this
[thought]? And you have quickly brought me a long way for sake of an
abundance of sloth.
62
In its explanation of the first pādayuga, Ap-a 342,32 states, rukkhato ocinitvā na bhuñjāmī ti, “I did
not eat having picked from a tree”. At D I 101–102, several classes of ascetics are listed, the most
extreme being one who lives on wild fruit, the second most extreme being one who lives on bulbs,
roots and fruits and uses a spade and basket to collect them. In this context, Kosiya belonged to the
most extreme class of ascetics.
63
The following fifteen verses constitute one of the various talks on doctrine (nānādhammakathā, §
5.11.21) made by the speaker to himself.
64
S III 93,13–20 states that a monk whose mind is not controlled is missing out on the enjoyment of a
householder while also not fulfilling the goal of asceticism. He is compared to a firebrand from a
funeral pyre. Because such a firebrand is burning at both ends and is smeared with excrement in the
middle, it cannot be used as timber in the village or the wilderness, the former being a metaphor for
the householder life and the latter being a metaphor for the ascetic life. Cf. A II 95,16–20.
65
The text does not specify what etaṃ and idaṃ refer to; however, it seems likely to be the
rāgūpasaṃhitaṃ cittaṃ, “thought connected with passion”, mentioned at § 5.11.5.
237
12. “The wise will be on their guard against you, like a civilized person the
unclean. Sages will always drag you out and reprimand you.
13. “The wise will declare you to have transgressed the teaching.66 For without
dwelling together [in harmony], how will you live?
14. “After approaching a sixty-year-old mātaṅga kuñjara elephant [in musth]
secreting from three places [on his body], a strong nāga elephant expels him
from the herd.67
15. “Being separated from the herd, he does not find happiness [or] pleasure. He
becomes miserable [and] distressed. Consumed with grief, he trembles.68
16. “Just so, matted hair ascetics will expel you also, fool. Being separated from
them, you will not obtain happiness [or] pleasure.
17. “Whether by day or by night, resigned to the dart of sorrow, you will burn
with distress, like the elephant separated from the herd.
18. “As counterfeit gold shines nowhere, so you who have abandoned virtuous
conduct will shine nowhere.69
19. “How will you live even dwelling in a house? Maternal and also paternal
wealth has not been saved for you.70
20. “Doing your own work, causing sweat to form on your body, you will live
thus in the house. That will not well please you.”
21. In this way I restrained my defiled mind there. Having made various talk[s]
on doctrine [to myself], I restrained my evil thought[s].
66
samatikkantasāsana is a bahuvrīhi compound, literally meaning “one by whom the teaching is
transgressed”.
67
The elephant in musth is a reasonably common simile for a mind untamed by practice, e.g. Dhp
326; Th 77. I follow Norman (2004: 150n320, 150–151n322, 153–154n329–330) in assuming that
mātaṅga, kuñjara and nāga are particular kinds of elephants.
68
Here the metaphor of the elephant leaving its herd is cast in a negative light. Elsewhere in the Pāli
canon, however, the same metaphor is cast in a positive light, e.g. Sn 53; Vin I 352–353.
69
There seems to be a word play on jhāyissasi, in that the final pāda may also be translated, “you
will meditate nowhere” (see § 6.11.18).
70
Here I have followed the nissaya of Jāgara (1926: I 127,1–2), which glosses te with သင်အား, “for
you”.
238
22. While I was dwelling thus, dwelling with vigilance,71 thirty thousand years
elapsed for me in the forest.
23. Seeing [me] delighting in vigilance [and] seeking the supreme goal, the
awakened one Padumuttara came into my vicinity.
24. The Buddha—whose radiance had the colour of timbarūsaka fruit,72
immeasurable, incomparable, unique in beauty—walked to and fro in the
sky at that time.
25. The Buddha—like a king of sāla trees in full bloom,73 like lightning amidst
thick clouds, unique in knowledge—walked to and fro in the sky at that time.
26. Like a fearless king of lions, like a tamed king of elephants, like a playful
king of tigers, he walked to and fro in the sky at that time.
27. Having a radiance the colour of gold coins, resembling acacia wood embers,
like a jotirasa gem, he walked to and fro in the sky at that time.
28. Resembling the pure Mt Kelāsa,74 like the moon at the [time of the] full
moon, like the sun at midday, he walked to and fro in the sky at that time.
29. Seeing [him] walking to and fro in the air, I then thought thus: “Is this being
a god or is he a human?75
30. “I have neither heard of nor seen such a man on earth. Surely it is a spell.76
He will be my teacher.”
31. Thinking thus, I made my own mind faithful. I then gathered together
various flower[s] and perfume[s],
32. prepared a seat of flowers and spoke these words to the foremost among
charioteers of men, of virtuous mind, delighting the mind:
71
I have followed Jāgara (1926: I 127,9–10) in taking pāda b as an adjective of me and taking the first
pādayuga as a genitive absolute.
72
DOP s.v. timbarūsaka identifies the timbarūsaka tree as Diospyros malabarica (Desr.) Kostel.
Ap-a 343,24-25 states that the radiance had a golden colour.
73
PED s.v. sāla identifies the sāla tree as Shorea robusta.
74
S. Kailāsa.
75
For similar passages, see Allon 2001: 166–177.
76
A comparable miraculous result of a mantra is described at Ja I 253,6–8, in which jewels shower
down from the sky.
239
33. “Hero, this seat befitting you has been prepared by me. May you, gladdening
my mind, sit down on the seat of flowers.”
34. For seven nights and days the Buddha, the blessed one, like a fearless lion,
sat down there on the excellent seat of flowers.
35. I waited for seven nights and days paying homage. Having emerged from
concentration, the teacher, unsurpassed in the world,
36. praising my deed, spoke these words: “Develop the recollection of the
Buddha(s),77 unsurpassed among meditations.
37. “Having developed this recollection you will fulfil your intention. You will
enjoy yourself in the world of the gods for thirty thousand aeons.
38. “As lord of the gods you will rule over the gods eighty times. You will be a
wheel-turning king in your kingdom a thousand times.
39. “Your regional kingdom will be vast, incalculable through counting. You
will experience all that. [This will be] the fruit of [developing] the
recollection of the Buddha(s).78
40. “Wandering in various existences, you will obtain great wealth. There will
be no deficiency in your wealth. [This will be] the fruit of [developing] the
recollection of the Buddha(s).
41. “A hundred thousand aeons from now, born in the Okkāka family, there will
be a teacher in the world named Gotama by clan.
42. “After relinquishing in abundance eighty crore79 slaves [and] labourers, you
will go forth in the teaching of the blessed one Gotama.
77
Buddhānussati normally refers to the recollection of Gotama Buddha; however, this apadāna is set
one hundred thousand aeons prior to his appearance. Padumuttara Buddha is therefore either
encouraging the protagonist to recollect himself specifically or prior buddhas in general. My
translation reflects this ambiguity. See Harrison 1992 for a study on this recollection.
78
Padumuttara Buddha here declares that the meritorious deed which will produce the predicted
future karmic fruit is the development of the recollection of the Buddha(s). This is unusual in that
the protagonist has not yet performed this deed. One would instead expect that giving the seat of
flowers (§ 5.11.33) would be the primary meritorious deed. Alternatively, it might be possible that
§§ 5.11.31–35 in effect describes a kind of recollection of the Buddha.
79
A crore is ten million.
240
43. “Honouring the awakened one Gotama, bull among Sakyans, he will be a
disciple of the teacher, named Subhūti.
44. “After sitting down within the Order of monks, [Gotama Buddha] will
appoint you foremost in two [things]: the good quality of being worthy of a
gift and also dwelling in peace.”80
45. Having said this, the leader Jalajuttama, awakened, hero, rose to the air like
a king of geese in the sky.
46. After having paid homage to the Tathāgata, I—taught by the protector of the
world, joyful—always developed the supreme recollection of the Buddha(s).
47. Because of that well performed81 deed and because of my intention and
aspiration, having abandoned my human body I went to Tāvatiṃsa [heaven].
48. As lord of the gods I ruled over the gods eighty times. And I was a wheel-
turning king a thousand times.
49. My regional kingdom was vast, incalculable through counting. I experienced
the very fortunate state[s of being a god and a human]. [This is] the fruit of
[developing] the recollection of the Buddha(s).
50. Wandering in various existences, I obtained great wealth. There was no
deficiency in my wealth. [This is] the fruit of [developing] the recollection
of the Buddha(s).
