Forgiveness, Self Forgiveness & Consensus
Forgiveness, Self Forgiveness & Consensus
research-article2020
PSPXXX10.1177/0146167220937551Personality and Social Psychology BulletinWenzel et al.
Processes
journals.sagepub.com/home/pspb
Abstract
Most psychological research has investigated victims’ forgiveness and offenders’ self-forgiveness separately, ignoring interactive
and dynamic processes between them. We suggest that both parties are interdependent in their attempts to revalidate the
values violated by the wrongdoing. In the present study, both partners of close relationships dyads (including 164 complete
couples) were surveyed over three time-points following the report of a wrongdoing by one of the partners. Latent growth
modeling showed that victims’ forgiveness was associated with growth in their perception of a value consensus with the
offender. Victims’ value consensus perception was associated with growth in offenders’ perception of value consensus and
engagement in genuine self-forgiveness (working through). However, directly, forgiveness was associated with decline in
offenders’ genuine self-forgiveness, while offenders’ self-punitiveness was associated with decline in victims’ forgiveness. The
findings highlight the regulatory function of victim forgiveness and the pivotal role of restoring value consensus in interactive
moral repair.
Keywords
forgiveness, self-forgiveness, value consensus, value affirmation, reconciliation
Humans almost inevitably hurt or wrong others with whom parties are critical and often cause a conflict to escalate or to
they are in relationship. Hurt can arise from failing to meet resolve. For example, researchers have argued that for recon-
expectations or honor promises, ignoring others, showing ciliation to occur, victims and offenders must meet each oth-
disrespect, breaking trust, or being abusive. Relationship er’s psychological needs arising from a transgression (Shnabel
transgressions, even simple ones, can escalate, and the long- & Nadler, 2008). Specifically, a transgression constitutes a
term fallout from mismanaged interpersonal transgressions violation of values presumed to be shared between victim and
can be costly and may include relationship breakups and pro- offender, which could potentially cause a rift in their common
ductivity loss (see Whitton et al., 2018). Wrongdoing has at identity (Okimoto & Wenzel, 2008). We reason that both par-
least two sides: one person (“victim”) has been harmed, hurt, ties are interdependent in their attempts to regain social con-
or insulted by another person (“offender”). Current social sensus that revalidates violated values.
psychological research has helped understand each individ- In the present research, we explore whether acts of for-
ual party’s behavior, including when victims seek punish- giveness and self-forgiveness can communicate one’s reaf-
ment of offenders (e.g., Yoshimura & Boon, 2018) and firmation of values and the shared identity that those values
offenders self-punish (e.g., De Vel-Palumbo et al., 2018), represent. Conversely, the communicated affirmation of
when victims seek and offenders offer apologies (e.g., Fehr
& Gelfand, 2010; Schumann, 2018), and—important here— 1
Flinders University, Adelaide, South Australia, Australia
when victims offer forgiveness and offenders self-forgive 2
The University of Queensland, Brisbane, South Australia, Australia
(e.g., Fehr et al., 2010; Woodyatt et al., 2017). 3
Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, USA
However, most research has focused separately on victim
Corresponding Author:
or offender perspectives. It has focused on intrapersonal pro- Michael Wenzel, College of Education, Psychology and Social Work,
cesses that lead victims to forgive or offenders to self-forgive, Flinders University, G.P.O. Box 2100, Adelaide, South Australia 5001,
but has largely ignored the interactive, dynamic processes Australia.
between victim and offender. Yet, interactions between the Email: [email protected].
2 Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 00(0)
values by one party may also motivate the other party to It is therefore crucial to understand how forgiveness and self-
engage in forgiveness or self-forgiveness. We examine for- forgiveness develop.
