Working Conditions of Sewage Workers and its Implication on

Their Health: A Study of BMC Workers

Dr. Swati Vasant Ughade

A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the

Degree of Masters of Arts in Globalization and Labour

Centre for Labour Studies

School of Management and Labour Studies
Tata Institute of Social Sciences
Mumbai
2017
 DECLARATION

I, Dr. Swati Vasant Ughade, hereby declare that this dissertation entitled ‘Working Conditions of
Sewage Workers and its Implication on Their Health: A Study of BMC Workers’ is the outcome
of my own study undertaken under the guidance of Prof. S Parsuraman, Tata Institute of Social
Sciences, Mumbai. It has not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, or
certificate of this Institute or of any other institute or university. I have duly acknowledged all the
sources used by me in the preparation of this dissertation.

15th March 2017 Dr. Swati Vasant Ughade

 DEDICATION

I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my inspiration and Ideal, the great Babasaheb, Dr. B.R.

Ambedkar, first Labour Minister of this country. It would not have been possible to educate myself, agitate

against all the injustices and keep organising if he had not been there. I am here because of you Babasaheb!
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to take this opportunity to heart fully thank my research participants, the Sewage
workers of Mumbai Municipal Corporation, who shared very generously their experiences and
views about the occupation and lives they are passing through.
Without their cooperation and support it would not have been possible to do this research study. I
would like to express my heartfelt gratitude towards the General Secretary of Municipal Mazdoor
Union, Mr. Mahabal Shetty, and the main motivation behind this research. I thank you for
recommending me to this Globalisation and labour Studies Course. Your immense support and
encouragement are my strengths.
I would like to thank Mr. Ajoy Mehata, Commissioner, Mumbai Municipal Corporation and Dr,
Suleman Marchant, Dean, L.T.M.G.Hospital, Sion, Mumbai, for allowing me to study this course.
I am equally thankful to all the Engineers of Sewage Department for their cooperation for allowing
me to do the data collection and conduct this research at many work sites in Mumbai.
I would like to thank my teacher and guide Prof. S. Parsuraman, Director of the Tata Institute of
Social Sciences, Mumbai, whose inspiration and absolute trust in me as a student led to the
successful completion of this dissertation. I would like to thank you for your kindness and
tremendous support during all the times and for allowing me to do this studies and thus allowing
me to grow as a researcher. I appreciate your hard efforts of teaching day and night, which helped
me significantly in constructing this dissertation.
I do not want to miss this opportunity of rejoicing in merits of the pioneer of this Labour Studies
Course, late Prof Sharat Bhowmik to start up this course. Similarly, his legacy is successfully
carried by Prof Bino Paul, Dean and Chairperson of School and Centre. Thank you very much for
your full handed support and the knowledge I received during the whole tenure.

I would also like to thank my friends and colleagues for the wonderful advices and experiences of
their own, especially Madhuvani. Yella. You have been a strong pillar in the difficult journey of
constructing this dissertation. You helped me lot to reach my goal. Thank you for sharing the
sorrows and helping me get through this dissertation phase. Ravi, Tony, Bhim, Vinod, Nilesh K,
Satish for their constant support and help to complete most difficult task of the SPSS and Microsoft
Excel work. I would like extend my thanks to all other friends in the campus, Vanita, Asmita
,Payal, Rina, Minal, Swati, Afzal, Lindo supported variously.
Lastly, I would like to thank my Grandparents and parents to allow me to grow as true individual.
I appreciate my family for putting up with me for last two years through my mood swings, and
crankiness. I would like to thank you all for my craziness very patiently and offering me the liberty
to take up one more Research Study Course. I would like to appreciate Sharad for taking
responsibility and care at domestic front in my absence, thus supported valuably to finish my
studies.
And my final words of precious emotions from very depth of my heart to inseparable but invisible
very near and dear one companion for rejuvenating me. I express my immense gratitude and loving
kindness towards all who are with me in this memorable journey of life.

Dr. Swati Ughade

 TABLE OF CONTENTS
i. Acknowledgments
ii. Abbreviations
iii. Illustrations
Chapters:
1. ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………….1
2. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………3
I.Statement of Problem
II.Background
III.Research Objectives
IV. Research Questions
V. Rationale
VI. Methodology
VII. Chapter Scheme

3. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ………………………………………………………... 12

I.Concept of Sewage
II.History of Sewage System in the World:
III.Indian History
IV.Caste Oppression
V.Manusmriti and Vedas
VI.Global Sociological View of Caste System
VII.Indian Sociological Understanding
VIII.Social Struggle for Human Recognition
IX.In Search of Survival at the Cost of Life
X.Legal Provisions

4. METHODOLOGY……………………………………………………………………..26
I.Research Objectives
II.Research Questions
III.Research Setting
IV.Facts about the Sewage Department under BMC
V.Departmental Activities
VI.Sampling Method
 VII. Population Study
VIII.Source of Data
IX.Sample Design and Size
X.Mode of Data collection and Study Tool
XI.Questionnaire Design
XII.Data Analysis and Interpretation
XIII.Inclusion Criteria
XIV.Exclusion Criteria
XV.Research Ethics
XVI.Limitations or Constraints of the Research

4. FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS …………………………………………………………..33

I.Religion and Caste Background
II.Economic Status
III.Living Conditions and Migration status
IV.Total Family Earning
V.Loans/Borrowings
VI.Assets of the workers
VII.Working Conditions of the Workers
VIII.Work safety and Protective Gears
IX.Health of the Sewage Workers
X.Legal Awareness
XI. Discrimination
XII.Social Mobility
XIII.Inter-Caste Mobility
XIV.Educational Mobility
XV.Analysis Summary

5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION…………………………………………..….55

I. Introduction
II. What is the Mechanism BMC Implementing to Handle This Waste?
III. Present Work Profile of Conservancy and Sewage Workers as per Municipal Service
Rules
IV. Provision of Safety to the Sewage Worker
REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………..63
APPENDIX………………………………………………………………………………...66
 ABBREVIATIONS:

BMC -Brihan Mumbai Corporation

BWSSB- Bengaluru Water Supply and Sewage Board
CAG- Comptroller and Auditor General
CEDAW- Convention for Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women
CERD- Convention on Elimination of Racial Discrimination
C&D- Construction and Demolition
ENT- Ear, Nose, Throat
HRA- House Rent Allowance
HRW- Human Rights Watch
IDSN- International Dalit Solidarity Network
ILO- International Labour Organisation
MCGM- Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai
MLD- Million litres per day
MR- Mortality Rate
MSDP- Mumbai Sewage Disposal project
MS Excel- Microsoft Excel
NCDHR- National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights
NHRC- National Human Rights Commission
OHSC- Occupational Health and Safety Centre
RTI- Right to Information
SK(s)- Safai Karamcharis
SPSS-Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
UDHR- Universal Declaration of Human Rights
WHO- World Health Organisation
 ILLUSTRATIONS

I. Fig 4.1 Religious background of the respondents

II. Fig 4.2 Caste background of the respondents
III. Fig 4.3 Education status of the respondents
IV. Fig 4.4 Type of Ration Card
V. Fig 4.5 Location of the respondents’ homes
VI. Fig 4.6 Time taken to reach workplace
VII. Fig 4.7 Status of housing
VIII. Fig 4.8 Number of generations the respondents’ families have been involved
in sewage work
IX. Fig 4.9 Permanent Migration from Rural to Urban
X. Fig 4.10 Total Family income
XI. Fig 4.11 Loan status
XII. Fig 4.12 Purpose of loan
XIII. Fig 4.13 Source of loan
XIV. Fig 4.14 Land ownership
XV. Fig 4.15 Other Investments
XVI. Fig 4.16 Previous Working Status
XVII. Fig 4.17 Techniques used to enter manhole
XVIII. Fig 4.18 Respondents who receive any safety measures
XIX. Fig 4.19 Comfortable safety measures
XX. Fig 4.20 Working uniform
XXI. Fig 4.21 Amount of time the workers carried dirt on their body
XXII. Fig 4.22 Work Training status
XXIII. Fig 4.23 Respondents trained by whom
XXIV. Fig 4.24 Types of workshop done on safety measures
XXV. Fig 4.25 (a) Difficulties faced during work
XXVI. Fig. 4.25 (b) Types of Difficulties faced during work
XXVII. Fig 4.26 Respondents who met with an accident during work
XXVIII. Fig 4.27 Nature of accident
XXIX. Fig 4.28 Addictions of the respondents
XXX. Fig 4.29 Specific Addictions of the workers
XXXI. Fig 4.30 Quantity of the alcohol Consumed
 XXXII. Fig 4.31 Duration of addiction
XXXIII. Fig 4.32 Regular medical check-up
XXXIV. Fig. 4.33 Types of Diseases
XXXV. Fig 4.34 Treatment Places
XXXVI. Fig 4.35 Awareness about law
XXXVII. Fig 4.36 Awareness about Labour rights
XXXVIII. Fig 4.37 Shame attached to the profession
XXXIX. Fig 4.38 Perception about their work.
 ABSTRACT

The death of sewage workers has become a common occurrence in the lives of Indians. As
this does not make for saleable news, the frequent illness and accidents among the sewage
workers have been only sporadically reported. Here in India it is a caste- based occupation as
most workers are members of outcaste groups that traditionally cleaned dry latrines, so their
deaths do not matter. This can be cited as one of the reasons why development of toilet
facilities and a modern garbage and sewage management system have been neglected so far.
With a peculiar characteristic of very little vertical mobility this Caste system for very long
time worked a straightjacket system. These occupations with associated rewards of remuneration
or social prestige have been hierarchically arranged in consonance with caste system. Presently, it
has been observed that when the State steps in there is a sharp competition among different castes for
these limited public employments. The economic benefits, social status, job security and social
security associated with the state run jobs led the people from other than scheduled caste, including
other backward and few from upper caste to apply for this risky and unhygienic job.
It has clearly been documented that social inequality causes shorter and unhealthier lives to its stake
holders. In 2003, World Health Organisation, published the list of Social Detriments of Health
which includes, inequality, hierarchy, race, gender, lack of control over stress, unemployment,
education, income inequality, working conditions, job insecurity and food. Along with this
there are many other aspects of employment conditions continue to be problematic such as
insufficient safety measures, inadequate compensation and law negligence in India. It has
been observed that Occupational health and safety are covered in piecemeal fashion by
schemes for specific sectors.
Hence, implementation of the National Policy on Safety, Health, and Environment at Work
Places, 2009 and re-titling of “Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Their
Rehabilitation Act, 2013 with the inclusion of Sewage Workers and Their Family as per the
National Advisory Committee is very necessary to give complete attention and protection to
the sewage workers of India.
Similarly, an exclusive focus on techno-managerial aspects of infrastructure modernization
without paying attention to social, cultural and epidemiological dimensions of the production
and maintenance of sewage networks is bound to reproduce the conditions under which a
sewage worker’s body becomes disposable in the first place. It’s the State’s responsibility to

1
provide the good health and fair and just working conditions to sewage workers so that the
risk factor is reduced to minimal.

2
 INTRODUCTION

“Why does a human body become deceased? The reason is that as long as the human body
is not free from suffering, mind cannot be happy. If a man lacks enthusiasm, either his body
or mind is in a deceased condition. Now what saps the enthusiasm in man? If there is no
enthusiasm, life becomes drudgery, a mere burden to be dragged. Nothing can be achieved
if there is no enthusiasm.
The main reason for this lack of enthusiasm on the part of a man is that an individual loses
the hope of getting an opportunity to elevate him. Hopelessness leads to lack of enthusiasm.
The mind in such cases becomes deceased. When is enthusiasm created? When one breathes
in an atmosphere where one is sure of getting the legitimate reward for one's labour, only
then one feels enriched by enthusiasm and inspiration.” (Dr. B.R. Ambedkar)

Statement of Problem:
“Three men died in Bengaluru’s CV Raman Nagar on Tuesday, 7 March 2017 due to
asphyxiation after they went into a manhole to fix it. They were from Andhra Pradesh
working as manual scavengers for a contractor employed by the „Bengaluru Water Supply
and Sewage Board‟ (BWSSB). They were called to decongest an overflowing 15 feet pipe
but they did not have any protective gear on them while working” (“Bengaluru: 3 Manual
Scavengers Die from Suffocation After Entering a Manhole” The Logical Indian, 2017).

“On Thursday, 16th Feb 2017 three people died while cleaning a sewage tank in Malad,
poisoned by toxic gases generated by rotting sewage. Groups working with sewer workers
estimate that, since 2014, over 30 people have died in Mumbai after entering dangerous
sewers without any safety equipment.” (Hindustan Times, 2017).

“Even when India was celebrating its Independence Day August 2016, Hyderabad witnessed
the death of three manual scavengers after they entered a sewer to clean it” (Mid-day, 2016).

“On May 28, 2016, two sanitary workers had died of suffocation after falling into a sewage
chamber near a meat market in Shivpuri, Madhya Pradesh. While cleaning the 30-ft deep

3
chamber, Halka (25) slipped from a step on which he was standing and fell down. Kalla,
another sanitary worker, too fell while trying to help him” (The Hindu May, 2016).

Navsarjan, a group campaigning for safer working conditions and compensation for such
workers, estimates that there were six such deaths in Karnataka last year. Ahmedabad
reported an average of 20 deaths every year, since 2014, over 30 people have died in Mumbai
after entering dangerous sewers without any safety equipment. There are many more cases
that go unreported” (Nair, 2017).

