Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford'S Theory of The Disorder of Law-Part One
Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford'S Theory of The Disorder of Law-Part One
Jeffrey W Barnes•
[I]n order to begin to understand public law we must first try to make it strange. 1
INTRODUCI'ION
Main themes
The law of statutory interpretation is often wrongly thought of as a "quiet backwater".2
The myth that it is a dry, formal subject3 containing simple rules persists despite high-
level seminars devoted to it,4 law reform reports,s sweeping statutory reforms,6
mammoth texts,7 sophisticated judicial descriptions,8 and, in the last decade,
numerous scholarly articles and works emanating particularly from North America.9
.. B Juris LLB (NSW) M Pub Law (ANU); Lecturer in Law and Legal Studies, La Trobe
University. I am very grateful to the following persons for their comments and suggestions
on drafts of this paper: Francis Bennion, Enid Campbell, Bruce Dyer, Andrew Goldsmith,
Justice Michael Kirby and William Twining. I would also like to acknowledge the
assistance of the Faculty of Law, Monash University, in the preparation of this paper.
1 M Loughlin, Public lAw and Political Theory (1992) at 39.
2 Mr Justice Bryson, "Statutory Interpretation" (1992) 8 Aust Bar Rev 185.
3 D N MacCormick and R S Summers, "Interpretation and Justification" in D N MacCormick
and R S Summers (eds}, Interpreting Statutes: A Comparative Study (1991) 511 at 538.
4 Another Look at Statutory Interpretation (1982). An edited record of the Symposium on
Statutory Interpretation conducted by the Attorney-General's Department in Canberra in
March 1981.
5 The Law Commission and the Scottish Law Commission, The Interpretation of Statutes
(1969) (hereafter, Law Commissions); Northern Territory Law Reform Committee, Report
on Statutory Interpretation (1987); Law Commission (NZ}, A New Interpretation Act to Avoid
"Prolixity and Tautology" (1990).
6 Eg, ss 15AA and 15AB of the Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth).
7 F A R Bennion, Statutory Interpretation: A Code (2nd ed 1992), is almost a thousand pages.
8 Black-Clawson International Ltd v Papierwerke Waldhof-Aschaffenburg AG [1975] AC 591 at
629-630 per Lord Wilberforce.
9 In the United States of America discussions have "erupted both on the bench and in the
academy": F H Easterbrook, "What Does Legislative History Tell Us?" (1990) 66 Chi-Kent L
Rev 441. See also on this point W D Popkin (ed}, "Symposium on Statutory Interpretation"
(1990) 66(2} Chi-Kent L Rev; P P Frickey, "From the Big Sleep to the Big Heat: The Revival of
Theory in Statutory Interpretation" (1992) 77 Minn L Rev 241. For an English perspective,
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 117
r
:~ This two-part article focuses on the sweeping reform found in s 15AA of the Acts
Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth) and in other State and Territory legislation, called here
"the purpose rule".lO This rule was applied to Commonwealth legislation in the early
1980s and is now found in most jurisdictions in Australia, but is not replicated in the
same form elsewhere. The Commonwealth rule is as follows:
In the interpretation of a provision of an Act, a construction that would promote the
purpose or object underlying the Act (whether that purpose or object is expressly stated
in the Act or not) shall be preferred to a construction that would not promote that
purpose or object.
With respect to the purpose rule (as with statutory interpretation generally), text
writers have understandably looked for an inherent structure or system in the
principles of statutory interpretation. For instance, Bennion begins his general work by
stating that "[t]he search is for order ... It is the self-imposed task of the commentator to
reconcile [the principles].'' 11 Moreover, several claim to have found a form of order.
Bennion presents the law as a system (a code). Gifford's overall view emphasises the
way lawyers are constrained by the community within which they work:
[T]he existence of the basic rules of statutory interpretation allows lawyers, in advising
their clients or in preparing arguments to put before a court, to firmly ground themselves
see J Bell and G Engle, Cross on Statutory Interpretation (2nd ed 1987) at 194-195; and J Bell,
"Studying Statute Law" (1993) 13 OJLS 130. For an Australian perspective, see J Gava,
"Review: Statutory Interpretation in Australia" (1993) 9 Aust J of L & Soc 118. A
comprehensive critical overview appears in W N Eskridge and P P Frickey, "Statutory
Interpretation as Practical Reasoning" (1990) 42 Stan L Rev 321 at 324-345. Interdisciplinary
works include K S Abraham, "Statutory Interpretation and Literary Theory: Some
Concerns of an Unlikely Pair" (1979) 32 Rutgers L Rev 676; P Goodrich, Reading the Law: A
Critical Introduction to Legal Method and Techniques (1986); R A Posner, Law and Literature: A
Misunderstood Relation (1988) at ch 5; J Evans, Statutory Interpretation: Problems of
Communication (1988); S Fish, Doing What Comes Naturally: Change, Rhetoric, and the Practice
of Theory in Literary and Legal Studies (1989); G Airo-Farulla, "'Dirty Deeds Done Dirt
Cheap': Deconstruction, Derrida, Discrimination and Difference/ance in (the High) Court"
(1991) 9(2) L in Con 102; A Glass, "Interpretive Practices in Law and Literary Criticism"
(1991) 7 Aust J of L & Soc 16; PC Schanck, "Understanding Postmodem Thought and its
Implications for Statutory Interpretation" (1992) 65 S CalL Rev 2505; J A Ferejohn and B R
Weingast, "A Positive Theory of Statutory Interpretation" (1992) 12 International Review of
Law and Economics 263; J P Stevens, "The Shakespeare Canon of Statutory Construction"
(1992) 140 U PaL Rev 1373; and P Campos, "That Obscure Object of Desire: Hermeneutics
and the Autonomous Legal Text" (1993) 77 Minn L Rev 1065.
10 See generally DC Pearce and R S Geddes, Statutory Interpretation in Australia (3rd ed 1988)
at paras 2.22-2.25; G Morris et al, Laying Down the Law (3rd ed 1992) at 157-161; C Enright,
Legal Research and Interpretation (1988) at 229-231; C Corns, "Purposive Construction of
Legislation and Judicial Autonomy" (1984) 58 LIJ 391; I Cameron, "'Now Yoq See Me, Now
You-' Section SA and the Interpretation of the Legislation to which it Relates" (1985) 3
C&SLJ 46; R East, "The Lawmaking Role of the Appellate Judiciary: Some Lessons from
Australia" (1990) 11 Stat LR 48; Mr Justice Bryson, above n 2; D Gifford, Statutory
Interpretation (1990) at ch 4.
11 FAR Bennion, above n 7 at 1 and 2. To be fair, Bennion does qualify this statement by
saying that criticism is also essential (at 3); a fask he carries out at length.
118 Federal Law Review Volume22
upon shared principle and a common heritage. To abandon these rules would be to replace
statutory interpretation as we know it with the arbitrary whim of individual judges. 12
Writing extra-curially, the Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia appears to
assume an order preserved by social consensus:
It is unrealistic to interpret any instrument, whether it be a constitution, a statute, or a
contract, by reference to words alone, without any regard to fundamental values. By
values I mean those that are accepted by the community rather than those personal to the
judge.l3
The various studies of statutory interpretation have been undertaken despite
obvious and acknowledged difficulties. Bennion writes that, "[w]hen dealing with
statutory interpretation, the jurist of today writes about a vital subject in disarray." 14
Cross has noted the "paucity of rules and confusion of principles". 15 Many
commentators writing in academic journals have been even less circumspect in their
criticism of statutory interpretation. Here are three examples:
The result is chaos. It is impossible to predict what approach any Court will make to any
case. The field of statutory interpretation has become a judicial jungle.l 6
[It is a] morass of contradictory rules, presumptions, and practices [and] the loss of faith
in our ability to ascertain the "true" meaning of statutory language [is] deep ... 17
The judicial interpretation of statutes has traditionally been characterised by a high
degree of tolerated indeterminacy as to what amounts to acceptable practice. IS
Rather than search for order in the time-honoured way, the aim of this article is to
study the disarray in statutory interpretation caused by the purpose rule. The analytical
tool principally em~loyed is Charles Sampford's theory of the disorder of law
(introduced below). 1 Three aspects of the disarray caused by the purpose rule need to
be studied: its origins, nature, and effects. The origins lie in the disordering qualities of
the common law and in the process of making the purpose rule. The nature of the
disarray in the purpose rule, and purposive interpretation generally, is reflected in the
large number of additional interpretive issues and problems which the rule has
generated. The effects of the disarray have added to the pre-existing disorder in
statutory interpretation. I will argue further that the rule has been instrumental in
producing certain tendencies in the general approaches to statutory interpretation as
they are applied in the courts and quasi-judicial tribunals. These tendencies include:
added conflict, decanonisation, fragmentation, pluralism, a greater level of
indeterminacy and a deeper contingency in the relations between the rule and its
premises.
The aim of studying the disarray or disorder is two-fold. The immediate aim is to
illuminate statutory interpretation by focusing on an ignored aspect: its disarray. It
may seem paradoxical to focus on a well recognised aspect for this purpose, but, as
Wittgenstein pointed out years ago:
The aspects of things that are most important for us are hidden because of their
simplicity and familiarity. (One is unable to notice something- because it is always
before one's eyes.)20
The analysis contained in this article may be linked, in a broad way, to the school of
thought called "deconstruction". It has been said that "[t]o deconstruct a text is to ...
subvert the text's own assumptions".21 Another writer has summed it up as follows:
Deconstruction, as a methodology, is not primarily concerned to give an interpretation
- identify the meaning - of a text. Rather it seeks to identify the conditions in a text
that make meaning possible. 22
Using Sampford's theory of the disorder of law, this article subverts the assumption
that statutory interpretation is essentially ordered, rather than disordered. This is not an
empty academic exercise. The assumption that law engenders order was behind the
enactment of the purpose rule. A leading commentator has observed that:
[The purpose rule] was an attempt by the Executive to impose some constraints on the
courts by requiring them to take into account matters that the Executive saw as relevant
to the interpretation of the legislation.23
More precisely then, it is the aim of this article to call into question the assumption that
the purpose rule would further constrain statutory interpretation.
A wider aim of this study, which the theory of the disorder of law is also well fitted
to assist, is to evaluate the well known claim by Lord Wilberforce, that statutory
interpretation is an unsuitable subject for statutory law reform:
I come to the general question of legislation and statutory interpretation. I have always
doubted whether statutory interpretation is a genuine subject for the Law Commission at
all. I suspect it is what is nowadays popularly called a non-subject. I do not think that
law reform can really grapple with it. It is a matter for educating the Judges and
practitioners and hoping that the work is better done.24
Lord Wilberforce made this comment in 1966, before the purpose rule had first been
suggested, but the message he delivered to an audience of law lords has a special
pertinence for the present study. During subsequent debates about the proposed rule
conducted in England25 and Australia,26 would-be reformers found themselves
irresistibly drawn to it, as if the words stood guard over the common law.
Theoretical framework
It has been said that those "who disliked theory, or claimed to get along better without
it, were simply in the grip of an older theory".27 The argument in this article has been
generally informed by certain theories of law and society. The principal theory from
which I draw is Charles Sampford's sociological theory of law and society - a theory
of social and legal "disorder", or "melee" theory.
Before detailing his theory it may be helpful to give some background to it because
his theory begins as a rejoinder. In recent years iurisprudence has come alive with a
plethora of debates about the nature of law. 2 Sampford's theory is a deliberate
attempt, as I read it, to address a number of important questions and assumptions
which are being debated or which the debate assumes. His main concern is with the
orthodox assumption that law forms a system:
The contention of this book becomes that much of what is wrong with legal theory is that
too many of its answers see law as a system and that the solution lies in a nonsystematic
theory of legal disorder.29
The characteristics of a system, for Sampford, are that "[t]hey are wholes, they have
elements and those elements have relations which form a structure".30 Many system
theories or theories of law which assume a legal system are examined in the first half of
the book. The theories are divided into three types: (1) positivist theories such as Hart's
The Concept of Law (1961); (2) "content theories" such as that of Dworkin which may go
so far as imagining law as a "closed system of definitions, rules of operation and
substantive major premises such that any specific legal problem can be solved by
deductive reasoning from the propositional system so established";31 and (3)
sociological theories including Parsonian, Luhmann and Marxist systems.