giveness and self-forgiveness as interdependent processes in Previous research has focused on intra-individual factors of
a dynamic of moral repair, that is, the restoration of moral victim (for a review, see Fehr et al., 2010) or offender (e.g.,
selves and relationships that are constituted by shared val- Hall & Fincham, 2008), as they determine (self-)forgiveness
ues and standards (see Walker, 2006). as an outcome. Some research also suggests reciprocal causal-
ity for many of these intrapersonal determinants. For example,
forgiveness is not only caused by victims’ empathy and
Forgiveness and Self-Forgiveness as
identification with the offender, but it also increases victims’
Mechanisms of Moral Repair empathy and identification with the offender (Karremans &
Forgiveness has been defined as a victim’s prosocial change Van Lange, 2004). Forgiveness is not only impeded by
toward an offender, involving less vengeful and avoidant, rumination, but also reduces rumination (Ysseldyk et al.,
and more benevolent motives (McCullough et al., 1997). 2007). Self-forgiveness can result from conciliatory behavior
Forgiveness can be an intrapsychic process of developing from an offender, but it can also lead to acts of reconciliation
more positive motives and sentiments toward the offender, (Carpenter et al., 2014; Woodyatt & Wenzel, 2013a). Thus,
and can involve interpersonal communications to the forgiveness and self-forgiveness may involve cyclical,
offender (Baumeister et al., 1998). Similarly, it can be an dynamic processes that defy a simple cause–effect paradigm.
emotional transformation, or a conscious decision to forgive Evidence also shows that an offender’s apology increases a
that regulates negative behavioral intentions and modifies victim’s forgiveness (McCullough et al., 1997), and per-
motives and sentiments (Worthington, 2006). Crucially, ceived victim forgiveness increases an offender’s self-for-
however, forgiveness does not condone, downplay, or excuse giveness (Hall & Fincham, 2008). This preliminary evidence
the offender’s behavior nor let the offender off the hook (see suggests that forgiveness and self-forgiveness are bilateral
Enright & The Human Development Study Group, 1991). and negotiated, and therefore best understood as dyadic, inter-
Self-forgiveness has been defined, analogously, as trans- dependent processes.
formation of emotions and motives of offenders, away However, there are few, if any, dyadic studies on the inter-
from self-punishment and self-condemnation toward greater play between forgiveness and self-forgiveness. Dyadic stud-
benevolence and compassion for oneself (Hall & Fincham, ies in this field tend to use symmetric designs where both
2005). As with forgiveness, self-forgiveness implies that relationship partners report on their experiences in the same
offenders do not downplay the wrongfulness of their behav- roles (not complementary roles). For example, in a study by
ior, the harm caused, or their responsibility. Rather, offenders Pelucchi et al. (2013), both relationship partners recalled a
need to take responsibility for their actions, experience wrongdoing they committed against the other, rated their
remorse, make amends (if possible), and separate their self-forgiveness for their own wrongdoing, as well as their
wrongdoing from their self-worth to regain moral integrity relationship satisfaction. It was found that the more unfor-
(Fisher & Exline, 2010; Wenzel et al., 2012). While interper- giving either partner was toward themselves, the less satis-
sonal forgiveness is a unitary construct (Forster et al., 2019), fied the other partner was with their relationship. While
the empirical evidence shows that different dimensions of interesting, this cross-partner effect does not address the for-
self-forgiveness need to be distinguished (Woodyatt & giveness/self-forgiveness interplay.
Wenzel, 2013a). For genuine self-forgiveness, offenders need
to work through their responsibility and guilt, seek to learn The Violation and Revalidation of
from their wrongdoing, commit to doing better, and thus
reaccept themselves as a good, if imperfect, person. However,
Shared Values
acceptance of guilt can also imply self-punitiveness; feelings To understand the interdependencies between forgiveness
of self-condemnation and the need to be unforgiving to self. and self-forgiveness, we may consider the key symbolic
These processes align with dual-process accounts wherein meaning of a transgression and the shared damage it has
self-forgiveness includes forms of both emotional release caused for both parties. Transgressions can lead to physical,
from self-condemnation and moral reform through facing emotional, or material harm, as well as damage to either par-
one’s wrongdoing (Griffin et al., 2015). ty’s personal integrity in terms of threats to the status/power
Both forgiveness and self-forgiveness can have positive of the victim and the moral image of the offender (Shnabel &
consequences for victim and offender, respectively, by reduc- Nadler, 2008). Fundamentally, however, a transgression rep-
ing negative affect, stress, and rumination, and increasing resents the violation of a shared understanding of appropriate