The death of sewage workers has become a common occurrence in the lives of Indians. The
frequent illness and accidents among the sewage workers have been only sporadically
reported, as it does not make for saleable news. Here in India it is a caste- based occupation
as most workers are members of outcaste groups that traditionally cleaned dry latrines, so
their deaths do not matter. In 2003 the World Health Organization (WHO) published their
“Social Detriments of Health‟. A partial list includes social inequality, hierarchy, race,
gender, lack of control over stress, unemployment, education, income inequality, working
conditions, job insecurity and food (Gorden, 2016). This knowledge is well documented by
Harvard Public Health Professors in the book, “The Health of Nations: why inequality is
harmful to Your Health”. This book mentions that the more egalitarian a society is, the better
the health of the people, and the longer they live. An unequal society has clearly been
documented to cause shorter and unhealthier lives. The proof of shorter lives down the social
ladder has been documented in many related research articles.
It is a known fact from many research works that these sewage workers are prone to many
diseases, and that they suffer from symptoms of illness during or after work such as body
ache, headache, irritation, watering and burning of eyes, injuries, a metallic taste in the mouth
and general symptoms of tiredness and fatigue. The health hazard include exposure to
harmful gases, cardiovascular degeneration, musculoskeletal disorders like osteoarthritic
changes and intervertebral disc herniation, infections like tuberculosis, hepatitis, alcohol-
related liver diseases, leptospirosis and helicobacter, skin diseases, respiratory infections and
altered pulmonary parameters (Tiwari, 2008).
In the most recent decade few reviews that have been attempted on the wellbeing and security
issues of these workers, set up the noteworthy work related morbidity and mortality among

4
sewage workers. The worry tended to here is in connection with how some of these reviews
have set off an empowering policy reform around the states of work and wellbeing and
security standards, yet regardless of these, the working states of the sewage workers have
remained for all intents and purposes unaltered for over a century. All the while, numerous
workers protested against the shame encompassing their employments, wherein they are dealt
with as untouchables. Considering the relentless and unsafe nature of the employments, there
is no pay for injuries happening inside the work destinations (Tiwari, 2008).
The concern here, is to address the sewage management of such inhuman working conditions
causing many deaths every year in Mumbai, the financial capital of India. According to data
obtained in Mumbai under the RTI act, 2039 Safai Karamcharis (SKs) died between 1996
and 2006 in 144 of the city’s 24 civic wards. The figure stands at 3,945 deaths over 10 years
in the city with a population of 13 million. At 350 deaths per year from among 22,000
permanent sanitation workers in the BMC, the mortality rate (MR) is 16 for 1000, Safai and
Gutter Departments. (Thekaekara, 2014).
The city has 38,000 conservancy laborers which is the harmless term for those utilized in
waste transfer. Of these, the BMC draws in 4,357 workers, to clean the 68,282 manholes and
open sewage lines. These men climb exposed, into drains and manholes at times two storey
deep to clean sewage and excreta.
The dangerous fumes they inhale guarantee the majority of them live just till they are around
45 years. A large portion of the laborers drink vigorously since there is no real way to live in
these conditions (Mohan, 2015).
It is a well-known fact that the caste system in India gave rise to the traditional occupations
for each caste. With a peculiar characteristic of very little vertical mobility, this system for
very long time worked as straitjacket system. These occupations with associated rewards of
remuneration or social prestige have been hierarchically arranged in consonance with caste
system. It has been observed that when the State steps in there is a sharp competition among
different castes for these limited public employments. The economic benefits, social status,
job security and social security associated with the state run jobs led the people from other
than scheduled caste, including upper caste to apply for this risky and unhygienic job. There
is a shocking figure on establishment for those who are familiar with the Indian caste system,
its yearlong operation and social stigma attached to certain jobs like sanitation and sewage.

5
Historically, manual scavenging and waste disposal has been carried out by a subcategory,
Mahars or untouchables now converted to Buddhists of Scheduled caste.
It appears from this research that the traditional notion of pollution and purity attached to the
manual scavenging breaks down and the decade old link between caste and occupation stands
challenged. It is seen that the various monitory and other benefits associated with this job
attracted the dominant caste groups to take it up. And the present fact is that despite the risks,
better educational background and legal provisions and protections the workers say they do
not believe their situation will change.

Background:
In spite of the fact that there have been broad researches done world over and nationally
regarding the matter of work related risk and sewage workers, as we push forward with time,
the need to address the issues from the globalization and neo-liberal economic point of view
gets to be distinctly basic and imperative for discourse.
The foundation of every nation, as for its political measurements, financial and social
conditions, populace, and so forth., has a noteworthy part in setting nations in various
positions as for opportunities. This jumble among the nations causes domination in the realm
of globalization and makes imbalances among the partners in view of increment in rivalry in
the labor market.
According to a 2002 report prepared by the International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN) -
- which includes Human Rights Watch (HRW) in United States, Navsarjan Trust
(Ahmedabad, Gujarat), and the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), the
government estimates that there are 1 million Dalit manual scavengers in India. They have
historically been responsible for plunging bare-bodied into clogged sewers filled with
fermented faeces, urine, fresh blood and animal body parts from the slaughter house drainage,
sometime human bodies as well as well as other chronic waste flushed down by millions to
clean this with their hands, without the use of safety equipment. The demand for sewer and
waste management services has always been high, because of the rising population in cities
like Mumbai as well as the vast urbanization of the country clubbed with expanding
geographical limits of the existing cities.
The Brihan Mumbai Corporation (BMC) (1994) undertook a Health Survey of Main Sewer
Staff, where 678 workers were examined. It revealed that only 5% of workers had eye

6
complaints, 0.9% had respiratory complaints, while 1.2% suffered from anaemia, 2% of
workers had cardiovascular diseases, while 0.4% had ENT complaints. A survey was done
by the Occupational Health and Safety Centre (OHSC, 1988) in Mumbai to study the
occupational health hazards and working conditions of 200 workers from the Main Sewer
Department of the BMC. It revealed that 60% of the workers had complaints of shortness of
breath and persistent cough. 30% of the workers complained of itching all over the body,
especially hands and feet. 53% of the workers had burning, redness of eyes and photophobia.
44% of the workers complained of diminished vision (OHSC, 1994). This study was
conducted to assess the morbidity profile and their prevalence among sewage workers in
Mumbai city.
Despite the legal provisions, even after 69 years of Independence, the country has failed to
ban practicing the most inhuman and undignified human activity, manual scavenging. All the
while, we have completely neglected another equally degrading work, sewage cleaning, for
which workers are employed on regular basis by the State governments and local civic
bodies. A sewage worker largely hails from the socially oppressed section of society who
are ex-untouchables, perform a job which is seen as “dirty and highly polluted” by the “larger
society‟ and is invariably poor.
There have been numerous experts, for example, the Supreme Court, High courts, Human
Rights Commissions, and Councils delegated now and again, which have been requesting
rules to be issued for the upliftment of these poor and powerless laborers. The Supreme Court
in its judgment dated 12 July 2011 has perceived the predicament of sewage laborers, who
put their lives in danger by going inside drains with no security gear and are precluded their
principal rights from claiming equality, life and freedom. The Court had additionally
reprimanded the government for being inhumane to the wellbeing and prosperity of these
laborers. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has likewise given exhaustive
rules to manage the work of sewage laborers. The Constitution of India has ensured assurance
to workers from misuse and hardship under the basic rights, which incorporates the rights to
life, wellbeing, safe working conditions and the right to employment. Making sewage
specialists enter manholes and septic tanks, perilous or non-risky, with or without protective
gear is an infringement of the major rights under Article 14 (equality before law), Article 17
(abolition of untouchability), Article 21 (right to life) and Article 23 (right against
exploitation) of the Constitution. In this context, while reviewing this new Act in his article

7
“ Negligence of law”,Sathyaseelan mentions that after much deliberations and interventions
by the apex court, activists and human rights groups, the Union government has finally
passed a new law, The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their
Rehabilitation Act 2013, in both houses of Parliament during the monsoon session
(Sathyaseelan, 2013).
Research objectives:
A portion of the issues usually confronted by the sewage workers fell in the general
classifications of health-related concerns, caste based occupation and prejudice, inbuilt
stigma and prejudice in the employment, absence of appropriate work related security
measures which are further intensified by the laborers' poor learning of existing laws and
indifference towards government organizations concerned. Against this backdrop, this study
covers three particular measurements of the social and economic status of the sewerage
workers, working condition and health, and work related security measures and social
security.
The concern here to address, the Deaths of sewage workers is accounted for every year while
entering the limited space at high temperatures, with elusive walls and floor, and in poisonous
gases, sharps, chemicals, and insects. Other than the absence of accessibility of other secured
employments, they are likewise presented to certain medical issues by the goodness of their
occupation and “The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their
Rehabilitation Act 2013” does not give the same rights to those who manually clean drains
and septic tanks in urban areas. This is also manual labour and involves the use of hands in
cleaning excreta. This is very rightly pointed out by Sathyaseelam that Sewage workers have
to enter manholes to physically clean blockages but government bodies have brazenly
ignored court orders on mechanization and bans on manual cleaning of sewage pipes
(Sathyaseelam, 2013).
Furthermore, the laborers additionally confront consistent verbal mishandle from street users
and neighbourhood upper classes for blocking auto movement and spreading filth, working
under persistent dread from the encompassing traffic, and encountering social embarrassment
and separation in light of their lower social and caste status. The essential concentration of
the research is towards surveying the current financial condition, working condition and
health and security issues of sewerage workers in Mumbai with the expectation being to
additionally heighten the protection of these laborers. The data was sought to assess the

8
adjustments in the safety practices and methods, training of workers, arrangement of
individual defensive gear, health surveillance program for the workers, acute and chronic
illnesses among the workers. Therefore, following are the objectives of the study:
• To understand the socio-economic background of sewerage workers
• To study the working conditions of the sewerage workers and its implications on their health
• To understand the provisions of safety measures and welfare services for these workers

Research questions:
• What is their socio-economic and educational background?
• What makes them do the same work for generations in spite of knowing the life risk? Do
they have or had options of not doing Manual Scavenging?
• What are the conditions in which they work to make their living? And what kinds of health
problems do they face as effect of engaging with this work? How many of them have health
problems and of what kinds?
• If the safety measures offered to them by the BMC, what are they? How often are they
provided?
• Are they aware of the protection under the law and the provisions of the Act?
• What is their view on the mechanization of the work?
• Have they heard about decent work and international work standard? Do they have any
understanding of better working conditions and human rights that are provided by the Indian
government to them?
• Have they heard or read about Dr. Ambedkar’s thoughts and views about banning manual
scavenging? What is their understanding of the caste system?

Rationale:
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1968: 37) has said, ‘Caste system is not merely division of labour. It is
also a division of labourers. As an economic organization, caste is therefore a harmful
institution in as much as it involves the subordination of man’s natural powers and inclination
to the exigencies of the social rules. The Hindu notions of purity and pollution, inextricably
linked with the caste system and the practice of the untouchability, underlie the unsanitary
practices in the Indian society. These beliefs perpetuate the oppression of the ‘polluted castes’
who are forced to undertake manual scavenging unclog manholes and clean other people’s

9
filth. The caste system and the untouchability is still practiced by the occupation like sewage
work which is done by the oppressed, mostly ex-untouchables converted into Buddhism.
People keep working as manual scavengers and sewage workers as their caste is expected to
fulfil this role, and are unable to get any other work.
Caste is ascribed by birth and associated with occupation till death. As per the Hindu caste
and Varna system, each caste has assigned an occupation and status attached to it. Caste
brings privileges and obligations to a particular caste. For example, only the Brahmins were
supposed to educate themselves and others shudras, the lowest caste was forced to do these
dehumanizing jobs. This can be cited as one of the reasons why development of toiled
facilities and a modern garbage and sewage management system have been neglected so far.
Even in today’s globalized world, caste system is operational, certain caste are exploited by
enforcing them to do certain type of work. For centuries, the manual scavengers were tended
to do the menial job like scavenging are now working as conservancy and sewage workers.
Mumbai the financial capital of India does represents this stark inequality of India’s caste
system as compare to any other city. Historical deprivation and oppression has less access to
education and made them lowest working staff in Mumbai Municipal corporation.
The researcher aims to understand the deliberate neglect by BMC in spite of having
compulsory safety provisions in job manual. Is it that since job is done largely by the ex-
untouchables, the caste system or the caste based mind of the policy makers prohibits the
mechanization of this inhuman job? Why the health of the workers is neglected to such a
large extent for more than hundred years that making them more vulnerable? The researcher
aims to understand even after the funding of World Bank to improve the sewage system could
not provide the safety measures and healthy working condition? Why this inhuman practice
is not yet fully mechanized still despite of supreme court orders as per the ‘prohibition of
Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act 2013’. Why the act does not
give the same right to the sewage workers who manually clean the drains and septic tanks in
urban India?

Methodology:
The study is both exploratory and descriptive in nature and uses qualitative method for
analysis. The data helps as the initial building blocks for the analysis for a researcher. The
methodology is required to understand the key factors of research objectives in order to

10
further explore. Sample design is both qualitative and quantitative. For this study, both open
and closed ended questionnaire is the tool which is semi structured in nature. Hence it is a
mixed methodology of data collection. Apart from questionnaire, recordings and narratives
forms the important part of data. The qualitative aspects covered the incidences of caste/
work based discrimination faced by these respondents and their families, history of their
caste, their views on government policies to ban the act of manual scavenging and so on.
Sample size: Random selection of 4 wards under BMC jurisdiction, Total 200 samples. 50
live samples from each ward.

Chapter Scheme:
The first chapter of introduction explains the problem statement of the research along with a
background of the study and the questionnaire that the researcher attempts to explore. It also
explains the rationale, data sources and methodology. Second chapter elaborated on the
review of literature followed by chapter three which explains in detail the about the data
collection and methodology used in the research process. The fourth chapter does the data
analysis and key findings. The fifth chapter represents the conclusion and recommendations.

11
 LITERATURE REVIEW

Concept of Sewage:
What is sewage? The term may be used to mean raw sewage, sewage sludge, or septic tank
waste. Raw sewage is mainly water containing excrement, industrial effluent and debris, such
as sanitary towels, condoms, plastic etc. Excrement is the major source of harmful micro-
organisms, including bacteria, viruses and parasites. Sewage treatment reduces the water
content and removes debris, but does not kill or remove all the micro- organisms. Over the
years, there have been regular reports in the media of work-related symptoms among
employees at sewage treatment plants. Concern has spread among employees over the lack of
knowledge of risk agents', symptoms, and diseases in that environment.

History of Sewage System in the World:

Sewers were first established by Henry VIII in 1532 in England, but were grossly insufficient.
It was Sir Edwin Chadwick’s report in 1842 on the sanitary conditions of the Labouring
population of Great Britain which led to the world movement for provision of sewerage
system (Hunter Donald, 1978).

