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Save Rhodes, Peter John - The Athenian Boule-Oxford Uni... For Later THE
ATHENIAN
BOULE
P.J. RHODES
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESSOxford University Press, Walton Street, Oxford OX2 6DP
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Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford University Press
Published in the United States
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ISBN 0 19 814291 9
© Orford University Press 1972
First published 1972
Re-issued with additions and corrections 1985
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any meant,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without
the prior permission of Oxford University Press
Printed in Great Britain by
Antony Rowe Lid,
ChippenhamTO MY MOTHER
IN MEMORY OF
MY FATHERPREFACE
In this book I give a detailed account of the organization and working
of the Athenian boule, the council founded by Solon and remodelled
by Cleisthenes which acted as a standing committee of the assembly.
To make my analysis intelligible to the modern reader I have drawn
the now-familiar distinction between legislative, administrative, and
judicial functions, but this distinction would not have been familiar
to the Athenians, and their boule was active in all three fields: this has
inevitably led to some repetition and cross-reference. In a concluding
chapter I summarize the history of the boule, and try to assess its im-
portance in the machinery of the Athenian state.
The book has been revised from the thesis which I submitted for the
degree of D.Phil. of the University of Oxford in the summer of 1968.
Dr. D. M. Lewis suggested the subject and supervised my work for most
of the time, and with his extensive knowledge of the material and keen
eye for detail has been able to draw my attention to much that I should
otherwise have missed, and to save me from more inadequacies than
I care to think of. Mr. G. E. M. de Ste Croix provided valuable en-
couragement and guidance in 1964-5, when Dr. Lewis was in America.
Before I submitted my thesis Mr. G. L. Cawkwell, Mr. W. G. G. Forrest,
the late A. R. W. Harrison, and Mr. R. Meiggs read and helped me to
improve substantial parts of it. Professor A. Andrewes and Professor
R. J. Hopper served as examiners and made valuable comments, and
Professor Andrewes has been generous with his help during the re-
vision of the work for publication. At different stages my wife and
Mr. M. D. Reeve helped me to avoid serious delays by their kindness
in verifying references. Many others have helped me on a variety of
points, and I have tried to acknowledge all specific debts in their
place.
From 1963 to 1965 I held a Craven Fellowship at Oxford Univer-
sity, and a Hildebrand Harmsworth Senior Scholarship at Merton
College, Oxford. As Craven Fellow I was able to visit Greece as a
Student of the British School at Athens (and also to work in the libraries
of the American School and the German Institute, and in the Epi-
graphical Museum), and to visit Germany as a Gasthérer and member
of the Historisches Seminar of the Eberhard-Karls-Universitat,viii PREFACE
Tubingen. Since 1965 I have been a lecturer at the University of
Durham, and my work on the boule has been continued with assistance
from the University in the time that could be spared from my other
responsibilities; the Joint Library of the Hellenic and Roman Societies
and the Institute of Classical Studies in London has sent me books with
admirable speed during term and has provided pleasant working con-
ditions in vacation.
Most of the works which I have found helpful are cited in the notes.
The foundation for inquiries of this kind was laid by the great German
students of Staatsaltertiimer; of more recent writers I owe most to
Professor U. Kahrstedt and the late Professor A. H. M. Jones, and to the
epigraphists who have worked on the inscriptions from the Agora,
thanks to whom the volume of material bearing on Athenian institutions
has been greatly increased in the last forty years, and it has become
worthwhile to re-open old questions. In my thesis I tried to take ac-
count of work published to the end of 1967; revision was undertaken
in the latter half of 1969, when I did my best to pay due attention to
more recent publications, in particular the welcome Selection of Greek
Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century ».c, of R. Meiggs
and D. M. Lewis.
The Delegates of the Press have honoured me by their willingness to
publish my work, and their staff has shown tact and skill in handling
a difficult book and an obstinate author. Miss J. Martin and Mrs.
I. Parkin did most of the typing, Dr. J. D. Thomas read the book in
proof, and Mr. D. A. Scales compiled the indexes. The Managing
Committee of the British School at Athens has given me permission
to publish otherwise than under its auspices the results of work which
I did as a Student of the School; the Johns Hopkins Press and the
Publications Committee of the American School at Athens have given
me permission to reproduce and adapt copyright diagrams.
To all the institutions and individuals named above I offer my
sincere thanks. Thanks are due no less for help of a more intangible
kind: I could repeat names mentioned above and add others; and
I am very grateful to all who have encouraged me and borne with
me while this book has been in the making.
P.J.R.
Durham
Long Vacation, 1971CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF PLANS
ABBREVIATIONS
I, MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
i. Qualifications and Appointment
ii. Subdivisions of the Boule
iii, Meetings and Meeting-Places
Il, LEGISLATION
i, vépot
Decrees of the Boule and Demos
iii. Decrees of the Boule
IIL. ADMINISTRATION
i, Finance
Army and Navy
iii. Public Works
iv. Religion
v. Secretaries and Attendants
IV. JURISDICTION
i, Internal Discipline
‘Official’ Jurisdiction
iii. etoayyedia
iv. Soxipacta
APPENDIX. The Punitive Powers of the Boule
Vv. CONCLUSION
ADDITIONAL NOTES
A. The Bouleutic Calendar
B. M&L 69 (ATLA 9), 33-8
c. dudaxi} ris xépas and owrnpla ris médews
D. of én 76 Bewpexdy
xi
xii
xiii
16
30
49
52
82
88
113
122
127
134
144
147
162
171
179
208
224
229
231
235,i CONTENTS
TABLES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PLANS
SELECT ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA, 1984
INDEXES
i, Literary Texts Cited
ii, Epigraphic Texts Cited
iii. General Index
241
285
299
305
gil
325,
347LIST OF TABLES
A. The Size of Post-Hadrianic Lists of Prytanes
amma ougo w
ro
Men serving twice in the Fourth-Century Boule
Introductory Note to Tables C-L
. Probouleumatic Decrees
. Non-Probouleumatic Decrees
Decrees of the Demos with Special Origins
Decrees of the Demos moved by Prominent Fourth-Century Orators
- Decrees of the Boule, other than the Ratified Probouleumata in
Table C
. Formulae in dor
Decrees quoted with Formulae in Literary Texts
Riders to Decrees
Clauses requiring Immediate Action (airixa pda)
. do éyafév Clauses
241
242
244
246
259
267
269
271
276
277
278
280LIST OF PLANS
A. Area of Bouleuterium in the Last Quarter of the Sixth Century
B. Area of Bouleuterium at the End of the Sixth Century
. Area of Bouleuterium to the Middle of the Fifth Century (with Addi-
tions to the Early Third Century)
(Plans A-C are reproduced from Hesperia, Supplement iv 1940,
figs. 13, 32, 62, by kind permission of the American School of Classical
Studies at Athens)
. Area of Bouleuterium in the First Century a.p. (with the Addition
of the West Annexe)
(Adapted to fit the current views of the excavators from Hesperia,
Supplement iv 1940, fig. 63, by kind permission of the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens)
E. Old Bouleuterium : Restoration of Interior Arrangements (P. J. R.)
New Bouleuterium: Restoration of Interior Arrangements (W. A.
McDonald)
(From W. A. McDonald, The Political Meeting Places of the Greeks, plate
by kind permission of the Johns Hopkins Press)
299
300
gor
303
304,ABBREVIATIONS
1. Literary Texts
The following abbreviations should be noticed:
A. Aeschines.
Ar. Aristophanes.
Arist. Aristotle.
AP. [Aristotle], Athenaion Politeia (see below).
D. Demosthenes.
H. Herodotus.
Tsae. Isaeus.
Is. Isocrates.
LS, — Lexica Segueriana, in vol. i of Bekker, Anecdota Graeca (see Bibliography).
0.0. ‘Old Oligarch’: [Xenophon], Athenaion Politeia.
Plat. Plato.
Pl. Plutarch.
T. Thucydides.
X. Xenophon.
Other abbreviations will, I hope, cause no difficulty. References in the form,
328 F 64, are to texts in Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Books
of Aristotle’s Politics are numbered in manuscript order (as in the Oxford
Text); speeches of Hyperides are numbered in the order of the Oxford and
Loeb Texts; chapters of Plutarch’s Lives are divided into sections as in the
Teubner Text. Except in the case of the two works called Athenaion Politeia,
for which see the list of abbreviations above, when a work wrongly attributed
to an author is cited immediately after a genuine work of the same author, the
spurious work is distinguished by an asterisk (e.g. D. XXI. Mid. 32-3, 54,
*XXVI. Aristog. it. 5). In most cases the question of authorship does not matter
for my purposes, and I have been content to echo the judgements of editors.