mental and physical health (Davis et al., 2015; Riek & Mania, behavior, based on values (e.g., honesty, trust, respect) that
2012). They may also promote moral and relationship repair were assumed to be shared between the parties and within
by increasing trust and self-trust, empathy, and willingness to their relevant community (Wenzel et al., 2008). In communi-
reconcile (Wenzel et al., 2010; Woodyatt & Wenzel, 2013a). ties and relationships (communities of two), shared values
Wenzel et al. 3
self-forgiveness), we would not necessarily expect the same third survey. Thus, in total the study could be completed
relationships. Self-punitiveness shares with genuine self- within 48 to 120 hr (for a similar design, with equivalent
forgiveness an acknowledgment of responsibility and blame; timeframe but focused on victims only, see Wenzel et al.,
but, in contrast to genuine self-forgiveness, it is antithetical 2010). We chose the narrow timeframe because, given the
to self-forgiveness as an outcome. While we do not advance prospective approach, we expected rather nonserious inci-
an alternative model for self-punitiveness, we explore it in dents that would commonly not cause a long-lasting upset,
the present research for comparison. often being resolved within a few days (see McCullough
et al., 2010). Both parties provided survey responses from
their respective perspectives at three measurement points.1
The Present Study
This research investigates the dyadic dynamics between for-
Participants
giveness, self-forgiveness, and shared value affirmation,
which are hypothesized to unfold after an interpersonal We recruited University students and their relationship part-
wrongdoing as victim and offender engage with each other. ners for this study. Given the novelty of this research and
To explore our conceptualization empirically, innovative uncertainty as to what effect sizes to expect, we conducted
methodological approaches are required that focus on dyads this research in two stages. In Stage 1, we tested the overall
and the effects of their mutual engagement. model on an initial sample of relationship dyads, guided by
In this study, we investigated real-life transgressions recommendations that latent growth models require a mini-
between actual relationship partners. We assessed both part- mum of 50 (Hamilton et al., 2003) to 100 cases (Curran et al.,
ners’ cognitions and feelings repeatedly over several days 2010). However, these rough recommendations do not relate
following the transgression, thus providing longitudinal to dyadic analysis with parallel growth processes (i.e., for
data for analysis. Treating the dyad as the unit of analysis, two or more variables in parallel). Hence, we used the find-
we used multivariate (or parallel) latent growth modeling ings from the initial sample for a more precise power analy-
(Bollen & Curran, 2006) to simultaneously model the ini- sis using Monte Carlo simulation. We targeted 75 couples for
tial level and trajectory of victim and offender concepts our initial sample (Sample A). In total, 82 couples initiated
(forgiveness, self-forgiveness, value consensus percep- the study. For 6 of those, one partner did not complete the
tions), and to assess reciprocal associations between these surveys, and there was therefore only data for one role (five
concepts. Specifically, we investigated how the initial level victims, one offender). However, all the data were used in
of one concept was associated with the change over time in our analyses (using full information maximum likelihood
another concept, both within victim and offender roles as estimation in AMOS).
well as—crucially—between parties. Based on the model results from Sample A, we con-
ducted a Monte Carlo analysis in MPlus, which established
that we needed to double the sample size for sufficient sta-
Method tistical power (see Online Supplementary Materials). For
Procedure Sample B, we recruited 90 relationship dyads who initiated
the study. Two offenders failed to respond, resulting in
We employed a prospective-longitudinal design, where the incomplete dyads. A further three participants in the victim
dyad was the unit of analysis. Interested couples were invited role and three participants in the offender role dropped out
to participate in the study before the critical event: at Times 2 or 3, leaving incomplete data for these dyads.
Nevertheless, all data were included in the analyses. Thus,
Over the next days or possibly weeks, we would like to ask you
to be aware of any wrong that you feel your relationship partner
both subsamples combined comprised 164 complete dyads,
commits against you—be it minor or major. It could be anything plus eight individuals where the partner data was missing.
of which you think your partner should not have behaved in that Of the 164 complete dyads, 151 were different-sex and 11
way to you. It could be an act of disrespect, a trust violation, an same-sex partners (nine female, two male couples), and
indiscretion, psychological hurt, physical harm, and so on. another two couples indicated their gender as nonbinary.
