PR1 Research (Group 3) (Intro and Methods)
PR1 Research (Group 3) (Intro and Methods)
Endita, Ryven B.
11-Tesla
Abstract
stigmas and stereotypes on the STEM students in Dr. Yanga's College Inc. The
common words used in the research are impact, stigmas, stereotypes, and
psychological. Negative views or prejudice towards someone because of a distinctive
attribute, such as a mental illness, health condition, or handicap, are examples of
stigma. Other qualities such as gender, sexuality, race, religion, and culture can all be
linked to social stigmas. In addition, the stereotype is a preconceived notion about a
particular group of people that may or may not represent reality. Stereotypes are similar
to portrayals, which are representations that exaggerate certain aspects while
simplifying others, resulting in a distortion of an individual's essence. Many stereotypes
exist, but they are oversimplified images or thoughts about a specific sort of person.
The researchers used a qualitative type of research in this study. In qualitative research,
non-numerical data is collected and analyzed to better comprehend ideas, views, or
experiences. It can be used to get an in-depth understanding of a subject or to develop
fresh research ideas. With the interview, the researchers emerged these emergent
themes: Someone with Preconceived Notions on STEM, Stereotypes on STEM,
Reactions on Stereotypes/Stigma, and Handling people with expectations. The
important statements were thoroughly examined and organized into themes. The
researcher came to the following findings as a result of this: (1) Some of the
participants have not encountered someone with expectations in STEM while others
have heard some from their friends and family; (2) STEM students are generalized to be
smart and inclined to being an engineer or doctor; (3) The STEM students felt
overwhelmed and pressured due to the expectations of the society; (4) Some corrected
the STEM misconceptions which is helpful in diminishing the stereotypes.
INTRODUCTION
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research examined how the stereotypes and stigmas about STEM students affect the
behavior and mindset of individuals. The goal of this research paper is to dispel the
common misconceptions as it negatively impacts STEM students. Furthermore, this
study hopes to resolve the consequences brought by the stigmas and stereotypes of
STEM Students.
comes into contact with a member of a stereotyped group, the stereotypes connected
with that community may be automatically activated, meaning that the specific features
that are perceived as typical of the group may become more accessible in the person's
mind. Even if a person does not personally approve or accept the stereotype as accurate,
the process of stereotype activation might occur. Stigmas are from the stereotypical
ideas of mankind and are but a normal phase in the way of thinking of a human being.
In layman’s terms, it is a normal cycle of life in it or what we call the instinctual nature
of us human beings. Instinct is what keeps us who we are, what keeps us alive, and
what keeps us identifiable with other beings. STEM students or in a more-vast way of
saying it, SCIENCE and TECHNOLOGY, ENGINEERING AND MATHEMATICS,
are stereotypically deemed as “smart” or “smarter” students as compared to their peers
due to the nature of their field because even in a learner’s younger years of being a
student, it is very much seen that the subjects of mathematics and science are for those
students who are “smarter” than the average students. Due to the nature of the scarcity
of students taking the field of study and the “novelty” of the field, the stigmas tend to
fall under the impression that the STEM students “must” be of a “smart” calibre. In
today’s Philippines, the stigmas around the field of work that can be attained through
studying the branch of STEM are mostly the so-called “blue-collar” jobs which are
looked at as a high paying and intricate jobs to attain, adding to the stigma pressure to
the, or being a STEM student.
Theoretical Underpinnings
Here, we explore the role of racial phenotypic stereotypicality, or how typical one’s
physical appearance is of one’s racial group, in STEM persistence. In a longitudinal
study, URM students were especially likely to leave STEM to the extent that they
looked more stereotypical of their group; Asian American students were especially
likely to leave STEM to the extent that they looked less stereotypical. Three
experiments documented a possible mechanism; participants (Studies 2–4), including
college advisors (Study 3), attributed greater STEM ability to more-stereotypical Asian
Americans and less-stereotypical Black women (not men), than to same-race peers.
Study 4 showed that prejudice concerns, activated in interactions with Black men (not
women), account for this gender difference; more-stereotypical Black men (like
women) were negatively evaluated when prejudice concerns were not salient. This work
has important implications for ongoing efforts to achieve diversity in STEM. Tracing
the bias in an attempt to identify the source of such biases, the researchers invited
academic advisers from 50 top US universities to participate in a follow-up study.