Among the works whose authorship I need not discuss I would rank the
Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia: it is enough that the treatise was completed
between 329/8 and 323/2 (c.g. Gilbert, p. xxi) and that it is a product of the
Aristotelian school, and I would rather err on the side of caution than buttress
a weak point by claiming Aristotle’s authority for it.
2. Epigraphic Texts
In addition to the standard abbreviations, I use the following (see Bibliography
for full details: in each case, unless a page is specified, the numeral following
the abbreviation represents the serial number of an inscription) :
Maier, GMbi Griechische Mauerbauinschriften (texts are in vol. i).
HMA Hill, revised Meiggs and Andrewes, Sources for Greek Historyxiv ABBREVIATIONS
between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars (texts of inscriptions
are in Section B).
M&L Meiggs and Lewis, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the
End of the Fifth Century 2.0.
P Dow, Prytaneis: Hesp. Supp. i 1937-
Sot Bengtson, Die Staatsvertrdge des Altertums (vol. ii).
I have adopted two other conventions, which I hope may help the reader to
pick his way through the forest of references. (a) While for most purposes,
including page numbers and line numbers, I use ‘old style’ arabic numerals
(1234567890), for the serial numbers of inscriptions I use ‘modern’ numerals
(1234567890). (6) A great many Athenian inscriptions have been published
in the periodical Hesperia, and in almost all cases these inscriptions have been
given serial numbers (a main series, running through each volume, of inscrip-
tions from the Agora, and a few other independent series). In citing these
texts I identify the inscriptions by serial number whenever available (in the
main Agora series, except where otherwise indicated), and not by page
number, and to alert the reader I identify the volume on these occasions
by number only and not by year; but when citing pages of Hesperia J identify
the volume (as in all other references to periodicals) by both number and
year. Thus:
Hesp. x 1941, 320-6 = Hesp. x 1941, pp. 320-6.
Hesp. vi 3, 19-20 = Hesp. vi 1937, no. 3 in the series of inscriptions from the
Agora, lines 19-20.
Hesp. vi (EM) 4 = Hesp. vi 1937, no. 4 in a series of inscriptions in the
Epigraphical Museum.
‘The large number of publications in which texts are re-edited or reproduced
from the editions of others makes for difficulties in citation. I have normally
given one reference only, to the volume in which an up-to-date text has been
most accessible to me (in particular, whenever possible I cite SEG rather than
Hesp.), but in Index ii I incorporate a concordance of all texts which have
been published in JG or in volume ii of ATL. The reader is warned that in
quotations I adhere to the spelling on the stone even when my reference is
to Tod.
3. Periodicals
In general I use the abbreviations of L’Année philologique, with the usual English
divergences ; but the publications of the German academies are abbreviated as
Abh. Berlin, Sb. Wien, etc., and the Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archdologischen
Instituts, Athenische Abteilung, as AM. Superior figures indicate the second and
subsequent series of a periodical (e.g. CQ? xiii 1963).
4. Other Modern Works
Full details of all works cited will be found in the Bibliography. The following
works are cited by author’s name(s) only:
Bonner and Smith — The Administration of Justice from Homer to Aristotle.Busolt and Swoboda
Gilbert
Hignett
Jones
‘Lipsius
Notice also:
ATL
Beazley, A.R.V2
GG
HG
Kahrstedt, 5.5.4.
Kahrstedt, U.M.A.
Wade-Gery, E.G.H.
ABBREVIATIONS xv
Griechische Staatskunde.
The Constitutional Antiquities of Sparta and Athens.
A History of the Athenian Constitution.
‘Athenian Democracy.
Das attische Recht und Rechtsverfakren.
Meritt, Wade-Gery, and McGregor, The Athenian
Tribute Lists.
Attic Red-Figure Vase Painters.
Griechische Geschichte.
Histoire grecque.
Staatsgebiet und Staatsangehorige in Athen.
Untersuchungen zur Magistratur in Athen.
Essays in Greek History.MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
(i) Qualifications and Appointment
THE fovdy, or Council, which is the subject of this book, was established
by Cleisthenes in his reforms of 508/7 8.c., though there was very
probably an earlier boule created by Solon.' The Cleisthenic boule may
first have met in 501/o, the year when the boulcutic oath was first sworn.?
Membership was based on the ten new tribes created by Cleisthenes:
each tribe was to provide 50 of the boule’s 500 members.} Tribal repre-
sentation of 50 was retained during the various tribal changes, so that
there were 600 members after the creation of the two Macedonian tribes,
650 in the last quarter of the third century, and 600 again from 201/o ;4
but in a.D. 127, when a thirteenth tribe was again instituted, membership
was reduced nominally to the original figure of 500 and in fact to about
520.5 In the later years of the Roman Empire various changes were
made, and totals are attested of 600, 750, and 300.°
As with other Athenian public offices appointment was made annually,
from citizens who had reached the age of thirty:?7 though Aristotle
writes of a ‘retired’ status for elderly citizens,* I know no evidence that
1 On the Solonian boule see Ch. V, pp. 208-9.
2 A.P, 22. ii; of. appendix to Ch. 1V, pp. 191-3. 3 AP. a1. iii,
* 600, Pl. Demetr. 10. vi; 650, 1G ii? 687, 53, 847, 26; 600 again, JG ii# 1013, 7, 16, 1072, 10.
5 eg. IG ii* 4210. For the date, ef. J. A. Notopoulos, TAPA lxxvii 1946. The exact size of
Hadrian's boule is uncertain: S, Dow, Hesp. Supp. i 1937, 196, assumed that 500 was the
correct figure; P. Graindor, Athines sous Hadrien, 83-5, envisaged a total of about 540, with
tribal contingents varying between 40 and 42; A. E. Raubitschek, Iépas Mvrwvfov Kepapo~
otMov, 242-55, believes in a boule of 13 x 40, or 520, and is followed in this by D. J. Geagan,
Hesp. Supp. xii 1967, 95-6. Raubitschek argues that the wealthy patron who acted as
Gdvupos to the tribe (cf. p. 14 with n. 5, below) should be regarded as a member of the
prytany only in those prytany-dedications where he is named with the prytanes and not
apart from them, and claims that there were 4o prytanes in each of the twelve complete lists
which have survived from this period. I offer my own analysis of these lists in Table A,
: regular lists of 40 cannot be obtained without forcing the evidence, and it seems
it the possibility of variation.
6 Goo, IG iit 3664 (¢. A.D. 200—but at this time the boule retained its Hadrianic size,
so if the date is right 600 must be a mason’s error); 750, 1G ii 3669 (269/70) ; 300, 1G ii?
3716, 4222 (C4). It has been suggested by D. J. Geagan, Hesp. Supp. xii 1967, 75, that from
the third century all eligible citizens were admitted to the boule for life.
7X. M, 1. ji. 95, D. XXL, Andr. yp. i. 15 of. ‘Draco! in 4.P. 4. ii, ‘constitutions’ of 411 in
A.P. 30. ii, 31. i. It is possible that the age requirement was not that a man should have
reached the age of thirty but that he should have entered on his thirtieth year (and so should
have reached the age of twenty-nine): cf. Ch, IV, p. 172.
® Arist. Pol. mt. 1275 A (2-)15-19. Professor J. H. Oliver claimed that citizens were not
8142919 B2 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
an upper age limit for holding public office was ever enforced in Athens.
Evidence that men were invited to volunteer as candidates is slight and
less than cogent, but the lexicographers’ statement that the Athenians
kAnpotar Tas épxds from the Anfvapyexd. ypappareia? is not enough to prove
that all eligible citizens were automatically regarded as candidates.
Not all citizens above the age limit were eligible : those who had stayed
in Athens in 411 to perform military service under the Four Hundred
were debarred, while prostitution disqualified a man for every aspect
of public life, including pS yrdpny eindrw pndémore prpre ev rH Bovdy
pire ev 7 Sijpw.4 In the first case membership of the boule is linked with
speaking in the assembly, and in the second public offices in general are
linked with speaking in the boule and assembly, so we may probably add
to our list the other offences quoted by Aeschines from the Soxiacia
énrépw 5 maltreatment of parents ; desertion from the army or throwing
away one’s shield ; squandering one’s inheritance. According to Dinarchus
Piropes and orparnyoé were required to have legitimate children and to
own land within the boundaries of Attica, and this too may have been
required of bouleutae. It should be assumed, though it is not stated in our
ancient authorities, that membership was open to the first three property-
classes—but viv émeSdv Epyra Tov peMovra KAnpodabal rw” dpyiv, mofov
tos rere, 038’ dv els etroe Onttxdv.? (We may wonder also how far the
other requirements were normally enforced: the career of Timarchus
suggests that a man without alert enemies might be able to ignore his
expected to serve as bouleutae after the age of sixty (The Athenian Expounders of the Sacred and
Ancestral Law, 55-6), but his promised development of this point seems not to have appeared.