Indian History:
Sewage workers are those who enter in the 30-40 feet deep manholes to clean the filth/ drains.
Over one million sewerage workers in India are involved in the sanitation and hygiene of our
surroundings. A sewage worker largely hails from the socially oppressed section of society
who are ex-untouchables, perform a job which is seen as “dirty and highly polluted” by larger
society and is invariably poor, having to deal with filthy conditions and dangerous gases.
A 'Manual scavenger' as a person engaged in or employed for manually carrying human
excreta and the expression 'manual scavenging' is construed accordingly (Law Publishers,
2004). They have historically been in charge of diving exposed into clogged sewers loaded
with aged excreta, blood and animal body parts from the butcher house seepage, at some point
human bodies also and other, constant waste flushed by millions to clean this with their hands,
without the utilization of safety gear. The demand for sewer and waste management services
has always been high because of the rising population in cities like Mumbai as well as the vast
urbanization of the country clubbed with expanding geographical limits of the existing cities.

12
The absence of professional or technical training before entering into this job also leaves
workers prone to accidents and death (Sunil kumar, 2005).

Caste Oppression:
Sewage works as inhuman occupation done for human by other human beings. It is one of the
most prominent forms of discrimination against Dalits, the oppressed and it is central to the
violation of their human rights. The practice of manually cleaning excrement from private and
public dry toilets and sewage, works as an inhuman occupation done for humans by other
human beings. It is one of the most prominent forms of discrimination against Dalits, the
oppressed and it is central to the violation of their human rights. The practice of manually
cleaning excrement from the private and public dry toilets and open drains persists in several
parts of south Asia. Across much of India, consistent with centuries-old feudal and caste-
based customs, women from communities that traditionally worked as ‘manual scavengers’
still clean human waste on a daily basis, load it onto cane baskets or metal troughs, and carry
away collect on their heads for disposal at the outskirts of the settlement (Vicziany, 2005)

Manusmriti and Vedas:

In spite of the fact that it has been characterized and re-characterized in numerous settings by
numerous famous and non-famous authors, the extremely forthright definition is as per the
following: “Manual scavenging is the process of removal of excreta (night soil) by hand,
manually from ‘dry toilets’, i.e., the toilets without modern flush system.”, “The manual
removal of human and animal excreta using brooms, tin plates, baskets carried on the head.
The allotment of labour on the basis of caste is one of the basic canons of the Hindu caste
system mentioned in Manusmriti, “Inside this framework Dalits have been relegated errands
and occupations which are considered customarily contaminating by other position groups -
for example, clearing, transfer of dead creatures and leatherwork. By reason of birth, Dalits
are thought to be dirtied, and the expulsion of human and creature squander by individuals is
allotted to them and strictly enforced.” (United Nations Commission on Human Rights, 2002).

People keep working as manual scavengers as their caste is expected to fulfil this role, and are
unable to get any other work. This practice is considered as one of the worst surviving symbols
of untouchability because it reinforces the social stigma that these castes are untouchable and

13
perpetuates discrimination and social exclusion (Stalin K). Derived from the Latin word
castas, meaning chaste o unmixed, caste references the mainly segregated social groups of a
hierarchical ordering of Indian society according to four varnas or broad caste categories,
including Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Outside these four varnas are the
casteless (outcast or avarnas), untouchables (achut) or Dalit, a term preferred by politically
active anti caste groups. The theological basis of caste is derived from the Purushasukta verse
from the Rig Veda (ancient Hindu scriptures) and the Code of Manu, an ethical and legal
commandment pertaining to custom, caste and caste institutional practical prescriptions
inspired by the Vedas (Kapoor, 2010).

Global Sociological view of caste system:

According to eminent German Sociologist Max Weber, untouchables have never rebelled
against the system that oppresses them for the good reason that they have internalized its
values. The winner for Nobel Prize for Economics, Gunnar Myrdal, does not hesitate to
describe religious beliefs as irrational or a hindrance to economic development. Memos (2009)
urges us to be angry about the situations we are subjected to. He makes an engaging plea for
dignified rage and insubordination while describing the experience of the oppressed people of
Greece.
Rober Deliege has said in his book "The Untouchables of India" that untouchability as has
been practiced in India since time immemorial. We can't claim that nothing has changed and
that Untouchability exists as an indistinguishable path from, for example, in precolonial days
(Deliege, 1999). On the contrary, it has become typical to perceive that Indian culture is
alterable and evolving rapidly. The picture of untouchables has changed over time and region.
However, this does not suggest that the fundamental issue of untouchability is not general
inside the Indian social order. Yet, the way we see untouchability, looks like to what Max
Weber called as ideal type, helping us to comprehend the social reality by accentuating some
of its extremely noteworthy attributes. For example, the presence of different discriminations
that were forced on untouchables for a considerable length of time plainly speaks to an ideal
type portrait.
Thus Omvedt (1992:131) writes, “class and caste are no longer absolutely correlated:
economic differentiation has affected almost every caste.” This internal differentiation of
castes has meant that virtually all castes, regardless of their rank in the ritual hierarchy, have

14
members in different class positions (agricultural labor, small and middle peasantry, capitalist
farmers). It has also meant that whereas capitalist farmers are the least differentiated in terms
of caste (being mostly from the upper castes), it is the rural proletarians who are the most
differentiated in terms of it (Omvedt, 131). In other words, upper castes are diverse in class
terms and lower classes are diverse in caste terms.
But not only in social diaspora, but it has also made itself into a major political issue. Simon
Charsley (1996, pp. 1-24.) has rightly argued that Untouchables do not constitute a
homogenous category, and Robert Deliege has could only agree with such a statement, and
would even go further to say that this heterogeneity is an essential characteristic of
untouchability. The belief system of purity accounts for untouchable's occupations and
particularly their custom specializations; however, it doesn't clarify why they are stripped of
each characteristic and image regularly related to people. They have no right to political
expression or to any power and they need to take over modest assignments, in this manner
they have slightest ideal of human respect. Ritual pollution does not define it all, as and when
their work requires it, untouchables are allowed to use the village roads that are normally
denied to their access.
Oommen defined untouchability as a system of “cumulative domination‟ and their deprivation
is three folds: they have a low ritual status; lives in wretched economic conditions and
they acquire no political power (Oommen, 1984). Though, theoretically the low caste people
can become a doctor, engineer, lawyer, and particularly clean as a person; yet he pollutes as
much as a manual scavenger. Abbe Dubois vividly expressed the ironic position that
untouchables occupy in Indian society. Mentioning of the ‘Paria Caste’. he said: ‘It is painful
to think that its members, though so degraded, are yet the most useful of all.’ Oommen defined
untouchability as a system of “cumulative domination” and their deprivation is three folds:
they have a low ritual status; lives in wretched economic conditions and they acquire
no political power (Oommen, 1984). Though, hypothetically the low caste people can become
doctors, engineers, lawyers, and particularly clean as a person; yet they pollute as much as a
manual scavenger.

E. Harper narrates an anecdote: One day when he was walking with a Havik Brahmin, when
they saw a Holeru untouchable. The Brahmin explained that Holerus are an impure, debased
caste, because they eat Beef. Harper objected that he thought Holerus were not Beef eaters.
Sure of himself, the Brahmin asked the untouchable who replied. that, they had stopped eating

15
Beef over 30 years ago. Triumphantly the Brahmin turned to Harper and said “there, I told
you they ate Beef”. (E. Harper).

Indian Sociological understanding:

The verbal confrontation that manual scavenging is a caste based occupation was extremely
well put by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar who denounced this procedure as well as called it uncaring
and disturbing occupation appointed to the lower caste by the upper caste. This view was
contradicted by Mr. Gandhi who expressed that it is a "Seva Dharma" and that the work of
manual scrounger resembles a mother who cleans the excreta of her child, there is nothing
unclean in it. Mr. Gandhi was the main dignitary to straightforwardly dehumanize the manual
scavengers by saying that the scavenging community might not take even a day off from their
work. The work of scavenging was sanctioned in the British India by India's focal government
since independence in 1947 has embraced authoritative strategy by different laws and was
carried on legally.

In contentions with the upper caste Hindus, the untouchables were practically powerless and
Ambedkar investigated the reasons: the two gatherings were unequally coordinated to the
extent that the numbers are concerned and there is no one to retaliate for a harm done to the
untouchables. A large majority of the depressed class in the villages are either village servants
or labourers and their totally dependent on the caste Hindus for their livelihood. The
untouchables had no way of earning a living without being dependent on the higher caste
(Chaudary, 2013). Caste is that ascribed by birth and associated with occupation till death. As
per the Hindu caste and Varna system each caste has assigned an occupation and status
attached to it. Caste brings privileges and obligations to a particular caste like only Brahmins
were supposed to educate themselves and others except Shudras, lowest caste and
untouchables who are outcaste were forced to do these de-humanizing jobs for survival.

Untouchables occupation comes under two branches: ritual function and economic activities.
Economic tasks such as carcass removal, collecting night-soil and sweeping the streets can be
directly linked to the ritual impurity of Untouchables. Today poverty is a basic feature of
an Untouchable’s life and they themselves usually conceptualize Untouchability in terms
of material destitution. It should be clear then that, Untouchability cannot be reduced to a
mere economic issue. Material deprivation is kind of inherent the status of an Untouchable.

16
They were dependent on the higher caste on economic grounds. They were not even free
labourers, and lived in a state of semi-slavery. Srinivas said, an untouchable’s income is not
enough to meet even his basic needs. Indian’s think of the various castes as various species,
each of which is given a particular job (Chaudhary 2013) .
All of this shows that the problem of untouchability is not merely a historical matter, but has
become one of the main social and political issues in the present context. According to
Beteille, traditionally the untouchables were not only those social strata considered to be
ritually impure, but also those deprived of political power, and excluded from owning the
means of production. He indeed pointed out the problem of untouchability as a problem of
economic and social deprivation. (Beteille, 2006)
In the conflict with the caste Hindus, the untouchables were almost helpless and Ambedkar
looked into the reasons: the two groups were unequally matched as far as the numbers are
concerned and there is nobody to avenge an injury done to the untouchables. A large majority
of the depressed class in the villages are either village servants or labourers and their totally
dependent on the caste Hindus for their livelihood. The untouchables had no way of earning
a living without being dependent on the higher caste. (Chaudhury, 2013).
But, even what is currently going on in India, cannot be understood without reference to its
past, even where radical changes have since intervened. For example, one can recall how the
untouchables were not permitted to enter the Hindu temples. It is clearly seen in the history,
and is the most general ground of discrimination that affected the untouchables all over India.
In a famous proclamation in 1936, the maharaja of Travancore lifted this ban and threw the
temples of his principality open to all classes. Other temples soon followed, and the Indian
constitution, by making amendments made the practice of untouchability illegal. And this had
put an end to the formal interdiction on entering temples.” (Deliege, 1999). Yet it does not
follow that the untouchables have become Hindus like any others. They continue to face
refusal from other local temples, where their caste identities cannot be concealed. They often
do not like to go to temples, feeling shy or simply uninterested. The other aspect it throws
light to is that, many militant activists claim today that the “Dalits‟, as they call them, are not
Hindus at all and never have been. By no means can untouchability be called a vestige of the
past (Chaudhary 2013).

17
Social Struggle for human recognition:
The untouchables have constantly confronted Prohibition on the utilization of open spaces
and housing separation. Language and states of mind in a few locales untouchable would
put their hands before their mouths while addressing somebody from a higher standing. This
aware mentality is so profoundly imbued that Untouchables experience issues defeating it.
What's more, it frequently turns into a bothering obsequiousness. Notwithstanding when
welcomed to do as such, the Untouchable thinks that it is hard to sit on an indistinguishable
level from a higher visitor. When they request something, they regularly go about as if they
are begging and feel mortified. This humility is likewise reflected in their manner of speech.
In Kerala, the high caste individuals call an Untouchable 'Karuppan', and his better half,
Karuppi, which means Black man and Black lady. In Orissa, people hail them with terms
meaning ‘savage’, or ‘mad man’. In Maharashtra, it was not unusual for astrologers to give
Untouchable babies derogatory names like ‘idiot’ or ‘trash’. While referring, themselves
they use terms as, ‘your slave’, instead of ‘I’ (Chaudhary,2013).
One of the memorable struggle of untouchables was the Vaikkom satyagraha in Travancore
state in 1924. The public road in proximity of the Vaikkom temple maintained by the state was
kept out of the reach of the untouchables. In the same temple, the distance which the touchable
Shudras and the untouchables were to maintain from deity was prescribed and several
portions of the road adjoining the temple fell within that distance, thus banning the entry of
untouchables into those roads. (Chaudhury, 2013). Mahad march- this came to be another
struggle to vindicate the rights of the low caste to take water from public places was the
Chaudar tank agitation. And Mahad satyagraha, this tank was the main source of water for
the inhabitants, but the untouchables were not permitted to use it. (Chaudhury, 2013).
Every society and culture has its schisms and attendant oppressions which compel critical
examination and the need to act to privileged the categories of those being oppressed (Nandy,
1987). The changes and gains made at the time of post-independence period whether they be
Constitutional, cultural, educational or political- economic are first and foremost an evidence
of the perseverance of a multi-pronged “Dalit politics”. Given the Vedic roots of the caste
system going back to 1500BC, these changes over a relatively mere sixty-three-year period of
independence from a British colonial experience that valorised caste and deployed it in the
interest of colonial rule given the symbiotic political-economic and cultural links between
cultural (Hindu/caste) nationalism, imperialism and colonialism (Deshpande, 2003; Guru,

18
2007; Sarkar, 2005), (Kapoor, 2010). On the job front, Deshpande (2003: 120) and Panini
(1996) both note that “caste clustering” and the dominance of upper caste control continues
to be true in engineering, medicine, banking journalism and academics. Despite public sector
job reservations and affirmative action quotas, in 2001 60.45 percent of central government
jobs held by Dalits was in the category of “sweepers” (NCDHR, 2006: 33).