Advisers looked at two photos (one higher and one lower in stereotypicality but always
of the same race and gender) and were told to recommend which of the two should take
a STEM-related class. The responses were consistent with the findings in the first part
of the study. Advisers were considerably more likely to choose Asian male and female
students who looked more stereotypically Asian to take the STEM class. Advisers were
less likely to choose those who looked more stereotypically black among women. The
authors of the STEM study say they don’t think society and researchers have done
enough to understand how differences within races, versus between races, lead to
different outcomes. “This study is important because it raises awareness about how
decisions based on stereotypes can amount to very real negative outcomes for STEM
students,” the authors write. “We hope that by bringing attention to this topic, it will
create ripples of awareness and behaviours that lead to more authentic, meritocratically
based outcomes.”
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The MASS Scale was developed by Garriott et al. (2016) and used as a measure of
STEM stereotypes. The initial version was developed by experts in career development
and validated with 341 high school students; eight items were retained to form a single-
factor instrument. In their study, the 8-item version of the MASS Scale was validated
using a confirmatory factor analysis with 358 students, and its single-factor structure
was confirmed with a Cronbach’s alpha of .93. Four of the eight items focus on the
“less people-oriented” aspect of STEM stereotypes, echoing the findings of Masnick et
al.’s (2010) study.
The purpose of this study was to investigate the psychological impact of stigmas
and stereotypes on STEM students and investigate it to find an answer to these
questions:
1. How would stigmas and stereotypes be defined?
2. Why are there stigmas and stereotypes about STEM students?
3. How do STEM students cope with the stigmas and stereotypes around them?
This study shows how Stereotypes hinder the identities of women in STEM which is
relevant to our topic showing how it affects students. Stereotypes hinder women's
identification with science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), which
might reduce their ambition to pursue STEM careers. Nerd-genius preconceptions and
gender stereotypes both had a detrimental impact on women's STEM identity, while
STEM identity had a favorable impact on their STEM drive. Addressing geeky genius
preconceptions in STEM treatments and eliminating classroom artifacts that may be
suggestive of these stereotypes are two practical consequences. Researchers
investigated the relationship between gender-based STEM stereotypes and poorer
STEM identification (or association between oneself and STEM). Stereotypes of nerds
and geniuses may have an impact on women's motivation and STEM identity. The
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study's primary research questions were as follows: first, do stereotypes about people in
STEM being nerdy geniuses contribute to STEM motivation and identity? Second, does
STEM identity play a role in mediating the relationship between stereotypes and STEM
motivation? People who have high expectations and value views are more inclined to
pursue a subject. Women and girls have lower math expectancy-value beliefs than men
and boys (Eccles & Wang, 2016). Previous research has indicated that STEM identity
or gender identity compatibility with STEM is associated with STEM perseverance and
belonging. Many individuals still categorize STEM as a masculine area (e.g., Carli,
Alawa, Lee, Zhao, & Kim, 2016; Kuchynka et al., 2018; Picho, Rodriguez, & Finnie,
2013; Smyth & Nosek, 2015). Women may be less motivated to pursue STEM
disciplines if STEM is openly associated with an outgroup. Many people also have an
underlying bias towards males in STEM fields. Implicit stereotypes are unintended
connections that occur at the unconscious level.
There is a substantial body of research indicating that both explicit and implicit gender
linkages with STEM are connected to STEM motivation. STEM professionals are
sometimes portrayed as socially awkward, ugly, and inherently bright. The nerd
stereotype is divided into two parts: the nerd stereotype and the genius stereotype. Both,
as well as national gender inequalities in eighth-grade math and science proficiency,
may contribute to women's STEM interest. While STEM professionals are portrayed as
socially awkward loners, women are frequently expected to be connected with friends
and family, beautiful, and have a love partner.
that they perceive as needing brilliance. When women have a fixed perspective about
arithmetic, they may be more prone to shun fields stereotyped as geniuses. According
to one longitudinal study, these two assumptions interact to reduce women's sense of
belonging in math.
STEM stereotypes may influence women's identification with STEM and, as a result,
motivation. This was one of the first studies to look into STEM identity as a mediator
of stereotypes and expectancy-value beliefs. It was discovered that STEM identity
influenced the relationship between implicit STEM gender associations and
motivational factors in part. The more women link STEM with men, the less likely they
are to identify with STEM professionals. STEM and males connections, both explicit
and implicit, were not directly associated to any outcome variable.
Even after accounting for both implicit and explicit gender-STEM stereotypes, nerd-
genius stereotypes were significantly adversely associated with STEM identity. I
measured identification using typicality, which assesses how similar a person feels to
persons in STEM. This research implies that STEM identity acts as a bridge between
stereotypes and STEM motivation. Other types of identity that are centered on a
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dedication to STEM may diverge from the norm. Gender-science stereotypes were
more prevalent among European American women than among women of other
ethnicities.
When compared to Asian and Latina males, Latina women exhibited much higher
STEM value attitudes. The larger implicit connections of European American women
probably contribute to their lower STEM motivation and value perceptions.