In developing a nonsystematic theory, two other debates should be mentioned. One
concerns the autonomy of law. It has been thought by some that Critical Legal Studies
and related intellectual movements have led or may lead to the "death" of the law.32
The theory of disorder is explicitly a critical theory. Although he disagrees with
sections of the CLS movement~3 Sampford thinks that the theory of disorder could be
"congenial to many CLS scholars".34 Sampford's view of the autonomy of law is shaped
from the basic position that "the 'legal' web is only a part of the larger web of society";
there are no natural boundaries between the two.35 Law is not therefore above conflict
in society or unaffected by it. He therefore rejects the view that law ought to be viewed
as an autonomous discipline. But this does not mean that he rejects some autonomy for
the law. The law is "relatively autonomous"36 in operation, in part because "conflict
over the action of legal officials must be fought on a particular battleground within
legal institutions". 37 ·
A third debate which is a major concern of the book is whether there are such
things as commonly held values, and the extent to which the law-creation process
reflects consensus or conflict.38 Sampford's response here is a complex one and
essentially he finds the consensus/conflict paradigm too crude. True, consensus and
conflict are part of the theor~ of disorder, the possibility of commonly held values
being asserted is not denied, 9 and the theory of disorder highlights conflict. But,
importantly, it is not a theory of "pure conflict". From a law-creation perspective, it may
be seen as a version of conflict theory where conflict is muted not by consensus as
commonly understood, but by disordering influences.
What, more precisely, is this disorder? Sampford's thesis, elaborated in the second
half of the book, is both grand in scope (being a theory of law and society) 40 and
sophisticated in attention to detail. It attempts to challenge the orthodox view, held by
both "radicals" and "conservatives", that "law is, in some or other sense, a system". 41 In
its place he argues for a nonsystematic theory of social and legal disorder. He
acknowledges, and frequently draws on, other nonsystematic traditions, such as
deconstruction, post-structuralism and some parts of Critical Legal Studies. 42 The
author's fundamental premise appears to be that writers on society and the law have
vastly underestimated the extent of human variability. 43 In this respect Sampford is
drawing on a rich tradition of postmodem scholarship; as Hassan has said in a succinct
review of postmodernism, "the age demands differences".44 Sampford's perspective is
that of the "social observer"; his goal is to present us with a combined macro/micro
view of society and law (the two are intertwined) without the mythical element of
systematic order. In its place he finds society to be a "melee", or "a fluid, constantly
,• changing set of interactions in a complex struggle between a large number of groups
and institutions".45
He provides a summary of the differences - which he calls "disordering
influences"- that produce the melee.46 They include:
37 Ibid at 247.
38 See generally, S Bottomley, N Cunningham and SParker, Law in Context (1991} at ch 12.
39 C Sampford, above n 19 at 207.
40 See generally Q Skinner (ed), The Return of Grand Theory in the Human Sciences (1985).
41 C Sampford, above n 19 at 6 and 11.
42 Ibid at 150.
43 Ibid at 151. For example, he holds that values are "entirely internal mental phenomena":
ibid at 173.
44 I Hassan, "Pluralism in Postmodem Perspective" (1986) 12 Critical Inquiry 503 at 505.
45 C Sampford, above n 19 at 203.
46 Ibid at 219-220. Emphasis added.
122 Federal Law Review Volume 22
• The different values, ideals and subjective interests which are generated by the
different environments and practices found at either end of relations of
production.
• The "irreducibly individual" nature of personal value judgements ("norms") .
• The "set[s] of people at one end of a type of social relation" ("groups"). They are
"likely to share certain characteristics on which could be founded common
subjective interests and other values [but] different groups are likely to have
subjective interests that are antagonistic to those of other groups, ideas and
values".
• The centripetal tendencies within social institutions caused by the above social
relations. These tendencies "leave members with different interests and frequently
the resources to pursue them".
• Social conflict and social change, the latter being a gradual process which changes the
balance of forces within the social melee.
SamJ?ford gives many illustrations of how the disorderincf influences affect
society'l' and law,48 for law is both disordered and disordering. 4 Of course, conflict
theories of society are far from new5° and writers have previously acknowledged that
laws create problems. 51 The importance of Sampford's theory is in explaining how and
why society and law are "essentially" disordered.52 It is not merely because the
disordering influences referred to tend to produce the melee or conflict described
above. It is because the disordering influences that produce conflict also operate,
paradoxically, to frustrate and mute it,53 and so avoid a Hobbesian war of all against
all. 54 He illustrates this important point by reference to the differences and conflicts
within institutions:
[T]here is not all-out "war" [and] the nature of institutions would make it very difficult
for them to take part in one. First, there are all the difficulties of directing the activity of
institutions toward singular purposes. The basic problem for any institution is that,
being a web of mixed relations between different persons with different environments
and values, there is rarely a consensus or unity of purpose within that institution.
Second, though the total resources held by a group's members may be quite massive,
these resources are rarely, if ever, fully mobilised [because individuals] may not realise
that there are many like-minded individuals to mobilise ... Mobilisation of one side's
resources is pointless if it provokes the other side to mobilise even more ... 55
Disorder also affords a general explanation of the lack of change in society and the law:
[T]he intractability of our society and its law to either reform or revolution is precisely
due to its lack of systematic organisation, so that when the revolutionary strikes or the
reformer moves there is no one system to attack, no one key institution to change. Lack
47 Ibid at ch 7.
48 Ibid at ch8.
49 Ibid at 223.
50 S Bottomley, N Cunningham and SParker, above n 38 at ch 12.
51 W Twining and D Miers, above n 28 at 125 and 243. The relevance of that work to the
theoretical framework adopted here is explained below at 124-125.
52 C Sampford, above n 19 at 149. Emphasis added.
53 Ibid at 209.
54 Ibid at 152-153 and 203.
55 Ibid at 203-204.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 123
of change is the result of legal and social disorder producing social and legal inertia
rather than, as is more usually supposed, social and legal order providing social and
legal stability.56
Because of the tendency to inertia as well as to conflict, the effects of law, then, tend to
be relatively crude, conflicting, incomplete and nonuniform. 57
His theory is therefore not a one-sided conflict theory, but is also a theory of "social
peace" or relative social inertia. It is vital to note this feature, for the outcome is not, as
the title may imply, a theory of total disorder, in the sense of unmitigated conflict.
Further, although there are strong similarities with postmodernism,58 it is difficult to
see how the theory can be ranked with "anarchic" postmodem theories59 which in
effect preach the "death" of law.60 Apart from the general tendency for disorderin&
forces to frustrate or mute conflict, institutions inject some organisation into social life,
while the law is "relatively autonomous". 62 He recognises many of the insights of
positivist, "content" and sociological theories of law. 63 But "meta-narratives" of
consensus are eschewed,64 although the possibility of persons holding similar values is
not.65
The perspective which Sampford takes leads him to emphasise the aspects of law
which tend to be unconsciously suppressed.66 Although at first sight it may appear to
be a bleak view of law, there is room for altruism, for ideals, and for everything except
a system, as he makes clear in the following colourful analogy:
[Law] is a great drama, perhaps the greatest drama in which we are involved. Even if it
does not have a plot, a start or a finish and even if the direction is appalling, like the
quintessential Hollywood movie "it has got everything".67
In summary, Sampford's theory provides a perspective in which law is seen as a
"complex disordered entity",68 the role of disordering influences accordingly being
"highlighted".69 The admission that the theory highlights the disordering influences in
the law - the theory's principal strength- is also its principal limitation. It inevitably
cuts off other perspectives (some deliberately, of course). But this "problem" arises with
any theory or model, which cannot claim complete neutrality or the provision of
complete answers to complex questions involving interpretation and personal
judgement, such as those examined here?O
For our present purposes the theory is an appropriate one because of the close
conceptual identity between a state of disarray and a theory of disorder. It can provide a
rigorous theoretical framework for inquiries into the disarray in statutory
interpretation, the part played in this by the purpose rule, and the general question of
law reform in this area.
Although indebted to Sampford's theory, it is appropriate to spell out the limited
application which is being made of the theory here. The article does not seek to
critically examine all the implications of the theory in so far as the purpose rule or
purposive interpretation is concerned. This would be a very large project indeed. Only
part of "the law" in the Sampfordian sense is being studied.71 This article concentrates
on the process of making the purpose rule and on the judicial interpretation of it. 72 Some
attention is also paid to the process of the courts as revealed in court transcripts.
Sampford's theo~ can and will be contrasted with more systematic theories of the
legislative process,7 particularly theories based on the alleged existence of a social
consensus which judges and others can "tap into". Such theories are supported by
leading members of the judiciary in Australia and the United Kingdom.74 For example,
the existence of a fundamental consensus has been seen as a basis of legal reasoning in
the statement, quoted above, of the current Chief Justice of Australia.75 Another
member of the High Court has espoused a similar view:
[The judicial branch of government] gives effect to, and sometimes expresses the basic
norms of society. For the most part, these basic norms do not find expression in positive
law. They are drawn from the values which a society commonly respects- perhaps
intuitively respects. Notions of justice, dignity, fair dealing, respect for others, mercy -
these are notions not often found in the statute books, though they affect statutory
interpretation?6 ·
Sampford's theory of the disorder of law has echoes in other theoretical writings. Of
particular note is Twining and Miers's detailed and original study of rules (legal and
non-legal), a microcosm of a theory of disorder.77 The heart of their book is a model for
diagnosing the problems in interpretation of rules?B It consists of 35 "conditions of
doubt" (such as lack of clear policy objectives) which may arise in three chronological
stages: prior to the creation of the rule; during the rule-making stage; and after the
creation of the rule. In addition, there may be special features of the particular case.
They stress .that their model overcomes the deficiencies of standard legal texts which:
Poststructuralism and the Framing of the Legal Text" (1991) 9(2) Lin Con 117 at 118-119;
R Cranston, Law, Government and Public Policy (1987) at 6.
71 C Sampford, above n 19 at 259-260.
72 Courts and tribunals are included. See generally D Miers, above n 18 at 125-126 for a
critique of studies which fail to acknowledge the limited scope of their inquiry.
73 S Bottomley, N Gunningham and S Parker, above n 38 at 310-314 ("'pure' consensus",
"consensus pluralism").
74 P Devlin, The Judge (1979) at 5 and 9-10.
75 Above at 118.
76
Mr Justice Brennan, "Ministers of the Third Branch of Government", an address to a
luncheon organised by the Young Lawyers' Section of the Law Society of NSW, Sydney, 29
May 1981.
77 W Twining and D Miers, above n 28.
78 Ibid at ch6.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 125
Outline
Part One examines the pre-enactment phase of the purpose rule. It demonstrates that,
far from being a model of consensus, close analysis of the law-making process reveals
the rule to be shot through with disorder - with simultaneous tendencies towards
conflict and inertia. The thesis is that the rule could not bring added order to statutory
interpretation, at least initially, because it was not the product of consensus on a wide
range of issues, despite some appearances to that effect.
The above introduction sketched the main themes of the article and introduced the
theoretical framework: Charles Sampford's theory of the disorder of law. Below, the
common law position prior to the statutory reform is analysed. This section articulates
the disordering influences in the law and in society which constituted its disarray. It
also details how those influences operated to frustrate or mute conflict over the rules
and over interpretation in individual cases. The main point made in this section is that
the disordering influences created a situation of such complexity that order would be
difficult or impossible to achieve by means of rules, let alone a single rule.
Next, the disorderly rise of the purpose rule is traced, beginning with its origins in
the 1969 joint report of the Law Commission for England and Wales and the Scottish
Law Commission. The report was eventually debated in the United Kingdom
Parliament (though never implemented in that country). However, its
recommendations were strongly promoted in Australia at a high-level seminar
following a period of infamous judicial interpretation called by one commentator "the
new literalism".8° The article then turns to the reforms themselves: to the hunt for
Parliament's intention and to influential juristic views of the provision.
The changes to the common law made by the High Court of Australia in the case of
Cooper Brookes (Wollongong) Pty Ltd v Commissioner of Taxation of the Commonwealth of
Australia,81 the judgments in which were handed down after the rule's introduction
into Parliament but before its enactment and commencement, are then critically
examined. The case noticeably moved the common law in the direction of the purpose
rule; paradoxically, however, this liberalisation could be a problem for interpreters of
the purposive rule. The rule had been created on the assumption that the common law
had certain deficiencies, such as that it was over-literal and had erected artificial
79 Ibid at 236-237.
80 R Krever, "Murphy on Taxation" in JA Scutt (ed), Lionel Murphy: A Radical Judge (1987) 128
at 130.
81 (1981) 147 CLR 297.
126 Federal Law Review Volume22
82 In this section I have been generally assisted by the analysis in J Bell and G Engle, above
n 9 at chs 1 and 2.
83 On the causes of interpretive problems generally, see W Twining and D Miers, above n 28
at ch 6. For a drafter's perspective, seeD Ward, above n 16 at 293-294.-
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 127
conflicts in the common law: the problems with the "principles" themselves. But the
disorder in the common law cannot be understood in a vacuum, so it is then necessary
to consider how the legal and social context in which the general approaches operated
added to that disorder. Finally, it is essential to consider how the disorder of the
common law was muted, for, despite the multiple tendencies to conflict, the law was
not one unmitigated conflict before the intervention of the Australian Parliaments by
way of the purpose rule.