In search of survival at the cost of life:

The caste oppression has enforced these untouchables to the work of manual scavenging and
working conditions of these sanitary workers have remained virtually unchanged for over a
century. This can be cited as one of the reasons why development of toilet facilities and a
modern garbage and sewage management have been neglected so far.
Aside from the social abominations and avoidance that these workers confront, they are
presented to certain medical issues by uprightness of their occupation. These physical dangers
incorporate introduction to unsafe gases, for example, methane and hydrogen sulphide,
cardiovascular degeneration, musculoskeletal disarranges like osteoarthritic changes and
intervertebral plate herniation, contaminations like hepatitis, leptospirosis and helicobacter,
skin issues, respiratory framework issues and altered pulmonary function parameters. This
can be averted through engineering, medical and government's measures. While the
engineering measures will help in ensuring against exposures, the medical measures will help
in early detection of the impacts of these exposures. This can be partially accomplished by
building up a successful work related health service for this gathering of workers. Likewise,
consistent awareness projects ought to be directed to give instruction in regards to more secure
work methods and utilization of individual protective means. (Tiwari, 2008).
Indian municipal waste water disposal system generated a "neo scavengers" of municipal
waste water workers/ sewer workers in organized occupations. To get rid of manual
scavenging, an interesting solution is enactment, practice and enforcement of Occupational
Safety and Health Act (OSHA) in India. It is essential and inevitable one to enact, enforce and
practice OSHA act (Sundaram, 2012).and Occupational Safety Health Authority (India Water
Portal Saturday, November 22, 2014).

Many health researchers have proved the ill effects of the sewage work on their health. The
results of nationwide questionnaire survey in Sweden showed an increased risk for airway,
gastrointestinal, and general symptoms such as joint pains and central nervous system

19
symptoms among sewage workers. (J Thorn, L Beijer, R Rylander 2002). Eye problems were
most predominant, seen in 70.6% workers followed by musculoskeletal problems (68.0%),
while 58.0% workers presented with gastrointestinal and 52.6% with respiratory ailment, with
obstructive pattern observed in 38 (48.1%) subjects being the major finding. Fifty two percent
workers had skin problems and injuries were observed in 39 (26.0%) workers including minor
injuries such as cuts, abrasions and lacerations. In this study, it was observed that large
proportion of workers suffered from work related symptomatic morbidities mainly of eye,
respiratory, musculoskeletal system, gastrointestinal and skin (Purushottam A., 2010). Some
studies revealed the carcinogenic risk of these sewage. Work in sewage water plants can
involve exposure to different types of microorganisms and chemicals. The bacterial exposure
is dominated by bacteria that naturally occur in nature. However, different bacteria and viruses
that give rise to infections can be present in this environment and thus there exists a risk of
infection, especially of hepatitis (Thorn J, 2001). Other Investigations suggest that
gastrointestinal tract symptoms are more common among employees at sewage treatment
plants than among controls. Respiratory symptoms, fatigue, and headache have also been
reported in several investigations. The cause of the symptoms is unknown, although certain
data suggest that they are caused by inflammation. The results suggest that endotoxin in Gram-
negative bacteria may be one of the causative agents. As regards cancer, some studies report
an increased risk of stomach cancer and a few studies report an increased risk of cancer in the
larynx, liver or, prostate or of leukaemia. The spread of the cancers over a multitude of organs
does not support a hypothesis of causality with agents commonly found in sewage treatment
plants (Thorn J, Kerekes E 2001).
Nethercott J.R. and Holness D.L. (1988) assessed the health status of a group of sewage
workers in Toronto, Canada. Investigation of 50 randomly selected workers revealed that
many workers reported influenza- like symptoms, cough, sputum production, wheezing, sore
throat and skin complaints. Workers tended to have reduced lung function (Rynander R,
1983). Watt et al (1997) 7-8 investigated 26 sewer men involved in an episode of toxic gas
exposure by clinical follow-up, lung function test and measurement of pituitary function.
Fifty-eight percent workers presented with gastrointestinal disorders like worm infestation
(74.2%), diarrhoea (48.2%), indigestion (71.2%), and flatulence (57.4%). Similar study on
sewage workers by Central Public Health Engineering Research Institute Nagpur (1971) 18
reported that 45.6% workers suffered from gastrointestinal disorders. In a study by Doby et.

20
al. (1980) it was observed that 16.5% of sewage workers suffering from giardiasis. Srivastava
V.K. and Pandey G. K. (1986) had reported that parasitic infestation was much more
common, up to 74% in sewage workers. Lundholm M. and Rylander R. (1983) had reported
that significantly higher proportion of sewage workers were suffering from gastrointestinal
symptoms. Cairncross S. and Feachem R. (1983) stated that sewage workers have an increased
on contracting diarrhoeal diseases and worm infestation. Hammouda N.A. et al (1992) had
reported that sewage workers were at higher risk of developing intestinal parasitic infestation.

Legal provisions:
There is a legal provision to ban manual scavenging and for their rehabilitation. The
employment of Manual Scavengers and Constitution of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993
describes it is an act “to provide for the prohibition of employment of manual scavengers as
well as construction or continuance of dry latrines and for the regulation of construction and
maintenance of water-seal latrines and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.”
However, as noted by the national commission for safai Karamcharis- a statutory body, set
up under the National Commission for Safai Karamcharis Act, 1993 in its 3rd and 4th reports
submitted to the parliament, noted that the 1993 act was not being implemented effectively.
The act which was enacted in June 1993, remained inoperative for about 3 ½ years. It was
finally brought into force in the year 1997. While critically analysing the present act
“Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Their Rehabilitation Act, 2013”,
Satyaseelam mentions that after much deliberations and interventions by the apex court,
activists and human rights groups, on September 6th, 2013 the Indian Parliament passed the
“Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Their Rehabilitation Act, 2013”,
committing itself yet again to ending manual scavenging. Seven months later, on March 27,
2014, the Indian Supreme court held that India’s constitution requires state intervention to end
manual scavenging and ‘rehabilitate’ all people engaged in the practice. This meant not only
ending the practice but also ending the abuses faced by communities engaged in manual
scavenging (Satyaseelam, 2013).
Supreme Court and High Court also have guide lines on these issues of sewage workers,
“Human beings who are employed for doing the work in the sewers cannot be treated as
mechanical robots, who will not be affected by poisonous gases in the manholes. The state
and its agencies/ instrumentalities or the contractors engaged by them are under a

21
constitutional obligation to ensure the safety of the persons who asked to undertake hazardous
jobs.” (SC News, 2011)
This court reiterates its previous direction that for the purpose of clearing the blocks in the
sewerage and drainage lines, no human being should be allowed to get inside the drainage/
sewerage lines and if any drain is chocked, it is the responsibility of the authorities to get it
cleared by employed mechanical devices” (HC 2008, 2010, 2012). The National Human
Rights Commission has only given comprehensive guidelines to regulate the employment of
sewage workers. “Sewage Workers who more hazardous work as compared to manual
scavengers, face a very specific form of human right violation. Their human dignity needs to
be protected and this can happen only when they get opportunities through equal to what
manual scavengers will be getting.”
Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia Director of Human Rights Watch, has mentioned that
successive Indian government attempts to end caste based cleaning of excrement have been
derailed by discrimination and local complexity. The government needs to get serious about
putting laws banning manual scavenging into practice and assisting the affected caste
communities. The practice of manual scavenging and employment of manual scavengers by
local government authorities and by private households has been banned under the
Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993.
The National Human Rights Commission has also given comprehensive guidelines to regulate
the employment of sewage workers. “Sewage workers who do more hazardous work as
compared to manual scavengers, face a very specific form of human rights violation. Their
human dignity needs to be protected and this can happen only when they get opportunities
through rehabilitation equal to what manual scavengers will be getting.”
However, “The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation
Act 2013” mentions, Sewage workers are engaged in one of the most hazardous occupations,
defined under Section 2(d) as “hazardous cleaning”. Yet, the Act excludes persons engaged
or employed to clear excreta with the help of devises. Act says a sewage worker using
protective gear shall not be recognized as a person doing an inhuman occupation that is
hazardous. Interestingly, the Act has not defined the term “protective gear”, which can be
interpreted to even include mere gloves or protective clothing, thus, providing a gaping hole
in the law that will allow the practice to continue with a few insufficient changes in apparel.

22
This escape route in the law defeats the purpose of protecting human dignity and the integrity
of sewage workers, and does little to uplift them, thus defeating the very purpose of the law.
Why has the Act not included sewage workers in its long title? It has been limited to manual
scavenging. Is sewage work not a form of scavenging? These are some crucial questions that
arise from the reading of the act (Satyaseelan, 2013).
In the survey of socio-economic status of scavengers engaged in the practice of manual
scavenging in Maharashtra H.Beck and Shailesh Darokar recommends the National Scheme
for Liberation and Rehabilitation of Scavengers and their Dependents, launched by the
Government of India on March 22, 1992, which defines a scavenger as 'one who is partially
or wholly engaged in the obnoxious and inhuman occupation of manually removing night soil
and filth'. The Scheme further defines the dependent of a scavenger as 'one who is a member
of his family or is dependent on him irrespective of the fact whether he is partially or wholly
engaged in the said occupation' (Beck and Darokar,2008).
This is to note that the above recommendation is a part of the Ministry of Urban Development
which had been entrusted with the responsibility to formulate a scheme on “Assistance for
Mechanical Cleaning of Sewers and Septic Tanks” as well as keeping in view the Supreme
Court direction17 for providing equipment, adequate protection and safety gear to those who
enter the manholes to clean blockages. In the analysis, everything boils down to the utter
failure of the State (Satyaseelan, 2013).
In 2003, a report was submitted by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) which
evaluated the ‘National Scheme for Liberation and Rehabilitation of Scavengers and their
Dependents.” The conclusion of the report was that this scheme ‘has failed to achieve its
objectives even after 10 years of implementation involving investment of more than Rs. 600
crores.” It was further pointed out that although finds were available for implementation of
the scheme, much of it were unspent or underutilized. The committees set up for monitoring
the scheme were non-functional. It further noted that there was a “lack of correspondence
between the liberator and the rehabilitator” and that “there was no evidence to suggest if
those liberated were in fact rehabilitated.” It concludes that, “the most serious lapse in the
conceptualization and operationalization of the scheme was its failure to employ the law that
prohibited the occupation, the law was rarely used.” (Satyaseelan, 2013)

23
 Apart from the provisions of the constitution, there are various international conventions and
convenants to which India is party, which prescribe the inhuman practice of manual
scavenging. These are the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR),
• Convention on Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and the Convention for
Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)
• The continuance of such discriminatory practice is violation of ILO’s convention 111
(Discrimination in Employment and Occupation)
• In July 2008 “Mission Sanitation” was a fashion show held by the United Nations as a part of
its International Year of sanitation. On the runway were 36 previous workers, called
scavengers, and top models to help bring awareness of the issue of manual scavenging.

International Labour Organisation (ILO) also has conventions on Occupational Safety and
Health Convention, 1981 (No.155a) and its protocol of 2002 and Occupational Health services
convention, 1985 (No.161), Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Heath
Convention, 2006 (No 187). But all these conventions are not ratified by India. Article 13 on
safety of workplaces and Article 28 on Health hazard clearly mentions the safety of the work
place and decent working conditions. But since India has not ratified the above-mentioned
conventions shows that is it really the Indian government is taking the issue of sewage workers
health and safety seriously?

It is observed that most municipal corporations and nagarpalikas in Maharashtra do not

provide the scavengers with even minimum protective measures. Very few municipalities
provide uniforms to scavengers, even though there may be a provision for the same. Whatever
uniforms are supplied, are inadequate and often undelivered for long periods of time. We
recommend that the scavengers should be provided with minimum protective devices such as,
masks, long gumboots, headgear, rubber gloves, apron, raincoat, winter cap, toiletries, and so
on. In certain districts, we also observed that the scavengers are not provided with the
necessary equipment/tools for removal of the night soil, which adds into their economic
liabilities. The concerned organization should make sure that the equipment is administered
to the scavengers without any failure. (Beck and Darorkar, 2008).
Government to implement the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry
Latrine (Prohibition) Act, 1993 (Venkatesh, 2005). Subsequently, it is perpetuating the
deplorable condition and socioeconomic exclusion of the scavengers (The Hindu, 2005; The

24
Hindustan Times, 2005). The National Commission for Safai Karmcharis, in its reports, have
rightly pointed out that the government itself has permitted the dry latrines and practice of
manual scavenging under various departments such as Railways, and Ministry of Defence and
Industry (Venkatesh, 2005). At such a juncture, the government is rightly urged to initiate
suitable infrastructure, accompanied by comprehensive social advocacy programmes to
educate the scavenging community and emancipate them from their present heinous
occupation of manual scavenging
The Pagey and Lad Committee recommended (Vivek, 1998) that there should be five
aswachha safai kamgars for every 1,000 people. But there has been no new recruitment for
many years on the pretext that it leads to an increase in the 'Establishment Expenditure',
though the population has increased manifold, thereby increasing the workload of the
scavengers. Local government bodies have been making temporary recruitment or
outsourcing the work to labour contractors and private agents, who in turn engage the
scavengers and exploit them in by paying them meagre wages, making them work long hours,
depriving them of their entitlement dues, especially the protective measures, and so on. It is,
therefore, recommended that concerned organizations take up filling up the employment
backlogs at the earliest and make all the temporary recruited scavengers permanent employees
of the organisations concerned (Beck and Darorkar, 2008).
Though it is a state subject but Union government by bringing the new Act under Entry 24
(Welfare of Labour and Working Conditions of the Concurrent List) centre now has to assume
responsibility to protect the rights of these vulnerable workers, implement its remedies,
rehabilitate these workers, protect their rights and can keep an eye on state governments.
It definitely requires the clear space for policy alternatives in Indian sanitation sector.
Therefore, the focus point for successful outcome of Eradication of Manual Scavenging
practices of municipal waste water disposal depends on the enactment of OSHA act and
Regulations under Environmental (Protection) Act and the support policies, provided to
dynamic Indian sanitation disposal methods, further the other necessary points. (India Water
Portal, Saturday, November 22, 2014 as cited in Sundaram 2012).