Socrates, born in 469/8 (Apollod. and Dem. Phal. ap. D.L. 11. 44) was a member in 406/5
(X. A. 1. vii. 15, etc.). Notice also Plat. Legg. vt. 7554 4-B 2.
© Lys. XXXI. Phil. 33, Harp, Suid., E.M. émAaxdy; ef. (on dpxat in general) [Lys.] VI.
And. 4, Is. XV. Antid. 150.
2 Phot., Suid. s
3 And. I. Myst. 75. Cavalry service under the Thirty was probably made another bar to
membership: Lys. XXVI. Evand. 10.
+ ALI. Tim. 19-20, cf. 29.
5 A. Tim, 28-30 5 cf. the questions asked at the 3oxpacta of archons (cf. Ch. IV, p. 176).
A. I, 28-30 must in its present form be a product of the post-404 democracy, but the grounds
of disqualification look older. On the quasi-official standing of frjropes in the fourth century,
see S. Perlman, Athen xli 1963, esp. 353-4-
© Din. I. Dem. 71.
7 A.P. 7. iv, There were of course periods after the death of Alexander when the poorer
citizens were deprived of all political rights, including membership of the boule. D. J. Geagan
suggests, Hesp. Supp. xii 1967, 76, that under the Roman Empire membership of the boule
was restricted to those who had performed ephebic service, and in commenting on SEG xxi
509, a 6, 18 (pp. 86-7), he conjectures that only these men were entitled to speak in the
assembly. At any rate ephebic service and membership of the boule came to form two normal
elements in the Athenian cursus honorum, but J. H. Oliver (Hesp. 200 1961, 402-3) thinks that
the requirements for of éxxdqoidlorres xard 7a vouitéuevra may have been less strict than for
membership of the boule.QUALIFICATIONS AND APPOINTMENT 3
disqualifications.) Prospective bouleutae will have been interrogated on
these points in their Sox:paoéa, conducted by their predecessors in office.!
Most Athenian offices a man could hold only once in his life, but we are
told that a man might serve twice in the boule :? up to seventeen men are
thought to have served twice in the fourth century ;3 I have not systemati-
cally checked the later lists, but I am not aware that any one served more
often before the second century a.p., when (for example) the name of
Vibullius Theophilus appears in three different lists.* Permission to serve
twice was probably a concession granted because of the difficulty of
finding 500 fresh bouleutae each year, and suggests that competition for
places in the boule cannot have been very great.5 For the fifth century we
have no evidence, but it is likely that before the Peloponnesian War
the citizen population of Athens was larger than at any time during the
fourth century,® so it should certainly have been possible to enforce the
fourth century’s rule, and for a while before 431 an absolute ban on
repetition may have been feasible.” Several prominent politicians are
known to have served as bouleutae, sometimes at least in such crucial
years that they must surely have chosen to stand at that particular time,
and must unless the processes of fate were tampered with have been lucky
1 Cf. Ch, IV, pp. 176-8. Physical infirmity apparently disqualified a man from the archon-
ship (Lys. XXIV. Pens. Inv. 13): this too may have applied to bouleutac.
2 ALP. 62.
2 They are Isted in Table B, pp. 242-3; for Demosthenes see below, p. 4 with n. 8
4 IG i 1772, 6 (162/3) ; 1773, 13 (166/7) ; SEG xxi 610, 13 (end Ca); cf. Geagan, Hesp.
Supp. xii 1967, 75 (but Raubitschek, Mpas KepazonovMov, 244, writes as if the old rule still
applied) : Geagan also cites Heliodorus Mprépavos KuBalzvaios, in Hesp. xi 15 (c. 160); 1G
i? 1773 (166/7) ; 1776 (169/70); and also 2478 (mid C2)—but the last, a fragment with 9
names and no demotic, may not belong to a list of prytanes. Autobulus Avroaddov Zuradijr-
-rios appears in IG ii? 2375 (before mid C4 3.c.) as well as in the two lists mentioned under his
name in Table B, p. 242, but this list with 4 Zuma\frriot is probably not a list of bouleutae,
It is likely that the oligarchic regimes of the late fourth and early third centuries had to relax
this rule: cf, Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens, 25-6.
5 In the democratic constitution imposed on Erythrae perhaps in 453 a man might serve
once in four years (M&L 40, 12)—but pace Kahrstedt (U.M.A., 135-6) this need have no
implications for practice in contemporary Athens.
© Gomme, Population of Athens, 26, and Ehrenberg, The Greek State?, 31, have estimated the
numbers of adult male citizens as follows (Gomme’s figures do not include men over 60) :
Gomme Ehrenberg
¢. 480 35,000 25,000-30,000
6. 432 43,000 35,000-45,000
©. 400 22,000 20,000-25,000
©. 360 — 28,000-30,000
323, 28,000 =
313 21,000 21,000
7 So Larsen, Representative Government, 10-11. But against the larger citizen population
must be set the lack until about the middle of the fifth century (pp. 5-6, 13-14 below) of pay-
ment to compensate for loss of earnings and so to encourage the poorer citizens to serve: a
total ban on repetition is thus likelier in the 430s than in the 490s.4 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
either in the lot or in the absence of competition. Cleon was bouleutes in
a year before 424;' it is an attractive possibility that the year was 427/6,?
when after the production of the Babylonians Cleon denounced Aristo-
phanes in the bouleuterium,? the year to whose beginning may probably
be ascribed the debates on the fate of Mytilene.* Hyperbolus was already
a well-known figure when he became a bouleutes,‘ for it is suggested in
the comedian Plato’s Hyperbolus that his émAaydv is bound to be appointed
to the seat in his place,* but Cleon’s death may have made an office which
would keep Hyperbolus in the public eye particularly desirable at this
time. In the fourth century Androtion served twice ;7 Demosthenes was
a member in 347/6, when the Peace of Philocrates was made with Philip*
(Philocrates himself seems not to have been a member that year) ;
Demades, who played so important a part in easing Athens’ relations
with Macedon in the years after Chaeronea, is found in a bouleutic list
for which 336/5 has been suggested as the most likely date ;° and Lycurgus,
vital to Athenian administration during the reign of Alexander, was a
member in or before 329/8.'° But, inevitably in a council whose member-
ship changed every year, many bouleutae were men who made no mark:
of the 248 members listed in SEG xix 149, no less than 13 bear names
which had not previously been found in Attica.
This prompts us to ask in more general terms how far the boule was
representative of the Athenian people. We shall see later in this chapter
that appointment was by lot, at any rate from the middle of the fifth
century, and that seats were allocated to the demes in proportion to their
size. The boule could thus have contained a fair cross-section of the
citizen body, and it was indeed described by one scholiast as puxpa 7éAts."!
Nevertheless scholars have claimed to detect in it an undue bias towards
¥ Ar. Ey. 774-6.
2 Stated as a fact by Wilamowitz, Aristoteles und Athen, i. 129 n. 11.
3 Ar, Ach. 379-81: it is not certain that Cleon did this as a bouleutes,
* Cf. the chronological tables in Henderson, Great War, 494, Gomme, Hist. Comm. Thuc.,
iii, 718.
5'In 421/o: IG i? 84, 5 with 44.
6 Plat. Com, firs. 166-7 (Kock).
7 ‘Before 378/7°: 1G ii 61, 6-7 (for possible years before and after 378/7 see D. M. Lewis,
BSA xlix 1954, 34); and in or before 356/5: D. XXII. Andr. 38 (for 356/5, B. R. I. Sealey,
REG \xviii 1955, 89-92, G. L. Cawkwell, C&M xxiii 1962, 50-53 for 359/8, D. M. Lewis,
BSA xlix 1954, 43-4, cf. E. Schweigert, Hesp. viii 1939, 12-17).
® D, XIX. FL. 154, 234, A. II. FL. 17, etc., ef. 8. Perlman, Athen. xli 1963, 343. It has
been supposed on the basis of A. III. Ctes. 160, Pl. Dem. 22. i that he served again in 337/6,
but Kabrstedt (U.M.A., 196 n. 3) has shown that the evidence is far from compelling.
° SEG xix 149, 144; cf. the original publication by S. Charitonides, Hesp. xxx 1961. I am
not convinced by the arguments of J. A. O. Larsen, CP Ivii 1962, for an earlier date.