51. A hundred thousand aeons ago I performed the deed at that time. I am not
aware of [having been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. [This is] the fruit
of [developing] the recollection of the Buddha(s).
52. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
80
At A I 24,8–9 the Buddha names Subhūti foremost in these qualities.
81
sukatena may be understood as an adjective meaning “well performed” which qualifies kammena,
or as a noun meaning “good deed” which acts as a synonym of kammena. My translation reflects the
former understanding, following the nissaya of Jāgara (1926: I 130,18), which contains the gloss,
ကာင်းစွာြပုအပ် သာ, “well performed”.
241
In this way the venerable elder Subhūti spoke these verses. The apadāna of the
elder Subhūti is concluded.
7.12. Upavāṇa
1. The conqueror named Padumuttara, gone to the far shore of all phenomena,
awakened, was completely quenched after blazing like a mass of fire.82
2. Many people assembled, paid homage to the Tathāgata, built a well built
funeral pyre and put the body [of Padumuttara Buddha on it].
3. After performing their duty with respect to the body,83 they collected the
relic there. Together with the gods, all the people built a stupa for the
Buddha.
4. The first was made of gold,84 the second was made of gems, the third was
made of silver, the fourth was made of crystals.
5. There, the fifth was made of ruby with glass pearls,85 the sixth was made of
all kinds of jewels on top of cat’s eye gem.
6. The walkway was made of gems, the railing was made of jewels. Entirely
made of gold, the stupa had risen a yojana in height.
7. Having assembled there, gods then announced together, “We too shall build
the stupa for the venerable protector of the world.
8. “The relic is not separated. The relic is a single lump. We shall build a layer
on this stupa for the Buddha.”
82
Ap-a 344,17–18 glosses jalitvā, “after blazing”, with sabbalokaṃ dhammapajjotena obhāsetvā,
“after illuminating the whole world with the light of the doctrine”.
83
Ap-a 568,15 glosses sarīrakiccaṃ, “duty with respect to the body”, with dahanakiccaṃ, “duty of
burning”, i.e. cremation. Likewise, the nissaya of Jāgara (1926: I 131,25–26) glosses the same term
with အ လာင်း တာ်ကိဖတ် ကည်ြခင်းကိစ္စကိ, “duty of cremating the body” (my translation assumes that
ဖတ် ကည် is an error or premodern orthographic variant for ဖတ် ကည်း).
84
See § 6.12.4 on this series of ordinals.
85
For this meaning of the plural of kāca, see MW s.v.
242
9. The gods heightened it another yojana with the seven jewels. That stupa, two
yojanas in height, warded off darkness.
10. Having assembled there, nāgas86 then announced together, “Those people
and gods have built a stupa for the Buddha.
11. “Let us not hear of being negligent! Diligent with the gods, we too shall
build the stupa for the venerable protector of the world.”
12. After gathering together indanīla sapphire, mahānīla sapphire and jotirasa
gem, they covered the stupa for the Buddha [with them].
13. To that extent, the entire shrine for the Buddha was made of gems. Elevated
three yojana[s], it produced light at that time.
14. And having assembled, kumbhaṇḍas87 then announced together, “Those
people, gods and nāgas have built a stupa for the Buddha.
15. “Let us not hear of being negligent! Diligent with the gods, we too shall
build the stupa for the venerable protector of the world.”
16. They built a shining layer on the stupa, entirely made of gems. They too
heightened the extended shrine for the Buddha [another] yojana.
17. Elevated four yojanas, the stupa for the Buddha shone. It illuminated all the
quarters like the risen [sun] with a hundred rays.
18. Having assembled there, yakkhas88 then announced together, “People and
gods and nāgas and likewise garuḷas89
19. “have each built [this] supreme stupa for the excellent Buddha. Let us not
hear of being negligent! Diligent with the gods,
20. “we too shall build the stupa for the venerable protector of the world. We
shall cover the extended shrine for the Buddha with crystal.”
21. They too heightened the extended shrine for the Buddha [another] yojana.
Elevated five yojanas, the stupa shone at that time.
86
Here, nāga most likely refers to a kind of mythical snake.
87
Literally meaning “whose testicles are like pots”, a kumbhaṇḍa is a semi-divine being.
88
A yakkha is a semi-divine being.
89
A garuḷa (S. garuḍa) is a kind of mythical bird.
243
90
A gandhabba is a heaven-dwelling being.
91
One of the primary meanings of kāra is “act”; however, it may also have the specific meaning “act
of homage”. Similarly, akāraka, which is derived from kāra, primarily means “one who does not
perform an act”; however, it stands to reason that it may also have the specific meaning “one who
does not perform an act of homage”. While both meanings are applicable to this verse, the latter is
perhaps more appropriate.
92
Ap-a 344,1–2, 567,13 states cetiyapūjārakkhanatthaṃ ṭhapito, “he was appointed for sake of
protecting worship at the shrine”.
244
33. “I too shall perform an act of homage to the venerable protector of the
world. I will be an heir to his doctrines in the future.”
34. After fastening my outer garment, well cleaned by a washerman, to the top
of a bamboo [shaft], I threw the flag up into the sky.
35. Having seized it, Abhisammataka carried my flag in the sky. Seeing the flag
stirred by the wind, I rejoiced even more.
36. Making my mind faithful there, I approached an ascetic. Having respectfully
greeted that monk, I asked about the result in [giving] the flag.
37. Joyful, he explained to me [the result], which produced delight for me, “You
will always experience the result of [giving] that flag.
38. “And armies with four divisions—[namely,] elephants, cavalry, chariots
[and] infantry—will constantly surround you. This will be the fruit of giving
the flag.
39. “Sixty thousand musical instruments [and] adorned kettledrums will
constantly surround you. This will be the fruit of giving the flag.
40. “Eighty-six thousand women—adorned, having colourful clothes and
ornaments, wearing jeweled earrings,
41. “with curved eyelashes, smiling, good looking, with thin waists—will
constantly surround you. This will be the fruit of giving the flag.
42. “You will enjoy yourself in the world of the gods for thirty thousand aeons.
As lord of the gods you will rule over the gods eighty times.
43. “You will be a wheel-turning king a thousand times. Your regional kingdom
will be vast, incalculable through counting.
44. “A hundred thousand aeons from now, born in the Okkāka family, there will
be a teacher in the world named Gotama by clan.
45. “Having fallen from the world of the gods, impelled by a pure foundation,
connected with the meritorious deed, he will be a kinsman of Brahmā.93
46. “After relinquishing in abundance eighty crore slaves [and] labourers, you
will go forth in the teaching of the blessed one Gotama.
93
Commenting upon on Ap 24,9, Ap-a 230,24–25 states Brahmabandhu brāhmaṇakule jāto,
“Brahmabandhu [means] born into a brahman family”.
245
47. “Honouring the awakened one Gotama, bull among Sakyans, you will be a
disciple of the teacher, named Upavāna.”
48. The deed [I] performed a hundred thousand [aeons ago] produced a fruit for
me in this life: as if with the speed of a well released arrow,94 it burnt my
defilements.
49. While I was a wheel-turning monarch, lord of the four continents, flags
always remained out for three yojanas in all directions.
50. A hundred thousand aeons ago I performed the deed at that time. I am not
aware of [having been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of
giving the flag.
51. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Upavāṇa spoke these verses. The apadāna of the
elder Upavāṇa is concluded.
7.13. Tīṇisaraṇāgamaniya
94
Particularly in light of Ap 29,16, 280,18, 454,25, this translation seems preferable to “[I] was well
released [i.e. awakened], as if with the speed of an arrow”.
95
Ap-a 345,16–18 states, tamandhakārapihitā ti mohandhakārena pihitā chāditā. tividhaggīhi ḍayhare
ti rāgaggidosaggimohaggisaṅkhātehi tīhi aggīhi ḍayhare ḍayhanti, “tamandhakārapihitā [means]
covered by the darkness of delusion. tividhaggīhi ḍayhare [means] they are burnt by the three fires
246
4. “[However,] a Buddha96 has arisen in the world. His teaching is now blazing.
It is possible for a person desiring merit to rescue himself/herself.
5. “Having taken the three refuges, while guarding the fulfilled [refuges] I will
abandon bad destination[s] because of that well performed deed.”