Nerd-genius stereotypes of STEM workers are not overtly gendered. However, because
of their inconsistency with gender expectations about women, they may work to
demotivate women more than males. Despite increased female representation in many
STEM subjects (e.g., biology), fields such as engineering remain male-dominated.
Investigating nerd-genius stereotypes may assist to understand why some women
specialize in professions such as engineering. Despite gender preconceptions, some
women may believe they meet the stereotype (i.e., have corresponding self-concepts)
and connect with STEM. Prior research has demonstrated that being part of a
welcoming setting is connected to higher STEM identification in the classroom.
Because all studies were correlational, no causal influences can be determined. Because
the scale order was not randomized, order effects could not be investigated. Future
research may take a more in-depth intersectional look at the influence of ethnic and
gender stereotypes on STEM motivation. A woman who embraces nerd-genius
stereotypes but does not consider herself gender-typical may be less impacted by these
assumptions. Men in STEM areas might be studied to see if they regard women who do
not meet these stereotypes as less skilled in STEM and deserving of prejudice and
harassment. In addition to implicit and explicit gender stereotypes, nerd-genius
preconceptions about persons in STEM being geeky geniuses may serve to discourage
women from associating with STEM. Future studies should look at whether these
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This literature shows a preconception of how women are viewed in STEM is greatly
relevant to by giving us an insight on what is happening and how are they treated.
Gender stereotypes persist in the disciplines of science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics (STEM). One prevalent assumption is that guys outperform girls in math
and science. The purpose of this study is to get insight into the preconceptions that are
applied to women who talk publicly about their research and/or job.
Gender stereotypes are universal and tend to exaggerate reality. Women are stereotyped
as possessing community characteristics such as warmth and care. People regard men
and women differently and hold them to different standards as a result of stereotypes.
They contribute to societal gender prejudice, notably in STEM. Even women who work
in science have an underlying image of science as a masculine field and women
'belonging' in the arts.
Women had a negative bias in ratings and were judged on different factors than males,
including attractiveness and personality, in teaching evaluations. Articles are referenced
less frequently when major authors are female, and female authorship in renowned
publications is underrepresented. Gender prejudice and sexism are ubiquitous and
extensively established in STEM professions, disrupting and harming women
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disproportionately. Women who openly express their work may be particularly exposed
to these many forms of harassment. There are Queen Bees in non-STEM areas who
have climbed to positions of leadership in male-dominated corporations and then isolate
themselves from subordinate women. Gender stereotypes harm the public
communication efforts of women in STEM. When discussing or writing about their job
in the classroom and in research publications, on YouTube, and social media, women
face unfavorable preconceptions and biases. View how these preconceptions are
applied to persons who publicly discuss their science enables a more nuanced
understanding of the possible influence of being visible or a role model.
From September 2017 to April 2018, data on stereotypes were collected through
workshops held in Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and Japan. Participants
were recruited using email, the researchers' website, newsletter notifications,
conference sessions, and direct requests for workshops. Both researchers' home
institutions provided ethics approval for this study. Each stereotype would be detailed
as it was read, and then the facilitator would lead a short discussion on how this
stereotype may be 'flipped,' or made positive or negative based on the context,
audience, and communicator's aim.
Both researchers used a cross-sectional 'code and retrieve' approach to code the
gathered sheets of paper (Mason, 2002). The data was made up of single words or brief
phrases that were read and utilized to generate the code categories. On each page, the
number of times a stereotyped topic occurred was also counted. Any prejudices that the
researchers misinterpreted were discussed, rectified, and consistently categorized using
the verified definition. The analysis was restricted to obvious content meaning rather
than latent content meaning. The extensive time spent debriefing and debating the
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words and phrases obtained from workshop participants adds to the validity of the data
acquired.
The sessions were attended by around 315 participants, the great majority of whom
were women, with representatives from approximately 25 different cultural
backgrounds recognized. Participants ranged from early-career to senior-level positions.
Emotional and sympathetic stereotypes were maintained distinct because emotional
stereotypes sometimes represented frenzied or unreasonable responses.
In focus groups, the most popular preconceptions were 'bossy,' 'bitchy,' and 'emotional.'
Positive categories were empathic, polite, efficient, collaborative, and superwoman.
Participants offered tales and examples of how they adjusted their conduct in response
to the stereotype. After identifying the dominating preconceptions, each group was
guided through an activity to 'reverse' the stereotype. Participants explored the
ramifications of individuals making communication judgments based on a perceived
stereotype rather than the circumstance at hand. When participants were asked to
consider a stereotype as good or negative and then reverse it, they were pushed to
confront their prejudice.