25
 METHODOLOGY

Introduction
The methodology of a research design is embedded in the research problem. There are mainly
two kinds of research, which are undertaken in any research qualitative and quantitative. As
per Yin (2003) a research design is the logic that connects the data to be collected with the
research questionnaire of the study. Qualitative research is mainly of three types, exploratory,
descriptive and casual. Exploratory research is more to do with investigative work. The work
involves searching for clues to reveal what happened or what is happening currently.
Researchers doing exploratory research must adopt a flexible attitude towards collecting
information and be constantly akin themselves what is lying beneath the surface of what are
seeing (Wrenn, & Cole, 2006).
Quantitative research involves the collection and analysis of the data that is quantifiable.
Quantitative research deals in numbers, logic and objective stance. Quantitative research
focuses on numeric and unchanging data and detailed, convergent reasoning rather than
divergent (Labree, 2009).
This chapter describes whole data collection process, the methods utilized right from the start
till the evaluation and analysis. it discusses in detail the data collection mode and process,
sample size and its techniques. it also discusses the data analysis tools and ends with the
limitations of the study.

Research Objectives:
• To study the socio-economic status of the sewage workers
• 2. To study the working conditions of sewage workers and implications on their health
• To understand the provisions of safety measures and welfare services for these workers.

Research questions:
• What is their socio-economic and educational background?
• What makes them do the same work for generations in spite of knowing the life risk? Do they
have or had options of not doing Manual Scavenging?

26
• What are the conditions in which they work to make their living? And what kinds of health
problems do they face as effect of engaging with this work? How many of them have health
problems and of what kinds?
• If the safety measures offered to them by the BMC, what are they? How often are they
provided?
• Are they aware of the protection under the law and the provisions of the Act?
• What is their view on the mechanization of the work?
• Have they heard about decent work and international work standard? Do they have any understanding
of better working conditions and human rights that are provided by the Indian government to them?
• Have they heard or read about Dr. Ambedkar’s thoughts and views about banning manual
scavenging? What is their understanding of the caste system?

Research Setting:
Mumbai is one of the largest cities of the world and nerve centre of trade, commerce and
industry in the country having a population of 1.3 million (MCGM) today out of which 60%
live in slums. Mumbai has the garbage of solid waste production to the tune of 9 to 10
thousand tons per day including 2000 tons of construction and demolition (C&D) waste per
day (MCGM). The Municipal Corporation of Mumbai is the civic body which looks after the
entire sewerage system and waste disposal in Mumbai. It is one of the richest and largest
local governments in Asian Continent having 24 wards and annual budget of Rs.380000 crore.
The streets of city are filled with Mercedes and Aston Martins, but below them, under the
tarmac, men wade through pools of human excrement in order to help clear the huge amount
of waste running through the sewer system. As is the case with the entire country, sewerage
workers in Mumbai still enter sewers to clean them manually.
The study is about the Mumbai Municipal Corporation and this sewage worker’s working
condition and its implication on their health.

Facts about the sewage department under BMC:

1. Total length of Sewer lines: 1860 km. (various Sizes)
2. Numbers of Manholes: 68282
3. Total numbers of street connections: 275000
4. Total Sewage Pumping Stations: 52 nos.

27
5. Installed capacity of pumping Stations: 15590 Mld.
6. Permissible disposals: 2727.4Mld.
7. Actual Disposals (Average): 1700 Mld.
8. Total Strength of Employees
i) Sewerage Operations Division: 6557 Nos.
ii) Transport Division: 788 Nos.

Departmental Activities:
The activities of the department can be classified in four categories:
1. Sewers (a) Pipe sewers (of size below 18 inches) and (b) Main sewers (of size 18 inches &
above)
2. Pumping, treatment and disposal.
3. Transportation Services.
4. Planning & Constructions of sewers such as Condition assessment of sewers and
Rehabilitation of sewers.
The main sewer sections are equipped with following sewer cleaning machinery and
workshops to maintain the same. 1 Jetting Machine: 6 Nos. 2 Gulley Emptier: 19 Nos. 3 Mud
Sucker: 17 Nos. 4 O.K.C. Machine: 36 Nos. 5 Choke Machine (Power Rodding): 32 Nos. 6
High Power Rodding Machine: 1 No. 7 Recycling Machine: 6 Nos. The sewage collected
through the sewerage network is conveyed to the Main Pumping Station and treatment
facilities through a complicated network of sewers and satellite pumping stations, for
treatment and disposal. The first section of the sewage system for Mumbai City was
constructed in Zone 1 and 2 in the 1860s., expansion continued through to 1940 with
duplication and improvements in Zone 2 and 3. Total number of 7 Zones of Sewage system
throughout Mumbai in all 24 wards.
Till 2005 there are all total 52 pumping stations for sewage work. The Mumbai Sewage
Disposal project (MSDP) was implemented on July 6 1995, with funds from the World Bank
at the cost of US$ 192 million and further restructured and fully commissioned in Dec 2003
(www. mcgm.gov).
Since my thesis is focused on the sewage worker's socio-economic conditions, working
conditions and health and the safety measures and social protection provided by BMC to them.
Hence, I was required to conduct interviews of several workers employed in BMC. I

28
conducted these interviews at anonymous places for the workers to feel safe, protected and to
be able to freely speak with me about their issues at work. To observe and understand the
practical aspect of working difficulties I was required to visit many work sites where these
sewage workers actually enter in the manhole to clean the drain.

Sampling Method:
Sampling method involves selection of a certain pool of the participants from a given set of
population. It represents the population and helps in estimating the characteristic of the
population. Sampling is conducted because it is difficult to take an account of the entire
population for a research and analysis.
Key informants in my research were chosen on the basis of my judgement and convenience
sampling. it is purposive sampling in which people were chosen on the basis of their
knowledge, experience and the role they played as a stakeholder in the life of a worker. The
key informant is actually the having the first-hand knowledge of their work, community in
general and work related social and psychological aspects. I conducted interviews at various
levels in order to capture the several aspects in connection with my research. A range of lower
and middle level of management and office bearers of union were interviewed for their
perspective.

Population Study:
The universe of the study is the sewage workers of Mumbai Municipal Corporation.

Source of Data:
The data helps as the initial building block for the analysis for a researcher. There were mainly
two types of data collected. Primary data was collected through the narratives and semi
structured interviews of the participants and interaction with the key informants. Secondary
data was collected through annual reports, websites, archives and internal documents.
Access point was the Municipal Mazdoor Union of BMC form where the initial research
started. Since this union is having the largest membership of these sewage workers helped to
start my research.

29
Sample design and size:
Both qualitative and quantitative. For this study 4 wards under MMC jurisdiction were
randomly selected by lottery. From the list of sewerage workers of these each 4 wards 50
workers were selected randomly. The total 200 samples of sewage workers are estimated for
the study. Total 200 samples,50 live samples from each ward. The study area was visited 3-4
times prior to the study so as to get acquainted with particular area, environment and nature
of work and to build the rapport with the sewage workers in the main sewer department of
sewerage operation of, Mumbai.

Mode of Data collection and study tool:

For this study, the researcher used the tool of semi structured interview schedule, with both
open and close ended questions, both quantitative and qualitative questions comprising of
socio-demographic profile. Hence, a mixed methodology for data collection was used. Apart
from interview schedule the audio and video recording, narratives and in-depth interviews
formed the important part of qualitative modes for data collection. Nonparticipant observation
to gather additional details about the respondents. The qualitative aspect for the manual
scavengers, incidents of caste/work based discrimination faced, history of their caste, their
views on the Government’s policies to ban the act of manual scavenging, the discriminations
faced by their family members, and so on is covered.

Questionnaire Design:
The questionnaire is designed keeping in mind the research questions and the research
objectives. The questionnaire consisted of semi-structured interview schedule to give a loose
start to the conversation. This schedule was based on the research questions and research
objectives. It included a set of informal questions, which would help initiate a conversation
with the participants. While in conversation with the participants, constant probes were
required to obtain information and new aspects to the existing research material.

Data Analysis and interpretation:

Data analysis involved transcribing the interviews and analysing narratives of the participants.
The analysis was focused to highlight the various themes to coding in order to understand the

30
phenomenon of sewage work. As a researcher of a master's level, the analysis of the data was
also to understand the participant’s experience and aspiration.
Thematic analysis is a technique to categorize qualitative data. As Boyatzis (1998) stated that
in order to transform qualitative information, thematic analysis is used to encode the
qualitative information.
Thematic analysis is flexible and once the theme was created an attempt was made to
understand the phenomenon involved in the working conditions and its implication on the
health of the sewage workers. It was interesting to note how the lack of job security and
increasing unemployment is enabling to a certain set of people from different caste and
educational backgrounds to work in highly precarious working conditions.
As an approach, narratives form the guidelines to the interpretation of the data. The following
was observed very closely, body language, voice, tone, fear and doubts in minds. Interaction
level helped me immensely to over analyse the particular aspects of their work.
Communication and trust building was essential for the participants to feel comfortable, to
speak voluntarily and openly. The themes that emerged reach deeper into the socio-economic
status and working conditions of the workers and his aspirations in a systematic order.
Quantitative analysis was done by using SPSS and MS Excel sheet. It aided the researcher in
succinctly analysing different variables of the study effortlessly, thereby allowing to come at
valid conclusions about the findings. Tables and graphical representations were conducive for
analysis and appropriate presentation of the collected data.
Tables, pie diagrams and graphical representations were conducive for the analysis and
appropriate presentation of the collected data. Statistical programs like SPSS and MS Excel
aided the researcher in succinctly analysing different variables of the study effortlessly,
thereby allowing her to come at valid conclusions about the study.
The analysis involved considering various aspects of the continuation of precarious working
conditions in our country. The researcher is supposed to re-read the transcription for themes
to emerge. I have tried to incorporate external factors as well to look at the real picture of the
sewage workers.

Inclusion criteria:
• Those who are willing to be the part of the present study.
• Those who enter the manhole and deep sewers as a part of their duty

31
 Exclusion criteria:
• Those who are not willing to be part of the study.
• Those workers not exposed to manhole atmosphere

Research Ethics:
Ethical considerations are extremely critical and fundamental for any study from inception to
the end. Before interviewing the workers, I explained to them that the purpose of my visit and
research is purely academic. I gained their confidence by informing them that their identity
would be protected under all circumstances and their jobs will not be endangered for
answering my questions. In addition, their testimony they give will be confidential and used
only for my research paper. They key informants provided their informed consent to
participate and voluntarily make their statements.

Limitations or Constraints of the Research:

Limitations of the study mention the factors that have not been considered while conducting
the research. It is the limitations of the research process. As these sewage workers were
interviewed before by different researchers for different objectives but no concrete change in
their working conditions is achieved it has developed some sort of unwillingness to share
their experiences was there. Multiplicity and inter- union rivalry was one of the major factor
that limited the workers’ participation to a significant extent. The odd duty hours i.e. night
duties, post- monsoon related work priorities and far living from the work sites was another
constraint during the data collection.

32
 FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS

This study tries to explore some of the problems of the workers from the sewage or main
sewer department of the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM). These
individuals have been variously referred to sewage worker or un-liberated scavengers. Issues
such as their socio-economic condition, work conditions, health problems faced by them, and
the social consequences of their employment at household and at society level were
investigated in the study.
Fig 4.1
Religious background of the respondents

Fig. 4.2

Fig. 4.2
Caste background of the respondents

33
Fig 4.1represents the religious background of the respondents. The were found from three
religions; namely, Hindu, Buddhist and Muslim. Out of which74% are Hindus and 25% are
Buddhists, converted ex-untouchables.
Fig 4.2 gives the Caste background. Among this Scheduled caste as the highest (31.3%),
majorly ex-untouchables converted Buddhist. Second highest was the Other Backward Caste
(29.3%), among which respondents from sub caste Kunabi are dominating. It is significant to
mention that it is unusual to find individuals from open or general caste are (22.7%) among
them Maratha were found dominant working in an occupation which is essentially assumed
as polluting and fit only for the lower castes as per the caste conditioning in Indian society.
They are the third largest. It is probably a reflection of the problems and the difficulty in
getting a job that allows for individuals high in the caste hierarchy working in the occupation
of waste management. It can be seen as the impacts of neo-liberal economic policy were 93%
informal sector and hardly 7% is formal sector. Simultaneouly it is interesting to note that
most of the Kunabis, want to be known as Maratha-kunabi since it gives them upper social
status though they fall in the category of Other Backward Caste. It is observed as the notion
of Caste related social status.
Fig. 4.3
Education status of the respondents

It is observed that highest percentage /frequency (57.3%) of the sewage workers are have done
schooling up to secondary level (fig 4.3). Surprisingly there are workers who have done
graduation (2%) and one is post graduate who is a school teacher who was working as contract

34
teacher on hourly basis previously. So, it denotes the unemployment is encouraging the job
seekers to work even in the precarious condition as it is more secured and highly paid job as
compare to contract work.
Fig 4.4 is indicative of economic status through the colour of the ration card they receive from State
as Public Distribution System where as 60.2% are having the kasari coloured ration card denotes above
poverty line and 39.8% possess whit coloured ration card fall in high income group, indicative of
economic status.
Fig. 4.5
Location of the respondents’ homes

From fig 4.5 we can see that high percentage i.e.58% of respondents live in non-slum means
self-contained houses and only 27% are living in slums which can be indicative of the uplift
of the living standards of sewage workers.
Fig. 4.6
Time taken to reach work place

Fig 4.6 shows the time taken from residence to work place. A good chunk i.e. 40.7% of the
workers are travelling for more than 30 minutes to reach the work place. However highest i.e.
34.7% of the respondents are found to be travelling for 1-2 hrs to reach work place and 7.3%
commuter’s time is more than two hours indicating the daily or temporary migrating tendency

35
typically for the purpose of employment. It represents an established pattern of population
mobility, whether rural –urban or urban- suburban. It has been observed that most of the
respondents are commuting from Bhiwandi, Kasara and Karjat takes more than two hrs to
reach the work place.
Fig. 4.7
Status of Housing

Fig 4.7 denotes 78 % respondents having their own houses where as 7% are using the BMC
quarters indicates these workers prefer to have their own houses instead of living in BMC
quarters. As using the BMC quarters will take away their HRA (house rent allowance) which
can be used for the repayment of the home loans or some other household purposes.