6. There was an ascetic named Nisabha, a chief disciple of the Buddha.97
Having approached him, I took the going to the refuges.98
7. My life lasted a hundred thousand years at that time. For that long I guarded
the fulfilled going to the refuges.
8. During my last [thought],99 I remembered that [going to the] refuge[s].
Because of that well performed deed I went to Tāvatiṃsa [heaven].
9. While gone to the world of the gods, I was concentrated upon my
meritorious deed. I obtained eight conditions at which place I was reborn.
10. [Namely,] I was paid homage in [all] quarters, I had a sharp intelligence, all
the gods obeyed [me], I obtained immeasurable wealth,
11. I always had a golden complexion, I was loved, I constantly had friends,100
my fame was high.
12. As lord of the gods I ruled over the gods eighty times. Attended to by
accharās, I experienced heavenly bliss.
13. And I was a wheel-turning monarch seventy-five times. My regional
kingdom was vast, incalculable through counting.
named the fire of lust, fire of hatred and fire of delusion”. Ap-a 345,18 takes the subject of this
sentence to be sabbe sattā, “all beings”. Cf. note at § 7.14.2.
96
Ap-a 344,30–31 identifies this Buddha as Vipassin. If this is correct, however, it is unclear why at
§§ 5.13.19, 5.13.27 the protagonist states that he took the refuges aparimeyye ito kappe,
“innumerable aeons ago”, as opposed to ekanavute ito kappe, “ninety-one aeons ago”, when Vipassin
Buddha lived. More consistent with the apadāna’s chronology is the nissaya of Jāgara (1926: I
139,21–22), which identifies this Buddha as Anomadassin.
97
Nisabha is identified as one of the chief disciples of Anomadassin Buddha at Bv 8.22. He is also
mentioned at § 5.14.4; Ap 21,25. This provides further evidence that Jāgara (1926: I 139,21–22) was
correct in identifying the Buddha mentioned in § 5.13.4 as Anomadassin.
98
As noted by PED s.v. saraṇāgamana, the term saraṇāgamana is equivalent to saraṇagamana.
99
The parallel verse § 5.14.7 implies that there is an unstated citte, “thought”, in pāda a.
100
mittānaṃ acalo homi literally means “of friends, I was constant”.
247
14. When my final rebirth had been reached, concentrated upon my meritorious
deed, [I] was born in Sāvatthī city, into a very wealthy [family] with a great
house.101
15. Having departed from the city, accompanied by children, playful, I
immediately approached the Order’s park.
16. I saw an ascetic there, completely liberated, without basis for rebirth. He
taught the doctrine to me and gave me the refuge[s].
17. Upon hearing the refuge[s], I remembered my [former going to the]
refuge[s]. Sitting down during one period of sitting, I attained arahatship.
18. Within seven years of my birth I attained arahatship. Knowing my
attainment, the awakened one with vision gave me full ordination.
19. Innumerable aeons ago I went to the refuges. Consequently, the deed which I
well performed produced a fruit for me in this life.
20. I have well guarded the refuge[s]. My mind is well controlled. Having
experienced complete fame I have attained the unshakable state.
21. [Those] who lend an ear, listen while I am speaking. I will describe the goal
to you, the state seen by myself.102
22. A Buddha has arisen in the world. The conqueror’s teaching is turning. The
death-free drum has been sounded, removing the dart of sorrow.
23. With strength according to your own means, you should perform an act of
homage to an unsurpassed field of merit [and] you will incline towards
quenching.
24. After taking the three refuges, guarding the five precepts [and] making your
mind faithful in the Buddha, you will put an end to suffering.
101
It is unlikely that the term mahāsāla describes Sāvatthī city as “having great halls”. In the Pāli
canon, mahāsāla is often found in a compound describing a family, e.g. khattiyamahāsālakula,
“warrior class family with a great house”, brāhmaṇamahāsālakula, “brahman family with a great
house”, and gahapatimahāsālakula, “householder family with a great house”. Such families are also
often described as aḍḍha, “wealthy”, e.g. A V 290,22–23; M III 177,27–28; S I 95,18–19.
102
Following the interpretation of Ap-a 292,2 (on parallel verse at Ap 47,7–8) and Jāgara (1926: I
141,28–29), I understand the second instance of mama to be an example of the agentive genitive. Both
Ap-a 292,2–3 and Jāgara (1926: I 141,29) equate the pada, “state”, with nibbāna.
248
25. After comparing [yourselves] to me [and] guarding the precepts, before long
you too will all attain arahatship.
26. I have the triple knowledge,103 have attained supernormal powers [and] am
experienced in comprehending [other people’s] thoughts. Great hero, the
disciple Saraṇa (“Refuge”) pays homage to you,104 the teacher.
27. Innumerable aeons ago I went to the Buddha’s refuge[s]. I am not aware of
[having been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. [This] is the fruit in going
to the refuges.
28. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Tīṇisaraṇāgamaniya (“Going to the three refuges”)
spoke these verses. The apadāna of the elder Tīṇisaraṇāgamaniya is concluded.
7.14. Pañcasīlasamādāniya
1. In Candavatī city I was a servant at that time. [I thought,] “Fixed to the way
of work for others, I have not obtained ordination.
2. “Covered by complete darkness, [beings] are burnt by the three fires.105 By
which means could I be unfettered?
103
For details on the triple knowledge, see Nyanatiloka 2007 s.v. abhiññā, tevijjā. The first pādayuga
effectively names five of the six abhiññās, “supernormal knowledges”, omitting only the dibbasota,
“divine ear”.
104
Alternatively, following Jāgara (1926: I 142,16–17), te could be translated as “your [disciple]”.
105
The commentary upon the first pādayuga of this verse provides a different interpretation to the
commentary upon the parallel pādayuga at § 5.13.3 (see note at § 7.13.3). Ap-a 346,5–7 states,
mahantandhakārapihitā ti mahantehi kilesandhakārehi pihitā saṃvutā thakkitā. tividhaggīhi ḍayhare
ti narakaggipetaggisaṃsāraggisaṅkhātehi tīhi aggīhi ḍayhanti, “mahantandhakārapihitā [means]
covered by the great darkness of the defilements. tividhaggīhi ḍayhare [means] they are burnt by the
249
three fires named the fire of hell, fire of the petas (“departed ones”) and fire of the round of
rebirths”. My translation assumes that thakkitā is an error for thakitā.
106
See the note on Nisabha at § 7.13.6.
107
From parallel passages, we can deduce that the chariot was harnessed to horses. For example, Ap
34,1 contains the expression, sahassayuttaṃ hayavāhiṃ dibbaṃ yānam, “a divine carriage drawn by
horses, harnessed to a thousand [horses]”, which Ap-a 266,33 clarifies by stating,
Sindhavasahassayojite, “harnessed to a thousand Sindh horses”. Cf. M II 79,28–29; S I 234,9–10.
108
I assume that there is an unstated tehi, “with them”, in pāda a. Alternatively, saha is an error for
so ’haṃ, which is found in the parallel verse § 5.13.17.
250
In this way the venerable elder Pañcasīlasamādāniya (“Taking the five precepts”)
spoke these verses. The apadāna of the elder Pañcasīlasamādāniya is concluded.
109
The meaning of the first pādayuga is unclear. It could be translated in numerous different ways,
though the translation represented here is, I believe, the most semantically appropriate. If I am
correct in understanding porisa to mean “service” and particularly the “service” of taking the
precepts, a pun might be intended, since the protagonist identifies himself as a bhataka, “servant”, at
§§ 5.14.1, 5.14.3, 5.14.19.
110
The Pāli canon often portrays desiring existences (bhava) as a negative habit which ought to be
abandoned (eg. A II 11,27–35, IV 70–74; Sn 776–777). This verse seems to be asking about the result
of observing the precepts even if the practitioner were to desire existences. The next verse is perhaps
intended as an answer to this question.
251
7.15. Annasaṃsāvaka
1–2. I obtained the best delight after seeing the awakened one Siddhattha walking
in a market,111 having a golden complexion, resembling a golden decorative
column, having the thirty-two marks of an excellent [man], light of the
world, immeasurable, incomparable, tamed, bearing light.
3. After leading the awakened one,112 I fed that great sage. The sage,
compassionate protector, then expressed his appreciation to me.
4. After making my mind faithful in the Buddha, that one with great
compassion, producer of the best comfort, I enjoyed myself in heaven for an
aeon.