Internal view
The disorder was comprehensive, but the principal influences fell into two groups. On
the one hand, there was a relative indeterminacy in the law, manifested by a lack of
rules, a fictional basis, an oversimplified understanding and ample individual judicial
freedom. On the other hand, the limited guidance which the law offered was, in
important respects, contradictory and in any case subject to change. The conflicts
concerned the general structure of the law and the underlying values which were to be
preferred, and were also reflected in various contradictions, ambiguities and
indeterminacies in the particular approaches. Change was endemic because the
doctrine was historically contingent. These various factors are briefly considered in
tum.
Fictional basis
The rule that the courts must give effect to the intention of Parliament - said to be the
only rule of statutory interpretation - was, however, productive of disorder because it
rested on a fiction, although debate continued, and still continues, about what it meant
to describe the concept in such terms.99 In general, fictions produce disorder because
they are an "instrument for producing change",100 and because they are illusory in
nature, concealing unavoidable creative choices. 101 Fuller is said to have observed that,
in the case of a fiction, the judge is usually "acting under an unarticulated philosophy
... which seems to him to justify the change if it takes place under the apparent sanction
of old formulas, when it would not be justified otherwise".102
The difficulties with the concept start with the assumption that any body, such as
Parliament, can have a single intention at all. 103 As MacCallum points out, critics
themselves assumed one or both of the following: (1) that two or more persons cannot
have the same intention, and (2) a group of persons is incapable of having an
intention. 104 In any case, there was usually a lack of direct evidence of the group
intention outside of the actual words, 105 promoted by the general rule prohibiting
courts from referring to parliamentary material as an aid to construction.106
The difficulties were compounded when attention was focused on how the courts
said they carried out their interpretive functions. For various reasons, as Gifford points
out, the courts must "divine or impute" the relevant intention:
Parliament's intention ... is not the intention that Parliament would have had had its
attention only been directed to the problem currently before the courts nor is it "the
actual intention of the draftsman" nor "the subjective intention of the members of
Parliament". 107
Because the subjective intent may not have been realised in the words chosen, the
courts have denied that their role is one of ascertaining the actual intention of
Parliament:
We often say that we are looking for the intention of Parliament, but that is not quite
accurate. We are seeking the meaning of the words which Parliament used. We are
seeking not what Parliament meant but the true meaning of what they said.108
The concept of the intention of Parliament also seems fictional in those cases where it
was clearly apparent that no intention could be ascertained since the legislative drafter
was said not to have anticipated the situation which gave rise to the interpretive
problem.109 The freedom which the courts accordingly sometimes have in the
interpretive task is another reason for scepticism as to the reality of the legislative
intent. The courts' power in this respect has been frankly acknowledged extra-curially:
[W]henever the Court decides [a taxation appeal], it legislates about taxation. It makes a
law taxing all gains of the same kind and all documents of the same kind. Do not let us
deceive ourselves with the legal fiction that the court is only ascertaining and giving
effect to what Parliament meant ... The court may describe what it is doing in tax appeals
as interpretation. So did the priestess of the Delphic oracle. 11 0
Though "widely discredited",111 the concept of the intention of Parliament can be
defended on certain grounds.112 But these grounds paradoxically serve to strengthen its
fictional quality, because they demonstrate why it cannot be dismissed as a concept
without substance and significance. Words in particular contexts must be taken to have
limits - otherwise communication would not be possible. (These limits are linguistic
conventions set by "the relevant linguistic community".) 113 The intention of Parliament
can therefore be viewed as an umbrella concept signalling that interpretation cannot be
a purely subjective matter. In the many cases where there is no dispute as to the
meaning of particular words it is fair to say also (in the absence of any overriding
explanation) that the intention of Parliament has meaning. 114 In other words, the
concept imposes some general, though manipulable, limitation- "the subordination of
the judiciary to Parliament".ns
Over-simplification116
The disorder was magnified by oversimplified statements of the law. A distinguished
judge once said:
We are always told that construing Acts of Parliament is a mystery, and books have been
written about the subject. I always advise young men "Don't read them", because the
rules are extremely simple.117
It is submitted that this view is a gross oversimplification. Any doubts about the
richness and the complexities of statutory interpretation have been removed by the
publication of mammoth scholarly treatises,118 analyses of the gamut of causes of
109 M Zander, above n 90 at 139-140; Lord Diplock, "The Courts as Legislators", Holdsworth
Club Lecture, 1965, cited in M Zander, above n 90 at 156. G C MacCallum, however,
discusses the possibility that the courts may be agents of Parliament under an "agency
model" of legislative intent: above n 99 at 780-784.
110 Lord Diplock, "The Courts as Legislators", Holdsworth Club Lecture, 1965, cited in
M Zander, above n 90 at 156.
111 M Zander, above n 90 at 140.
112 The Law Commissions were sympathetic to criticism of the concept of the intention of
Parliament (above n 5 at paras 54-55), but defended it by drawing a distinction between a
"particular legislative intention" and a "general legislative intention", the latter being "the
purpose which the legislature intended to achieve": Law Commissions, above n 5 at
para 55, drawing on G C MacCallum Jr, above n 99. But to align the purpose with overall
meaning is to confuse the two: G C MacCallum, above n 99 at 757; and see Part Two.
113 G C MacCallum, above n 99 at 761, 762 and 767.
114 W Twining and D Miers, above n 28 at 209-210.
115 J Bell and G Engle, above n 9 at 28.
116 See generally S D Smith, "Reductionism in Legal Thought" (1991) 91 Colum L Rev 68.
117 H Lords Deb 1966, Vol277 at 1278 (Lord Reid).
118 F A R Bennion, above n 7.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 131
References to the "intention of parliament" and "the purpose of the statute" are
reasonably frequent, though used in various senses, and there are occasional references
to presumptions or canons of interpretation. On the other hand there are usually very
few explicit references to what are or what ought to be the methodological principles
guiding interpretation; nor is it easy to discern whether the judges are implicitly
following some procedure.129
should not assume, for instance, that a literal interpretation in a particular case is a 1
conscious effort to give effect to the values of a literal approach (and the same applies to 1
Conflicting traditions
The factors mentioned so far demonstrate that the common law lacked substance in 1
addition, the limited guidance which was offered was, to a great degree, also 1
"structure" of the law. One maintained that the general approaches were separate and I
distinct and that they stood in a clear hierarchy. This tradition was well supported in 1
the law reports. In 1844 Tindal CJ emphasised the literal approach in these terms:
The only rule for the construction of Acts of Parliament is, that they should be construed
according to the intent of the Parliament which passed the Act. If the words of the statute
are in themselves precise and unambiguous, then no more can be necessary than to
expound those words in that natural and ordinary sense.135
129 Ibid.
130 The distinction between a literal approach and a literal interpretation is well made by
M Zander, above n 90 at 93; see also below at 135-136.
131 J Stone, The Province and Function of Law (1946) at 172.
132 W Twining and D Miers, above n 28 at 365.
133 Ibid at 196.
134 A A Farrar, "Judicial Approaches to Meaning in the Interpretation of Statutes", LLM thesis,
University of Canterbury, NZ (1982) at 246.
135 Sussex Peerage (1844) 11 Cl & Fin 85 at 143; 8 ER 1034 at 1057. Emphasis added.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 133
136 Amalgamated Society of Engineers v Adelaide Steamship Co Ltd (1920) 28 CLR 129 at 161-162.
137 (1857) 6 HLC 61 at 106; 10 ER 1216 at 1234.
138 (1584) 3 Co Rep 7a at 7b; 76 ER 637 at 638.
134 Federal Law Review Volume22
purposive approach, the judge may look beyond the four comers of the statute to find a
reason for giving a wider or narrower interpretation to its words, and his role is one of
active co-operation with the policy of the statute.139
An alternative tradition in the structure of the common law as to how the general
approaches were to be treated laid less emphasis on them individually and more on
the task at hand: to ascertain the meaning of the words. This "global" or "amalgamated"
approach has been expressed in different ways over the years. The concept of the
intention of Parliament has long been a way to rationalise interpretations based on
diverse sources, as is evident from this extract from Plowden (1560). After referring to
various authorities he wrote of these expositions:
[They] have always been founded upon the intent of the Legislature, which they have
collected sometimes by considering the cause and necessity of making the Act,
sometimes by comparing one part of the Act with another, and sometimes by foreign
circumstances. So that they have ever been guided by the intent of the Legislature, which
they have always taken according to the necessitv of the matter, and according to that
which is consonant to reason and good discretion. 140
Many jurists,141 including Driedger, have gone further in advocating an approach to
statutory interpretation which replaces "the traditional three fold statement of the
canons of statutory interpretation" with a "unitary approach". 142 Instead of the
intention of Parliament, Driedger prefers an interpretive approach called "literal in
total context". His main point is that, contrary to Willis and his academic successors,
there are not three seEarate approaches, but one, which encapsulates the three main
approaches, and more.143 He writes:
Today there is only one principle or approach, namely, the words of an Act are to be
read in their entire context and in their grammatical and ordinary sense harmoniously
with the scheme of the Act, the object of the Act, and the intention of Parliament. 144
Driedger draws on judicial dicta such as the following:
For words, and particularly general words, cannot be read in isolation: their colour and
content are derived from their context. So it is that I conceive it to be my right and duty
to examine every word of a statute in its context, and I use "context" in its widest sense ...
as including not only other enacting provisions of the same statute, but its preamble, the
existing state of the law, other statutes in pari materia, and the mischief which I can, by
those and other legitimate means, discern the statute was intended to remedy. 145
There is also distinguished Australian authority for this more truly contextual
approach.146 In R v Wilson: ex parte Kisch, 147 Dixon J said:
The rules of interpretation require us to take expressions in their context, and to construe
them with proper regard to the subject matter with which the instrument deals and the
objects it seeks to achieve, so as to arrive at the meaning attached to them by those who
must use them.l 48
146 Northern Territory Law Reform Committee, above n 5 at 8-9 cites the following for what it
calls the purpose approach: Bradley v Commonwealth of Australia (1973) 128 CLR 557 at 565
("subject matter and object"); MP Metals Pty Ltd v Commissioner of Taxation of Commonwealth
of Australia (1967) 117 CLR 631 at 633 ("policy" of an enactment); and Moreton Central Sugar
Mill Co Ltd v Commissioner of Taxation of Commonwealth of Australia (1967) 116 CLR 151 at
157 ("apparent general purpose").
147 {1934) 52 CLR 234.
148 Ibid at244.
149 See M Zander, above n 90.
150 E R Hopkins, "The Literal Canon and the Golden Rule" (1937) 15 Can Bar Rev 689 at 696.
151 Above n 9 at 340. A recent illustration is Re Secretary of Department of Social Security and
Diepenbroeck (1992) 15 AAR 411 at 414 {Cth AAT, per O'Connor n. See also Black-Clawson
International Ltd v Papierwerke Waldhof-Aschaffenburg AG [1975] AC 591 at 638 per Lord
Diplock; P S Atiyah and R S Summers, Form and Substance in Anglo-American Law (1987) at
108.
152 M Zander, above n 90 at 89-91.
153 Ibid at 92-93.
136 Federal Law Review Volume 22
approach on its own is always wrong. First, by g1vmg excessive weight to the
importance of words it may be a form of primitive tradition which regards the written
instrument with "mystical awe". Secondly, the literal approach can reflect a punitive or
disciplinarian school of judicial interpretation because "[t]he draftsman is in effect '
punished for failing to do his job properly". Thirdly, rather than being based on the
courts' deference to the sovereignty of Parliament, this posture conceals another
tradition which holds that the common law is a superior form of creation to statutes.
Fourthly, the literal approach is the "intellectual equivalent of deciding the case by
tossing a coin" because it is defeatist and lazy. Another authoritative work on statutory '
interpretation, by Atiyah and Summers, disputes the neutrality assumed by the
association of the rule of law with literalism. They record the criticism, made by
American lawyers, that the literal approach "may be merely a covert way of importing
values without discussion or analysis".154
Purposivism is also said to be "faithful to the principle of legislative supremacy",155
for the purposive meaning must be found in the Act or be found to be consistent with
it. But it offers a different route to democracy, that is, it entails a different methodology 1
and set of values from textualism. By focusing on the end sought to be achieved, 156""it
provides a general sense of direction.157 It has an overtly evaluative element, in the
sense that it provides "a ground for evaluating one interpretation as better than 1
another". 158 It is premised on members of Parliament acting rationally,159 that is, that
"the legislature is filled with reasonable people who will reach reasonable purposive
results by followinS established procedures".l60 The results must be ones which are
publicly directed.1 1 The purposive approach permits the interpreter to deal with 1
lawmaking".164
In the same way that the practice of literalism may arguably reflect undesirable
values, so too can purposivism- or at least interpretation which goes by that name. A .