'Bossy', 'bitchy', and 'emotional' were the top three stereotype words for women in
science, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) who publicly communicate their work.
This is consistent with prior studies that found women judged more on personality and
appearance than their male colleagues. Negative stereotypical perceptions not only
affect women, but also the companies they work for and their subsequent performance
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(Settles et al., 2016). This is consistent with earlier research which found members of
minoritized groups punish members of the same group for public displays of potentially
negative stereotypes (Opie and Phillips, 2015).
The lack of fit between female gender-based stereotypes and stereotypes about being a
scientist can negatively impact how women in STEM are evaluated. Effective training
to address and combat implicit and explicit bias for individuals and institutions is
needed, especially for those in positions of privilege and power.
Knowing that negative preconceptions exist, however erroneously labeled, may inhibit
women from speaking up for fear of being stigmatized. Qualifiers are arbitrary and
frequently differ from one individual to the next. Words like 'too,' 'less than,' or more
draw an invisible barrier between acceptable and inappropriate behavior. The majority
of people exhibit some degree of gendered stereotype prejudice. In terms of politics,
economy, education, violence, or reproductive rights, 91 percent of men and 86 percent
of women have at least one bias against women. Understanding individual reactions to
preconceptions of women in STEM allows us to better understand where our prejudice
may arise.
Study shows that the prevailing perceptions of the stereotypes applied to women who
speak publicly about their work are largely negative.
The study shows how segregation and stereotypes affect children's ambition in STEM.
Gender segregation is strongest in scientific, technological, engineering, and
mathematics (STEM) employment. This article examines how various theoretical
theories fit with the current information on the gender mix of scientific and technical
sectors. We find the highest support for explanations that allow for a dynamic
interaction between individual-level features and larger sociocultural settings.
Despite extensive study and legislative initiatives, STEM careers continue to be gender-
segregated. In 2015, women made up over half of the US working force, but just 28%
of all scientific and technical jobs. Gender segregation is also prevalent in STEM, with
women accounting for 48% of life scientists and 60% of social scientists. In more
affluent cultures, the gender disparity in children's STEM ambitions is bigger. In 2015,
for example, just roughly 14 percent of White, Asian, Hispanic, and Latino engineers in
the United States were women. Western cultural preconceptions about STEM jobs and
STEM employees may be potent motivators of gendered goals and affinities.
Sociologists differentiate between local and macro-level reasons for gender disparity.
The former considers individual features (e.g., individual employees and employers),
whereas the latter focuses on bigger entities (organizations, national societies). We look
at how each concept fits with the facts on gender segregation in STEM disciplines. A
2005 speech by Harvard president Lawrence Summers and a 2017 email by former
Google employee James Damore are two supply-side interpretations of gender
imbalance in STEM. These explanations appear to blame women for their lower
position in these sectors, implying that the existing gendering of employment is
unavoidable.
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Gendered employment patterns are also heavily shaped by national policies and
traditions. Social arrangements—for example, relating to hours, working conditions,
family leaves, childcare, worker protection, and taxation—regulate individual behavior
and reproduce normative models of work and family (Buchmann and Charles 1995;
Gornick and Meyers 2003; Thébaud 2015; Ecklund and Lincoln 2016). Social
democratic policy regimes, which offer greater support to working parents, tend to
promote more egalitarian family structures and higher rates of women's full-time
employment (Charles and Cech 2010; Pedulla and Thébaud 2015; Hegewisch and
Gornick 2011), but they are at best weakly related to gender segregation in STEM—as
evidenced in the highly segregated scientific and technical labor forces found in policy-
progressive Scandinavian countries (Charles and Bradley 2006; Charles 2011a).
Even gendered divisions of family labor appear to have little power to explain
differences in career trajectories between women STEM and non-STEM professionals.
Demand-side explanations switch the focus from attributes of men and women workers
to actions and attributes of employers and clients. Gender discrimination is difficult to
measure, in part because it is illegal in the United States and few people will admit to it.
But statistical discrimination can be a powerful mechanism for translating cultural
beliefs about gender differences into gendered individual preferences and outcomes
(Bielby and Baron 1986). Supply- and demand-side processes can reinforce one another
by generating self-fulfilling prophecies.
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The inference is that pervasive societal perception about how men and women differ
and what they enjoy influence employment choices. People perform lower on
examinations when they are afraid of confirming a negative stereotype about their
gender (or ethnic) group. Culture can also have a stereotype-like effect on performance.
Beliefs about inherent gender disparities inability have a particularly powerful impact
on sectors such as STEM.