5. Ninety-four aeons ago I gave the gift at that time. I am not aware of [having
been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of giving alms.
6. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Annasaṃsāvaka (“Food disciple”) spoke these
verses. The apadāna of the elder Annasaṃsāvaka is concluded.
7.16. Dhūpadāyaka
1. With a faithful mind I gave incense for a hut to the blessed one Siddhattha,
supreme in the world, venerable.
111
Ap-a 347,3–4 states gacchantaṃ antarāpaṇe ti vessānaṃ āpaṇapantīnaṃ antaravīthiyaṃ
gacchamānaṃ, “gacchantaṃ antarāpaṇe [means] walking in a street of rows of shops belonging to
merchants”. Ap-a 346,22–23 also states that at the time, the Buddha was on alms round.
112
My translation follows Ap-a 346,25, which states gehaṃ netvā, “having led [the awakened one] to
[the protagonist’s] house”. Alternatively, atināmetvā could mean, “having let [the awakened one]
pass”.
252
In this way the venerable elder Dhūpadāyaka (“Donor of incense”) spoke these
verses. The apadāna of the elder Dhūpadāyaka is concluded.
7.17. Pulinapūjaka
1. At the supreme foot of the awakening tree of the blessed one Vipassin,
having thrown away the old sand I scattered over clean sand.
2. Ninety-one aeons ago I gave sand. I am not aware of [having been reborn in]
a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of giving sand.
3. Fifty-three aeons ago I was a wheel-turning king with great strength, ruler of
people, named Mahāpulina (“Great sand”).
4. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Pulinapūjaka (“Paying homage with sand”) spoke
these verses. The apadāna of the elder Pulinapūjaka is concluded.
253
7.18. Uttiya
1. I was a crocodile on the bank of the Candabhāgā river at that time. I was
occupied with my own food. I went to a ford in the river.
2. At that time Siddhattha, self-dependent, foremost individual, wishing to
cross the river, approached the ford in the river.
3. And while the awakened one approached, I too approached there. Having
approached the awakened one, I uttered these words:
4. “Climb onto [me], great hero. I will help you cross my ancestral territory. Be
compassionate, great sage.”
5. Having heard my growling, the great sage climbed onto [me]. Joyful, with a
joyful mind, I helped the leader of the world cross.
6. On the far bank of the river, Siddhattha, leader of the world, comforted me
there, [saying,] “You will attain the death-free”.
7. Having passed from that body I went to the world of the gods. Attended to
by accharās, I experienced heavenly bliss.
8. And as lord of the gods I ruled over the gods seven times. I was a wheel-
turning monarch, lord of the earth, three times.
9. I practised detachment, zealous and well restrained. I carry my last body in
the teaching of the fully awakened one.
10. Ninety-four aeons ago I helped the bull among men cross. I am not aware of
[having been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of helping
[him] cross.
11. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Uttiya spoke these verses. The apadāna of the elder
Uttiya is concluded.
254
7.19. Ekañjalika
1–2. Faithful [and] with a good mind, I made one respectful salutation with
cupped hands after seeing the foremost of caravan leaders Vipassin walking
in a market, having a golden complexion, awakened, hero of men, leader,
tamer of the untamed, venerable, great teacher, with a great mind.
3. Ninety-one aeons ago I made a respectful salutation with cupped hands at
that time. I am not aware of [having been reborn in] a bad destination
[since]. This is the fruit of [making] a respectful salutation with cupped
hands.
4. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Ekañjalika (“Having one respectful salutation with
cupped hands”) spoke these verses. The apadāna of the elder Ekañjalika is
concluded.
7.20. Khomadāyaka
1. I was a merchant in Bandhumatī city at that time. In this very way I took
care of my wife: I sowed successful seeds.113
113
A IV 238,14 has the phrase pavuttā bījasampadā, which Mp IV 124,25 glosses with sampannaṃ
bījaṃ ropitaṃ, “successful sown seed”. I therefore take bījasampadaṃ to mean a “success of seeds”,
i.e. successful seeds. Ap-a 351,11–12 glosses pāda d with dānasīlādipuññabījasampattiṃ ropemi
paṭṭhapemī ti, which is perhaps most appropriately translated, “I sowed a success of seeds, being
merit [generated] by giving, ethical conduct, etc.”. Possibly based upon this interpretation, the
nissaya of Jāgara (1926: I 151,5) similarly glosses bījasampadaṃ with ကာင်းမမျိုး စ့၏ြပည့်စြခင်းကိ, “a
success of seeds, being meritorious deeds”. While bīja, “seed”, is indeed often used figuratively in
the Pāli canon, it seems more logical to assume that here it has a literal meaning and that pāda d is
simply describing the protagonist’s occupation and means of taking care of this wife. It might even
255
2. For sake of the good, I gave one linen cloth to the teacher, great sage
Vipassin [who had] taken to the road.
3. Ninety-one aeons ago I gave the linen cloth at that time. I am not aware of
[having been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of giving
the linen cloth.
4. Twenty-seven aeons ago I was a lord in the four continents, having chariots
with Sindh horses, endowed with the seven jewels.
5. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Khomadāyaka (“Donor of linen cloth”) spoke these
verses. The apadāna of the elder Khomadāyaka is concluded.
The summary:
be assumed that some or all of his crops were flax, which provided the material for making the linen
cloth referred to in the following two verses.
256
7.21. Kuṇḍadhāna
1. For seven days, with a faithful mind, with a good mind, I stood close to the
excellent Buddha, self-dependent, foremost individual, [while he was]
secluded.114
2. Knowing it was the right time, after taking hold of a big bunch of bananas I
approached the great sage Padumuttara [who had] arisen [from seclusion].
3. The blessed one, all-knowing, leader of the world, accepted it. Making my
mind faithful, the great sage ate it.
4. After eating, the awakened one, unsurpassed caravan leader, sat down on his
own seat [and] said these verses:
5. “And yakkhas who assemble on this mountain [and] the old and young in the
wilderness ought to listen to my words.
6. “I will praise him who stood close to the Buddha like a lion, the king of
beasts; listen while I am speaking.
7. “And he will be a king of the gods eleven times. And he will be a wheel-
turning monarch thirty-four times.
8. “A hundred thousand aeons from now, born in the Okkāka family, there will
be a teacher in the world named Gotama by clan.
9. “Having verbally abused virtuous ascetics without taints, as a result of that
bad deed he will obtain his name.115
10. “He will be a disciple named Kuṇḍadhāna, an heir to his doctrines, a true
son created by the doctrine.”
11. Practicing detachment, meditating, delighting in the meditative absorptions,
pleasing the teacher, I dwell without taints.
114
Ap-a 355,28 states nirodhasamāpattivihārena, “[secluded] by living in the attainment of
cessation”.
115
That is, “Kuṇḍadhāna”. Ap-a 353,24–26 states that he acquired this name after novices and young
monks surrounded and teased him by saying, thero kuṇḍo jāto (Ap-a 353,25), “[this] elder was born
stupid!”. This is one of the few references in the Apadāna to a pāpakamma, “bad deed”, and its
result.
257
In this way the venerable elder Kuṇḍadhāna spoke these verses. The apadāna of the
elder Kuṇḍadhāna is concluded.
7.22. Sāgata
116
Alternatively, following Jāgara (1926: I 153,31), paṭhamaṃ could be translated as an adverb,
“firstly”.
117
At A I 24,19–20 the Buddha names Kuṇḍadhāna foremost amongst his disciples who take hold of
the first meal ticket.
258
5. “You are a wise caravan leader. Having rescued many people from the
wrong path, you, great sage, point out the [right] path.
6. “Tamed, [you are] surrounded by the tamed; and meditating, [you are
surrounded] by those delighting in the meditative absorptions; energetic,
[you are surrounded] by the resolute, calm [and] venerable.
7. “Adorned on account of your assembly, you shine with merit and
knowledge. Your radiance streams out like the sun in one’s eyesight.”
8. Having seen [me] with a faithful mind, the great sage Padumuttara, teacher,
standing within the Order of monks, said these verses:
9. “That brahman who generated joy [and] praised me will enjoy himself in the
world of the gods for a hundred thousand aeons.
10. “For having fallen from Tusita [heaven], impelled by a pure foundation, he
will go forth in the teaching of the blessed one Gotama.
11. “Because of that well performed deed, he will obtain a contented and joyful
[mind].118 Named Sāgata, he will be a disciple of the teacher.”