1415.
161 D N MacCormick and R S Summers, above n 3 at 519.
162 Kingston v Keprose Pty Ltd (1987) 11 NSWLR 404 at 423.
163 DR Miers and A C Page, above n 141 at 205.
164 The Honourable Justice Michael Kirby, "Statutory Interpretation and the Rule of Law -
Whose Rule, What Law?" in D St L Kelly (ed), Essays on Legislative Drafting (1988) 84 at 92.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 137
New Zealand judge had the purposive approach in mind when he compared "Enjlish"
interpretation to the more purposive practice of interpretation in American courts: 65
English law prefers certainty of interpretation, based on what Parliament has said, to the
uncertain approach which prevails in the United States of America, based on one Judge's
feeling as to what Parliament meant.166
Atiyah and Summers also record that English lawyers are shocked by the "free-
wheeling and sometimes 'substantivistic' methods" associated with American
purposivism. 167 In addition, much more than literalism, purposive approaches depend
on extrinsic material. This can lead to trouble in practice because the material may seem
authoritative, but may be evidence only of the government's intention and not
necessarily that of the Parliament. This facet of purposivism has recently arisen in the
United Kingdom following the ruling by the House of Lords168 that a court may refer
to a clear statement of the Minister or other promoter of the relevant Bill made in
Parliament, in certain circumstances. Oliver has perceptively discussed the
implications of the judgment:
The decision represents approval of a "purposive" approach to statutory interpretation ...
An implication of the decision which was not discussed in the speeches of the Law
Lords, nor indeed in argument, is the effect it will have on (rebuttable) judicial
presumptions about the intentions of Parliament. The courts presume, for example, that
Parliament cannot have intended to oust the jurisdiction of the courts, that Parliament
intends not to breach Treaty obligations and so on. These presumptions enable the courts
to uphold what they see as certain fundamental constitutional principles- the rule of
law and principles of good administration. Reference to Hansard may well make it
impossible for the courts to continue this role if Hansard discloses, as it may well do, that
Parliament and the government did not intend such principles to operate. This point,
taken with the likelihood that ministers will only make statements that are favourable to
government, may well reinforce the dominance of government in the constitution and reduce the
power of the courts to operate as checks against the dominant executive. 169
the literal approach, and falsely assume that it may be applied objectively. His
argument is a particularly relevant one because that approach presumes to seek out
nothing more than the ordinary, that is, non-technical, meaning. Fish's assumption is
that the source of interpretive authority and meaning is neither the text nor entirely the
individual reader, but is reflected in the idea of an "interpretive community."172 Thus,
"meanings are not embedded in words but emerge and are perspicuous in the light of
background conditions of intelligibility" (specifically, "rules of thumb", "beliefs" and
"tacit knowledge"). 173 In the passage below he challenges the conventional view of the
literal meaning, promoted by H LA Hart in his The Concept of Law, that it is objective
and non-interpretive at least in many cases:
Hart's argument is that a rule framed in the appropriately general terms (eg, "vehicles
are prevented from entering the park") will pick out "standard instances" of its
application and that these instances will constitute a set of "central" or "plain cases" in
relation to which other, less clear, cases can be classified. Thus someone "faced with the
question whether the rule prohibiting the use of vehicles in the park is applicable to
some combination of circumstances in which it appears indeterminate" can proceed by
considering "as one does who makes use of a precedent," "whether the present case
resembles the plain case 'sufficiently' in 'relevant' respects" [reference omitted]. The
words "sufficiently" and "relevant" indicate Hart's awareness that the agent's discretion
remains wide, but still it is a bounded area, marked off by a plain case that at once gives
interpretation a direction and holds it in check.
As an account of what people do (line up present cases with clear, paradigm cases),
this is impeccable, but as I read it, it is an account not of interpretation subdued, but of
interpretation triumphant. The question is not whether there are in fact plain cases -
there surely are- but, rather, of what is their plainness a condition and a property?
Hart's answer must be that a plain case is inherently plain, plain in and of itself, plain
independently of the interpretive activities it can then be said to direct. But it takes only a
little reflection to see that the truth is exactly the reverse. 174
A plain case is described by the author in the following passage:
In those cases in which meanings seem immediately available without recourse to
anything but the words themselves, it is because the intentional structure - the
conditions of intelligibility that limit the meanings words can have before they are
produced -is so deeply in place that we are not aware of it and seem to experience its
effects directly, without mediation.175
172 Explained in S Fish, above n 9 at 141: "The notion of 'interpretive communities' was
originally introduced as an answer to a question that had long seemed crucial to literary
studies. What is the source of interpretive authority: the text or the reader? Those who
answered 'the text' were embarrassed by the fact of disagreement ... Those who answered
'the reader' were embarrassed by the fact of agreement ... What was required was an
explanation that could account for both agreement and disagreement, and that explanation
was found in the idea of an interpretive community, not so much a group of individuals
who shared a point of view, but a point of view or way of organising experience that
shared individuals in the sense that its assumed distinctions, categories of understanding,
and stipulations of relevance and irrelevance were the content of the consciousness of
community members ... " The notion was not, however, invented by Fish: see R Posner, The
Problems of Jurisprudence (1990) at 436.
173 S Fish, above n 9 at 295. I am grateful to Dr A Goldsmith for clarifying the background
conditions or constituting notions.
174 Ibid at 512-513.
175 Ibid at 295.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 139
In summary:
[R]ather than being independent of perspective [the literal meaning] is a product of
perspective (it is the meaning that, given a perspective, will immediately emerge); it is
itself an interpretation and cannot therefore be the indisputable ground on which
subsequent interpretations securely rest.176
Eskridge and Frickey also find a serious gap between the theory and the practice of the
literal approach. On the one hand, they say, textualism pres~posed the text could be a
"complete and reasonably determinate source of meaning". 1 Yet it failed "to consider
that meaning is strongly influenced by context",1 78 and is undercut by the importance
of "the interpreter's own context, including current values".179
A second problem with the literal approach was the conflict over whether context
was relevant and, if so, over identifying the relevant context. It might be thought to be
beyond dispute that consideration of the particular context was essential to
ascertaining meaning in a particular case. However, as Farrar has pointed out, "it is not
difficult to find cases adopting an excessively narrow and isolationist approach to
meaning".180 These cases are consistent with an understanding of literal meaning
accepted by several writers. 181 They define a literal meaning as "its dictionary sense
unaffected by considerations of the particular context", or as "the meaning which
results from giving to each word an ordinary meaning without much reference to the
context or the statutory object".182
Assuming it was necessary to consider the context, there were different views also
as to the extent of the proper context. There was first the question of which parts of the
Act were relevant. The joint inquiry of the Law Commission for England and Wales
and the Scottish Law Commission found there were two schools of thought on the use
of punctuation, long titles, preambles, headings and marginal notes. A wide view was
supported by Lord Somervell and Viscount Simonds in Attornfr-General v Prince Ernest
Augustus of Hanover, who required the "whole ... of the Act"18 and the "context in its
widest sense" 184 to be considered, including the title 185 and preamble. 186 A narrower
view was taken in many other cases, which required an apparent uncertainty before
these elements could be referred to, if at aH.187 There was also conflict over whether the
literal approach extended beyond the Act in question. As Farrar noted:
[O]n the whole, modern cases ... stop at a consideration of the Act as a whole. A few go
further and consider "all the surrounding circumstances", including the statutory
object. 188
A third difficulty for the literal approach arose where the ordinary meaning of a
word or phrase in dispute and its technical meaning are different. The ordinary
assumption that the literal meaning equates with the ordinary meaning is not applied
in this case. The courts will prefer the technical meaning to the meaning it might have
to the ordinary person in the street.189 However, this exception conflicts with the
supposed fundamental value of the literal approach in facilitating the understanding of
statutes by ordinary citizens.190
Aside from problems in defining the literal approach, it also entailed ambiguities in
its application in a particular case, which are clearly productive of conflict. It is a trite
observation that words frequently have more than one ordinary meaning. 191 While in
most cases the particular meaning will be obvious, in some cases resort to a dictionary
will give rise to controversial choices rather than a definitive answer.192 The literal
meaning also can be difficult to determine when different audiences would ascribe
different meanings to a word in doubt.l93 ,
Alternatives to the literal approach are beset with similar problems. The threshold
tests for the mischief approach and the golden rule were very oren-ended and the
relationship between the alternative approaches was ill-defined.19 At the time of the
introduction of the purpose rule it was generally held that the literal approach was to
be taken to be the rule of construction except in some circumstances. In the Sussex
Peerage case, Tindal CJ said the ordinary meaning would apply if "the words of the
statute are in themselves precise and unambiguous". Only if "doubt arises from the
terms employed by the legislature" could a court call in aid "the ground and cause of
making the statute, and ... have recourse to the preamble, which ... is 'a key to open the
minds of the makers of the Act, and the mischiefs which they intended to redress"'.195
The same relationshif. between the literal and mischief approaches is assumed by
Pearce and Geddes. 96 Yet it is obvious that the criterion of doubt is itself
problematical197 and a potential source of disagreement.
188 Above n 134 at 133. In the Hanover case Viscount Simonds included the mischief within the
necessary context of the Act: [1957] AC 436 at 461.
189 See, eg, Fisher v Bell [1961] 1 QB 394.
190 Re Secretary of Department of Social Security and Diepenbroeck (1992) 15 AAR 411 at 414 (AAT
per O'Connor J).
191 A A Farrar, above n 134 at 123.
192 For instance, Harris v Sumner [1979] VR 343. J Bell and G Engle, above n 9 at 37 note the
case of Newbury DC v Secretary of State for the Environment [1981] AC 578 "where the House
of Lords adopted an interpretation of the word 'repository' which Lawton LJ in the Court
of Appeal had described as one which 'no literate person' would adopt: see [1979] 1 AllER
243,252".
193 A A Farrar, above n 134 at 125-128.
194 Ibid at 249.
195 (1844) 11 Cl & Fin 85 at 143; 8 ER 1034 at 1057, citing Dyer CJ in Stowel v Lord Zouch (1569)
1 Plowd 353 at 369; 75 ER 536 at 560.
196 Above n 10 at para 2.21.
197 FAR Bennion, above n 7 at 13-14.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 141
Applying the mischief or purposive approach also creates problems which are
sources of potential conflict. Eskridge and Frickey argue that purposivism
unrealistically assumes that "the legislature is filled with reasonable people who will
reach reasonable, purposive results by following established procedures".198 They
point to the compromises and .deals which are an everyday reality of the legislative
process. 199 In short, their argument is that in many statutes there is no coherent
purpose. Alternatively, the "complex compromises ... suggest that legislation is
frequently a congeries of different and sometimes conflicting purposes". 200
Even if the purpose can be identified, frequently it can only be stated rather
broadly. Twining and Miers give the example of "a taxing statute the overall purpose
of which may be to raise revenue, but the instruments for achieving this often are
extremely complex, technical and precise".201 Clearly, if such broad purposes are to
apply to particular cases, they need defining and that interpretation process may be
productive of further conflict.
Historical contingency
A further and final reason for the disorder of the common law was the factor of
change. The common law has emphasised and preferred one or other of the general
approaches at different periods. In an illuminating article, Tucker suggests that
competing constitutional visions which are "deeply embedded in our legal traditions
and judicial practices" explain these shifts. One vision "posits the primary lawmaking
function in an elected legislature and sees the courts as playing a subordinate role of
law interpretation and application". The other "envisages a larger role for the courts in
confining legislative encroachments into individual rights which are considered
fundamental". 202 The central issue in this,.he says, is:
the extent to which the legislature is sovereign, or whether there is a higher authority
such as a written or unwritten constitution or a set of broad legal principles to which the
courts owe their ultimate allegiance and from which they derive powers independent of,
and superior to, those of the legislature.203
Tucker gives a concise analysis of the changes.204 He points out that, prior to the
fourteenth century, there was a tradition of free interpretation. A tendency towards
strict literalism emerged in the fourteenth century. By the sixteenth century a new
doctrine of "the equity of the statute" prevailed, Heydon's case being a famous example.