10 IG ii? 1672, 302 (cf. Ch. II, p. 63 with n. 3, and Ch, III, p. 108 n. 4).
1 Schol. A. TIT. Ctes. 4.QUALIFICATIONS AND APPOINTMENT 5
the rich: the Finnish scholar Professor Sundwall, applying somewhat
haphazard tests to the known bouleutae of the fourth century, thought
that the very rich occupied almost twice as many places as their numbers
entitled them to, and that the very rich and the ‘propertied’ together
filled up to 425 places in a boule of 500." More recently, Professor Larsen
has written:
It isstill possible to argue . . . that the poorer members of the community did
not serve on the council. The evidence is difficult to interpret, and all will not
agree, but there seems some reason to believe that a disproportionally large
number of men of property served in the council. . . . Yet the number of those
available for service was not such that the tendency can have been excessively
great
A certain amount of bias towards the rich must have been inevitable. As
we shall see, pay for bouleutae can hardly have been introduced before
the 450s; we do not know how generous the fifth-century rate was, but in
the 320s the daily fee of 5 obols was less than the 1 or 14 drachmae paid
for attendance at the assembly, and less than even an unskilled man
could earn in a day’s work. Active membership of the boule must have
involved some financial sacrifice for most men, and it is likely enough
that many poorer citizens will have been reluctant to abandon their
normal occupation for a year. Clearly we cannot place much reliance on
arguments from the retention in theory of a law that was not observed in
practice, but the fact that in the full, self-conscious democracy thetes
remained legally debarred from holding public offices suggests that there
were not large numbers of poorer citizens who wanted to participate as
actively as this in the running of the state. For the fifth century we have
no usable evidence,$ buta number of bouleutae are known from the fourth
century, and in particular we have in SEG xix 149 a list naming 248 of
the members for one year (probably 336/5). The institution of trierarchy
enables us to apply a simple test. Periander’s symmory law of 357° made
the richest 1,200 citizens liable for trierarchic service ; Demosthenes in 354
1 J, Sundwall, Epigraphische Beitrage, ch. i.
2 J. A. O. Larsen, Representative Government, 11,
2°A.P. 62. ii, G. T. Griffith, in Ancient Society and Institutions, 123, notes that the hias towards
the rich must have been considerable before the introduction of pay for members.
4 In the accounts of the Eleusinian epistatae for 329/8 unskilled labourers are paid 14
drachmae a day, skilled 2 or 24 drachmae (JG ii? 1672, ef. Jones, 143-4 n. 86) ; in the Erech-
theum accounts of 409-7 unskilled workers received 3 obols and skilled 1 drachma (IG i
373-4, cf. Gomme, Hist. Comm. Thuc., ii. 45).
5 Most of the bouleutae of 405/4 were saficently congenial to the Thirty to be reappointed
for 404/3 (Lys. XIII. Ag. 20), but what happened in the last years of the Peloponnesian War
when the fleet was absent from Athens cannot be regarded as typical.
6 [D,] XLVIL. Ev, et Mnes. 21.6 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
contemplated extending the list to 2,000," but in fact in 340 reduced it to
300 ;? before 340 tricrarchs were roughly the richest 4 per cent of the
citizens; after 340, the richest 1 per cent. If this list of half a boule is
representative of the demos, we should expect it to contain about ten
men who were liable for trierarchic service under Periander’s law, two
or three of whom would still be liable under Demosthenes’ law. Our
knowledge of Athenian trierarchs is of course very far from complete,
but even so five of the men in this list are perhaps to be identified with
known trierarchs,? and four to six others belong to families known to have
supplied one or more trierarchs between 360 and 320.* Fortunes fluctuate,
and are not evenly distributed in all branches of a family, but it seems
likely that if we were more fully informed we should find men with
trierarchic fortunes represented in more than their due proportion. At the
other extreme, thirteen of the 248 bear names not otherwise found in
Attica :5 obscurity need not mean poverty,® but at least we are shown that
the boule contained men who were inactive enough to leave no other
trace of their existence.
‘We must turn now from the members of the boule to the mechanism.
by which they were appointed. Immediately before the revolution of 411
appointment was by lot, and this seems to have been regarded as an
essential characteristic of a democratic boule, since both Thucydides and
the Athenaion Politeia stress that the council expelled by the Four Hundred
was eiAnxuiav 7 xudyy.7 The successor to this council is said to have been
appointed in a three-stage co-optation,® though the oligarchs may per-
haps have intended that if their regime lasted the boule should in future
be chosen or allotted from zpéxprro: elected by tribesmen, with forty
members from each Cleisthenic tribe. Alcibiades on Samos was prepared
* D. XIV. Symm. 16.
2 A. IIL. Ctes, 222, Hyp. fr. 134 (Kenyon), Din. I. Dem. 42.
? On all these bouleutae, sce Charitonides’ notes in Hesp. xxx 1961. I have also consulted
J. K. Davies, Athenian Propertied Families, and bracket here and in the following footnote the
three bouleutae whom he does not include in his Register. Trierarchs under Periander’s
Jaw: Callias (SEG xix 149, 11), Philocrates (281) (discharges a trierarchic debt for someone
else, 1G ii* 1622, 247). Trierarchs under Demosthenes’ law: Anytus (3), [Pythodorus (76)],
Demades (144) (auvredfs).
+ Related to trierarchs under Periander’s law: [Pythiades (14)], [Leontius (36)]. Related
to trierarchs under Demosthenes’ law: Athemion (7), Cleon (74), Timotheus (289),
Auutoclides (307).
$ Homophron (9), Pythiades (14), Blepes (33), Blepsias (140), Midocrates (164), Damias
(230), Eubiodemus (232), Onesion (256), Dipolis (260), Epagrus (274), Ergomeles (275),
Euchirides (295), Calliphemus (315).
© Note that Pythiades (14) may come from a trierarchic family.
7 T. vin. 69. iv, AP. 32.1. ©. vn. 67. iii,
° A.P. 31. i. I imagine that A.P, 31 is a regularization of the Four Hundred’s position for
future use ; A.P, 30 is a promise made to appease those who were unhappy about the extremeQUALIFICATIONS AND APPOINTMENT 7
to accept the restriction of the franchise to 5,000, but éxéAevev adrods ...
kabiordvar riy Bovdiy donep Kal mpdrepov, rods mevraxogious.' We may
assume that a boule of 500 was appointed after the fall of the Four
Hundred, but this may have been elective.? If this is correct, sortition will
have been restored with the full democracy in 410,? and after the rule
of the Thirty‘ it continued during the fourth century ;$ election probably
returned during the later oligarchic interludes, but sortition is men-
tioned again in 256/5.° There is no direct evidence for the method of
appointment before 412, or for any change of method, but since the
archonship was elective in the time of Cleisthenes and sortition was
introduced or reintroduced in 487/67 the possibility that Cleisthenes’
bouleutae were elected ought not to be ruled out. But the introduction
of the lot can hardly be later than the 450s.8
There is evidence from the late fifth and the fourth centuries that, at
the same time as the bouleutae were appointed, émAaxévres, or deputies,
were appointed also, so that a man would be available to take the place
of a member who died or was rejected in the Soxtpaofa.? The comedian
Plato’s remark that the man who is émAaydév to Hyperbolus is bound
to gain admission to the boule suggests that each émAayev was made
understudy to a particular member. A year as émAaxdv should not have
counted against the two years’ actual membership which a man was
allowed (unless he was called on to fill a vacancy), but all émAaxévres
must presumably have been eligible for actual membership, and if each
member had his own understudy the Athenians will have needed to find
a thousand eligible men each year. Yet it is probably because of the
difficulty in finding bouleutae that men were allowed to serve twice in
their lives, and we shall see shortly that even under this rule some small
oligarchy, a promise which few of the oligarchs intended to keep (i.¢. an authentic document
published by the Four Hundred but not a genuine statement of intent). I hope to discuss the
revolutions of 411 more fully elsewhere.
1 T. vm. 86. vi.
2 Hignett, 372, cf. 378, on And. I. Myst. 96. Cf, G. E, M. de Ste Croix, Hist. v 1956, 22.
3 And. I. Myst. 96-8, with M&L 84; cf. B. D. Meritt, Athenian Financial Documents,
106-9.
+ Who appointed congenial men as bouleutae: cf. X. H. 1
and Lys. XIII. 4g. 20. -
HP. 43. pi LIX, Neaer. 3, A. IIL. Ctes. 62. 6 1G ii# 514, 5-6, 678, 11.
not the place for a discussion of the problems (see, most recently,
oheten CQ? xix 1969), but I see no reason to doubt that election played some
part in the appointment of archons before 487/6.