12. Having gone forth I avoided bad deed[s] with the body. Having abandoned
bad conduct in word I purified my livelihood.
13. Dwelling thus, I am very knowledgeable about the fire element.119
Understanding all the taints, I dwell without taints.
14. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Sāgata spoke these verses. The apadāna of the elder
Sāgata is concluded.
118
In the Apadāna, tuṭṭha often qualifies mānasa, “mind” (e.g. § 5.2.6; Ap 24,22, 317,21), while
haṭṭha often qualifies citta, “mind” (e.g. §§ 5.2.7, 5.18.5; Ap 93,29). It therefore seems reasonable to
assume that in this verse tuṭṭhahaṭṭha is qualifying an unstated mānasa or citta.
119
At A I 25,14 the Buddha names Sāgata foremost amongst his disciples who are skilled in the fire
element.
259
7.23. Mahākaccāna
1. There was a shrine for the protector Padumuttara, named Paduma.120 Having
had a stone seat made I covered it with gold.121
2. I held out [and] offered an umbrella made of jewels and a chowrie to the
Buddha, kinsman of the world, venerable.
3. Then everyone as far as the earth-dwelling deities assembled, [saying,122
“The Buddha] will explain the result of [giving] the seat and umbrella of
jewels.
4. “And we will listen to all that while the teacher is explaining [it]. We ought
to rejoice even more in the teaching of the fully awakened one.”
5. Having sat down on the golden seat, surrounded by the Order of monks, the
self-dependent, foremost individual, said these verses:
6. “I will praise him who gave this golden seat made of jewels; listen while I
am speaking.
7. “As lord of the gods he will rule over the gods for thirty aeons. He will
surpass [all] with his radiance for a hundred yojanas in all directions.
8. “Having come to the world of humans, he will be a wheel-turning monarch.
Named Pabhassara (“Shining”), he will have an intense radiance.
9. “Whether by day or by night, like the risen [sun] with a hundred rays, as a
member of the warrior class he will light up eight ratanas in all directions.123
120
Ap-a 358,1–4 explains, evam idaṃ bhagavato vasanaṭṭhānaṃ cetiyan ti vuccati. na
dhātunidhānakacetiyan ti veditabbaṃ. na hi aparinibbutassa bhagavato sarīradhātūnaṃ abhāvā
dhātucetiyaṃ karissati, “Thus, this shrine for the blessed one was a dwelling place. It is not to be
understood as a shrine for depositing relics. For one will not build a shrine for relics in the absence
of the bodily relics of a blessed one who is not completely quenched”. This is a reasonable
interpretation since, in the reminder of this apadāna, Padumuttara Buddha is depicted as very much
alive.
121
Ap-a 358,5–6 specifies that the seat is made of phalika, “crystal”. This is consistent with §§ 5.23.3,
5.23.6, which describe that the seat is made of ratana, “jewels”.
122
Here I follow Jāgara (1926: I 157,11), who added ဆိ၍, “having said”.
123
A ratana is a unit of length (see PED s.v. ratana2; Skilling 1998: 161).
260
10. “A hundred thousand aeons from now, born in the Okkāka family, there will
be a teacher in the world named Gotama.
11. “For having fallen from Tusita [heaven], impelled by a pure foundation, he
will be a kinsman of Brahmā named Kaccāna.
12. “Subsequently going forth, he will become a buddha, without taints.124
Gotama, light of the world, will appoint [him] to a foremost position.
13. “He will answer in detail a question asked in brief. And, answering that
question, he will fulfil the [questioner’s] wish.”125
14. Born into a rich family, as a brahman [I] reached the far shore of the [vedic]
hymns. Having abandoned money and grain I went forth to the houseless
state.
15. I answer in detail to those asking in brief.126 I fulfil their wish. I please the
best of bipeds.
16. Pleased with me, the great hero, self-dependent, foremost individual, sitting
down within the Order of monks, appointed me to a foremost [position].127
17. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Mahākaccāna spoke these verses. The apadāna of
the elder Mahākaccāna is concluded.
124
The subject of this verse has rather abruptly shifted back to that of § 5.23.10, namely, Gotama
Buddha.
125
At A I 23,27–29 the Buddha names Mahākaccāna foremost amongst his disciples who explain in
detail the meaning of what has been stated in brief.
126
The first pādayuga may alternatively be translated, “They ask in brief. I answer in detail”.
127
Here, etadagga more literally means, “foremost amongst these [monks]”. Note the repetition of
the word agga, “foremost”, namely, a foremost individual appoints the protagonist to a foremost
position.
261
7.24. Kāḷudāyin
1–2. Having taken hold of a lotus in full bloom, a blue lotus128 and jasmine,129
[and] having taken hold of the best food,130 I gave them to Padumuttara
Buddha—supreme in the world, venerable, teacher—[who had] taken to the
road, wandering at that time.
3. The great hero ate the best food, good food. [He said,] “And having taken
hold of the flower[s], you gave [them] to the conqueror.
4. “Wished for [and] desired for a long time in the world, the lotus is the best
flower. A very difficult deed has been performed by him who gave me
flower[s].
5. “I will praise him who offered flower[s] and gave me the best food; listen
while I am speaking.
6. “He will rule over the gods eighteen times.131 [He will have] blue lotus and
also lotus and, furthermore, jasmine.
7. “In the sky he [will] make a covering, having a divine scent due to the result
of his merit, [and] will hold it instantly.
8. “And he will be a wheel-turning monarch twenty-five times. He will live on
earth for five hundred reigns of earth.
9. “A hundred thousand aeons from now, born in the Okkāka family, there will
be a teacher in the world named Gotama by clan.
10. “Pleased with his own deed, impelled by a pure foundation, producing joy,
he will be a relative and kinsman of the Sakyans.
11. “Subsequently going forth, impelled by a pure foundation, understanding all
the taints, he will be quenched, without taints.
128
DOP s.v. uppala identifies the uppala flower as Nymphaea caerulea, commonly referred to as the
blue lotus.
129
PED s.v. mallikā identifies mallikā as Arabian jasmine, i.e. Jasminum sambac.
130
Ap-a 362,35–36 specifies that the food is madhuraṃ sabbasupakkaṃ sāliodanaṃ, “sweet rice
porridge, all well cooked”.
131
Literally “ten and eight times”.
262
12. “And Gotama, kinsman of the world, will appoint [him—who will have]
attained the analytical insights, whose task [will be] done, without taints—to
a foremost [position].132
13. “Being resolute for exertion, calm, without basis for rebirth, he will be a
disciple of the teacher, named Udāyin.”
14. Desire and hatred and delusion, pride and hypocrisy have been destroyed.
Understanding all the taints, I dwell without taints.
15. And also, energetic, zealous, I pleased the awakened one. And, satisfied, the
awakened one appointed me to a foremost [position].
16. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Kāḷudāyin spoke these verses. The apadāna of the
elder Kāḷudāyin is concluded.
7.25. Mogharājā
132
At A I 25,5 the Buddha names Kāḷudāyin foremost amongst his disciples who inspire faith in
families.
133
Note the similarity between this opening scene and the opening scene of § 5.22.
263
5. “Were one to throw upon water a fine-meshed net, whichever beings were in
[that] water would be [caught] inside the net.134
6. “And everyone of whom there is consciousness, with form and without
form, falls within your knowledge.
7. “You save this world confused by darkness. Having heard your doctrine they
cross the stream of doubt.
8. “The world is veiled by ignorance, covered by darkness. When your
knowledge is shining, the darkness is destroyed.
9. “You are the light for all, dispelling great darkness. Having heard your
doctrine, many people are quenched.”
10. Having filled a pot, I held out a little pure honey with both hands [and]
offered it to the great sage.
11. The great hero, great sage, politely received [it]. And having eaten it, the all-
knowing one rose to the sky through the air.
12. Standing in the atmosphere, the teacher Atthadassin, bull among men,
making my mind faithful, said these verses:
13. “Because of the faith in his mind, he who praised this knowledge and praised
the excellent Buddha will not go to a bad destination.