Social psychologists have been studying the substance of cultural stereotypes about
men and women for decades. Men are thought to be more agentic and competent than
women in the United States. However, research suggests that in the United States, high
levels of intelligence or skill are still labeled as male. Men are heavily encouraged to be
forceful and ambitious, while women are not. Society values attribute associated with
males and masculinity more than those associated with women and femininity. Gender
stereotypes are crucial for understanding men's conduct because gender conformity
confers a status advantage on males.
The descriptive and prescriptive substance of stereotypes about men and women has
direct consequences for STEM inequality. Many STEM areas idealize people who
exhibit stereotypically male characteristics such as aggressiveness, competition, and
dominance. Many STEM professions and professionals are now connected with the
"geek" label. We contend that men are more likely than women to pursue high-status
jobs in STEM subjects. This is because they are seen to be a better fit for these social
places from a descriptive standpoint.
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Women who are "too" assertive or ambitious may face discrimination, dislike, or
ostracism. Gender stereotypes regarding the association between high levels of intrinsic
intellect and qualification for specific hobbies have been found to influence job goals
from a young age. According to surveys, girls are less likely than boys to feel that
members of their gender are "very, really brilliant." Men's interest in and probability of
persistence in STEM professions is similarly influenced by gendered self-perceptions of
fit and aptitude. Both processes are the result of a misalignment between expectations
for STEM professionals and standards for female behavior. Such stereotyping processes
are particularly pernicious since they have an impact even when an individual disagrees
with them.
Gender integration will not be simple, and it will be dependent in part on growing girls'
interest in STEM. The increased popularity of toys like GoldieBlox engineering kits
demonstrates efforts at counter-stereotype programming. Barbie the Computer Engineer
portrays computers as both feminine and enjoyable. More possibilities for girls and
boys to learn about gender-nonconforming subjects would be a more aggressive
technique for decreasing gender stereotypes. Increased graduation standards in high
school might assist lessen dependence on stereotypes. According to comparative
research, the gender gap in STEM goals and outcomes is less in nations with the better
curriculum.
disciplines, as well as deeply ingrained views about the essential natures of men and
women, impact aspirations for STEM jobs. American ladies who want to "study what
they love" may be equally as interested in computer science and engineering if they had
more opportunities to learn about them.
STEM stereotypes predict students’ STEM career interest via self-efficacy and
outcome expectations
A key purpose of STEM education is to pique students' interest in jobs in science,
technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). The purpose of this study was to
see how upper primary kids' stereotypes about STEM occupations affected their STEM
self-efficacy and STEM career-related outcome expectancies. The results emphasize the
importance of STEM stereotypes, self-efficacy in STEM activities, and output
expectations in students' career development. STEM profession stereotypes are a
significant influencing element in STEM career interest. Students in Hong Kong's
primary and secondary schools have been shown to have comparable preconceptions
about scientists as students in the West (Fung, 2002).
According to several pieces of research, middle school kids have little awareness of the
job of STEM experts and their subject needs. According to the science education
literature, students' STEM preconceptions may have a detrimental impact on their
STEM career interests. Masnick and Masnick (2010) investigated high school students'
attitudes toward STEM and non-STEM occupations. According to Archer et al. (2013),
upper-elementary pupils' impressions of persons in science occupations as
"clever/brainy," "not nurturing," and "geeky" discouraged female students from
pursuing science careers. Some pupils considered science to be for "specialists" or "not
for me," and so ruled it out as a possible career path.
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STEM stereotypes may be linked to students' career preferences via self-efficacy and
result expectancies. The association between STEM stereotypes and career desire has
gotten a great deal of theoretical and empirical support, but the impact of these notions
on students' capacity to conduct STEM learning tasks is yet unknown. STEM career
interest is defined in this study as individuals' overall interest in pursuing STEM-related
occupations. In this study, STEM stereotypes are viewed as a background contextual
affordance (or barrier).
SCCT model in STEM was done in the fields of science, technology, engineering, or
mathematics. From the standpoint of STEM integration, self-efficacy in STEM
activities strongly predicted students' STEM career interest in this study. According to
Garriott et al. (2016), high school students' grades were connected to their career
ambitions in mathematics/science indirectly. When STEM was considered as a science,
technology, engineering, and mathematics discipline learning, Nugent et al. (2015)
discovered no significant direct influence on career direction.
The results of this study highlight the importance of introducing elementary students to
integrated STEM education. The findings suggest that self-efficacy in STEM activities
is crucial for elementary students' interest in entering STEM fields in the future. This
study focused on The findings demonstrate that students' stereotyped ideas
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The demand for specialist labor in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics is
expanding all the time. Despite this demand, girls are grossly underrepresented in
STEM fields. By the age of 18, just 33 percent of males and 19 percent of girls in a
survey were involved in STEM. Females' socialization is the primary cause of girls
feeling inadequate and insecure in STEM disciplines, which are thought to be
masculine themes. This model gives a theoretical foundation for the emergence of a
gendered bias in STEM subjects, although boys and girls do equally well in science.