Fig. 4.8
Number of generations the respondents’ families have been involved in sewage work

36
Fig 4.8 shows 82% the respondents were found first generation to work as sewage workers,
17% as second generation and only 1% as fourth generation in sewage disposal work. It would
be significant to mention here that these sewage worker’s forefathers or siblings are found to be
working either in the pipe sewer or as other sections of conservancy department for more than two/
three generation. This can be related to the Municipal Governing Policy that there is no provision of
recruiting the legal heir of the sewage worker after his retirement from the service like other
Conservancy workers. During the interviews there was a great demand of this provision like other
Conservancy department and it was understood that the trade unions are in negotiation with the BMC
Management in this regard.
Fig. 4.9
Permanent Migration from rural to urban

There are 55.5% permanently migrated from different parts of the State indication of
unemployment in rural areas. It is observed that most of them are migrated from different
parts of Maharashtra, largely from Konkan region (fig 4.9).

Earning Status:
Fig. 4.10
Total Family income

Total Family Income

Series1

66.7 %

22 %
6% 3.3 % 2%

less than 20000-40000 40000-60000 60000-80000 80000-100000

20000

37
Fig 4.10 represents the total family, household income. 66.7% respondents fall in the bracket
of Rs.20,000 to 40,000 as monthly earning indication of better economic status. 22% total
household income is between Rs 40,000 to 60,000. There 2% of sewage workers having a
monthly household income ranging from 80,000 to 1,00,000 which is highly significant. This
is generally observed in the families where the children have finished higher studies like
engineering, MBA, etc and they are not dependants but earning household members.

Loans/Borrowings:
Fig. 4.11
Loan Status

Fig 4.11 represents the indebt scenario. 76% are having the loan borrowings.

Fig. 4.12
Purpose of Loan

Fig 4.12 indicates the purpose of loan. 63% take loan for domestic and home purposes.

38
 Fig 4.13
Source of loan

From fig 4.13 we can see that 74% borrow the loan from BMC Bank where the sewage
workers are shareholders and repayments is in the form EMI directly deducted from their
salaries at average rate of interest follows the rules of Cooperative set as guidelines by Central
Bank i.e. Reserve Bank of India. It is a better sign of credit available to them than private
money lenders or “makadvalas or savkars” since the exploitation is very high and workers go
in indebts badly.

Assets of the workers:

Fig. 4.14
Land Ownership

Fig 4.14 shows the assets that owned by these sewage workers. 26 % of these respondents
have 1-2 acres of their own land and 24% own at least half acre land but still 28% of the
respondents does not own any land is significant.

39
 Fig. 4.14
Land Ownership

From fig 4.14 we can see that 78% of the sewage workers prefer to do the savings in the form
of life insurance and provident fund as financial security. It is considered as financial security
and also tax saving if needed.

Fig. 4.16
Previous working status

Fig 4.16 shows that 56.7% were working as private labour before joining BMC whereas 8.7%
were own account workers and 8.7 % were farmers which is significant to note and they have
joined sewage work after 1990.

40
Working Conditions of the Workers:
Fig. 4.17
Techniques used to enter manhole

Work safety and protective gears:

Fig. 4.18
Respondents who receive safety measures

Fig 4.17 shows that 95% uses the safety belt and rope to enter the manhole whereas fig 4.18
indicates that 97% sewage workers get these safety gear when required.

41
 Fig. 4.19
Comfortable safety measures

97% of the respondents have showed that these protective gears are not comfortable to use
because of the improper sizes and bad quality as represented in fig 4.19.

Fig. 4.20
Working Uniform

91% respondents have reported not to use any uniform while entering in the manholes, they
just enter bare bodied. Only “divers” wear a thin hosiery material suit while entering in sewage
(fig 4.20).
Fig. 4.21
Amount of time the workers carried dirt on their body

42
Fig 4.21 shows that more than 50% of sewage workers have to carry the sewage dirt on their
body due to the lack of bathing or washrooms.
Fig. 4.22
Work Training Status

97.3
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
2.7
10
0
yes no

From fig 4.22 we can say that 97.3% sewage workers didn’t receive any proper /formal
training that required to perform the working in manholes and also to learn the preventive
measures. It is being observed that only “divers” are specially trained to work in the
overflowing or choked sewers. They are trained by sent to special training centre at
Panjrapole, Mumbai where professional trainers are there.

Fig. 4.23
Workers trained by whom

43
Fig 4.22 is highly significant to note that 97.3% sewage workers do not receive any formal
training for this job but they are informally trained and instructed either by their “mukadams”
(promoted sewage workers as supervisors) or seniors (fig 4.23).

Fig. 4.24
Types of workshop on safety measures

By fig 4.24 it is highly significant to note that 68.7% sewage workers have attended the
workshops on safety gears organised by BMC.

Fig. 4.25 (a)

Difficulties faced during work

44
 Fig. 4.25 (b)
Types of Difficulties faced during work

Fig 4.25 (a) shows that 98% sewage workers get difficulties while performing their job and
fig 4.25(b) represents the types of difficulties they face during the work. 78% workers faced
the difficulties of the gases present in the main sewer, 73.3% get difficulty of foul smell while
71,3% find difficult to work in sewer because of the narrow space.
Fig. 4.26
Respondents who met with an accident during work

From fig 4.26 we can see that 59% of the respondents have met with the accidents while
working. This denotes the risk that the workers face while working in unsafe working
conditions.

45
 Fig. 4.27
Nature of accidents

Fig 4.27 represents the nature of accidents takes place at work sites. 29.2% have reported to
have multiple types of minor injuries where as 46.1% have accidents such as falling of the
spade/ Dhole or any other equipment on body while working inside the manhole. This can be
due to less lighting that is available on the inside. This also makes for very harmful working
conditions for the workers.

Health of the sewage workers:

Fig. 4.28
Addictions of the respondents

46
 Fig. 4.29
Specific Addictions of the workers

Fig 4.30
Quantity of the alcohol consumed

Fig 4.28 shows that 40% are consuming alcohol and whisky is the type of alcohol consumed
by 47% of the sewage workers(fig4.29). whereas from fig 4.30 we can see that 54% of the
respondents consumed up to 180ml quantity.
Fig 4.31
Duration of the Addiction

47
Fig 4.31 represents the tenure of the addiction, where 28% of the sewage workers are addicted
for 16-20 years.
Fig 4.32
Regular medical check-up

Valid Percent
100
80
60
40
20
0
Yes No

Valid Percent

Form 4.32, one can establish that 95.3% reported not get any regular medical check-up done
which is surprising fact as BMC is the major-medical service provider of this city. It is equally
important to note that the sewage work is highly unhygienic and hazardous occupation as all
the research conducted so far proved it but still the regular medical check- up is not mandatory.
It is also observed that most of the workers are reluctant to undergo medical check-up because
of the fear of becoming medically unfit to continue this work. So they try to avoid.

Fig. 4.33
Types of Diseases
94 90.7 99.33 100 99.3
83 88.7 85.3
58
42
17 11.3 9.3 14.7
6 0.77 0 0.7

Yes No

Fig 4.34 represents the health status. 85.3% complain the body pain whereas 58% had jaundice.
As these sewage workers handle the sewage without hand gloves they are highly exposed to the

48
multiple types of microorganisms and they don’t even get hand sanitiser to apply before or after
finishing the work. No bathing facility at work sites addition to worse the hygienic status. Most
of the times they to take their meals/ lunch at worksites without bath and sanitizer. Since
Hepatitis A is water born viral disease, it an easy source of contamination to get hepatitis. It is
being also observed that after this infection instead of consulting a proper qualified medical
practitioner they prefer to go to the “vaidyas” who just give them fake medicines through
sugarcane juice. And its gives temporary relief. Many of the respondents did complain skin
diseases due to high exposure to microorganisms as they are bare bodied inside the main sewer.

Fig. 4.35
Treatment Places

77% prefer to go to the private hospitals for medical treatment whereas only 20 % go to the
BMC run hospitals. This can be related to the finding that they do not live within the main
city where they can easily reach. And secondly since BMC started giving the Medical
insurance to all the regular employees they prefer to go to the private hospitals (fig 4.35).

Legal Awareness:
Fig 4.36
Awareness about law

49
87.0% sewage workers have not heard about labour laws as indicated in fig 4.36

Fig. 4. 37
Awareness about Labour Rights

From fig 4.37 we can see that 98.7% are unaware of the labour rights given by the Indian
Constitution.

Discrimination:
Fig 4.38
Shame attached to the profession

From fig 4.38 we can see that 58% of the respondents have shared the feeling of shame of this
dirty and polluted job. This finding can be related to the fact that good percentage of these
sewage workers belong to Maratha-kunabi caste and even some from other backward caste.

50
 Fig. 4. 39
Perception about their work

Fig 4.39 represents that 78.7% have reported to have the perception of the work as dirty, risky
and unhygienic which is significant to note and at the same time the non-availability of better
secured and well paid job is the major reason shared by all the respondents.

Social mobility:
This is seen as one of the major finding since this sewage cleaning job is done by significant
percentage of the other caste background along with ex-untouchables. This can be described
as down vertical social mobility and occupational mobility too. This can be related to the
economic policy changes that affected the employment and labour market highly. As Indian
caste system decides the type of livelihood for each and the most oppressed or outcaste are
the victims of this social inequality. The occupation restriction is itself a type of oppression.
As per the “ Manusmriti” the ascribed caste decides the type of livelihood one should have.
The denial of education and right to livelihood is the main reason of the vulnerability of these
ex-untouchables.

Inter caste mobility:

Change in the caste stratification, its norms and regulations with the process of socialization,
democratization and modernization. At the same time, it can be noted than educational
mobility is witnessed as the sewage workers are not illiterate but are literate and maximum
are having the school education done till XII standard.

51
Educational mobility
This is one of the very important factors which leads to the improvement in the socio-
economic conditions of any community. In case of sewage workers’ educational mobility is
significant. At the same time when they were asked about their job perception, they expressed
dislike towards it. While large section of them said that there was no option for them to sustain
their life. Maximum said that at least this job is providing economic help for them and their
family in the absence of any better option. One of the worker was a teacher by education
expressed a hope of getting promotion in the service as drainage assistant and further where
he will not have to enter in the manhole or carry the filth. Coincidently this worker was
belonging to the Gardner caste in Hindu religion. When he was asked, what was his experience
when he entered first time in the manhole and carried sewage by hand. He was in tears and
deeply upset with the memories of his very first experience as his families are traditional
flower seller.
All these indicate the problem of unemployment and economic sustenance can force an
individual into any kind of job irrespective of their liking. These workers despite their
disliking for the job which leads to many physical illness continuing the subhuman and
demeaning job of cleaning the drains.
When they were asked about the Court judgment about banning the manual scavenging that
prohibits them, from entering any human body without using protective gears they responded
that they cannot afford to lose this job which is the mere earning source for them. Many were
responded “when the government made Act to ban manual scavenging why can’t pay attention
to the health protection of us, does not address the issues associated to this work”.
A lot of social stigma is attached to this caste based job. Most of the sewage workers have
reported to feel discriminated and ill-treated by the public while working at work sites. Many
have also shared the threats they receive from the particular dominating community in certain
localities and also from the local Municipal Corporator. Most of the time at the work site while
passing by the people give a humiliating look, used handkerchiefs and does not offer them
water to clean or even drink. They are allowed to stand or sit in premises of any housing
society. The social stigma does not allow most of them to share their job profile to neighbours,
relatives and friends. Some of them responded not to share even their spouses, siblings or
parents because of the risks involvement.

52
. Many are experiencing change in their view and mindset towards the caste based manual
scavengers and inhuman practice of untouchability by their fore-fathers.
A good percentage of the workers shared that they were unaware of this job profile, working
condition and health implication of it. When these jobs were advertised in the newspapers it
was not mentioned as sewage workers, only labour recruitment was announced. The selection
criteria were physical fitness so were asked to run 4 km to prove the heart-lung capacity. It
will be interesting to do some research studies effects on their health profile over the period
of exposure to the harmful gases like methane and sulphide and also exposure to bacteria and
viruses at larger scale. Another interesting aspect of this recruitment was told by the
respondents was they were not given any formal technical training and even the danger of the
hidden harmful gases which is the major reason of the deaths of the sewage workers in the
main sewer.
Although many clinical researches have proved the occupational hazard of the sewage work
but still the BMC does not give importance and attention to the health of the workers. Many
workers also shared the ill treatment they receive at the municipal hospitals. The attitude of
the medical offices is not positive due to the lowered position. This forces them to go to the
private hospitals and since last two years the BMC has provided medical insurance to all
which encourage them to go to the private hospitals. Most of them demanded a separate
outpatient department in civic run hospitals and dispensaries as their labour right.
It is being proved that work in sewage water plants does involve exposure to different types
of microorganisms and chemicals. However, different bacteria and viruses that give rise to
infections can be present in this environment and thus there exists a risk of infection,
especially of hepatitis A. Investigations suggest that gastrointestinal tract symptoms are more
common among employees at sewage treatment plants. Respiratory symptoms, fatigue, and
headache have also been reported in several investigations. Another important aspect is this
work is purely mechanical where they have to pull the tin baskets filled with sludge and then
carry in the cart to put in waste carrying trucks. All the sewage workers have complained
about muscular and joint pain. So, it is seen that to sooth this pain many consume alcohol
which works as anaesthesia.
None of the workers get the special uniform to enter in the manhole except the divers who
dive in the overflowing sewers but even these uniforms are not the recommended working
suit. It is not water proof; hence wetness makes more close contact of the skin with

53
microorganisms. This causes many skin diseases. To avoid this, they apply coconut oil on
body before entry. Some senior workers have said that they use do get special type of skin
applicant but since last many years it’s not available. And the coconut oil they have to
purchase along with bathing soap. Recently BMC has decided to put cash in the bank accounts
of these workers half yearly as a special allowance to buy these items directly by the workers
themselves.
The problem of protective measures was very serious, especially for an occupation as
hazardous as sewage management. Many have reported to get the protective gears like safety
belt, helmet, hand gloves and gumboots but cannot be used because of the poor quality and
improper sizes.