134
In a passage from the Brahmajālasutta, the Buddha states that speculative ascetics and brahmans
are trapped in a net of views. To illustrate the point, he makes the following simile: seyyathā pi
bhikkhave dakkho kevaṭṭo vā kevaṭṭantevāsī vā sukhumacchikena jālena parittaṃ udakadahaṃ
otthareyya tassa evam assa: ye kho keci imasmiṃ udakadahe oḷārikā pāṇā sabbe te antojālikatā ettha
sitā va ummujjamānā ummujjanti ettha pariyāpannā antojālikatā va ummujjamānā ummujjantī ti
evam eva kho bhikkhave ye hi keci samaṇā vā brāhmaṇā vā... (D I 45,29–46,2), “Monks, just as an
able fisherman or fisherman trainee could cover a small pool of water with a fine-meshed net [and]
could have [this thought]: ‘Whatever substantial beings are in this pool of water are all within the
net. Floundering, they flounder here, caught. Floundering, they flounder here, included within the
net.’ Monks, just so, whatever ascetics or brahmans...”. Ap 21,17–18, a parallel to the present verse (§
5.25.5), appears to have been based upon this Brahmajālasutta passage and is followed by a verse
which completes the simile in an analogous manner. In contrast, the present verse has been used to
draw a very different simile, in which the Buddha’s knowledge appears to be compared with a
fishing net capable of holding many beings.
264
14. “And he will rule over the gods fourteen times. He will live on earth for
eight hundred reigns of a region.
15. “And he will be a wheel-turning monarch five hundred times. He will rule
over a region on earth, incalculable [in size].
16. “As a scholar holding the [vedic] hymns [in his memory], having reached
the far shore of the three vedas, he will go forth in the teaching of the
blessed one Gotama.
17. “He will seek the profound [and] subtle goal135 with knowledge. Named
Mogharājā, he will be a disciple of the teacher,
18. “endowed with the three knowledges, whose task [will be] done, without
taints. Gotama, foremost of caravan leaders, will appoint [him] to a foremost
[position].”136
19. Abandoning the human connection, cutting the binding of existence,
understanding all the taints, I dwell without taints.
20. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Mogharājā spoke these verses. The apadāna of the
elder Mogharājā is concluded.
7.26. Adhimutta
1. When the best of men Atthadassin, protector of the world, had been
quenched, I invited the Order of monks with a faithful mind,
2. invited the upright [and] concentrated Order jewel, made a pavilion from
sugarcane [and] fed the best Order.
135
It is likely that this attha, “goal”, is nibbāna. For example, Ap-a 231,17 provides the gloss
nibbānaṃ for the phrase gambhīraṃ nipuṇaṃ padaṃ (Ap 25,3), “profound [and] subtle state”.
136
At A I 25,16 the Buddha names Mogharājā foremost amongst his disciples who wear coarse robes.
265
In this way the venerable elder Adhimutta spoke these verses. The apadāna of the
elder Adhimutta is concluded.
7.27. Lasuṇadāyaka
1. Not far from the Himalayas I was an ascetic at that time. I lived upon garlic.
Garlic was my food.
2. Having filled my khārī containers,137 I went to the Order’s park. Joyful, with
a joyful mind, I gave the Order garlic.
3. I delighted in the teaching of the foremost of men Vipassin. Having given
garlic to the Order I enjoyed myself in heaven for an aeon.
4. Ninety-one aeons ago I gave garlic at that time. I am not aware of [having
been reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of [giving] garlic.
5. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
In this way the venerable elder Lasuṇadāyaka (“Donor of garlic”) spoke these
verses. The apadāna of the elder Lasuṇadāyaka is concluded.
137
A khārī̆ is a measure of grain (DOP s.v. khāri).
266
7.28. Āyāgadāyaka
In this way the venerable elder Āyāgadāyaka (“Donor of a gift”) spoke these verses.
The apadāna of the elder Āyāgadāyaka is concluded.
138
Ap-a 366,5–6 glosses pāda a with bhojanasālāya pamāṇaṃ kittakan ti pamāṇaṃ kathāpetvā,
“Having asked about dimension[s, saying,] ‘What are the dimension[s] of a food hall?’”.
139
According to Ap-a 365,26, 366,8, the gift is a bhojanasālā, “food hall”.
140
See § 6.28.4 on the difficulty of interpreting and translating hanti in this verse.
267
7.29. Dhammacakkika
1. In front of the lion throne of the blessed one Siddhattha, I placed a well
made wheel of doctrine,141 praised by the wise.
2. Having an army with chariots,142 I shone as though I had a golden
complexion. Many obedient people constantly surrounded me.
3. I constantly surrounded [myself] with sixty thousand musical instruments. I
shone with my retinue. This is the fruit of the meritorious deed.
4. Ninety-four aeons ago I placed the wheel. I am not aware of [having been
reborn in] a bad destination [since]. This is the fruit of [placing] the wheel of
doctrine.
5. Eleven aeons ago there were eight wheel-turning monarchs with great
strength, rulers of people, named Sahassarājā.
141
Images of wheels are found amongst the earliest surviving examples of Buddhist art (for two
examples, see Dehejia 1997: 79). It is possible that these depictions in stone were preceded by
depictions in less durable materials, such as wood. The Apadāna does not specify the material of the
wheel; however, Ap-a 366,20 describes this wheel of doctrine as ratanamaya, “made of jewels”.
142
pāda b may be interpreted in a number of different ways. Ap-a 367,3–5 states, sayoggabalavāhano
ti suvaṇṇasivikādīhi yoggehi ca senāpatimahāmattādīhi sevakehi balehi ca hatthi-
assarathasaṅkhātehi vāhanehi ca sahito ti attho, “sayoggabalavāhano means accompanied with
carriages—[i.e.] golden palanquins, etc.—and with forces—[i.e.] generals, ministers, etc. [and]
servants—and with vehicles—named elephants, horses and chariots”. The explanation of Jāgara
(1926: I 167,18–19) differs and includes the gloss လှည်းရထားစ သာယာဉ်အဂါ လးပါးရှိ သာဗိလ်ပါဆင်ယာဉ်
ြမင်းယာဉ်နင
ှ တ
့် ကွ, “accompanied with an army, elephants and horses, which have four vehicular
divisions beginning with chariots”. Here, balavāhana is taken to mean an army with its animal
vehicles and yogga is taken to mean one of its divisions, namely, chariots. In support of this
explanation, PED s.v. balavāhana, vāhana cites several passages in which balavāhana simply means
“army”. Equally, the literal meaning of yogga, “to be yoked”, is more suitably applied to a chariot
than a palanquin. Jāgara’s explanation seems more reasonable than that of the Apadānaṭṭhakathā and
my translation therefore reflects his gloss. See § 5.12.38 for a reference to the four divisions of an
army.
268
6. The four analytical insights and also the eight liberations and the six
supernormal knowledges have been realised. The Buddha’s teaching has
been accomplished.
7.30. Kapparukkhiya
143
Ap-a 367,13–14 describes this wishing tree as sattahi ratanehi vicittaṃ suvaṇṇamayaṃ, “made of
gold [and] ornamented with the seven jewels”.
144
Collins (1998: 319) provided a translation of the first two verses of this apadāna in a brief
discussion on wishing trees.
269
In this way the venerable elder Kapparukkhiya (“Having a wishing tree”) spoke
these verses. The apadāna of the elder Kapparukkhiya is concluded.
The summary:
Kuṇḍa, Sāgata, Kaccāna, Udāyin, one named Rājā, Adhimutta, Lasuṇada, Āyāgin,
Dhammacakkika and Kapparukkhin, the tenth. A hundred and twelve verses.
8. CONCLUSIONS
The overall aim of this thesis has been to gain new knowledge of the Apadāna. This
has been achieved by investigating a number of key areas. Firstly, the time period
within which this text was composed, previously assumed to be the second or first
century BCE, was re-examined (§ 1.4). It was found that, upon closer inspection,
many of the arguments used to justify the assignment of such a date are based upon
doubtful evidence. The most that our present state of knowledge allows us to
conclude with a reasonable degree of certainty is that a passage from one apadāna
postdates 331 BCE (see § 1.5n38), while a version of another apadāna dates to the
first half of the first century CE or earlier (see § 1.4). Further research into the
status of the Apadāna according to the dīghabhāṇakas, as recorded in the
Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, may shed more light on the date and canonicity of this text. This
might be achieved via a close study of a reasonably large selection of palm leaf
manuscripts which preserve this particular passage.
The Apadāna was compared to numerous other early Buddhist texts, with
particular reference to structure, style and themes. This thesis contains the first
detailed comparison between the Apadāna and early Sanskrit avadāna collections
(§ 2.1). It was found that the system of karma underlying the narrative of the
Apadāna, Avadānaśataka and Divyāvadāna is reasonably consistent, involving a
complex interplay between performer and recipient. These similarities in content
suggest that the Apadāna was part of a larger network of Buddhist avadāna texts.