That case had required the mischief approach to be taken without the more modem
qualifications to which we have grown accustomed.ZOS However, even in this period
jurists were not unanimous. A formal shift towards literalism took place towards the
end of the eighteenth century. The latest shift, to purposivism, was noted by Lord
Dip lock in 1975 as having occurred over the previous thirty years. 206
Contextual influences
The disorder of the general approaches at common law can be amplified when regard
is had to the multiple disordering influences which operated upon them, and for the !
most part continue to do so, in the wider law and especially in society. At a general
level, two types of influence can be identified. The first is the changing legal and social
environment in which the approaches were applied. These included the form of
statutes, other interpretive rules, the subject matter to which the presumptions applied,
and the general movement to a "postliberal" form of society. The second broad
disordering influence on the general approaches was the individual interpreter. With !
respect to judges these included the conflict between the judiciary and what can be !
thought to have been the intention of Parliament on certain issues of importance; the
changing self conception of the judiciary in respect to their interpretive function; and
the general factor of subjective assessment. Other interpreters affected the application
of the general approaches through their different standpoints. The limited influence of
the general public also needs to be considered.
they have been applied. From the sixteenth century, statutes "contained lengthy 1
preambles reciting the particular mischief or defect in the common law that the '
enacting words were designed to remedy".207 However, as is well known, the use of
preambles eventually declined so that they are rare today. This severely hindered the !
mischief approach, which had been based on there being a ready indication of the !
mischief within the printed version of the Act.
Of greater signficance has been the general style of drafting, which has been 1
intimately connected with the approaches, particularly the literal approach of late.
From the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, a "detailed style" was adopted
which:
... sought to ensure that the courts took account of every situation contemplated by the
policy. [It] involved very detailed specification of the factual circumstances and their
legal consequences.208
According to Lord Diplock, this style was prompted in part by a "narrowly semantic ·
approach to statutory construction".209 Though "widely criticised",210 the style is still
generally employed today.
The form of statutes continues to evolve. Clear or plain English drafting ~romises to 1
that style is still evolving, 212 hopes of simple statutes across the board which are
accessible to all seem far-fetched.213
of Western democracies have been observed which have brought further pressures to
bear on the work which the approaches are called upon to do, especially the purposive
approach. The classic exposition is that of Unger, whose landmark study Law in Modern
Society included a discussion of the impact of these societal changes on statutory
interpretation. 221 He described contemporary Western democracies as postliberal
societies, one feature of which was the now familiar welfare tendency marked by "the
overt intervention of government in areas previously regarded as beyond the proper
reach of state action". In his view, "[a]s the state becomes involved in the tasks of overt
redistribution, regulation, and planning, it changes into a welfare state". 222 The impact
of the welfare state on statutory interpretation is directly felt:
As government assumes managerial responsibilities, it must work in areas in which the
complexity and variability of relevant factors of decision seem too great to allow for
general rules, whence the recourse to vague standards. These standards need to be made
concrete and individualised by persons charged with their administrative or judicial
execution.223
Unger also notes other contemporaneous changes in society as reasons for greater
emphasis on purposive reasoning, including changes in the theoretical understanding
of language:
Language is no longer credited with the fixity of categories and the transparent
representation of the world that would make formalism plausible in legal reasoning or in
ideas about justice. 224
221 Other writers have pointed out the different traditions which have arisen within Western
democracies, eg P S Atiyah and R S Summers, above n 151 at 103-104.
222 R MUnger, Law in Modern Society (1976) at 193.
223 Ibid at 196.
224 Ibid.
225 H W Arthurs, "Rethinking Administrative Law: A Slightly Dicey Business" (1979) 17
Osgoode Hall LJ 1 at 20-22 offers several reasons why judges may be unconsciously at odds
with the legislature or even consciously "conceive that their mandate entitles them to
revise legislation through interpretation" (at 21). P McAuslan, "Administrative Law,
Collective Consumption and Judicial Policy" (1983) 46 MLR 1 argues that the judiciary is
"antipathetic to collective consumption" (at 19) and have a general "ideological preference
... for the individual as opposed to the collective" (at 11).
226 S Rice, "Judicial 'Habits' and other Curious Tales" (1993) 18 Alt LJ 244; S Berns, above n 28
at 77-81, discussing the writings of Duncan Kennedy.
227
E Tucker, above n 17 at 143-147. The question of values in particular cases involving the
purposive approach is taken up in Part Two.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 145
228 Sir Anthony Mason, above n 13 at 157-158 and 160-161; see also R Unger, above n 222 at
194-200.
229 The Honourable Justice Michael Kirby, above n 164 at 92.
230 Sir Anthony Mason, "Book Review" (1983) 6 UNSWLJ 234 at 235-236.
231 A Blackshield, "Judicial Innovation as a Democratic Process" in Futurt: Directions in
Australian Politics (1979) 35.
232 The Honourable Justice Michael Kirby, above n 164 at 92.
233 See generally, FAR Bennion, above n 7 at 389-390.
234 See also G Bird, The Process of Law in Australia (2nd ed 1993) at 198-201.
235 C Sampford, above n 19 at 188-190.
236 D N MacCormick, Legal Reasoning and Legal Theory (1978) at 105-106.
146 Federal Law Review Volume 22
In their view some judges might try to mitigate the situation (using the golden rule or a
purposive approach); some might see their role as being to interpret and apply the
legislation without regard to the supervening events (using the literal approach); while
others may go further and seek to provoke legislative action by underlining the
absurdity of the existing provision (literal approach again).237
Some judges may proclaim a general preference for a particular approach because
of their philosophical beliefs.238 However, it is not suggested that all or even most
judges are of a type when it comes to applying the general approaches to
interpretation. The need to do justice in a particular case and to reach the "right
result"239 means almost inevitably that no one approach will meet these ends in all
cases. 240
they would be mostly unaware of the technical law of statutory interpretation. 246 In
these circumstances it is not surprising that they may form different views about the
scope and operation of the law in particular instances.
246 P Bridgman, "New Ways with Old Acts - Queensland's Innovative Acts Interpretation
Act" (1991) 21 Queensland Law Society Journal333.
247 Law Commissions, above n 5 at para 6.
248 Above at 118.
249 J Willis, "Statute Interpretation in a Nutshell" (1938) 16 Can Bar Rev 1 at 16.
250 E Tucker, above n 17 at 114.
251 For a strong judicial statement of the benefits of the literal approach to the judicial role in
law-making, see Mr Justice F C Hutley, above n 238.
148 Federal Law Review Volume 22
assume that the lack of disagreement which occurs on many issues is the result of
shared beliefs; rather, in Sampford's view, differences still rule:
[It] is quite unnecessary to postulate common perception, common meaning, shared
norms or shared reasons for action to explain and understand how behaviour is regular
and hence predictable ... we should delve inside the minds of the social actors, but we
should not presume to find the same ideas and processes just because the same
movements are being performed.261
Conclusion
Before the enactment of the purpose rule, the common law of statutory interpretation
did accommodate the purposive approach in its calculations, but that approach was 1
frequently subordinated to the literal approach. But the law and practice of statutory
252 Sir Anthony Mason, above n 13 at 154-155; M Kirby, P, above n 164 at 92.
253 Dixon CJ, Address on being sworn in as Chief Justice, (1952) 85 CLR xi at xiii-xiv.
254 See further below, discussion of seminar at 155.
255 P Bridgman, above n 246 at 333.
256 D Gifford, above n 10 at 56. See also S Fish and his discussion of "interpretive '
communities": above n 9 at 125-128.
257 See further, discussion of tax avoidance era below at 154.
258 See n 97 above.
259 C Sampford, above n 19 at 182.
260 Ibid at 207.
261 Ibid at 182.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 149
interpretation were far more complicated than this; one indication being the existence
of an alternative tradition in the common law which gave less emphasis to the
individual approaches and more emphasis to the attainment of a just outcome through
a consideration of multiple factors. The existence of this alternative methodology was
just one of a multitude of influences which disordered the law both within the
doctrinal law and outside it. At least some of the differences which were productive of
conflict and disorder also frustrated or muted the conflict, tending to maintain a state
of inertia. In sum, the disordering influences created a situation of such complexity that
creating order would be difficult or impossible to achieve by means of rules/62 let
:, alone a single rule.
British origins
1 In 1965 the Law Commission for England and Wales and the Scottish Law Commission
became concerned about the state of the law of statutory interpretation. They
considered that, although the rules were "individually reasonably clear [they] are often
difficult to apply, particularly where they appear to conflict with one another and
when their hierarchy of importance is not clearly established." Their other main
concern was the "present limitations on the means, other than reference to the actual
text of the statute, for ascertaining the intention of the legislature". 263 The Commissions
subsequently commenced a joint inquiry into the rules for the interpretation of statutes
to examine these and other related issues.
The joint report of the Commissions264 criticised a number of features of the
common law which were seen above to contribute to its disarray.265 They were critical
of each of the literal, golden and mischief rules, principally because they were
contradictory and ambiguous. They were dissatisfied with the traditional structure of
the law which emphasised the individual approaches at the expense of a more
pluralistic methodology. Although the Commissions were not inclined to criticise the
rules referred to if those rules were used as "convenient headings", they were "less
satisfactory [when] used to justify the meaning given to a proviSion." The Commissions
clearly preferred the "alternative tradition" because:
[T]he ultimate function of a court in the interpretative process is not simply to decide
whether it is J;lound to follow a literal interpretation on the one hand or to adopt on the
other an interpretation reached in the light of the golden or mischief rules. It is rather to
decide the meaning of the provision, taking into account, among other matters, the light
which the actual language used, and the broader aspects of legislative policy arrived at
by the golden and rnis_chief rules, throw on that meaning. 266
They also found the individual approaches to be contradictory and ambiguous. The
literal approach was singled out for special criticism. The rules had "tended excessively
262 W Twining and D Miers, above n 28 at 230.
263 Above n 5 at para 1.
264 Aboven5.
265 Already mentioned above were its criticisms with respect to the concept of legislative
intention (n 112) and the obscurity of the rules limiting the materials which could be
considered (n 215).
266 Above n 5 at para 29.
150 Federal Law Review Volume22
to emphasise the literal meaning of statutory provisions without giving due weight to
their meaning in wider contexts".267 The literal approach also led in some cases to
debate which appeared to be conducted on a plane of "sterile verbalism" over the
ordinary (literal) meaning.268 The golden rule's requirements of absurdity,
inconsistency and inconvenience were also productive of uncertainty.269
While the mischief approach was a "somewhat more satisfactory approach",
changes in society had made it "somewhat outdated". Its language was archaic. It
"reflected a very different constitutional balance between the Executive, Parliament
and the public than would now be acceptable", particularly in not making clear "the
extent to which the judge should consider the actual language ... contained in the
statute". It assumed "the statute was subsidiary or supplemental to the common law".
It was pronounced at a time before the current rules on exclusion of material which
might bear on the mischief were developed. As a consequence, if a court "has
inadequate means of discovering the policy behind a statute, a mere exhortation to
consider that policy may not be very effective".270
To remedy these deficiencies in the law the Commissions recommended a "limited
degree of statutory intervention".211 Of special significance for the present study was
the Commissions' recommendation that statutory intervention was needed "to
emphasise the importance in the interpretation of a provision of ... the general ;
legislative purpose underlying it".212 In Appendix A at clause 2(a) it set out its
recommendation as to the appropriate provision to be included in legislation:
That a construction which would promote the general legislative purpose underlying the
provision in question is to be preferred to a construction which would not.
Upon analysis, the Commissions' recommendation involves three separate conclusions.
First, that there should be a greater emphasis on the purpose of the provision in
question. Secondly, that legislation should be used to make such emphasis known.
Thirdly, that the legislation should elevate a purposive construction to a higher place
than some other differing construction. To varying degrees, each of these conclusions is
symptomatic of disorder and would contribute to disorder if implemented.
Although the Commissions did circulate a working paper to a number of persons
and organisations before completing their report, their conclusion that there ought to
be a greater emphasis on the purpose was based on anecdotal evidence, rather than
any wide-ranging empirical research of judicial and lawyerly practice. The report
identified the problem - the excessive tendency to emphasise the literal approach -
as evidenced in certain judgments, but the extent of the problem was not clear. It was
conceded that some recent cases had in effect repudiated "literalism".273
The second conclusion, that statutory intervention was needed, was not well
supported. In fact the Commissions went to some lengths to express the contrary view.