54
 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

This chapter is an over view of the discussion based on the outcome and analysis and ends
with some positive suggestions, hoping for the better working conditions for sewage workers
in near future. The plight of the manual scavenger has been different time to time. As the
scavenging has strong caste based occupation background, it becomes more essential to look
into related issues with different perspectives in the era of globalization. Market is expanding,
globalization is at par with the growing need of the people, and economies are increasing.
Technologies are globally transferred and interchanged but the working conditions of the
sewage workers has not improved.
The entire developing world is a witness to an unprecedented shift of people to the cities.
While India's population remains substantially rural, it is emerging as one of the fastest
urbanizing countries in the world. The pace and volume of urbanization have swiftly and
irreversibly altered the landscape of Indian cities. From the small towns of the past to the
mega-polite of today, cities have become sophisticated, complex, and dynamic aspects of the
cultural heritage of human kind.

It is evident, looking at the past five decades of India, and the empirical evidence around the
world, that the future of India is inescapably urban. It is estimated that decidedly by the middle
of this century or probably earlier, the country would reach the same milestone that the world
reached at the beginning of this century of becoming more urban that rural. The effects and
responses to this urban phenomenon have been varied in many cities but with certain
commonalities. For example, most of the mega and big cities have problems with the
provision of urban services, such as, water supply, drainage, sewerage, solid waste disposal,
transportation, health care, etc. all of which make the city life very frustrating.

Existence of manual scavenging or sewage work is omnipresent even in today’s globalized

society. Its removal and rehabilitation was a strong statement by our governing bodies. But
not only removal and rehabilitation is a lookout for rectifying the age old inhumane practice,
it has other perspectives and solutions to attend. Millions of people in India are still not
privileged enough to wake up in the crack of dawn of freedom.

However, it is refreshing to have the recent judicial and political activity on the plights of
manual scavengers and sewage workers (after much deliberation and consistent pursue of

55
many social and human activists) where a conversation on labour has generally been an
anathema by the ruling establishment in the post -liberalisation era. It is equally significant to
take up the issues of occupational health of the sewage workers by government and courts at
least by recognising the fact that the sewage system does not work of their own and it is
maintained at the cost of the health of the sewage workers and in many cases their lives.
Otherwise it is being seen that the sewage work is generally discussed on basis of finance or
budgetary provisions, regulatory and scientific registers in India.

Mumbai is India´s finance centre, the economic powerhouse of the nation, heart of the Hindi
film industry with the glamour of Bollywood and the industrial hub of everything from textiles
to petrochemicals and it is one of the expensive real estate markets in the world. Mumbai is
world famous for making Human pyramids at the time of dahi handi, a Hindu festival where
one man gives confidence and support of taking others body weight on self. There without
saying anything in words the touches of human body speaks the minds of one to another about
the trust and belief of Humanity. On the other side, no city other than Mumbai represents the
stark inequality of India’s caste system more than the financial capital of India. The caste
system and untouchability is still practiced by occupation which is done by the oppressed.

In the middle of 20th century in search of dignity and livelihoods, many untouchables migrated
from villages to the Mumbai city and also social exclusion in villages was another important
aspect behind this migration. As Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, great social revolutionist and
reformer rightly pointed out the describing the plight of the Shudras and ati-Shudras, that the
caste enforced illiteracy followed by unemployment and then poverty was the major
characteristic of the oppressed community’s vulnerability. Hence the education was the only
weapon to fight against this social injustice and inequality. Following in his footsteps Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar’s messaged his followers, “Educate, Organize and Agitate” and his encouragement
to move to urban India has formed the basis for social, educational and occupational mobility.

The massage to move to cities of course generated employment to this outcaste but due to lack
of school education there was hardly any option or choices of jobs to them other than opting
this undignified and risky work like sewage disposal which is nothing but became another
form or new version of manual scavengers as sewage workers in cities. But I am sure Dr.

56
Ambedkar was not visualizing this transform of scavenging work into sewage for the socially
oppressed and excluded communities.
However, from the beginning, the negation of the promise of improvement was lodged right
at the heart of the modernization project as city municipalities simply swelled the newly
created labor process of sewage cleaning with oppressed workers thereby reproducing the
historical relationship between marginalized people and marginalized occupations within the
‘modern’ sewerage system. It is not surprising because the technical and spatial layout of the
sewerage system was not so much a product of rational design but was dictated by a complex
interplay of the impulse to modernize and the calculative rationality of financial prudence
(Prashad 2000).
The sewerage system in its very design therefore presupposed the availability of cheap and
devalued , undignified labor of lower-caste bodies. In fact, it can be claimed that even on its
own terms i.e. improving public health, the sewerage system has significantly worsened the
physical vulnerability and ill-health of lower caste sewage workers over the period. The
precariousness of sewage work is evident in the deaths of thousands of sewage workers every
year from accidents or debilitating ailments such as leptospirosis, viral hepatitis and typhoid
due to sudden or sustained exposure to noxious gases like methane, hydrogen sulphide, carbon
dioxide and carbon monoxide while manually unclogging and cleaning sewers in Indian cities
(Anand 2007). Above all, this job creates and perpetuates social stigma.

What is the mechanism BMC implementing to handle this waste?

In Indian cities, the underground sewerage system was introduced by the British in the late
19th century ostensibly as a public health and sanitation measure. The first section of the
sewage system for Mumbai City was constructed in Zone 1 and 2 in the 1860s. This expansion
continued through to 1940 with duplication and improvements in Zone 2 and 3. After
independence in 1947 till 1979 expansion of sewage system has happened in different zones
with total number of 7 Zones throughout Mumbai in all 24 wards. Till 2005 there are all total
52 pumping stations for sewage work. The Mumbai Sewage Disposal project (MSDP) was
implemented on July 6 1995, with funds from the World Bank at the cost of US$ 192 million
and further restructured and fully commissioned in Dec 2003.
Ironically, Mumbai Sewage Disposal Project (MSDP) comprises the capacity enhancement
of technical infrastructure and not of the sewage worker’s physical and mental health. Here

57
we see that the sewer line is more than 100 years old but still it is the sewage workers who
makes our lives of “Mumbaikars” stink free and hygienic at cost of their own lives since 1860
i.e. more than 150 years. This age-old sewage lines keep leaking from sewer’s side walls are
adding fuel to worsen the working conditions.

A brief survey of literature on the modernization of European cities reveals that the emergence
of the underground sewerage system as a quintessential technical artifact of the modern city
is marked from the beginning by multifaceted corporeal, material and discursive contestations
that accompanied the consolidation of the bourgeois social order in Europe (Stallybrass and
White 1986). Reid (1990) and Chavalier (1973) point out that modern technologies of urban
improvement and public health were conceived and produced as material-ideological
instruments through which the emergent bourgeois order sought to define and defend itself
against ‘laboring classes and dangerous classes’ in Europe. The sewerage system in particular
became a key site where the technical was conceived and consolidated as a response to social,
aesthetic and symbolic battles (Corbin 1986; Barnes 2006).

The overarching purpose of development of sewage system however, was to inscribe in space
the civilizing mission of colonial modernity (Prashad 2000). Nationalist planners in
independent India pushed technological modernization of urban space as a vehicle of social
modernization, a vision that entailed dismantling caste hierarchies that tied lower caste status
to socially marginal and stigmatized occupations. Thus, the underground sewerage system
was seen as a form of infrastructural improvement that would liberate mahars, the formerly
untouchable castes traditionally dealing with the manual handling of human excreta, from the
indignity and dangers of manual scavenging (Ramaswamy 2009; Chaplin 2011). But the
present study reveals that the infrastructural changes as a part of technological modernization
could not improve the working conditions of the sewage in the financial capital of India,
Mumbai. Though the imported technology like 600 kg weighed OK Champion machines are
installed but are not being automobile need to be hand pushed till work sites which are at least
for 3-4 km. So, this hand pushing of heavy machines, sludge filled carts, loading -unloading
of sewage at dumping has affecting the joints and muscles largely. Above all, this job creates
and perpetuates social stigma. How justified is the unexamined belief in the emancipatory
potential of the modern sewerage system?

58
Present Work profile of conservancy and sewage workers as per municipal service rules:
Knowledge, skill and attitude required for the conservancy and sewage work as per the job
profile mentioned in the municipal service book where it says “The incumbent must have…
i) proficient knowledge in the following areas:
ii) knowledge of safe operation of basic hand and power tools
iii) Basic knowledge of water, sewer and garbage truck and equipment operation
iv) knowledge of sewage pump out procedures,
v) knowledge of garbage collection and disposal procedures,
vi) knowledge of equipment cleaning standards and procedures,
vii) knowledge of workplace safety and safe lifting and handling procedures Skills

This work profile indicates the mechanical work type in sewage handling and it is important
to note here that it is highly skilled job with technical knowledge.

This work manual further says that “The incumbent must demonstrate the following skills:
i) ability to operate required equipment in a safe and responsible manner
ii) client service and public interaction skills
iii) team building
iv) effective verbal and listening communications skills
v) ability to communicate effectively in English and time management skills.
(www.mcgm.gov).

But it is evident from the recruitment procedure that the above listed skills are never
mentioned in the advertisement as it is not possible for the labours applying for this post.

Provision of safety to the sewage worker:

The BMC manual states that, “if the manhole is found safe, the employer should provide
equipment like oxygen mask, helmet, gumboots, air blower, torch, safety belt. Etc. while one
enters the manhole”

However, it is a naked truth in actual the working conditions enforce to get into the manholes
without any clothes as no separate uniforms are provided to these workers other than “divers”.
(Even the diver’s suit is not water proof and of very cheap quality material). But at the last
phase of data collection very few workers showed to get the disposable aprons. But the fact is

59
maximum almost all sewage workers enter bare bodied in the manhole and performs this very
unhygienic task of removing the sludge either by hand or spade and bucket.
As mentioned earlier the occupation exposure of sewage workers are complex and variable
and include a great variety of biological, chemical and physical agents. Most of the previous
research has focused largely on the infections and various symptoms among sewage workers
e.g. abdominal and respiratory diseases. But it is equally essential to study the present scenario
of the sewage work in the formal organization like Mumbai Mahapalika (BMC) with labour
market perspective and effects of the partial mechanization of this work with the installation
of very heavy, nearly 600 Kg weight OK-Champion machine and other related equipment.

The complete mechanization of this work is another focal point of discussion here. As a part
of automation of sewage works the OK Champion machines were purchased from MSDP, a
world bank funded project. All the equipment required to do this work including OK-
Champion machines are kept at the BMC chowkis which are generally 3-4 kilometers away
from the work sites. This includes spade s, buckets, OK Champion machine. Although
Mumbai Corporation is having the OK Champion machines to clean the sewers but to fit these
machines, what they called as “kappi marane” in Marathi. Sewage workers have to enter
regularly in the manhole with bare body if the sewer is not blocked or overflowing as a part
of maintenance. Then by using a spade and tin bucket (which is called as “Dhole”), the
sewage workers clear feces from manholes onto baskets or other containers, which they then
carry on wheelbarrows or carts to dumping grounds and disposal sites finally. If the main
sewers are blocked and overflowing the sewage worker designated as “Diver” special
swimmers have to dive in this highly excreta filled main sewer to remove the blockage. None
of the workers receive any formal training of handling this machine. The sewage workers
learn from their colleagues. The absence of professional or technical training before entering
into this job also leaves workers prone to accidents and death.

They are informally trained by their seniors or mukadam, to check the safety before they
enter. Many times, hidden dangerous, highly inflammable gases like Methane, Hydrogen
Sulphide, and carbon monoxide are not detected by candle test which is routinely done before
entry. Inhalation of this hidden gases many times after reaching down causes fainting and
breathlessness by damaging the respiratory system and eventually death occurs. There have
been some incidences of burn causality while doing the candle test itself. Simultaneously, the

60
regular exposure to these gases has found to be responsible to cause impotency (Occupational
Health and Safety Centre report 1988). Here the issue need urgent attention of such
establishments, policy makers and judicial system, why the BMC don’t buy the highly
advance or sophisticated instruments like “Gas detectors” to avoid the danger of exposure to
these gases as safety and preventive norm? The BMC work manual itself mentions the
requirement of safety check then why the operation system rely only on the traditional “candle
test” as a measure of safety?

The responses of the sewage workers towards the full mechanization mean stopping the
human entry in the manhole was full of fear of either losing the job for next generation or
other extra monitory benefits like washing allowance, special sewage work allowance and
manhole entry allowance which is more than Rs.1000 per month. But one cannot ignore
the fact that this monitory gains are at the cost of their precious health.
The infrastructural development is one of the highlighted aspect of modern India, shining
India. For several decades, the neutrality of infrastructure is under constant attack because
of the given undeniable severe human and ecological costs associated with these
infrastructural improvement projects. Activists and scholars have tirelessly documented and
resisted the way these projects reinforce and magnify exclusionary developmental
processes, favouring elites while claiming to modernize infrastructure. However, curiously,
the subterranean world of the sewerage system has largely escaped their critical scrutiny
and therefore continues to be invested with the charge of augmenting universal social
wellbeing and public health. Hence it is essential to look into the infrastructural changes and
developments that includes the provision of better work conditions of sewage workers.

The presence of different caste population along with untouchables in sewage work is
symbolic of employment condition of the country. Since the need of having a secured and
good paid job is an important factor to sustain educated or literate population are enforced to
opt the sewage work though it has been the polluted in terms of caste structure in India and
unhygienic too. Municipality like BMC is providing a good salary, job security, social
security with social status and financial credit to these regular sewage workers which is
lacking in the casual works attracts the social and occupational mobility. Rural to urban
migration is another indicator of the labour market condition.