The individual average age was 24.0 years. Of the 174
When one relationship partner felt wronged by the other, the female participants, 122 (70.9%) were in the victim role; of
wronged person (victim) completed an initial questionnaire the 157 male participants, 46 (26.7%) were in the victim
within 24 hr, briefly describing the event. This brief survey role.
triggered an email to both parties, asking them to complete The following item statistics are based on the complete
an online survey within 24 hr. The completion of that first sample. Likewise, we report below the findings for the total
survey then triggered another email, with 24 hr delay, which sample only, but the results for the two subsamples (for the
instructed participants to access the next online survey and final model) are detailed in the Online Supplementary
complete it within the next 24 hr (i.e., up to 48 hr after com- Materials. The findings were highly similar between the two
pletion of the first survey). This process was repeated for a subsamples, suggesting replicability of the results.
Wenzel et al. 5
Table 1. Means (and Standard Deviations) for the Complete Sample.
transgression as significantly more serious than offenders our two- and four-variable parallel growth models, we also
did, paired samples t(162) = 7.34, p < .001, even though included the victims’ and the offenders’ gender, as well as
both parties’ seriousness ratings were significantly correlated both parties’ seriousness-of-offense ratings as covariates;
(see Table 2). The means and correlations for all other vari- these were treated as time-invariant covariates measured at
ables are also shown in Tables 1 and 2, respectively. the beginning of the study.
Gender-V –
Gender-O −.63*** –
Seriousness-V −.10 .03 –
Seriousness-O −.04 −.004 .33*** –
Value C.-V T1 −.05 .08 −.27*** −.01 –
Value C.-V T2 −.09 .09 −.10 .08 .65*** –
Value C.-V T3 −.08 .10 −.05 .03 .59*** .72*** –
Value C.-O T1 .05 .02 −.12 .13 .32*** .34*** .28*** –
Value C.-O T2 .02 −.03 −.19* −.03 .33*** .34*** .28*** .70*** –
Value C.-O T3 −.06 .09 −.06 .03 .42*** .38*** .28*** .67*** .73*** –
Forgiveness-V T1 −.03 .09 −.38*** −.13 .50*** .45*** .40*** .22** .29*** .27*** –
Forgiveness-V T2 −.17* .20* −.26*** −.06 .34** .50*** .43*** .25** .28*** .26** .66*** –
Forgiveness-V T3 −.17* .19* −.09 −.05 .25* .43*** .52*** .15 .15 .25** .53*** .77*** –
Genuine SF-O T1 .04 −.08 .11 .50*** .13 .15 .18* .25** .16* .05 −.03 −.06 −.04 –
Genuine SF-O T2 .15 −.10 .12 .48*** .14 .17* .16* .26** .20* .16* .02 −.06 .03 .70*** –
Genuine SF-O T3 .15 −.09 .22** .37*** .13 .10 .10 .14 .05 .12 −.12 −.22** −.12 .64*** .81*** –
Self-Punit.-O-T1 −.01 −.08 .28** .54*** −.15 −.06 −.04 .01 −.14 −.15 −.27*** −.26** −.23*** .59*** .45*** .46*** –
Self-Punit.-O-T2 −.04 −.04 .33** .49*** −.14 −.10 −.12 .01 −.13 −.14 −.29*** −.33** −.28*** .42*** .53*** .53*** .71*** −
Self-Punit.-O-T3 −.06 −.003 .29** .42*** −.18* −.15 −.15 −.05 −.23** −.17* −.32*** −.31*** −.27*** .38*** .37*** .50*** .72*** .75***
Note. Value C. = value consensus; Genuine SF = genuine self-forgiveness; Self-Punit. = self-punitiveness; V = victim; O = offender; T1, T2, and T3 = time-points 1, 2, and 3, respectively.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
7
8 Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 00(0)
Table 3. Unconditional Single-Variable Growth Models. We assessed the fit of our models with three different fit
indices: A χ2/df ratio of two or less represents a good fit, and
Variable Estimate SE p
between two and three an acceptable fit; a confirmatory fit
Value consensus—victim index (CFI) of .95 or higher represents a good fit and between
Intercept Mean 5.16 0.09 <.001 .90 to .95 a marginal fit; and a root mean square error of
Variance 1.22 0.21 <.001 approximation (RMSEA) of .06 or lower represents a good
Slope Mean 0.30 0.08 <.001 fit, between .06 to .08 an acceptable fit, and between .08 and
Variance 0.80 0.30 .008 .10 a marginal fit (Hair et al., 2010; Tabachnick & Fidell,
Model fit: χ2(1) = 1.54, p = .215; CFI = .998; 2019). By these criteria, the three two-variable parallel
RMSEA = .056 (.000, .221)
growth models fit the data well (see Table 4). In terms of the
Value consensus—offender
structural paths, the effects of intercept on the slope of the
Intercept Mean 5.44 0.08 <.001
same variable (i.e., within victim or offender roles) are of
Variance 0.85 0.15 <.001
lesser interest. These were significant only in the perceived
Slope Mean 0.40 0.07 <.001
Variance 0.10 0.23 .655
value consensus model; for both victim-perceived and
Model fit: χ2(1) = .077, p = .781; CFI = 1.00; offender-perceived value consensus the intercept showed a
RMSEA = .000 (.000, .133) negative effect on the slope. It is possible that a low per-
Forgiveness—victim ceived value consensus at Time 1 provides greater scope for
Intercept Mean 5.68 0.07 <.001 increase over time.