They acknowledged that "[u]nder our constitutional arrangements it is the function of
an independent judiciary to interpret the law and no proposals which we may make
267 Ibid at para 8.
268 Ibid at para 9.
269 Ibid at para 32.
270 Ibid at para 33.
271 Ibid at para 81.
272 Ibid.
273 Ibid at para 8.
Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 151
'' can or should undermine the freedom which this function requires". 274 They also noted
the doubt expressed by Lord Wilberforce, before the project had been commenced, as
to "whether statutory interpretation is a genuine subject for the Law Commission at
all".275 At paragraph 81 the Commissions stated that the constitutional perspective
militated against "any comprehensive enumeration of the factors to be taken into
account by the courts in the interpretation of legislation", but did not advance any case
why a more limited statutory intervention was appropriate and would in any case
work Earlier in the report they noted that a New Zealand provision requiring, among
other things, an interpretation which would best attain the object of the Act had failed
to attract the courts' attention. That provision read:
Every Act, and every provision or enactment thereof, shall be deemed remedial, whether
its immediate purport is to direct the doing of anything Parliament deems to be for the
public good, or to prevent or punish the doing of anything it deems contrary to the
public good, and shall accordingly receive such fair, large and liberal construction and
interpretation as will best ensure the attainment of the object CJh the Act and of such provision or
enactment according to its true intent, meaning, and spirit. 76
The Commissions unconvincingly attempted to distinguish the New Zealand case and
a Canadian counterpart277 from their proposal. They criticised the New Zealand
provision on the ground that its exhortation to the courts to adopt "large and liberal"
interpretations "begs the question as to what is the real intention of the legislature,
which may require in the circumstances either a broad or ,narrow construction of
language".278 This point was well made: the Commissions' purpose rule was not so
confused. But the New Zealand provision was recognised by the Commissions as also
expressing the mischief approach in more modern language, which must have been a
reference to the italicised purpose rule in the quotation above. The Commissions'
response to this aspect of the provision was to note that "it makes no contribution to
the problem of how the mischief and the remedy envisaged by the legislature are to be
ascertained". However, the same criticism could be levelled to some extent at the
Commissions. In Chapter V of their report they considered and made
recommendations upon the rules which ought to determine the proper context of a
provision. Although they agreed in principle that "the courts should be able to consider
any material which 'must be assumed to be in the contemplation of the legislature"',279
and made some recommendations in favour of relaxing the then common law rules, in
the end they did not favour the consideration of reports of proceedings in
Parliament.280 Even though it could not be denied that such reports might be relevant
work.
The third conclusion was also suspect at a deeper level. The Commissions approved
of the view that the difficulties with the concept of the intention of Parliament could
perhaps be clarified if "a distinction is drawn between a particular legislative intent in 1
the sense of the meaning in which the legislature intended particular words to be '
understood, and a general legislative intent in the sense of the purpose which the !
legislature intended to achieve".282 This led the Commissions to see force in the ,
statement that:
If [legislative intent] is looked upon as a common agreement on the purpose of an
enactment and a general understanding of the kind of situation at which it is aimed, to
deny the existence of a legislative intention is to deny the existence of a legislative
function. 283 .
But the linking of purposive action with the conventional values of "the legislative '
function" is rhetorical. As one cannot question the legislative function, we are asked to 1
accept without question the reality and benefits of purposive reasoning. This is ironic,
because the authors from whom the Commissions drew substantially qualified the !
quoted views. The author who linked purposive action with the legislative function ,
acknowledged that purposive reasoning would fail in a group of cases "where no 1
287 The Renton Committee, The Preparation of Legislation, Cmnd 6053 (1975).
288 Ibid at para 19.27.
289 Ibid at para 19.28.
290 Interpretation of Legislation Bill 1981 (HL Bill No 67), set out in D R Miers and A C Page,
above n 141 at 245-246.
291 Sen Deb 1981, Vol90 at 2166 ("The British proposals, I should add, have been initiated and
supported by very distinguished law lords, including Lord Scarman and Lord
Wilberforce": Senator Durack, Attorney-General.)
292 H Lords Deb 1980, Vol405 at 306.
293 H Lords Deb 1981, Vol418 at 83.
294 H Lords Deb 1980, Vol405 at 277.
295 Ibid at295.
154 Federal Law Review Volume22
296 Ibid at 278. See also at 287 and 289; H Lords Deb 1981, Vol418 at 77, 78 and 81.
297 H Lords Deb 1980, Vol405 at 279.
298 H Lords Deb 1981, Vol418 at 74.
299 Ibid at 66.
300 H Lords Deb 1980, Vol405 at 279.
301 H Lords Deb 1981, Vol418 at 72.
302 For this background 1 am indebted to R Krever, above n 80.
303 Ibid at 129-130.
304 Slutzkin v Commissioner of Taxation of Commonwealth of Australia (1977) 140 CLR 314;
Commissioner of Taxation of Commonwealth of Australia v South Australian Battery Makers Pty
Ltd (1978) 140 CLR 645; Commissioner of Taxation of Commonwealth of Australia v Everett
(1980) 143 CLR 440; Commissioner of Taxation of Commonwealth of Australia v Westraders Pty
Ltd {1980) 144 CLR 55; Commissioner of Taxation of Commonwealth of Australia v
Commonwealth Aluminium Corporation Ltd (1980) 143 CLR 646. _
305 R Krever, above n 80 at 130.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 155
Time and again the Court turned to a doctrine of strict literalism - reading down the
words of the statute without consideration for the purpose of the sections or act in which
they appeared- to find in favour of tax avoiders.306
In Krever's view the approach was "absurd"307 and "pedantic"308 because it could lead
to "tax results completely divorced from economic reality".309
The extent to which cases such as Westraders illustrated either a general trend to
literalism or an application of a particularly strong presumption in favour of taxpayers
was nevertheless open to question. Sampford, following Weber, uses the term
"asymmetrical" to describe the different f:erceptions that two persons involved in a
power relation may have of that relation. 10 The reaction by the current Chief Justice
(Mason CJ) to the tax avoidance cases has been to see them as merely taxation cases
and not as symptomatic of any error in statutory interpretation generally. 311 His
Honour's view finds support in the Westraders case in which the then Chief Justice
(Barwick CJ) had defended his approach in terms of the specific rights of taxpayers:
[T]he citizen has every right to mould the transaction into which he is about to enter into
a form which satisfies the requirements of the statute ... the freedom to choose the form
of transaction into which he shall enter is basic to the maintenance of a free society.312
However, rightly or wrongly, cases such as these were not viewed by persons outside
the Court as raising a purely taxation issue. The High Court itself had become the
focus, as evidenced in the following extract from a national magazine of the day:
By adopting this attitude, the [High] court has effectively usurped a large part of
Parliament's powers on taxation. It has made a simple and non-legalistic method of
collecting income tax from wealthy individuals extremely difficult.31 3
As we shall see, commentators at the seminar (discussed below), and key members of
Parliament (the Attorney-General and the Opposition spokesman on legal matters)
began supporting reform of the general approaches to statutory interpretation. In
short, the controversy over the interpretation of taxation legislation, itself a product of
social disorder, had caused a general reaction against the courts' interpretive methods.
The extraordinary stimulus to reform, stemming from the tax avoidance era and the
High Court's handling of avoidance schemes, recalls the insight of Foucault (another
disorder theorist) concerning the foundations of knowledge in the human sciences. In
his view that knowledge was "rooted in non-rational, contingent and frequently
unsavoury origins".314
306 Ibid.
307 Ibid at 134.
308 Ibid at 141.
309 Ibid at 132.
310 C Sampford, above n 19 at 166.
311 Sir Anthony Mason, above n 13 at 161.
312 Westraders v Federal Commissioner of Taxation (1975) 144 CLR 55 at 60 and 61.
313 P P McGuiness, quoted by G McGregor, "The High Court: Backwards into the Future",
National Times, 17-23 February 1980, p 14, cited in R Krever, above n 80 at 133.
314 M Philp, "Michel Foucault" in Q Skinner (ed), The Return of Grand Theory in the Human
Sciences (1985) 65 at 70.
156 Federal Law Review Volume22
was endorsed by Mr Kolts and Professor Pearce without discussion. It received a very
brief word from Mr Brazil who thought that the objection in England - that it was
unnecessary - did not apply so much in Australia. Once again, therefore, as reported
in the proceedings of the seminar, there was negligible debate on the need to
legislate. 322 Apart from the great issue of principle involved Gudicial independence)
the fact that a related attempt had failed in New Zealand and had been tried elsewhere
seemed to call for investigation at this stage. The remarks about the Law Commissions'
report on this matter apply equally here.
The third conclusion - the precise terms to be employed - received rather more
attention in the paper by Mr Brazil, yet some internal disorder is apparent.323 His
support of the purpose rule proposed by the Law Commissions324 was somewhat
inconsistent with his own view that there was only one rule of construction:
[Y]ou ascertain the ordinary grammatical meaning of the words by looking at them in
the light of the mischief the Act as a whole is meant to deal with.325
No discussion occurred on the question why a purposive construction should prevail.
Mr Brazil did, however, address the matter of the stage at which the purposive
meaning was to be considered. He prefaced the comment immediately above with the
following:
The other thing I want to say is to take issue with the statement that you can only use the
mischief rule if the words aren't clear on their face. The approach I would take is that the
mischief rule is something to be taken into account, in the appropriate cases, at what I
call first level or stage of interpretation.326
However, the rule he proposed did not address the situation of when the purposive
meaning must be sought. Despite Mr Brazil's reliance on Cross for his "one rule of
construction" theory, another speaker drew attention, in critical terms, to the power of
courts to decline to take account of the mischief if there was no ambiguity on the face
of the legislation. Professor Pearce referred to the conflict which arises when a court
maintains that there is no ambiguity, even though counsel believes there is one.327
Lastly, there was only a vague indication given of how the rule would work. Mr Brazil
said that:
[The] approach does not involve trying to restate a fundamental comprehensive rule of
statutory interpretation. It involves, rather, an intervention in the process of statutory
interpretation that gives a nudge in the direction of the purposive approach and having
done that it does no more.328
322 It was noted in the Preface that the publication contained selections of the discussion of the
main papers. The need to legislate was an issue which concerned commentators after
enactment of the purpose rule: C Corns, above n 10 at 392; J G Starke, above n 319 at 712-
713.
323 See generally, C Sampford, above n 19 at 175.
324 Above n 318 at 19-20.
325 Another Look at Statutory Interpretation, above n 4 at 4.
326 Ibid.
327 Ibid at 7.
328 Above n 318 at 20. In view of the several noted differences and tensions between
Mr Brazil's own view and the proposed purpose rule, it is worth noting the disordering
nature of bureaucratic policy-making. The literature suggests that policy-making is
generally "confined to a series of well-rehearsed options familiar to all the participants",
rather than being a highly rational process in which the consequences of the policy chosen
158 Federal Law Review Volume22
most closely match the goals to be secured: W Twining and D Miers, above n 28 at 325. Of
course, one of the options which the Australian promoters did consider was the report of
the Law Commissions.
329 Director-General of the Department of Corrective Services v Mitchelson (1992) 26 NSWLR 648 at
654.
330 Stock v Frank Jones (Tipton) Ltd [1978] 1 AllER 948 at 951 per Viscount Dilhome.
331 Carter v Bradbeer [1975] 1 WLR 1204 at 1206-1207 per Lord Diplock. See further, Part Two.
The following year, Unger published a landmark jurisprudential work in which similar
trends were observed: R MUnger, above n 222 at 195.
332 Cooper Brookes (Wollongong) Pty Ltd v Commissioner of Taxation of the Commonwealth of
Australia (1981) 147 CLR 297; Mr Justice Bryson, above n 2 at 191: "the judgments in Cooper
Brookes, and particularly [the judgment of Mason and Wilson JJ) constitute a new
beginning for ascertaining the state of opinion in the High Court on statutory
interpretation".
333 See n 367 for further details.
334 Section 15AA of the Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth) was inserted by the Statute Law
Revision Act 1981 (Cth), s 115.
335 Compare above at 150.
336 The State and Territory counterparts of s 15AA are the Interpretation Act 1967 (ACT),
s llA; Interpretation Act 1987 (NSW), s 33; Acts Interpretation Act 1915 (SA), s 22; Acts
Interpretation Act 1931 (Tas), s SA; Interpretation of Legislation Act 1984 (Vic), s 35(a);
Acts Interpretation Act 1954 (Qld), s 14A; and Interpretation Act 1984 (WA), s 18. The
South Australian version is a weaker version on paper: G Morris et al, above n 10 at 158-
159. The Queensland version is a stronger version on paper: P Bridgman, above n 246 at
335-337. Both the South Australian and Queensland versions are discussed in Part Two.
There is a further Commonwealth/State and Territory purpose rule in s 109H of the
Corporations Law which was enacted in 1990. See commentary by A J Black,
"Interpretation" in Australian Corporation Law, Principles and Practice, Vol1 at paras 1.2.0020
1: 1994
J''~-:1'
'.·
_')'-
Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Samp_ford's Theory 159
and 1.2.0025. It replaced a similar rule which applied under the previous co-operative
scheme of corporations legislation: Companies and Securities (Interpretation and
Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 1980 (Cth), s SA, and respective State Codes- see, eg, Re
Guardian Investments Pty Ltd (1984) 2 ACLC 165. That section is discussed in I Cameron,
aboven 10.