4 We can safely argue (with Larsen, Representative Government, 9) from this clause in the
decree for Erythrac, M&L 40, 8-9. G. T. Griffith, Ancient Society and Institutions, 123, regards,
appointment by lot as Cleisthenic.
* Harp, Suid., E.M. émaxdér, LS, 256. 3, Schol. Ar. Thesm. 808-9 = Plat, Com., frs.
166-7 (Kock), A. III. Cies. 62 with schol.; perhaps cf: [D.] LVIII. Theocr. 29.
2, 11 (quoted pp. 29-30),8 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION .
demes may occasionally have been unable'to return a member.’ We are
entitled, I think, to wonder how regularly émAayévres were appointed
and how numerous they were: perhaps they were appointed whenever
there happened to be more candidates than seats, and one man may have
been regarded as deputy to all members from his deme, or from a group
of demes.
There is one aspect of appointment to the boule on which the American
excavations in the Agora have greatly added to our store of information.
We have a large number of inscribed lists of mpurdvets (one tribe’s con-
tingent of bouleutae), and also some lists of bouleutae from more than
one tribe. In these lists the members are not merely given their demotics
but are grouped by demes,? and in the carly part of the boule’s existence
the numbers of bouleutae from the different demes show a considerable
degree of consistency. Apart from a late fifth-century dedication by the
prytanes of Erechtheis,? our evidence begins with lists set up by the
prytany which had won the annual prize offered by the demos, early in
the fourth century. These monuments gradually give way to decrees
honouring a prytany and its officials (more than one prytany may now
be honoured in the year), to which a list of members is appended : docu-
ments of this kind are found from the third to the first century. From
about the time of Sulla these in turn give way to lists of prytanes and
officials inscribed on a statue base.‘
For the tribe Erechtheis,5 in addition to the fifth-century dedication
that I have mentioned, we have four fourth-century lists of the ten-tribe
period, two of them more or less complete.§ No changes in representation
are apparent from these four lists, except that the small demes [apBw-
tdSa and LvBpiSac may have taken it in turns not to be represented.”
From the end of the fourth century various changes will have been needed
'Ohp.in
2 For the few exceptions to this rule cf. p. 12 and nn, 1-2 below. In the fourth century the
allocation of seats in the boule to demes is confirmed by A.P. 62. i 2 DAA 167,
+ On the different kinds of prytany-inscription cf. S. Dow, Hesp. Supp. i 1937, 1-29.
5 In working on this topic I compiled tables showing the deme-representation in all lists
Published to the end of 1967 and a few unpublished lists seen by Dr. D. M. Lewis which are
or may be lists of bouleutae. These tables appear in the second volume of my D.Phil. thesis,
a copy of which has been deposited in the Bodleian Library, Oxford; a forthcoming work
by Dr. J. S. Traill, which will tabulate all the evidence now available, makes their inclusion
here unnecessary. In these notes I shall therefore cite the most important texts only. Dr.
Traill has read what I have written on the subject of deme-representation, and has enabled
me to bring my observations up to date: I am very grateful for his co-operation.
© (Figures are based on texts known to me; Traill tells me that other fragments, not yet
published, do not alter the general picture.) Hesp. xxxvi 34 (381/0), Hesp. xi 43 (67/6: come
plete), SEG xix 149 (2336/5: complete), 1G ii* 1700 (335/4).
7 There are noticeable differences between these and our one fifth-century list.QUALIFICATIONS AND APPOINTMENT 9
as the boule was enlarged or reduced to admit or exclude new tribes:
Erechtheis lost three half-demes to Antigonis in 307/6 (and recovered two
in 201/0), one deme to Ptolemais in 224/3, and one to Hadrianis in
A.D. 126/7 (when the size of prytanies was reduced from 50 to about 40).
A coherent pattern can still be made out in the third century 8.c.; after
that our evidence is slight, but the system seems to be breaking down.
For Aegeis there are five relevant documents from the ten-tribe period,
and each of the two complete lists seems to have contained only 49
members. In this tribe there are some changes in representation to note:
about 350 there were two Bareeis, four or more Pyyateis, two "IwviSar,
and one Kv8av7i8ys; in our later lists representation of the first three was
reduced to one, three and one, but the number of KvSavri8ac was
increased to two. In 341/o there were six "Epy:eis, but in 336/5 we find
six names and space for a seventh. We have one substantial list and two
more fragmentary from the period of the Macedonian tribes,? differing
inevitably from the earlier lists but not to a greater extent than the loss of
some demes will justify; but fragments from the second century .D.
reveal no system at all.
Pandionis provides no less than eight documents earlier than 307/6,
four of them complete lists. In them we see KvSa@nvatets move down
from twelve representatives to eleven and then up again to twelve;
AyyedjGev from three to two, and perhaps later up to three again;
Mvppwovo.or from seven down to six, and even to five; Ku6:jpproi rise
from no representatives, or perhaps one, to two; and possibly JTpoBaAiotor
from four to five. For our next complete list we have to wait until the
middle of the second century, where we have a list not very different
from those of the fourth century ;* but a list published early in the reign of
Augustus is markedly different from the earlier ones,5 and thereafter
there is no real system, though the lists of a.v. 166/7 and 169/70 are very
similar.®
For Leontis we have five documents of the ten-tribe period, and of the
two complete lists one again has only 49 names:7 the blank space in this
1 IG ii# 1747 (c. 350), 1749 (41/0: complete list of 49), SEG xix 149 (?396/5: complete list
of 49-+1 vacat), 1G iit 1700 (335/4), SEG xxi 520 (31/0 or 330/29).
2 SEG xxiii 86 (304/3), P 10 (256/5: substantial), SEG xxi 595 (after mid C3)
3 IG ii? 1740 (carly C4: complete), SEG xxiii 87 (first qr. C4: complet} Ic i= 2370
(before mid C4), 1751 (after mid C4: complete), 1748 (348/7), SEG xix 149 (2336/5: com-
plete), 1G ii? 1700 (335/4), SEG xxiii 89 (before 307/6: so Gomme, Population of Athens, 51-2
1, 2, 58, misreported as ‘after 307/6° by D. M. Lewis, BSA! 1955, 19 with n. 20),
+ P84 (155/4). 5 P 116 (¢. 20). IG ii 1773, 1776.
7 IG ii 1742 2370/69: so B.D. Meritt, Hesp. xvi 1947, 151: complet), 1744 (before mid
C4), 1752 (after mid C4), SEG xix 149 (?336/5: complete list of 49-+1 vacat), IG ii* 1700
(335/4)-10 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
list for the ninth ®pedppios is the only anomaly. In the next century, for
which we have two complete lists and three smaller fragments, reasonable
consistency seems to have been maintained,’ and a list of about 160
suggests that the principle of deme-representation had not yet broken
down entirely.?
Acamantis has left us a number of small fragments, but not much
substantial information. One list, perhaps to be assigned to the end of the
fourth century, seems to have contained no representatives of several
small demes, and an unusually large number from some of the others.3
The lack of system in the second century a.D. is shown by two full
lists of consecutive years, 167/8 and 168/9, which are very different in
composition.*
Little apart from fragments has survived from Oeneis, and we have
only one complete list, in which the large deme Ayepveis accounts for
22 of the 50 members.’ The representation of various demes seems to
have changed about the middle of the fourth century.
Records for Cecropis are again numerous but fragmentary, and again
there is only one complete list, this time of the second century a.p.°
Nothing can fairly be noted apart from fluctuations in the number of
Zumadjrror. .
For Hippothontis we are no better served in the fourth century,
though it is clear even from the small fragments which survive that there
were changes during the century. Fragments from the period of the
Macedonian tribes show reasonable consistency, but in the second cen-
tury three complete lists and a substantial fragment show considerable
discrepancies.”
Aiantis began with only six well-attested demes, and lost one each to
Ptolemais, Attalis, and Hadrianis. Epigraphic remains are poor, but
though there was little scope for variation it is surprising to find two
apparently identical lists as late as the first century B.c.8
In Antiochis, there were six [JaMnveis and two Etreato: in 335/4,
seven ITaMAqveis and one Etreaios a year later.9 As in other tribes there
1 SEG xxiii 86 (304/3), Hesp. xxvii 1968, 1~24 (303/2), Hesp. ix 22 (mid C3: complete),
P 26 (¢, 240-230), P 36 with Hesp. ix 1940, 78 (212/11: 47-+3 vacant).