Variance 0.70 0.11 <.001 Of main interest are the intercept-to-slope effects between
Slope Mean 0.35 0.07 <.001 partners. In Model 1, the intercept (initial status) of victim-
Variance 0.69 0.17 <.001 perceived value consensus had a significant positive effect
Model fit: χ2(1) = 1.25, p = .263; CFI = .999; on the slope (growth) in offender-perceived value consensus,
RMSEA = .038 (.000, .211) whereas the effect of the intercept of offender-perceived
Genuine self-forgiveness—offender value consensus on the slope of victim-perceived value con-
Intercept Mean 4.29 0.09 <.001 sensus was not significant. Victims’ belief in shared value
Variance 1.02 0.17 <.001 consensus was related to the development of such percep-
Slope Mean −0.01 0.09 .947 tions in offenders, but not vice versa. In Model 2, the inter-
Variance 0.67 0.31 .030 cept of victim forgiveness had a significant negative effect
Model fit: χ2(1) = .001, p = .972; CFI = 1.00;
on the slope of offender genuine self-forgiveness, whereas
RMSEA = .000 (.000, .000)
the effect of the intercept of genuine self-forgiveness on the
Self-punitiveness—offender
Intercept Mean 2.55 0.09 <.001
slope of forgiveness was not significant. A victim’s early for-
Variance 0.98 0.17 <.001 giveness was related to an offender’s diminishing engage-
Slope Mean −0.20 0.07 .005 ment in genuine self-forgiveness. In Model 3, the intercept of
Variance 0.06 0.28 .835 victim forgiveness had a significant negative effect on the
Model fit: χ2(1) = .316, p = .574; CFI = 1.00; slope of offender self-punitiveness; and the intercept of
RMSEA = .000 (.000, .167) offenders’ self-punitiveness had a negative effect on the slope
of forgiveness. Victims’ forgiveness was related to a greater
Note. CFI = confirmatory fit index; RMSEA = root mean square error of
decrease in offenders’ self-punitiveness over time; conversely,
approximation.
offenders’ self-punitiveness was related to a decrease in vic-
tims’ forgiveness over time.
perceptions of value consensus on change in victims’ value As discussed in the introduction, genuine self-forgiveness
consensus perceptions. As covariates, victim gender and and self-punitiveness, despite their opposite relations to an
victim-perceived seriousness of wrongdoing were modeled overarching concept of self-forgiveness, have in common the
as being correlated with the intercept of victim-perceived offender’s acceptance of responsibility and guilt. Indeed, as
value consensus, and offender gender and offender-perceived can be seen in Table 2, the two variables were substantially
seriousness were modeled as being correlated with the inter- positively correlated at each time-point (rs = .50–.59). To
cept of offender-perceived value consensus. In addition, investigate their distinctive qualities, we therefore conducted
because it was plausible that value consensus perceptions two further models, in which we partialled out the overlap-
would be more slowly restored following perceived serious ping variance. So as not to add further complexity to the
wrongdoing, paths from seriousness perceptions on value models (in particular when moving to the four-variable mod-
consensus slopes were included within victim and offender els in the next section), we refrained from modeling both
roles. A second model paired victim forgiveness and concepts within the same growth model but instead residual-
offender genuine self-forgiveness in the same way. A third ized their indicator variables. That is, at each time-point we
model paired victim forgiveness and offender self-punitive- regressed the measure of genuine self-forgiveness on self-
ness. The results are summarized in Table 4. punitiveness and saved the residual as a distinct measure of
10 Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 00(0)
Table 4. Structural Paths and Covariances of Two-Variable Latent Growth Models.