Further comparisons with other avadāna collections are likely to provide more
detail on these connections. In agreement with Mellick Cutler 1994, stylistic and
thematic affiliations were observed between the Apadāna and other Pāli canonical
texts, especially those belonging to the Khuddakanikāya (§ 2.4). However, also
noted was a major point of disparity between the Apadāna and the great majority of
the Pāli canon, namely, the existence of numerous passages which refer to nibbāna
271
as the fruit of meritorious deeds (§ 2.5). Only two such passages have previously
been identified in the Pāli canon (Khp 8.13–15; Vv 81.24).
This thesis has hopefully demonstrated that the Apadāna is a particularly
interesting text worthy of ongoing investigation. Further work on its content will be
greatly aided by the production of a new edition in Roman script and a complete
corresponding English translation. In preparation for this, a quantitative analysis
was undertaken concerning the features of eighty-one PTS editions, which revealed,
for example, the small number of witnesses generally used as primary sources, the
declining usage of manuscripts over time and a strong preference for providing
little to no information on editing methodology (§ 3.6.3). These are not positive
trends, particularly in light of the more favourable text critical practices often used
in other fields (§§ 3.2–5).
A major component of this thesis is an edition and annotated translation of
the Apadāna’s second, third and fourth chapters. In an attempt to provide greater
editorial transparency, this work was prefaced with detailed information on the
editing methodology (§ 4.1.1) and witnesses (§ 4.1.2). It is unfortunate that, despite
my efforts, I was unable to gain permission to copy more than one Khom script
manuscript from Thailand. It is similarly regrettable that I was unable to locate any
relevant Laotian or Cambodian manuscripts. Therefore, a limitation of this thesis is
the lack of information regarding the transmission of the Apadāna in Thailand, Laos
and Cambodia.
The aim of this new edition has been to reconstruct (and correct, where
absolutely necessary) the archetype of the selected manuscripts, primarily via the
application of stemmatic editing principles. Using this method in tandem with the
known history of the witnesses, light was shed on the historical transmission of this
text (see § 6). It was found that textual contamination was pervasive amongst
Burmese script manuscripts, but not particularly common in Sinhala script
manuscripts (§ 4.1.1n5). Similarly, Burmese script manuscripts tended to include
more conscious editorial alterations than Sinhala script manuscripts. Future studies
may determine whether these features are unique to the transmission of the
Apadāna or are part of a pervasive trend. If the latter turns out to be true, this may
272
indicate that palm leaf manuscript scribes in Burma approached their task in
fundamentally different ways to palm leaf manuscript scribes in Sri Lanka.
Also noted were a number of trends concerning existing printed editions of
the Apadāna (see § 6). For example, it was found that they include numerous silent
emendations of the received text, many of which appear to originate from the
edition produced by Buddhadatta (1929–1930). Additionally, these printed editions
often favour the “smoother” and more easily understood readings first produced
during the editorial preparations to the fifth Buddhist council of 1871 in Mandalay.
There is, therefore, a distinct tendency in printed editions of the Apadāna—
particularly Be, Ce and Se—to avoid reproducing readings which are grammatically
or semantically difficult, despite the fact that such readings are often of an earlier
origin than the ones that are instead reproduced. Again, future research may
determine whether these features are limited to the Apadāna or are widespread.
It is hoped that this thesis will stimulate further debate on textual criticism
within Pāli studies. As shown, it is only through using manuscripts that we can
identify silent emendations in existing printed editions and conscious scribal
alterations to the received text. It is therefore also hoped that this thesis highlights
the necessity of using palm leaf manuscripts in the historical study of Pāli language
and literature.
273
REFERENCES
———. 2011. “The Female Past in Early Indian Buddhism: The Shared Narrative
of the Seven Sisters in the Therī-Apadāna”. Religions of South Asia 5 (1–2):
209–226.
Collins, Steven. 1998. Nirvana and Other Buddhist Felicities: Utopias of the Pali
Imaginaire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
———. 2006. A Pali Grammar for Students. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books.
Cone, Margaret. 2001–. A Dictionary of Pāli. Oxford: Pali Text Society.
———. 2007. “Caveat Lector”. Journal of the Pali Text Society 29: 95–106.
Cowell, E. B., and R. A. Neil, eds. 1886. The Divyâvadâna: A Collection of Early
Buddhist Legends Now First Edited from the Nepalese Sanskrit mss. in
Cambridge and Paris. Cambridge: University Press.
Dayal, Har. 1932. The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit Literature.
London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co.
de Jong, J. W. 1972. “Review of The Elders’ Verses I: Theragāthā, by K. R.
Norman”. Indo-Iranian Journal 13 (4): 297–301.
———. 1987. A Brief History of Buddhist Studies in Europe and America. 2nd ed.
Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications.
de Silva, Lily, ed. 1970. Dīghanikāyaṭṭhakathāṭīkā Līnatthavaṇṇanā. 3 vols.
London: Luzac and Company, for the Pali Text Society.
de Silva, W. A. 1938. Catalogue of Palm Leaf Manuscripts in the Library of the
Colombo Museum. Vol. 1. Colombo: Ceylon Government Press.
Dehejia, Vidya. 1997. Discourse in Early Buddhist Art: Visual Narratives of India.
New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
Eade, J. C. 1995. The Calendrical Systems of Mainland South-East Asia. Leiden: E.
J. Brill.
Edgerton, Franklin. 1953a, reprinted 2004. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary.
New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.
———. 1953b, reprinted 2004. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar. New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.
Egge, James R. 2002. Religious Giving and the Invention of Karma in Theravāda
Buddhism. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon.
277
Graham, William A. 1987. Beyond the Written Word: Oral Aspects of Scripture in
the History of Religion. Cambrige: Cambrige University Press.
Grönbold, Günter. 2005. Die Worte des Buddha in den Sprachen der Welt / The
Words of the Buddha in the Languages of the World. Munich: Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek.
Gunasekara, Daya. 2011. Visuddhajanavilāsini [sic], or, the Commentary to the
Apadāna, Part II, English Translation. Dehiwala: Buddhist Cultural Centre.
Hallisey, Charles. 1991. “Councils as Ideas and Events in the Theravāda”. In The
Buddhist Forum, vol. 2, edited by Tadeusz Skorupski, 133–148. London:
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
Hamm, Frank Richard. 1973. “On Some Recent Editions of the Pāli Tipiṭaka”. In
German Scholars on India: Contributions to Indian Studies, edited by New
Delhi Cultural Department of the Embassy of the Federal Republic of
Germany, 123–135. Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office.
Harrison, Paul. 1992. “Commemoration and Identification in Buddhānusmṛti”. In In
the Mirror of Memory: Reflections on Mindfulness and Remembrance in
Indian and Tibetan Buddhism, edited by Janet Gyatso, 215–238. Albany:
State University of New York Press.
Hartmann, Jens-Uwe. 1988. Neue Aśvaghoṣa- und Mātṛceṭa-Fragmente aus
Ostturkistan. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht.
Hendel, Ronald. 2008. “The Oxford Hebrew Bible: Prologue to a New Critical
Edition”. Vetus Testamentum 58: 324–351.
Hiltebeitel, Alf. 2005. “Weighting Orality and Writing in the Sanskrit Epics”. In
Epics, Khilas, and Purāṇas: Continuities and Ruptures, Proceedings of the
Third Dubrovnik International Conference on the Sanskrit Epics and
Purāṇas, September 2002, edited by Petteri Koskikallio, 81–111. Zagreb:
Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts.
Hiraoka, Satoshi. 1998. “The Relation Between the Divyāvadāna and the
Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya”. Journal of Indian Philosophy 26 (5): 419–434.
Holmes, Michael W. 2002. “The Case for Reasoned Eclecticism”. In Rethinking
New Testament Textual Criticism, edited by David Alan Black, 77–100.
279
စာပနှိပ်တိက်.
Jantrasrisalai, Chanida. 2008. Early Buddhist Dhammakāya: Its Philosophical and
Soteriological Significance. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sydney.
Jayawickrama, N. A. 1972–1973. “Pali Manuscripts in the John Rylands University
Library of Manchester”. Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of
Manchester 55: 146–176.