2 P77 (complete).
2 PA (after 307/6: so J. S. Trail, Hesp. xxxv 1966, 231 ; but see below, p. 11 n. 3).
4 IG iit 1774, 1775 (both complete).
5 IG ii 1745 (360/59).
sete ie al fe Hesp. ix 24 (176-169), 25 (16: + complete Lis
SEG ci 101 eee plete), Hesp. 76-169), 25 (165/4-150: complete list of 49),
® P98 (before 60), 102 (¢. 50).
9 IG i 1700 (335/4), 1750 (334/3: complete).QUALIFICATIONS AND APPOINTMENT wn
is reasonable consistency in the third century, a breakdown in the second
century, and no system at all under the Roman Empire.
Little survives from the five post-Cleisthenic tribes, but what informa-
tion we have fits the pattern that has already emerged. In the fourth and
third centuries, the figures are consistent enough to suggest that repre-
sentation in the boule was organized on the basis not simply of tribes but
of demes, and that the demes were given seats in proportion to their size—
measured most easily by the numbers of citizens on their registers.! If
there were general redistributions of seats based on up-to-date population
figures, some tribes must have survived some redistributions without
change (which is of course by no means unlikely); but some of the variations
may represent more or less private arrangements made if a small deme
was unable to fill all its seats:* in particular the non-representation of
various demes of Acamantis in P 1 may have to be explained in this way?
Recently discovered inscriptions have made it clear that a tribe might on
occasion have fewer than fifty members, though DAA 1674 and P36, with
Hesp. ix 1940, 78,5 are our only instances of a list with more than one
vacancy. The difficulty experienced by small demes is reflected also in
the practice of making some share a seat (ITapBwrdSar and ZuBpiSaz in
Erechtheis; perhaps TvppefSar and ‘IamoropdSat in Oeneis).° Such diffi-
culties will have increased in the Hellenistic period, when more bouleutae
had to be found (though the bouleuterium, which could with difficulty
hold 500 members, was never enlarged’) and Athens’ reduced political
significance must have made membership less attractive: this no doubt
is largely responsible for the breakdown of the representational system
which is apparent in the second century, and for the lifting of the restric-
tion on repeated terms of office by the second century a.p.; it may also
have been one reason for the reduction of the boule to not far above its
1 Totals of demesmen, adapted from the lists in Prosopographia Attica, were given by Gomme
with the tables in his Population of Athens, 55-66. Revised totals will be given in Traill’s forth-
coming book.
4 So Larsen, Representative Government, 8. The possibility of general redistributions, both for
the fourth century and for the third, is rejected by S. Dow, TAPA xcii 1961, 71-2.
3 P 1 used to be dated 327/6, with the famine from which Athens suffered invoked to
explain the non-representation of some small demes. In Hesp, xxcxv 1966, 231, Traill dated the
list after 307/6: he tells me that he now ascribes it to 05/4 and believes that it contained no
abnormalities. See the cautionary note of S. Charitonides, Hesp. xxx 1961, 96 n. 10.
+ (Erechtheis, 408/7.) Here it seems that the demotics were inscribed on a pattern that
would leave room for 50 members, and the names of some but not all of the prytanes were
added under their demes, Raubitschek writes (DAA, p. 190): ‘It must have been an inten-
tional act on the part of these prytaneis whose names are omitted, to cancel their participa-
tion in the common dedication’ ; but the mystery remains.
5 (Leontis, 212/11.) Under Kpwmi8at we have one member and three vacancies.
© So Schoeffer, RE, v. 9, 28, s.v. Biot.
7 Cf p. gt and n, rbelow.12 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
Cleisthenic total of 500. Yet in all but a very few late lists members
continue to be grouped by demes," and in half of the exceptions they are
still given their demotics :? while this could be merely a matter of habit or
fiction, it is possible that the demes were always involved in some way in
appointments to the boule.
For the fifth century we have no evidence except DAA 167, which for
all its difficulties does at least show that bouleutae could be grouped by
demes before the regime of the Thirty, It is natural to suppose that
Cleisthenes, who created the demes as political entities no less than the
ten tribes, was responsible for this principle of deme-representation ; and
though it is dangerous to suppose that anything which fits our idea of
Cleisthenes’ policy must be the work of Cleisthenes there is no reason in
this case to deny Cleisthenic authorship. As I have already remarked,
though sortition had become established as an important principle before
the end of the fifth century, it is possible that the demes originally elected
their representatives.
Having secured appointment, the prospective bouleutae had to
undergo a Soxipacia, conducted certainly when the Athenaion Politeia was
written and probably at all other times by their predecessors in office.?
Presumably they were required to satisfy their examiners that they were
citizens over go years old, and were not disqualified from membership
on any of the grounds which I mention on pages 2-3 above: in effect
they will have had to demonstrate fairly generally that they were satis-
factory citizens, and intangible considerations of loyalty and thinking the
right thoughts may have counted for more than the legal requirements.*
When their appointment had been confirmed the new members took an
1 In the following lists members are given their demotics but are not grouped by demes
(all dates here and in the following footnote are A.D.) :
Panpionis IGii* 1826 222/3
Ornets 1803 215-20
Hierottontis 1808 170-6
1819. 200
Provemats Hesp. xi 25 180-92
2 In the following lists members are not given their demotics:
Axniocuts IGi# 1817. 220
ATTALIS 1824 aai/2
1825 2aa/3
1827 23/4?
1828 224/5
‘Haprianis 1832 agi/2
> For Soxipacfa: conducted by the boule, cf. Ch. IV, pp. 171-8. Notice in particular the
questions asked at the archons’ Soxzacta, p. 176.
‘Notice the arguments employed in Lys, XVI. Mant, (N.B. § 9), XXX. PhilQUALIFICATIONS AND APPOINTMENT 13,
oath of loyalty to the state,! and the bouleutic year began with inaugural
sacrifices, eiovrntrpia, of which we know scarcely more than that they
were performed as usual by the Four Hundred when they entered office
late in 412/11.2
Bouleutae, like other dpxovres, wore a myrtle crown as a,badge of
office,3 and were entitled to seats of honour in the theatre.* Though they
were not required to remain in Athens during their year of office, they
were exempted from military service. By 412/11 members were paid for
their service in the boule: in that year the democratic boule, which still
had nearly a month to serve, was given its salary up to the end of the
bouleutic year, so that the Four Hundred could take over the running
of the state.? When the Athenaion Politeia was written bouleutae were paid
5 obols a day,® with an extra obol as subsistence allowance for mémbers
of the tribe in prytany® and conceivably a larger allowance for the
émotdrns of the day.?? At this time the payment for attendance at the
assembly was 1 or 14 drachmae (lower rates having been introduced in
the 3gos),! and jurors were still receiving the 3 obols paid a hundred
years earlier.” It is at any rate possible that the original rate of payment
to bouleutae was lower than that of the 320s. Bouleutic pay was pre-
sumably instituted in the time of Pericles’ supremacy :¥ his introduction
of jury pay seems to have been the first instance of Sqpoo/a tpod}," and it
1 For the content of the oath at different times see the appendix to Ch. IV, pp. 190-9.
2 T. vi, 70. i; ef, also D. XIX. F.L. 190, XXI. Mid, 114.
2 Lye. Leocr, 122 (other dpyat: Lys. XXVI. Evand. 8, D. XXI. Mid. 32-3, 54, *XXVI.
Aristog. ii. 5).
+ Ar. Av. 794 with schol, Hes, Bovdeurixév, Suid. Bovdeurixés, Poll. 1v. 122 (this last pas-
sage is oddly explained by W. A. McDonald, Political Mecting-Places of the Greeks, 147). For
tokens which could have been used in this connection see M. Crosby, Tokens, 79-80, 112-13.
5 Demosthenes in his year of office served on the first and second embassies to Philip of
Macedon (A. II. F.L, 18-20, 94, D. XIX. F.L. 12-13, 154-5, etc.) j in 411 the Four Hundred,
who began by threatening fines for non-attendance (‘future constitution’ in A.P. 30. vi, cf.
“Draco” in A.P. 4. iii), found it convenient to grant leave of absence to their less enthusiastic
members (cf. Lys. XX. Poly. 14, 16).
© Lye, Leoer, 37. 7 T. va, 69. iv.
$ Presumably this was payment for attendance, not an automatic daily grant.
10 Foucart's restoration (RPI# xii 1918) of a corrupt passage in A.P. 62. ii has won little
favour, and does not seem very likely (cf. p. 24 below).
MAP. 41. iii with Ar. Eecl. 184 sqq., etc.
12 A.P. 62. ii with Ar. Eg. 797-800, etc. The view that Cleon had raised the fee from 2 obols
rests on the emphasis given by Aristophanes to the tpusBooy, schol. Ar. Vesp. 300 and an
emended version of schol. 88.