337 Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth), s 46; Interpretation Act 1987 (NSW), s 33; Interpretation
of Legislation Act 1984 (Vic), s 35; Interpretation Act 1984 (WA}, s 18; Interpretation Act
1967 (ACT}, s 49; Statutory Instruments Act 1992 (Qld}, s 14(1); Acts Interpretation Act
1931 (Tas), s 4; Acts Interpretation Act 1915 (SA), s 3; D C Pearce and R S Geddes, above
n 10 at paras 2.23 and 2.24.
338 Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth), s 2(1); D C Pearce and R S Geddes, above n 10 at
para 2.23; Interpretation Act 1987 (NSW), s 5(1); Interpretation of Legislation Act 1984
(Vic}, s 4{1); Interpretation Act 1984 (WA), s 3(1); Interpretation Act 1967 (ACT}, ss 6, 49;
Acts Interpretation Act 1954 (Qld), s 2(1); Acts Interpretation Act 1931 {Tas), s 4; Acts
Interpretation Act 1915 (SA), s 3.
339 Section 15A8 of the Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth) was inserted by the Acts
Interpretation Amendment Act 1984 (Cth). Its relationship with s 15AA will be explored in
Part Two.
340 Interpretation Act 1967 (ACT), s 118; Interpretation Act 1987 (NSW), s 34; Acts
Interpretation Act 1954 (Qld), s 148; Interpretation Act 1984 (Vic), s 35(b); Interpretation
Act 1984 (WA), s 19; Acts Interpretation Act 1931 {Tas), s 88.
341 Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth), s 46; Interpretation Act 1987 (NSW), s 34; Interpretation
Act 1984 (WA), s 19; Interpretation Act (ACT), s 49; Interpretation of Legislation Act 1984
(Vic), s 35; Acts Interpretation Act 1931 {Tas), s 4; Statutory Instruments Act 1992 (Qld),
ss 14(1), 15. \
342 Acts Interpretation Act 1901 (Cth), s 2(1); Interpretation Act 1987 (NSW), s 5(1);
Interpretation Act 1984 (WA), s 3(1); Interpretation Act 1967 (ACT), ss 6, 49; Interpretation
of Legislation Act 1984 (Vic), s 4(1); Acts Interpretation Act 1954 (Qld}, s 2(1); Acts
Interpretation Act 1931 (Tas), s 4.
343 W Twining and D Miers, above n 28 at 119.
344 Sen Deb 1981, Vol 90 at 2166.
160 Federal Law Review Volume 22
Many judges have said that they are obliged to interpret legislation literally and may not
look beyond that. That approach, if taken to its logical conclusion, as unfortunately occurs
quite often, obliges Parliament to produce legislation which will cover every conceivable
situation that may arise.345
As suggested in this last sentence, it is not that the Attorney-General was unconcerned
with the rules of interpretation; but they were part of a wider problem of the
"imbalance which has developed between the courts and the Parliament in relation to
the details of law making".346 This had arisen in the following way:
The courts' approach and contribution to the development of law historically has been of
enormous importance. It is perhaps only in the more recent years of the development of
the law, and I am speaking not of decades but of centuries and in particular this country,
that the courts have retreated very considerably in their role of developing the law -
certainly this has occurred in an overt way - and have left it to parliament.
Parliament has very much asserted its role to the extent where the courts have
almost, in theory, at least, retreated to the point where they ostensibly claim that any
development of the law is not for them but for parliament. That is a most unfortunate
trend, which has resulted in Parliament being overwhelmed by legislation of enormous
proportions and growing technicality, to an extent that, as honourable senators will
agree, it is beyond our capacity as parliamentarians to handle it. Therefore, it is time to
take corrective measures and the proposal before us represents a first and very important
step to that end. I hope that it will prove to be a catalyst in correcting the imbalance that
has developed.347
In the Senate, only the "shadow" Attorney-General, Senator Evans, joined Senator
Durack in making a substantial contribution to the debate on the rule. Senator Evans
did not share the same concerns as the Attorney-General. His concern about judicial
law-making was not with the lack of it, but with the results the courts reach,
particularly in the taxation area:348
[The proposed rule] should serve to concentrate wonderfully the minds of those
remaining Australian judges who have been unwilling to exercise their judicial
responsibility in the national and community interest and to produce interpretations of
legislation which are in conformity with what not only the parliaments but also right
thinking members of the community wish to achieve. 349'
He also had a real concern with the rules themselves and how, by failing to set a clear
hierarchy, they permitted seemingly arbitrary decisions to be made:
Judges traditionally ... have had to turn for guidance to one or other of two more or less
equally time-honoured but nonetheless basically irreconcilable approaches to statutory
interpretation. One of those two chosen approaches seems, on the face of it, to depend, as
much as on anything else, on the taste, temperament, conscious or subconscious, political
prejudice or even the state of the judge's liver on the day. Those two approaches are
literalism on the one hand and what can be loosely described as liberalism on the other....
These two approaches are on the face of it more or less flatly contradictory... 350
Senator Evans was full of praise for the proposal, declaring it to be a "splendid
innovation" of "very real importance". But he too was vague about its effect:
It is clear that if this new approach is adopted ... we can expect much more explicit
attention being paid by the courts in the future to these purposive problems.351
Parliamentarians might have wondered how the rule could fulfil the multiple
objectives sought for it with concessions such as this from Senator Evans:
The object of the exercise is really to reinforce the traditional principle that has been
always understood to apply as the basis of statutory interpretation, and that is that
Parliament's intention should prevail. This provision is just a machinery way of
improving the probability that that will be the case.352
In the lower House no speaker demonstrated how the provision was meant to
work. One speaker (Mr Jacobi) assumed that Parliament was making its intent clear.353
Another, Mr Duffy, perceptively argued how the rule would not work. He took the
purposes of the proposed new section to be contained in the following extract from the
second reading speech of Senator Durack:
The effect of the provision to be inserted in the Acts Interpretation Act will be to confirm
that in interpreting provisions regard is to be had to the object or purpose underlying the
Act in question.
Mr Duffy argued that a literal interpretation of the section would not give effect to this
apparent purpose: the section would not require an interpretation which "better
promotes the object of the Act in question" and would have no application unless a
court regarded one of the alternative interpretations as not promoting the purpose or
object of the Act.354
These extracts from the parliamentary proceedings further confuse the picture as to
the aims of the legislation. We saw above that officials and others at the seminar saw
the legislation as necessary to correct inappropriate, over-literal, interpretive practice.
The view of a key officer advising the Minister was that the provision would alter "first
level" interpretive practice. On the other hand, the Attorney-General's prime concern
was with the reluctance of courts to make law, not with over-literalism. The Minister
wished nothing less than to cause a shift in the constitutional roles of Parliament and
the courts. The Opposition speakers had a variety of different and conflicting concerns,
including the immediate significance of the Bill in relation to the interpretation of
taxation law. Senator Evans's claim that there was a lack of hierarchy (in that the rules
were flatly contradictory and gave rise to arbitrary results) was somewhat at odds with
the view of several speakers at the seminar, which saw the problem in the current bias
towards a literal approach.
The question whether Parliament ought to intervene received some attention. Both
Senator Durack355 and Senator Evans35b viewed legislation as appropriate to laying
down general rules of interpretation such as those contemplated, although they failed
to point out that never before had Parliament legislated on such a topic in Australia.
Neither Senator Durack, nor Senator Evans, was specific as to how the rule would
work, and the impression from Senator Durack's speech is that no precise method had
been contemplated. One member who considered its operation (Mr Duffy) thought it
would "fail". Senator Evans's assumption that the rule would impose a hierarchy which
did not currently exist assumed that one could sensibly distinguish between the literal
and purposive approaches. His justification of the purpose rule by linking it with the
intention of Parliament raises further difficult theoretical questions.35 7 What is meant
by the intention of Parliament in this context? Why should a non-purposive approach
be assumed to be inconsistent with Parliament's intention, and a purposive
construction be assumed to be consistent?
To sum up, it is impossible in this instance to obtain from Hansard a clear idea of
Parliament's intent with respect to the purpose rule, and in many respects the
participants' intentions conflicted or contained questionable assumptions. Any court
wishing to find authoritative guidance as to the meaning of the purpose rule from the
political background would be frustrated. Because of this, later interpretation of the
rule would be disordered for lack of a clear rationale and set of objectives, and
Parliament would lack a sound basis from which to evaluate the reform. The rationale
and aims of the purpose rule are further complicated when one examines the views of
expert observers.
Expectations of jurists
Academic views of the purpose rule, published at varying times after the provision
became law, but before the High Court gave its view, were far from uniform. The most
liberal view appeared in the standard Australian text on statutory interpretation by
Pearce and Geddes, who stated that the rule makes a purposive construction
mandatory:
Under s 15AA, however, the purpose or object must be taken into account even if the
meaning of the words, interpreted in the context of the rest of the Act, is clear. When the
purpose or object is brought into account, an alternative interpretation of the words may
become apparent. And if one interpretation does not promote the purpose or object of an
Act and another interpretation does so, the latter interpretation must be adopted.3 58
Other writers saw the effect of the rule in purely permissive terms. In a brief
commentary on an Administrative Appeals Tribunal decision, Hanks wrote that
"s lSAA ... is a general direction to give effect to the purpose of legislation when
inteiWreting that legislation, and does not depend on ambiguity for its invocation
... ". 3 A similar view Was expressed in the text Legal Research: Materials and Methods. It
was noted that in the States (other than South Australia), including Victoria, "[t]he
requirement that an ambiguity must first exist before the purpose approach is
employed does not exist".360
A more conservative opinion was also put forward. In the view of Gifford, the
provision sanctioned "emphasis" on the purposive over the literal approach;361
nevertheless, the rule implied "at least some degree of ambiguity existing in the
Act".362 Enright took a similar view, adding that it was a "statutory expression of the
common law mischief rule".363 Corns also doubted whether the terms of the Victorian
equivalent "confer a mandatory duty on the judiciary to construe legislation in the
preferred manner".3 64 In summary, although there was support for Brazil's mandatory
purposive interpretation (Pearce and Geddes}, some opposed it (Gifford; IEnright;
query Corns}, and others suggested middling viewpoints which could be taken
(Hanks; authors of Legal Research).
Any academic enthusiasm for the purpose rule was not matched by the reaction of
the profession;36S in particular, one senior member of the judiciary issued a warning
shortly after the Commonwealth purpose provision was enacted. Sir Laurence Street,
then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of New South Wales, expressed doubts as to
whether the provision would succeed in altering the law or practice of statutory
interpretation:
The history of similar, but not quite such far-reaching, provisions elsewhere indicates
that courts have, in effect, read them out of the law. They have been treated as going
little, if at all, beyond established rules of statutory interpretation. Whether that
approach is taken in Australia remains to be seen.366
The significance of his Honour's remark is that it illustrates yet another view which
could possibly be taken in relation to the rule: that the rule changed nothing, or even
that the rule could be effectively ignore<:~.
Before the courts could examine the proposed rule, the High Court, with
remarkable timing, reformed the general common law just one week before the
purpose rule was formally enacted and commenced to operate.367 Before examining
the operation of the rule in the courts and quasi-judicial tribunals, it is therefore
necessary to refer to the almost contemporaneous change in the general common law.
of the Commonwealth of Australia. 369 In this case the appellant subsidiary company
challenged a disallowance by the Commissioner of a claim for a deduction from its
assessable income. Prima facie, the appellant was entitled to the deduction. The Income
Tax Assessment Act 1936 (Cth) provided that a taxpayer could deduct from his income
in a given year so much of the losses he had incurred in any of the preceding years as
had not been allowed as a deduction in any of those years. This entitlement was
qualified by subsequent provisions (ss 80B,80C):
[The] broad effect was that losses of subsequent years sustained by a company could not
be deducted unless there was a substantial continuity of the beneficial ownerl:Jhip of the
share capital of the company in the year of loss and the year of income.370
The taxpayer satisfied the continuity provisions if references to "the company" did not
refer to a subsidiary company. Prima facie, this was the case, for s 80C(3) provided:
For the purposes of the application of either of the last two preceding sub-sections, the
provisions of sub-sections (3) to (8) inclusive, of the last preceding section apply in
relation to the holding company and in relation to every company that was at any
relevant time interposed between the holding company and the subsidiary company as if
references in those sub-sections to the company were references to the holding company
or to the interposed company, as the case may be.
Literally construed, this sub-section required all references to the company in the
specified provisions to mean the holding company, which would have the effect that
the potential exclusion did not apply to the taxpayer (a subsidiary company).