61
The issue is mainly related to their undignified labour and its implication on their health and
provision of proper equipment and good quality and usable sizes safety measures might be
more useful and logical than only increasing their remunerations. Instead of striking the
hammer on the needle top, beating around the bush, and trying to find other solutions will
never solve the issue.
Similarly, an exclusive focus on techno-managerial aspects of infrastructure modernization
without paying attention to social, cultural and epidemiological dimensions of the production
and maintenance of sewage networks is bound to reproduce the conditions under which a
sewage worker’s body becomes disposable in the first place. It’s the state responsibility to
provide the good health and working facilities to sewage workers so that the risk factor is
reduced to minimal.
The problem I submit lies with the way the sewerage system is viewed in the first place.
Common to the positions of the government as well as a large number of activists is the idea
that while the degradation of those who work as sewage workers and manual scavengers is a
social and political issue. The sewage infrastructure by itself is apolitical and as such a
domain of intervention reserved for engineers, technocrats and planners. In other words, once
the degrading working conditions and unjust labor practices are taken out of equation the
technical neutrality of the sewerage system will be restored and it will be able to fulfil its
promise of being a technology of economic modernization and social emancipation in true
sense.
Simultaneously it is equally essential to implement genuinely the 2013 Act, “prohibition of
manual scavenging and it Rehabilitation, and Occupational Safety and Health Act to protect
the health of the sewer workers. It is equally necessary for the Trade Unions to create the
social pressure on BMC Management to emphasize the sewage worker’s safety and health
for the safety and hygiene of Mumbai city. The sewage workers are the martyrs , real braves
who dare to enter the manholes, the stinking darkness of life at the cost of their health,
families and lives many times to keep the city hygienic and healthy so that we live.
This sewage workers are actually doing the “Bharat Swachha” since last many decades, much
before the launch of any “Abhiyaan”.

62
 REFERENCES:

Béteille, A. (2006). Castes: old and new: essays in social structure and social
stratification. Michigan: Asia Pub. House, 1969.
B, S. (2013). Liberation and Rehabilitation of Manual Scavengers. International Journal
of Research in Humanities, Vol. 1 (Issue 2), 29-38.

Chaudhury, S. K. (2013). Ambedkar and Future of Dalits. New Delhi: Serials

Publications. Chaudhury, S. K. (2013). Ambedkar and Future of Dalits. New Delhi:
Serials Publications.

Deliege, S. a. (1999). The Untouchables of India. Oxford and New York: Berg: Oxford
University Press.
Guru, E. b. (2009). Humiliation: claims and contexts. New Delhi: Oxford University
Press.
Guru, G. (1993). Dalit movement in mainstream sociology. Economic and Political
Weekly, p. 28.
Indian Social Institute. (2012). National Public Hearing on "Rehabilitation of Manual
Scavengers and their Children in India, Rashtriya Garima Abhiyan, New Delhi
Judge, P. S. (2008). Changing Dalits: Exploration across Time. Jaipur: Rawat
Publications.
K, S. (Director). India Untouched [Motion Picture].

Kumar, S. and Gaikwad, S.A., “Municipal Solid Waste Management in Indian Urban
Centres: An Approach for Betterment”, Urban Development Debates in the New
Millennium, Edited by K.R. Gupta, Atlantic Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi,
pp.100-111, 2004.
Kumar, S., Gaikwad, S.A., Shekdar, A.V., Kshirsagar, P.S. and Singh, R.N., “Estimation
Method for National Methane Emission from Solid Waste Landfills”, Atmospheric
Environment, 38, pp.3481-3487, 2004.
Kumar, S., Mondal, A.N., Gaikwad, S.A., Devotta, S. and Singh, R.N., “Qualitative
Assessment of Methane Emission Inventory from Municipal Solid Waste Disposal
Sites: A Case Study”, Atmospheric Environment, 38, pp.4921-4929, 2004

63
Mari Marcel Thekaekara. (2009). Dying for living, InfoChange News & Features.
Sudhakar Owlae . (2013). In search of dignity and Justice.
Matthews, E. R. (1916). Refuse Disposal: A Practical Manual for Municipal Engineers,
Members of Local Authorities, Etc. The British Medical Journal, Vol. 1 (No. 2882),
453.
Mencher, S. M. (2013). Life as a Dalit: Views from the Bottom on Caste in India.
University of South Carolina, USA: SAGE, India.
Mendelsohn, V. a. (1998). The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the state in
modern India. Cambridge University Press.
Municipal Solid Waste Management in India: Present Practices and Future Challenge
Sunil Kumar [email protected] / [email protected] 15 August 2005.
NEERI Report “Strategy Paper on Solid Waste Management in India”, pp.1-7, 1996.
Oommen, T. K. (1984). Sources of deprivation and styles of protest: the case of the
Dalits .in India. Contributions to Indian Sociology, 18(1), 45-61.
Pathak, B.(1999). A Road to Freedom. Motilal Banarsdass Publishers.
Paul, S. (2013). India and Its Unwashed Reality, Manual Scavenging. Manual
Scavenging (May 31,2013).
Ravikumar. (1994). Venomous Touch: Notes on Caste, Culture & Politics. New Delhi:
Sage.
Sachchidananda. (1977). The Harijan Elite: A Study of their status, networks, mobility
and role in social transformation. Faridabad: Thomson Press (India) Limited.
Singh, R. K. (2009). Manual Scavenging as Social Exclusion: A Case Study. Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol. 44 (No. 26/27), 521-523.

Sukanta.K.Chaudhury. Ambedkar and Future of Dalits Serial Publications. K, S.

(Director). India Untouched [Motion Picture].
Sukanta.K.Chaudhury. Ambedkar and Future of Dalits. Serial Publications

Samuel SathyaSeelan. (2013). Neglect of Sewage Workers, Concerns about the

New Act, Economic and political weekly

Thorn J1, Kerekes E., Pub Med. Health effects among employees in sewage treatment
plants: A literature survey.

64
United Nations Commission on Human Rights. (2002). Manual scavenging - the most
indecent form of work. Geneva: United Nations Commission on Human Rights.
Vicziany, M. a. (1998). The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the state in
modern India. Cambridge University Press.
Vicziany, M. (2005). Dalit responses to unemployment in contemporary India. South
Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 28(1), 154-179.
www.mcgm.gov, Mumbai Muncipal Corporation

65
 APPENDIX

OPEN ENDED QUESTIONARE FOR INDEPTH INTERVIEWS OF SEWARAGE

WORKERS
Ward, chowki location and Respondent no.: ……………
1.Socio- economic condition
Personal information
A) Full Name and contact number
B) Age and sex
C) Religion and caste, sub-caste
D) Present residential address
C) Educational background
d) Additional education qualification like technical or other skill if any…………
Married /unmarried / divorcee
Colour of the ration card
Is he having, election/ voter card, Adhar card, PAN No. Insurance, what type of insurance?
Life or health, own purchase or BMC provided?
E) Nature of work: labour, mukadam , diver or any other
F) Type of employment: contract / permanent/ khadabadli
and how long employed with BMC,Working since year …………..
G) Is this a first job or second/ third?
H) Is he doing any other job simultaneously or part time? If yes, what?
I) First and Present salary Rs. In BMC
J) Income or earning from other sources
iv) Duty hours every day
G) Direct selection or PT case?
i) If PT then in whose place?
ii) Is the person alive or dead?
iii) If dead, at what age and cause of death

66
 iv) Number of generations working as Sewerage worker.
V) If direct then please describe the selection procedure in detail
Earnings:
Monthly income, number of earning members in the family, total family income
i. Addiction, for eg; alcohol, beedi, cigarette, tobacco or any other. If yes,
ii. What type and since when, how much is the amount (quantity) and frequency
iii. Was it before joining or after joining this job?
iv. Does he find necessity to do while performing his work in main sewer?
v. Is it increased during the service tenure?
vi. Does he feel dependency on addiction to do the job or after finishing the work also?
vii. Has he de-addicted himself?

viii. Assets
Own land/ farm/ jewelry/ bicycle/ two, three or four-wheeler/ TV/Refrigerator/WM/
Computer / or any other type of investments

2) Family background (socioeconomic)

a) Total Number of the family members with number of dependents
Relation with respondent, age, sex, education, income source
c) Siblings education and job
i) Wife’s education and job
ii) Number of children
ix. Children’s schooling expenditure
x. Does he disclose his job profile in family, friends and society? Or he feels shame? Or
scared of defamed?
xi. Any other family member working as sewerage worker
xii. anyone died as a sewerage worker?
xiii. cause of death
xiv. was medically unfit or bedridden?
xv. type of illness and treatment

67
Expenditure
at personal level like daily travel, entertainment, pan bidi, etc
Expenditure at family level
i)On education
ii) on households: grocery, vegetable/ maintenance like electricity bill, water charges,
assessment, etc.
iii) on medical: hospitalization
iv) marriages / family function. whether has to borrow money. if yes, purpose / amount/how
many times. then from whom, bank/ private money lenders/ friends/ relatives
How he repays/ EMI or otherwise?
medical Insurance

Living condition
Migrated or Mumbai inhabitant
Type of the house
xvi. own or rented or staff quarters
xvii. if own then loan or how ?
xviii. No. of family members staying with
xix. Type of family, nuclear/ joint
xx. Residing since year …….
xxi. Water supply facility, tap water in house, how much time?
xxii. or common supply outside by BMC or private or tanker? and is it near to house?
xxiii. Is it free or paid? How much charge per month
xxiv. Toilet facility, Within the house or outside common toilet or open space
xxv. is it paid or free?
xxvi. If paid, then how much?
xxvii. If common, then are they cleaned? If yes then by whom and if no, why?
xxviii. Shared by how many persons?
xxix. Electric supply
xxx. Own meter or how?

68
xxxi. How much expenditure per month on electricity?

Facilities in residing location

Aganwadi, hospital, school, market, transport (Rly/ Bus / auto road)

2. Working condition
xxxii. Duty hours every day
xxxiii. ) Nature of work, labour, mukadam , diver or any other
xxxiv. How many times he has to enter in the manhole in duty hours
xxxv. Whether equipment is provided to undertake work
xxxvi. Does he check the safety of the chamber before entering?
xxxvii. Has he been trained for that?
xxxviii. If yes, who trained him and how many times in service?
xxxix. Is his work been supervised? If yes by whom?
xl. How he enters in the chamber? What technique or method applied?
xli. What are the depth, length and breadth and diameter of the chamber?
xlii. Please describe the very first day of job in detail.
xliii. Pl. describes in detail the very first experience of main sewer/ safety tank.
xliv. Pl. describe the actual way of work done in the sewer
xlv. Do you have use your whole body to do the work?
xlvi. Is there particular uniform to wear while working in main sewer?

xlvii. Risk factors experienced by him while working

xlviii. Please explain in detail.
xlix. What are the regular risk factors faced by him while working in sewer?
l. Did he meet any kind of accident on duty?
li. If yes, what kind of injury and how long treatment?
lii. Was there any partial and temporary physical disability?
liii. Did he get any compensation for that? If yes what type?
liv. Where he got medically treated?
lv. Was there any psychological effect like nervousness, frustration or depression?

69
lvi. Did he ever experience insomnia or sleeping sickness due to psychological stress?

lvii. Has he witnessed any accident or death of colleague on duty,

If yes pl. describe.
Does he remember this incident every time whenever he is working in sewerage?

lviii. 3. Health implications

lix. Is he suffering from any other illness presently or in last 15 days
lx. if yes, what type and number of episodes
lxi. what and where treatment was taken
lxii. any other illness during last one year or previously?
lxiii. If yes, what type?
lxiv. Is he under treatment? If yes, What
lxv. Any other family member suffering from any kind of illness presently or during last
one year or in past five years?
lxvi. If yes, what and where?
lxvii. Was there any hospitalization? If yes, where?
lxviii. How much is the expenditure monthly on health of his family?
lxix. Where does he and his family goes for medical treatment?
lxx. Does he have to borrow loan for medical expenditure? If yes, what are the sources?
lxxi. Does he get regular medical checkup done?
lxxii. If yes, where, what and how many times?
lxxiii. Is he satisfied with the medical checkup or has any suggestions?

4. Safety Measures
lxxiv. Whether the Safety gears provided, if yes what type? E.g. Helmet, hand gloves,
gumboots, masks, raincoats, etc.
lxxv. Does he receive it regularly? How many times or whenever required?

lxxvi. Are they comfortable to work with?

lxxvii. Is there any discomfort experienced?

70
lxxviii. Explain particularly

lxxix. What are the recommendations?

lxxx. Does he apply any chemical disinfectant to protect their skin?

lxxxi. If yes, what and is it helpful?

lxxxii. Do they get cleaning / bathing facility near work site?

lxxxiii. Does BMC provide place for eating, drinking water, washrooms, soaps and any other
skin disinfectant?

lxxxiv. What is provided by BMC to clean the body and does he receive it regularly?

lxxxv. What are difficulties faced during work?

lxxxvi. What can be done to minimize your difficulties?

lxxxvii. What are your recommendations?

lxxxviii. Does he recommend mechanization?

lxxxix. Is it helpful? if yes, how

xc. If no, why?

xci. What are his expectations from the employer to improve his working and living
condition?

5. Welfare measures
Does he have bank account
Is he member of credit society?
Medical Insurance
Is he member of Union
What support provided by union?
Medical: in the form of drugs/ medicines/ cash
Educational for children
Scholarship/ awards/ prizes

71
xcii. Has he ever heard about labour laws?

xciii. Is he aware of the Act provisions and protection under law?

xciv. Has he heard about decent work and international work standard any time in their
life?
xcv. Does he have any understanding t o have better working condition?
xcvi. Is he aware of their rights as labour, human rights and rights given by Indian
constitution to them?
xcvii. Does he disclose his job profile in family, friends and society? Or he feels shame? Or
scared of defamed?

xcviii. Has he ever heard of Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Dr. Ambedkar or any other social
reformer and their work or contribution in society?

xcix. If yes, what is his views/ thinking/ opinion about them and their work/ motivation

c. Have h e heard or read about Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s thoughts and views about
banning manual scavenging?
ci. What is their understanding of the caste system?
cii. does he feel discriminated?
ciii. if yes, then by whom
civ. Nature of discrimination or ill treatment at work or work site
cv. Does he disclose his job profile in family, friends and society? Or he feels shame? Or
scared of defame.

72
73