13 G, T. Griffith, Ancient Society and Institutions, 125, dates the introduction of bouleutic pay
not long after 462.
% Ie is assumed that this is why jury pay was taken to be symbolic of the EupsoBos méks,
as in A.P. 27. iii-iv. (On the date when jury pay was introduced, see H. T. Wade-Gery,
AJP lix. 1938, 131-4 = E.G.H., 235-8, reaffirmed in E.G.H., 1973 Hignett, 342-3.)14 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
should not have been necessary to introduce a salary in war time for an
office which conferred exemption from military service on the holder.
In the Hellenistic and Roman periods rich officials were expected to
contribute to the expenses of their office, and the poorer bouleutae no
doubt counted on having rich colleagues who were prepared to bear the
cost of the corporate sacrifices,’ but against this we may set some special
endowments from which the bouleutae benefited. About A.D. 120 Claudius
Atticus and his wife established a special fund for bouleutae of their own
tribe, presumably to subsidize the activities of the prytany,? and later
they made similar endowments for other tribes ;30n their death, however,
these endowments were recovered by their son Herodes,* and from
A.D. 138 we find individual tribes appointing a rich member to be their
éneévupos, or patron.’ In some later documents Athena Polias is linked
with the human patron,’ and it is assumed that a grant was made to the
prytany from the Treasury of Athena. Another fund was endowed about
A.D. 135-40 by a Cretan, Flavius Zenophilus, to provide gifts for bouleu-
tae at some major festival, perhaps the Eleusinian Mysteries ; we possess
a decree of the Areopagus, of about 165, providing for the reinvestment
of the accrued surplus and for additions to the list of recipients, among
them Flavius’ son Xenion.’ Somewhat earlier, we have four decrees from
the middle of the second century 3.c. which reveal that the boule was
given a xaGéopov, or attendance fee, by the dywvobérns of the Thesea :®
presumably this payment was needed to secure the members’ attendance
at the festival.
Individual members who distinguished themselves in office were some-
times rewarded ;° and at the end of the year the whole boule like any
1 Cf. S. Dow, Hesp. Supp. i 1937, 14-15, on the treasurer of the prytanes. There might be
other liabilities too: the second-century A.p. regulations of the Iobacchi make membership
of the boule one of many offices for which, if he was appointed to it, a member of the guild
was required to offer a worthy onovby (IG ii# 1368, 131).
‘We learn from Cassius Dio (taux. 16. ii) that under a law of Hadrian bouleutae were for-
bidden to engage in tax-farming.
2 P 121, 12-15, with J. H. Oliver, AJP lox 1949, 302.
> Cf. IG iit 3597,
* Cf. Fronto, Ad M. Cass. iii. 3 (= i. 64, Haines).
5 J.H. Oliver, Hesp. xi 1942, 30, cf. AJP lxx 1949, A. E. Raubitschek, Mépas Kepazomovaov,
242-55, D. J. Geagan, Hesp. Supp. xii 1967, 98-100. Hesp. xxdi 1963, 73-4, inscription I,
may commemorate special help given by Hadrian,
© eg. IG ii? 1817.
7 SEG xii 95 with J. H. Oliver, Hesp. xxi 1952, 381-99.
* IG iit 956, 14, with commentary; 957, 9-10; 958, 12; 959, 11-12.
° Towards the end of 343/2 the boule honoured its best speaker and invited the demos to
join in the honours (IG ii? 223 A); in 290/89 the demos crowned the three best bouleutae of
the year (JG ii? 2797) ; and about the same time the boule was honoured by one of its members
(SEG xxi 360).QUALIFICATIONS AND APPOINTMENT 15
individual dpywy was subjected to a process of e¥@uvat,! and if it was
found to have discharged its duties satisfactorily it was entitled to a Swped,?
which seems to have taken the form of a gold crown. Professor Kahr-
stedt rejected this view and tried to distinguish between a legally pre-
scribed Swped, in the form ofa cash donation for a sacrifice or dinner, and
a merely customary crown.* However his argument that crowns were not
legally provided for runs into difficulties with 6 véyos xeAever in IG ii 415,
28; and since the word Swped certainly could be used of a crownS as well
as of various other honorific awards® it seems perverse to force a distinc-
tion between crown and Swped here.
When Androtion proposed that the boule in which he had served his
second term? should receive the usual Swped, it was customary for the
retiring boule to ask for its reward by putting the question: 6n the
assembly’s agenda late in its own year of office.8 The prosecution of
Androtion by Euctemon and Diodorus seems to have had little immediate
effect on this practice: the boule of 343/2 was certainly crowned in its
year of office for successful management of the Dionysia,° and it may also
have received the general award for satisfactory conduct before the end
of the year.?° But in the 330s there was further trouble over the award of
a crown to an official who was still dev@vvos, when Aeschines prosecuted
Ctesiphon for his proposal to crown Demosthenes. For individuals,
Aeschines claims, there used at one time to be no restriction on ématror
and. xnp¥ypara, but when it was found that such votes of thanks were
prejudicing the euthynae a law was passed SapprjSnv dmayopevovra Tobs
dievOdvous pt) orepavodv. A way round this provision was soon discoveres
the proposer of an award had only to add the clause ée:Sav Adyov Kat
BL. Quaest. Conv. 628 EF.
+ The decree of Miltiades is one of several documents purporting to be of the early fifth
century of which texts seem to have become current in Athens about the middle of the fourth
century (cf. C. Habicht, Hermes booxix 1961 ; on this decree, pp. 17, 20). 1t may be daubted
whether a text of this kind (ordering immediate action on a single occasion), antedating
Xerxes’ sack of Athens, is likely to have survived; it is certain that if such a text did survive
a later generation of Athenians would have been capable of adding such details as the tribe in
prytany, in the interests of supposed verisimilitude (cf. the decree of Themistocles, M&L 23,
whose staunchest champions must admit the overwhelming probability that Themistocles’
patronymic and demotic have been added in this way: cf. M&L, p. 50). Professor Habicht
makes the ‘anachronistic’ mention of the prytany his chief reason for condemning the text
which Plutarch knew, thus begging the question which I am asking; the fairest comment is
perhaps that of Macan (Herodotus, IV-VI, vol. ii, p. 219, cf. Hignett, Xerxes’ Invasion of
Greece, 14): ‘It may be granted more probable that such a psephism was passed than that
Miltiades was the mover, more probable that Miltiades was the mover than that the Aiantis,
was in office,”
5 1Gi* 4, 21-5.
6 E.G.H., 180-200, on M&L 31. I explain my reasons for doubt in Ch. IV, p. 204
a. 1. If this inscription can be dated c. 450 the earliest epigraphic reference to prytanes may
be M&L 37 (458/72) or HMA 21 (c. 4572). Another possible piece of evidence for pryta~
nes before 462 is the ‘Xanthippus Ostracon’ as interpreted by A. Wilhelm, Anz. Wien bocxvi
1949, but his explanation seems a little too ingenious to be credible. For other attempts to
8142919 c18 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
Closer study of the Hecatompedon Inscription provides further reasons
for doubt: the decrees are dated simply to an archon-year,' whereas later
it was normal to date by the bouleutic calendar ;? and they order the
Treasurers of Athena, whose duties were later regulated by the
bouleutic calendar, to check the contents of the Hecatompedon three
times a month.3 The special meeting of the demos in the Agora to hold an
ostracism was presided over not by the prytanes but by the nine archons
and the whole boule,‘ and Professor Kahrstedt used this fact asthe chief
peg on which to hang his argument that the prytany system was created
in 462/1.5 This point, however, is irrelevant. The ostracism-assembly was
not a normal ecclesia, though a normal ecclesia had first to be held to
decide whether there should be an ostracism-assembly.® It was, we may
imagine, especially likely to get out of hand, and it may well have been
given a larger presiding body simply for that reason.
Nevertheless the inscriptions that I have cited make the possibility that
prytanies were a product of the Ephialtic reform worth considering, and
I believe the case can be strengthened by a study of the building which
was erected for the prytanes, the Tholos. This is dated by the excavators of
the Agorac. 465,’and the Old Bouleuterium, to the north of it, they assign
(with Cleisthenes in mind) to the end of the sixth century. The Tholos
and Old Bouleuterium replaced earlier buildings on the same site: the
complex CDE on the site of the bouleuterium is thought to have been
begun (building C) about the time of Solon, enlarged (D) under Pisistra-
tus, and altered (D abandoned and E built) in the last quarter of the
sixth century; FGHI, on the site of the Tholos, were erected about 525,
and at the end of the sixth century, about the time when the Old Bouleu-
terium was built, part of F was demolished and J was erected. These
buildings, it is suggested, served more or less the same purpose as their
successors, except that as there is no building suitable for the purpose the
actual meetings of the Solonian boule must have been held in the open.'°
solve this problem see A. E, Raubitschek, O. Broneer, E. Schweigert, AJA? li 1947, lii 1948,
lili 1949. My disinclination to believe in pre-Ephialtic prytanes is not much weakened by
Plat. Gorg. 516 p-E, or by Teleclides’ comedy, purdveis (Ath. x11. 553 2).