Parental support, expectation, and pressure have all been cited as important variables in
kids' decisions to pursue a STEM profession. The previous study has mostly focused on
the function of mothers in the development of sons and daughters. In comparison to
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males, girls experienced more positive feedback and autonomous support from their
moms. Positive comments and autonomous support from their dads were evaluated
positively by both girls and boys. According to Fthenakis and Minsel (2002), dads of
females spend more time with their children than fathers of boys. They discovered that
fights with girls bother fathers less than arguments with boys.
The study intends to shed light on the varied roles of mothers and dads for girls' and
boys' STEM performance, as well as vice versa (bi-directional), by employing a cross-
lagged-panel design to uncover probable factors that contribute to or impede academic
achievement in the field of STEM. Mathematics was chosen because there is a gender
imbalance in engineering, physical science, and mathematics, but biology was picked
since bachelor's degrees are earned equally by male and female students.
In the eighth grade, mother and father support was connected with higher math and
biology grades for girls. Neither parental nor father support was shown to be
substantially connected to boys' STEM achievement. The findings suggest that parental
conduct is viewed differently by boys and girls, and/or that parents act differently
toward their male vs female kids. The influence of dads on their children appears to be
far more difficult to comprehend. In previous studies, the father figure was regarded as
restricted to financial assistance, insufficient, or nonexistent. More current research
identifies the father as the "working caring dad," whose duty entails more than just
earning a living.
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The findings reveal that the STEM performance of girls and boys in grade 8 has no
effect on the school-related conduct of moms and dads 1.5 years later. These studies
highlight the importance of moms in students' STEM success. Mothers should be
conscious of their children's school-related conduct, particularly when imposing
pressure, as this limits girls' STEM achievement. The findings demonstrate that parental
support is important but has a varied impact on boys' and girls' STEM success. Cross-
sectionally, father pressure is associated with poor STEM achievement in both boys and
girls. Future research should incorporate data on parental time spent with children,
gender attitudes, and the allocation of household duties. The findings are based on data
from a large sample divided into two waves (beginning of 8th grade and end of 9th
grade), each covering a longer time of adolescence. The views of pressure and support
from both moms and fathers were examined separately for girls and boys. Future
research should utilize more specific tools to assess girls' and boys' STEM success, as
well as include related concepts such as subject-related interest and motivation. The
study is relevant to ours since it examines how parental pressure may affect children's
academic performance as well as how parental support can have a big impact on great
accomplishment in math and biology.
METHODS
Research Design
strengths of qualitative research is its ability to explain processes and patterns of human
behavior that can be difficult to quantify. Phenomena such as experiences, attitudes, and
behaviors can be difficult to accurately capture quantitatively, whereas a qualitative
approach allows participants themselves to explain how, why, or what they were
thinking, feeling, and experiencing at a certain time or during an event of interest as
stated by Geraldine Foley and Virpi Timonen. Furthermore, given that the researchers
are focusing on the participants’ experiences about the impact in their mentality of the
stigmas and stereotypes on STEM students, the researchers conclude that
phenomenology design is the best method to carry out this research. According to Stan
Lester, phenomenology is concerned with the study of experience from the perspective
of the individual, ‘bracketing’ taken-for-granted assumptions, and usual ways of
perceiving. Epistemologically, phenomenological approaches are based on a paradigm
of personal knowledge and subjectivity and emphasize the importance of personal
perspective and interpretation. As such they are powerful for understanding subjective
experience, gaining insights into people’s motivations and actions, and cutting through
the clutter of taken-for-granted assumptions and conventional wisdom. Pure
phenomenological research seeks essentially to describe rather than explain, and to start
from a perspective free from hypotheses or preconceptions (Husserl 1970).
Phenomenological approaches are effective in bringing experiences to the fore and
people's views from their viewpoints, and hence at questioning systemic or assumptions
that are normative.
Research Locale
The study is carried out via an online form sent to senior high school STEM
students of Dr. Yanga's Colleges, Inc. via their respective group chats, with some
forms distributed on the advice of their acquaintances.
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Research Participants
This study's respondents are made up of senior high school students who are
taking STEM in Dr. Yanga's Colleges, Inc. (S.Y 2021 - 2022). These are the
respondents who are competent enough to reply to the issues raised in the current study.
They responded to the questions asked by the researchers during the interview,
providing the researchers with the information they require.
Research Instrument
During the data gathering process, the interviewees were given a series of
guiding questions. This is for the researcher to learn how they deal with the stigmas and
preconceptions associated with STEM students. The interview was carried out using a
Google form.