By majority the High Court ruled in the Commissioner's favour. It found that
s 80C(3) was a drafting mistake and it had not been Parliament's intention to leave out
a subsidiary company from the scope of the exclusionary provision. Upon analysis, the
judgments can be seen to have rested on several statements of principle or
assumptions. However, rather than promote order in the law of statutory
interpretation, it is argued that each of these statements or assumptions is evidence of
disorder, or would create disorder.
The Court took the intention of Parliament to be the main consideration. 371 For
example, in the judgment of Mason and Wilson JJ it was stated that:
[T]he fundamental object of statutory construction in every case is to ascertain the
legislative intention by reference to the language of the instrument viewed as a whole. 372
As noted above in the discussion of the common law, the concept of the intention of
Parliament is fictional. Fictions disorder by maintaining the appearance of unity and
continuity of a legal order,373 while permitting underlying change to occur. As detailed
below, use of the fiction of the intention of Parliament enabled some members of the
Court to alter the status of the literal approach without appearing to change the law.
The reliance on the intention of Parliament was therefore superficially stabilising, but
its ability to accommodate shifts in interpretation indicates its fluid, disordering
nature.
the literal meaning because the alternative construction more closely conforms to the
legislative intent discernible from other provisions in the statute.381
(iii) The cases when a court could depart from the literal meaning were not restricted to
traditional statements of the golden rule:
There are similar problems with the related so-called "golden rule" of construction ... For
the reason already given in the discussion of the literal rule, departure from the ordinary
grammatical sense cannot be restricted to cases of absurdity and inconsistency.38Z
(iv) The cases when the literal rule may be departed from were not limited:
[W]hen the judge labels the operation of the statute as "absurd", "extraordinary",
"capricious", "irrational" or "obscure" he assigns a ground for concluding that the
legislature could not have intended such an operation and that an alternative
interpretation must be preferred. But the propriety of departing from the literal
interpretation is not confined to situations described by these labels. It extends to any
situation in which for good reason the operation of the statute on a literal reading does not
conform to the legislative intent as ascertained from the provisions of the statute,
including the policy which may be discerned from those provisions. 383
(v) The literal approach could be departed from even where, in theory, it was quite
persuasive:
If ... one interpretation has a powerful advantage in ordinary meaning and jifammatical
sense, it will only be displaced if its operation is perceived to be unintended. 4
The other members of the majority were less liberal in referring to the status of the ~
literal approach. Gibbs CJ maintained that:
[I]f the language of a statutory provision is clear and unambiguous, and is consistent and
harmonious with the other provisions of the enactment, and can be intelligibly applied to
the subject matter with which it deals, it must be given its ordinary and grammatical
meaning, even if it leads to a result that may seem inconvenient or unjust.385
The Chief Justice thus tended to suggest that the operation of the statute was of 1
marginal importance, something Mason and Wilson JJ were at pains to reject. True, it
was appropriate to consider whether the plain meaning could be "intelligibly applied",
but inconvenience and injustice would not be enough to suggest another meaning ·
might have been intended. True also, his Honour was speaking of a situation where the '
language was "clear and unambiguous", but this appears to have been a reference to
the face of the statute only, and not to a situation where there was only one possible ·
construction. Stephen J briefly put the conditions for departing from the literal '
approach in a manner which tended to support the heavy emphasis which the Chief
Justice still placed upon it. The view of Stephen J appears in the following passage:
[I]f literal meaning is to be departed from, it must be clear beyond question both that
literal meaning does not give effect to the intention of the legislature and that some
departure from literal meaning will fulfil that intent.386
381 Ibid.
382 Ibid.
383 Ibid at 321. Emphasis added.
384 Ibid.
385 Ibid at 305.
386 Ibid at 310.
1994 Statutory Interpretation, Law Reform and Sampford's Theory 167
The status of the literal approach was therefore contested - it was reduced only in
the judgment of Mason and Wilson JJ. Because it did not have the clear support of a
majority of the Court, it would compete in future with the more conservative statement
of the Chief Justice. Differences of view as to principle in multi-member courts are of
course hardly new, but they are cogent evidence of the natural disorder in the law,387 a
factor recognised by scholars investigating the tradition of the law.388
Along with the decline in the status of the literal approach in some of the
judgments, increased prominence was given to the purposive approach. Members
assumed that a purposive approach could be considered either at the "first level" or
stage of interpretation, or, at least, without requiring there to be any ambiguity in the
literal meaning. Gibbs CJ entertained a purposive construction at the first level, as
evident above. Similarly, Stephen J found the meaning of the words on the face of the
statute to be "clear",389 yet still felt entitled to decide the case on purposive grounds:
That sub-section now stands as an anachronism; the failure to amend it to accord with
those provisions upon which it operates and have themselves long since been amended,
ensures that to give it its literal application will, in the words of Fry LJ, be to construe
"the Act in order to defeat its object rather than with a view to carry its object into
effect" ... 390
Mason and Wilson JJ essentially took the same approach as Stephen J on this point.
However, rather than talk affirmatively of the necessity to take account of the purpose,
their Honours directed most of their dicta to the circumstances when it would be
appropriate to depart from the literal meaning. As noted above, they implied that there
was no barrier to ascertaining the purpose and taking it into account, provided only
that such a construction amounted to a "good reason".
The loosening up of the rules of statutory interpretation was accompanied by open
acknowledgment of the individual freedom of the judge in the task of interpretation.
However, little indication was given as to the factors which would determine that
choice other than an "objective" weighing up of the various factors. According to
Mason and Wilson JJ:
If the judge applies the literal rule it is because it gives emphasis to the factor which in
the particular case he thinks is decisive ... Quite obviously questions of degree arise. If
the choice is between two strongly competing interpretations, as we have said, the
advantage may lie with that which produces the fairer and more convenient operation so
long as it conforms to the legislative intention.391
Stephen J also referred expressly to the law-making function of the judge when
interpreting legislation.392 That judges do play an individual role is evident from the
Cooper Brookes case itself. Counsel for the appellant assumed that the law was "well
settled",393 and neither counsel argued for any new interpretations of law. Hence, the
development in the law was mostly due to judicial initiative.
387 C Sampford, above n 19 at 277.
388 M Krygier, above n 20 at 251-254, discussing the relationship between tradition and
change in the law.
389 (1981) 147 CLR 297 at 310.
390 Ibid at 311, citing Curtis v Stovin (1889) 22 QBD 513 at 519.
391 Ibid at 320 and 321.
392 Ibid at 310.
393 Transcript of Proceedings, High Court of Australia, 4 June 1980, p 8 (L J Priestley QC,
counsel for the appellant).
168 Federal Law Review Volume22
On the facts of the case a majority found that the literal meaning should not be
adopted. (Aickin Jdissented.) From the point of view of legal principle, the importance
of the judgments of the High Court Justices in Cooper Brookes was that they brought the
common law closer to the purpose rule, without actually mandating a purposive
approach. They revived the "alternative tradition" that the purposive approach could
be considered either at the "first level", or without requiring there to be any ambiguity
in the literal meaning. In the judgment of Mason and Wilson JJ, which has
subsequently been much referred to in texts394 and cases,395 the status of the literal
approach as it ought to flln:ction in practice was greatly reduced. If their judgment
were taken literally, the golden rule would be abolished and the other general
approaches could freely be considered and applied provided only there was good
reason to do so.
Paradoxically, however, this liberalisation could be a source of difficulty for
interpreters of the purposive rule. When the judgments were handed down, the rule
had already been put before the Parliament, although it had not yet been implemented.
As the rule had been created on the assumption that the common law had certain
deficiencies, such as that it was over-literal and had erected artificial barriers to the
taking into account of the purposive approach, these assumptions could now be
seriously questioned.
In addition, Cooper Brookes did not settle the common law position. In form it rested
on fictional foundations - the intention of Parliament and the dominance of the literal
approach. A majority of the Court had not agreed about the status of the literal or
purposive approaches. In making their individual choices about these matters, the
judgments reveal both the choices possible in the pre-existing law and the ability of the
judiciary to free themselves to some extent from previous authoritative statements.
· wider law and especially in society. At a general level, two types of influence were
identified. The first was the changing legal and social environment in which the
approaches were applied. These included the form of statutes, other interpretive rules,
the subject matter to which the presumptions applied and the general movement to a
"postliberal" form of society. The second broad disordering influence on the general
approaches was the individual interpreter. With respect to judges, these included the
conflict between the judiciary and what can be thought to have been the intention of
Parliament on certain issues of importance; the changing self conception of the
judiciary in respect to their interpretive function; and the general factor of subjective
assessment. Other interpreters, with different standpoints, could give differing
interpretations. The public exercised little influence in Australia until the literal
approach to taxation legislation taken by the courts in the tax avoidance era of the
1970s came to public notice. This malady prompted a general review of the approaches
to statutory interpretation which some questioned as unnecessary. Paradoxically,
however, the differences which were productive of conflict (disordering influences)
also operated to frustrate or mute conilict about statutory interpretation. For example,
the lack of substance in the law meant that there was a lack of law to challenge.
The process of making the rule did not add firm foundations for an ordered future,
instead adding the basis for conflict. The initial proposal paid little or no attention to
the likely consequences of enacting such a rule: a recipe for unintended effects. When
the proposal was considered in Australia, confusion was generated by the different
views which were espoused as to the problem which the rule was addressing. The
policy objectives of the promoters of the rule were unclear and the views of one key
promoter appeared to be contradictory to some extent. Various participants in the law-
making process had raised problems, but these were apparently ignored. The scope of
the proposed rule was unclear as was the extent to which it changed the common law.
In the Australian Parliament the purpose rule was based upon alleged British support
for the rule, but this soon evaporated. Finally, at the eleventh hour, after the
introduction of the rule into the Australian Parliament, but before the rule had been
passed by the Parliament, the assumptions of the rule were undermined to some extent
by reforms to the common law made by the High Court in the Cooper Brookes case.
Upon analysis, the judgments in this case were also evidence of disorder or contained
the potential for future conflict.
Immediately after the rule came into force, but before the opportunity for
interpretation in the higher courts, other events added to doubts about the rule.
Experienced observers contemplated that the rule might not change anything. The
intervention of Parliament into what was formerly the courts' domain blurred the law
because of the common law presumption that statute law does not change the common
law unless the intention to do so was clearly manifested. Nevertheless, the rule could
not easily be dismissed altogether. However, the rule clearly did not codify much of
the vast body of learning that constitutes statutory interpretation; at the most it was
likely that, if it did have an impact on the common law, it would do so at the margins.
The problems with the rule increased once it began to be interpreted. It was soon
apparent that jurists could not agree among themselves about the effect of the rule and
that these views also diverged from the views of the promoters of the rule. Differences
emerged about whether the rule merely declared the common law or whether it
effected a change and there were divergent opinions about the extent of that change.
170 Federal Law Review Volume 22
However, it would be an exaggeration to say that the enactment of the purpose rule
had unleashed forces which would create an unmitigated conflict over statutory
interpretation. The theory of disorder does not suggest such an unrealistic and bleak
picture of attempted law reform in Australia. On the contrary, it maintains that the
influences which are productive of conflict - differences associated with human
variability - also tend to exert a stabilising influence and to frustrate or mute the
conflict. Thus, an interpreter could find plenty of indications in the origins of the rule
to support a restrictive interpretation, such as that the rule merely declared the
common law. For instance, potential interpretive issues, on which the report and the
rule were apparently silent, could simply be ignored. The contradictions in the views
of promoters, together with the common law presumption that the common law is not
altered by statute law, could be used to "read down" the rule. The fact that reports of
law reformers expressed conflicting views over the scope of the rule would militate
against later reference to them as extrinsic aids. The eleventh hour change to the
common law, which occurred after the rule was put before the Parliament, could be
used to support the case that change was not now necessary; in other words, that the
rule was now merely declaratory of the common law. Previous, largely unsuccessful
attempts in overseas jurisdictions to reform the common law could also be used as
"precedents".
Rather than offer the courts and the wider community a clean slate, it is submitted
that the future of the rule was already determined immediately after its enactment and
that the rule was likely to add to the disarray of the common law. It is true that,
superficially, there was some basis for the view that the rule would bring added order,
or would hardly disturb the existing state of affairs. The reform could be viewed as a
technical reform; the bipartisan vote in the Australian Parliament and the general
absence of concerted opposition suggested a consensus about the rule. It is submitted
that the rule was much more likely to engender a degree of conflict, at least initially,
because of the lack of consensus on a wide range of issues and other in-built tendencies
to cause conflict. Once the rule was operational, many of the unresolved matters would
crystallise as interpretational issues -issues rooted not merely in semantic ambiguity,
but, as we have seen, in the origins of the rule.
[Part Two of this article will appear in a later issue of the Review.]