1 1G i? 3, 16-173 4, 26-7.
2 On the bouleutic calendar see Additional Note A, pp. 224-9.
3 IG? 4, 17 sqq.
+ Phil. 328 F 30, schol. Ar. Eg. 855, Pl. Arist, 7. iv-v, cf. [And.] IV. Ale. 7.
5 S.S.A., 125 n. 1, U.M.A., 88, Klio xxiii 1940, 10-11.
6 CLAP. 43. v.
7 Agora Guide, 45; ¢. 470, Hesp. Supp. iv 1940, 126-8, 153.
® Hesp. vi 1937, 134-5, 212, cf. Hesp. Supp. iv 1940, 27, 153- On the date of the Old Bouleu-
terium, see further p. 30 n. 11 below.
® See my Plans A and B, and Hesp. Supp. iv 1940, 8-44, 153-
10 Hesp. Supp. iv 1940, 43.SUBDIVISIONS OF THE BOULE 19
However, there is no evidence for any kind of prytany system in the
Solonian boule: I should have expected the archons to preside, but in any
case the use of tribal contingents of roo seems unlikely. FGHI present
a far more complicated unit than the later Tholos, and though these were
no doubt public buildings it seems unsafe to insist that they must have
stood in the same relationship to the buildings to the north of them as did
the Tholos to the Old Bouleuterium. The smallest of changes in the
excavators’ date would be needed to make the Tholos a post-Ephialtic
building, newly erected to serve the needs of the new standing com-
mittee made necessary by the extra duties acquired by the boule after
Ephialtes’ attack on the Areopagus.' The arguments I have used here
cannot be decisive, but if I succeed in showing that there may have been
no need for prytanies before Ephialtes, then we ought not to persist in
ascribing the prytany system to Cleisthenes merely because it accords
with our idea of what he was trying to do.? -
When this subdivision of the boule was made the order of the prytanies
during the year was determined by lot? in such a way that except in the
penultimate prytany of the year it was not known in advance which
would be the next tribe in prytany:* in other words, in the course of the
year there must have been nine (more after the creation of the new tribes)
separate sortitions to determine the order of prytanies. This is the earliest
method of arranging the prytanies for which we have any evidence,$ and
its use continued under democratic regimes at any rate until the third
century.* One year in which it seems likely that a different system was
DW have been helped in this matter by correspondence with Professor H. A. Thompson and
Professor E. Vanderpool. Thompson tells me that the archaeological evidence would permit
a date anywhere within the decade 470-460, and Vanderpool reminds me that the earlier
‘buildings seem better suited than the Tholos to the needs of the prytanes—which remains
‘a problem regardless of when prytanies were instituted and when the Tholos was built.{]
Won the pre-Ephialtic boule see the appendix to Chapter IV, pp. 190 sqq., and on the
problem in general cf. Chapter V, pp. 209-10.
)4.P. 43. ii. For an allotment-machine which could have been used for this purpose, see
Professor Dow's wlnpuriipior I, Hesp. Supp. i 1937, 198-202, 210-11.
{See W. S. Ferguson, Athenian Secretaries, 19-27. The decisive phrase is rods n[plurdved{s
t dv rvyydva]or mpuravedovres werd x[}]y Olmm[iba pudfv] (IG ii? $53, 16-17).
Kahrstedt (Klio xcodii 1940, g-10) maintained that the system was introduced at the
time of the Peloponnesian War in place of a single sortition which had been used to determine
the order for the whole year: but /G i? 166 is no longer restored with the text on which he
relied (cf. SEG x 96), and all the fifth-century evidence we possess now seems compatible
with the practice of separate sortitions (cf. B. D. Meritt, AJP Ixix 1948, 69-70).
‘The latest inscriptions I know which seem to betray ignorance of the next tribe in
prytany are IG ii? 806, 1-3 (largely restored) (c. 230) and perhaps 808, 20-1 (239-229)
(there is no positive evidence that any of the regimes under which Athens passed c. 300 used
a different system). The order of prytanies in different years continued to vary as long as we
have any evidence, and it may be assumed that the lot continued to be used (D. J. Geagan,
Hesp, Supp. xii 1967, 96).20 MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION
tried is 408/7: for this year four prytanies are known, the fifth and the
seventh to the ninth, and the tribes which occupied them are Oeneis (VI),
Leontis (IV), Pandionis (III) and Aegeis (II). While this could have re-
sulted from the normal sortitions the coincidence is impressive and it may
be that in this one year the prytanies were filled in reverse tribal order."
The primary duty of the prytanes was to convene the boule and ecclesia.
They fixed the agenda for the boule, as the whole boule did for the
ecclesia, and were ultimately responsible for ensuring that the boule
placed on the ecclesia’s agenda matters which by law had to come before
the demos.? It is possible (though our evidence is limited to two entries in
the lexica) that they were required to give five days’ notice of an ordinary
meeting of the ecclesia, specifying the time and place, and perhaps also
the agenda.* They inevitably became the first recipients of envoys,
messengers, and applicants for a hearing in the boule and assembly, and
when the right of mpécoSos pds rv BovAty Kai rév Sfjpiov was conferred on
a foreigner the prytanes naturally figured among those who were to see
that he was able to enjoy this right.’ Demosthenes gives us an account of
their arrangements to summon an extraordinary assembly in 339/8, when
the news reached Athens that Philip II had occupied Elatea :
eongpa piv yap Ty, xe 8 dyyéMww ris ds rods mpurdvers ds "Eddreva xarelhy=
mat. Kal perd rai6” of pcv edOds eLavacrdvres perafd Seumvodvres Tous 7° éx TOV
oxnydv ray Kard Thy dyopdy eeipyo Kal ra yépp” dvenerdvvoay, of 82 rods
orparnyois perentumovro Kal rév cadmeriy exddow- Kal BopiBou mins Fv
4 mdhs. 198? Sorepala, dua 7H udpe, of ev mpurdvers hv Bovdty exddowv els +6
Bovreuriipiov, Spets 8 els riy exxdnolay eopeveade, xal-mpiv éxeiqy xpnnarioar
Kal mpoPovreGoar mas 6 Siyos dvw xabjro. Kal werd radra ds ANDev 4 Bout xal
dmjyyeday of mpurdves ra mpoonyyeduer” éavrois Kal rdv ‘fxovra aphyayoy
Kaxetvos elev, jpdra pov 6 Kfipvé “rls dyopasew Bovherar;”®
1 Tod 92 with W. S. Ferguson, Athenian Secretaries, 26 n. A, B. D. Meritt, TAPA xcv 1964,
203. W. K. Pritchett, BCH boxxviti 1964, 467-70, refuses to make the inference.
2 AP. 43. iii-vi, 44. iv, cf. 45. iv, D. XXI. Mid. 8-9. In citizenship grants under some
fourth-century and third-century regimes the prytanes were ordered to Sodvat wept 708 Seivos
hy diigon ev 7h apairn éxxAqolg (presumably to order and organize the meeting, as the proedri
now presided) : references given at IG ii* IV. i, p. 61, sv. mpurdvais. Cf. also M&L 46, 35-7,
40; 09, 26-31, 33-8. 3 L.S, 296. 8, Phot. mpéneuara.
4 Our best evidence for advance publication of agenda is in connection with voyobeoia
(D. XXIV. Tim. 23, cf. 18, XX. Lept. 94), but in a system where for example ixernplat were
permitted at one ecclesia in each prytany (4.P. 43. vi) there must surely have been some
notice of what matters were to come up on which occasions. The last sentence of A.P. 43. iii
might be read as evidence that the boule received advance notice of matters to be discussed,
and in the law for rebuilding the walls usually dated to 37/6 the boule is to be given the
opportunity to study in advance the evyypagaf on which it will have to vote (IG ii# 244, 6-9).
5 References in IG, p. 369. .V. mpdrans, IG ii? rv. i, p. 60. ii (paragraphs 6-7) s.vv.
apvrayela xr).
6 D, XVIIL, Cor, 169-70. dvenerdvvucay is Girard’s conjecture, cf. schol. Ar. Ack. 22; the
MSS, read éveriumpacay.