1. Have you met someone who had preconceived notions or expectations about
becoming a STEM student?
2. What stereotypes or stigmas have you heard about being a STEM student?
3. What is your reaction when you hear such preconceptions about being a STEM
student?
4. How do you handle people who said such preconceptions about STEM?
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5. Do you attempt to correct them when you hear people say, "You’re a STEM
student, you should know better"? How do you correct them when they say such
preconceptions about your strand?
Data Gathering Procedure
Data Analysis
Ethical Considerations
During the data collection process, the first thing researchers consider is the
informant's safety and rights. We, the researchers, appropriately communicated the
research purpose to the informant before commencing the interview. The informants'
responses will only be used for this study.
Second, Privacy is taken to account to ensure the safety and confidentiality of the
identity of the informants.
In order for the researchers to collect the essential data, Honesty was also taken into
account.
And lastly, Beneficence the study's findings would also be valuable to the research's
informants.
The questions posed in the problem statement were addressed in this chapter. The
researchers analyzed the statements of the study participants in order to find themes and
concepts that were relevant to the study's objectives, which were to determine the
psychological impact of stigmas and stereotypes on STEM students. To come up with
answers to the research questions, the researcher first identified the significant
statements, which were then coded into different clusters. The emergent themes are as
follows: Someone with Preconceived Notions on STEM, Stereotypes on STEM,
Reactions on Stereotypes/Stigma and Handling People with expectations.
This phrase came from the informants' comments on whether or not they had
encountered anyone who had preconceived notions about STEM students. Most persons
who have expectations of STEM students, according to the informants, are their friends
and relatives.
The informants shared their thoughts on whether or not they have come across someone
with such STEM ideas. The first is that there is no engagement with someone who has
STEM student expectations.
(SS 2, Line 2)
DR. YANGA’S COLLE GES, INC.
“Sa ngayon wala po, dahil hindi naman po nila binibigyang halaga kung anong strand
ka nabibilang, mas binibigyang halaga nila ang "performance" ma pa akademiko.”
(So far nothing, because I don’t care what strand I belong to, they are much more
focused on your academic performance.)
“Wala pa naman. Nagtatanong sila agad kung ano ang kukunin ko.”
As mentioned above, the informants weren't able to have an interaction with someone
who has some preconceived notions about STEM. On the opposite side other were able
to encounter someone like that most in their friends and relatives. To testify:
“I have met people who assumed that I like science, and I am knowledgeable about it
because I took this strand. Most of them are friends and family.”
“Marami, sa bahay pa lang namin kapag naririnig nilang STEM ako like marami na
silang notions dun like magaling yan sa math at science which is not true. Sa loob ng
family at minsan sa mga kaibigan.”
DR. YANGA’S COLLE GES, INC.
Most informants have encountered this type of people within their friends and relatives
who has a preconceived notions on STEM students.
Stereotypes on STEM
The informants also shared what common stereotypes they heard from other people
when they hear that they are taking STEM.
The first common stereotype is being inclined to be a Doctor and Engineering. To cite:
DR. YANGA’S COLLE GES, INC.
“Most of them are friends and family. That all STEM students are smart, love Science
and Math, and are inclined in taking Engineering for college.”
As cited above, most stereotypes on STEM are that they are inclined into taking a
medical or an engineering course. The other common stereotypes on STEM are that
they are geniuses on the subjects of Science and Mathematics. To testify:
Madalas, they say "ay stem student ka pala, for sure matalino to" or "magaling to sa
science, stem student e, paturo nga".
“The common stigma and stereotypes in STEM students said that they both excel in
subjects of mathematics and science.”
“Na kapag ikaw daw ay STEM student, sure daw na matalino yan ganyan.”
The general perception regarding stem students is that they are intellectual and skilled
in mathematics.
“Akala nila when you are a STEM student magaling ka na sa math at science, mahilig
ka magsolve, at matalino.”
“I hear a lot of people say that STEM students are geniuses and are above to other
students who chooses a different strand.”
The informants stated above that STEMS are always pictured to be geniuses in the
subjects of Science and Mathematics. This leads some students to feel overwhelmed
and pressured which may take a toll on their mental health.
Reactions on Stereotypes/Stigma
They feel
overwhelmed
Reactions on Stigmas and Overwhelmed
when they hear
DR. YANGA’S COLLE GES, INC.
Feeling pressure
because of the
Pressured
preconceived
notions
Overwhelmed, feeling guilty or angry because you've taken on too many obligations.