———, ed. 1979. Kathāvatthuppakaraṇa-aṭṭhakathā Included in Pañcappakaraṇa-
aṭṭhakathā Named Paramatthadīpanī. London: Pali Text Society.
Katre, S. M. 1954. Introduction to Indian Textual Criticism. Poona: S. M. Katre.
Kelemen, Erick. 2009. Textual Editing and Criticism: An Introduction. New York:
W. W. Norton and Company.
Keown, Damien. 1992. The Nature of Buddhist Ethics. New York: St. Martin’s
Press.
ဦးခိင်, ed. 1917. ထရအပဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ်, ထရီအပဒါန်ပါဠိ တာ်, ဗဒ္ဓဝင်ပါဠိ တာ်,
စရိယာပိဋကပါဠိ တာ်. ရန်ကန်: ဇမ္ဗူ ့မိတ် ဆွပိဋကတ်ပနှိပ်တိက်.
Kloppenborg, Ria. 1974. The Paccekabuddha: A Buddhist Ascetic: A Study of the
Concept of the Paccekabuddha in Pāli Canonical and Commentarial
Literature. Leiden: E. J. Brill.
Kumārābhivaṃsa. 2009. Therī-apadānadīpanī. Yangon: Research Centre of the
International Theravāda Buddhist Missionary University.
Lamotte, Étienne. 1988. History of Indian Buddhism: From the Origins to the Śaka
Era. Translated by Sara Webb-Boin. Louvain-la-Neuve: Université
Catholique de Louvain, Institut Orientaliste.
Law, B. C. 1937. “Studies in the Apadāna”. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the
Royal Asiatic Society 13: 23–35.
Lenz, Timothy. 2003. A New Version of the Gāndhārī Dharmapada and a
Collection of Previous-Birth Stories: British Library Kharoṣṭhī Fragments 16
280
University Press.
Monier-Williams, Monier. 1899, reprinted 2003. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary:
Etymologically and Philologically Arranged with Special Reference to
Cognate Indo-European Languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Morris, Richard, ed. 1885. The Aṅguttara-Nikâkaya: Part I. Ekanipâta, Dukanipâta,
and Tikanipâta. London: Henry Frowde, for the Pali Text Society.
Müller, E., ed. 1893. Paramatthadīpanī: Dhammapāla's Commentary on the
Therīgāthā. London: Henry Frowde, for the Pali Text Society.
Müller-Hess, Éd. 1897. “Les Apadânas du Sud”. In Actes du dixième Congrès
International des Orientalistes: Session de Genève 1894, edited by
International Congress of Orientalists, 165–173. Leide: E. J. Brill.
“Nidānakathā”. 2008. In Suttantapiṭake Khuddakanikāye Khuddakapāṭha-
Dhammapada-Udāna-Itivuttaka-Suttanipāta-pāḷi, Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti Piṭaka
series, i–ix. ရန်ကန်: သာသနာ ရးဦးစီးဌာန.
Norman, K. R. 1983. Pāli Literature: Including the Canonical Literature in Prakrit
and Sanskrit of All the Hīnayāna Schools of Buddhism. Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz.
———. 1990. “Pāli Philology and the Study of Buddhism”. In The Buddhist
Forum, edited by Tadeusz Skorupski, 31–39. London: School of Oriental
and African Studies, University of London.
———. 1992. “Middle Indo-Aryan”. In Indo-European Numerals, edited by
Jadranka Gvozdanović, 199–241. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
———. 1994. “Pāli Studies in the West: Present State and Future Tasks”. Religion
24 (2): 165–172.
———. 2003. Collected Papers. Vol. 2. Oxford: Pali Text Society.
———. 2004. The Word of the Doctrine (Dhammapada). Oxford: Pali Text Society.
———. 2006a. The Group of Discourses (Sutta-nipāta). 2nd ed. Lancaster: Pali
Text Society.
———. 2006b. A Philological Approach to Buddhism. Lancaster: Pali Text Society.
———. 2007a. The Elders’ Verses I: Theragāthā. 2nd ed. Lancaster: Pali Text
Society.
282
———. 2007b. Elders’ Verses II: Therīgāthā. 2nd ed. Lancaster: Pali Text Society.
———. 2008a. Collected Papers. Vol. 3. Oxford: Pali Text Society.
———. 2008b. Collected Papers. Vol. 4. Oxford: Pali Text Society.
———. 2009. “On Translating Literally”. Journal of the Pali Text Society 30: 81–
97.
Nyanatiloka. 2007. Buddhist Dictionary: A Manual of Buddhist Terms and
Doctrines. 5th ed. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books.
Nyunt, Peter. 2014. A Descriptive Catalogue of Burmese Manuscripts in the Fragile
Palm Leaves Collection. 2 vols. Edited by Claudio Cicuzza. Bangkok:
Fragile Palm Leaves Foundation and Lumbini International Research
Institute.
Oberlies, Thomas. 2001. Pāli: A Grammar of the Language of the Theravāda
Tipiṭaka. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Oldenberg, H. 1882. “Catalogue of the Pāli Manuscripts in the India Office
Library”. Journal of the Pali Text Society 1: 59–128.
Olivelle, Patrick. 1998a. The Early Upaniṣads: Annotated Text and Translation.
New York: Oxford University Press.
———. 1998b. “Unfaithful Transmitters: Philological Criticism and Critical
Editions of the Upaniṣads”. Journal of Indian Philosophy 26: 173–187.
———. 2005. Manu's Code of Law: A Critical Edition and Translation of the
Mānava-Dharmaśāstra. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
———. 2009. The Law Code of Viṣṇu: A Critical Edition and Annotated
Translation of the Vaiṣṇava-Dharmaśāstra. Cambridge, Massachusetts:
Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University.
Pakdeekham, Santi, ed. 2009. Jambūpati-sūtra: A Synoptic Romanized Edition.
Bangkok: Fragile Palm Leaves Foundation and Lumbini International
Research Institute.
Pecenko, Primoz, ed. 1996–1999. Aṅguttaranikāyaṭīkā Catuttha Sāratthamañjūsā. 3
vols. Oxford: Pali Text Society.
Premasiri, P. D. 1976. “Interpretation of Two Principal Ethical Terms in Early
Buddhism”. Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities 2: 63–74.
283
University Press.
———. 2008. Two Gāndhārī Manuscripts of the Songs of Lake Anavatapta
(Anavatapta-gāthā): British Library Kharoṣṭhī Fragment 1 and Senior Scroll
14. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
Sangāyanā Souvenir. 1954. Rangoon: Union Buddha Sāsana Council Press.
Schopen, Gregory. 1987. “Burial ‘Ad Sanctos’ and the Physical Presence of the
Buddha in Early Indian Buddhism: A Study in the Archeology of Religions”.
Religion 17 (3): 193–225.
Singer, Noel F. 1993. “Kammavaca Texts: Their Covers and Binding Ribbons”.
Arts of Asia 23 (3): 97–106.
Skilling, Peter. 1998. “A Note on Dhammapada 60 and the Length of the Yojana”.
Journal of the Pali Text Society 24: 149–170.
———. 2001. “Eṣā agrā: Images of Nuns in (Mūla-)Sarvāstivādin Literature”.
Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 24 (2): 135–156.
———. 2009. “An Impossible Task? The Classical ‘Edition’ and Thai Pāli
Literature”. Thai International Journal for Buddhist Studies 1: 33–43.
Skilling, Peter, Jason A. Carbine, Claudio Cicuzza, and Santi Pakdeekham. 2012.
How Theravāda is Theravāda? Exploring Buddhist Identities. Chiang Mai:
Silkworm Books.
Speyer, J. S. 1902–1909. Avadānaçataka: A Century of Edifying Tales Belonging to
the Hīnayāna. 2 vols. St. Petersburg: Académie Impériale des Sciences.
Strong, John. 1979. “The Transforming Gift: An Analysis of Devotional Acts of
Offering in Buddhist Avadāna Literature”. History of Religions 18 (3): 221–
237.
———. 1983. The Legend of King Aśoka: A Study and Translation of the
Aśokāvadāna. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
———. 2004. Relics of the Buddha. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Sukthankar, Vishnu S., ed. 1933. The Ādiparvan: Being the First Book of the
Mahābhārata, the Great Epic of India. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute.
Suttantapiṭake Khuddakanikāye Apadānapāḷi. 1997–1999. 2 vols, Chaṭṭhasaṅgīti
285