The informants share their insights that they feel overwhelmed by the expectations of
others due to them taking STEM as a strand. To testify:
“Medyo nakakaoverwhelm din, kasi di naman porket stem student ka dapat may
mameet ka ng expectations ng ibang tao.”
The informants noted that hearing expectations about them being STEM students might
make them feel overwhelmed. On the other hand, some informants feel under pressure
when they are told expectations of being a student of STEM. To cite:
“I feel pressured”
“Syempre pressured.”
“Because it does not only give us pressure, but also the students from other strand may
lose their self-confidence and passion to their chosen strand.”
Being pressured bring a lot of stress to the students leading it sometimes to poor
academic performance which might affect the student psychologically. Excessive
academic stress can lead to an increase in the incidence of psychological and physical
issues such as depression, anxiety, nervousness, and stress-related ailments, which can
negatively impact their academic performance. Anxiety disorders affect roughly 8% of
adolescents and youngsters throughout the world (Anoushka Thakkar, 2018)
This phrase above is taken from the informant's answer to the question of handling
people who have such preconceived notions about STEM students. When the
informants were asked how they a handled a situation like that some informants say
they just don’t care or clarifying misconception when they hear such expectations about
STEM student.
Clarifying
about STEM
The informants stated that they just ignore people who had preconceived notions about
STEM students when ask about handling situations when encountering someone like
that. To cite:
“If I feel like they are people who won't listen, I don't bother explaining to them why
their assumptions are not accurate.”
“I always disregard all their thoughts with regards to their own opinions because if I
didn't disregard any of it, it will enter my system and can cause a disruption in my
body's natural flow.”
Disregarding people who have such thoughts on STEM may be a good thing, as
stated above by the informants they ignore people who have such preconceptions
about STEM because if they pay attention to that it may affect them psychologically
by feeling pressured and stressed. On the other end, some informants have said that
DR. YANGA’S COLLE GES, INC.
“Yes, i tell them na wag magset expectations for us stem students kasi we have our own
skills and abilities sa pagstudy.”
“Yes, sometime I corrected my old friend that being a STEM student doesn't mean that
I'd like to be a doctor someday, they should not assume something based on their basic
knowledge”
“I do attempt to correct them. For example, when someone says: "Oh, you must've
loved science; that's why you took STEM, right?". I do explain that liking a subject is
not the only factor people consider; we take practicality into account, what our desired
profession is, and sometimes people just don't have a definite reason. They can't
disagree with that, because that would be invalidating someone's first-hand
experience.”
“All students are equally intelligent, maybe some of us are good in math and science
that's why they entered STEM strand or maybe their future course is connected with
STEM.”
I make sure to correct them in the most humble and respectful way to say that being a
STEM student doesn't automatically mean that we are already geniuses, and doesn't
need guidance, but we choose this strand because although we knew it is a hard and
complex one, we are ready to gradually learn and grow. I'll simply say, "For me, your
skills, knowledge, and character can't be determined by your chosen academic strand”.
As stated above, the informants have said that as much as possible they try to clear or
clarify misconceptions about STEM that may lead to the misinformation about the
strand because it is usually considered to be taken by students who excel in the subjects
of Science and Mathematics. Misconceptions about STEM because it is usually
considered to be taken by students who excel in the subjects of Science and
Mathematics.
Conclusion
Our society developed multiple stigmas and stereotypes about STEM students
and according to some studies, these have affected the students’ mentality. The purpose
of this research was to identify its effects on the mentality of STEM students. Upon
conducting the research, and with proven results, the researchers analyzed that the
preconceptions about STEM impacted most Senior High School students taking STEM
DR. YANGA’S COLLE GES, INC.
strand. Having said that, participants have described how different preconceived notions
about STEM influenced them and how they dealt with them.
STEM students often encounter people with preconceived notions about their
strand. These individuals are usually their friends and relatives.
The most common stigmas and stereotypes that STEM students are often
associated with are that they are inclined to be a doctor or an engineer and
knowledgeable in the subjects of Mathematics and Science.
As a result of the stigmas and stereotypes about STEM students, most of the
participants stated that they feel overwhelmed and pressured. If the expectations
of STEM students continue, they will also keep pressuring themselves, therefore
affecting their mentality and academic performance.
While some of the participants ignored the stereotypes about the strand they are
taking, some stated that they attempt to correct the misconceptions about STEM
students. Although avoiding arguments are reasonable, it is critical to correct the
misconceptions about STEM to help diminish the stereotypes about the strand.
In this way, discrimination will not occur and students will no longer feel under
pressure.
To put it concisely, the stigmas and stereotypes of society had a psychological influence
on STEM students of Dr. Yanga's Colleges, Inc. since most of them felt under pressure
because many expect STEM students to be academically competent and many presume
their career path.
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