Note. Value C. = value consensus; Genuine SF = genuine self-forgiveness; Self-Punit. = self-punitiveness; V = victim; O = offender; (I) = intercept;
(S) = slope; CFI = confirmatory fit index; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation.
genuine self-forgiveness; and vice versa for the measures of the distinctive aspects of genuine self-forgiveness and self-
self-punitiveness. We then conducted our latent growth mod- punitiveness, we again used a regression approach to partial
els with these residualized indicators. out the variance shared with the respective other variable and
The model fit deteriorated somewhat compared with the treated the residualized measures as indicators within these
previous models but remained acceptable (see Table 4). For models. (We report the equivalent analyses with the raw,
the residualized measure of genuine self-forgiveness, the non-residualized measures in the Online Supplementary
previously significant negative effect of the forgiveness Materials, and merely note here that the results were highly
intercept on the slope of genuine self-forgiveness was no similar.)
longer significant. In contrast, for the residualized measure The latent intercepts were modeled to be correlated
of self-punitiveness, both previously significant intercept-to- within each role. That is, the two intercepts for victim-per-
slope partner effects were again significant or marginally ceived value consensus and forgiveness were allowed to
significant: The self-punitiveness intercept was related to a correlate, as were the intercepts of the offender-perceived
decline in forgiveness, and the forgiveness intercept was value consensus and self-forgiveness variables. The same
(marginally) related to a decline in self-punitiveness. applied also to the covariates: Victim gender and serious-
ness ratings were allowed to correlate with the intercepts for
victim-perceived value consensus and forgiveness, and
Overall Four-Variable Parallel Growth Models offender gender and seriousness rating were allowed to cor-
In the final step of our analyses, we combined the two-vari- relate with intercepts for offender-perceived value consen-
able models to four-variable parallel growth models (see sus and self-forgiveness. Again, given that more serious
Figure 2): victims’ perceived value consensus and forgive- wrongdoing might be more difficult (and thus slower) to
ness and offenders’ perceived value consensus and either repair, we included effects of victim-perceived seriousness
genuine self-forgiveness or self-punitiveness. To highlight on the slopes of victim-perceived value consensus and
12 Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 00(0)
Table 5. Model 6: Structural Paths and Covariances of Four-Variable Latent Growth Models With Genuine Self-Forgiveness
(Self-Punitiveness Partialled Out).
Note. Value C. = value consensus; Genuine SF = genuine self-forgiveness; V = victim; O = offender; (I) = intercept; (S) = slope; CFI = confirmatory fit
index; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation.
forgiveness, and effects of offender-perceived seriousness offender as an aspect of self-forgiveness (with self-punitive-
on the slopes of offender-perceived value consensus and ness partialled out—Model 6). The model fit statistics and
self-forgiveness. Victim- and offender-perceived serious- estimated structural parameters are shown in Table 5. The fit
ness were free to correlate, and so were victim and offender was more marginal than for the previous simpler models. We
gender. Most importantly, the tested models included all inspected modification indices for possible reasons and found
structural effects from each of the four latent intercepts that two error covariances were the two largest contributors to
(victim-perceived value consensus, forgiveness, offender- the suboptimal fit: When freeing the error covariance between
perceived value consensus, and self-forgiveness) to all four forgiveness at Time 3 and offender value consensus at Time
latent slopes, that is, within and between partners, thus per- 3, and the error covariance between the forgiveness indicators
mitting a test of the intra- and inter-role dynamics in their at Times 1 and 2, the fit would significantly improve. How-
entirety as per our theoretical model (see Figure 1). ever, we could not see any theoretical argument for including
these covariances in the model. Comparing the structural
Model 6: Including genuine self-forgiveness. We first focus on effects for the models with and without these error covari-
the model that included genuine self-forgiveness of the ances furthermore showed very similar results (for details,
Wenzel et al. 13
see Online Supplementary Materials). Given that its fit statis- Covariates. Victim and offender gender did not show any sig-
tics were still tolerable, we report here the theoretically speci- nificant relationships with the latent intercepts. Victim-per-
fied model, without the error covariances. ceived and offender-perceived seriousness were positively
Inspecting the structural covariances, we note that the correlated. Victim-perceived seriousness was negatively
intercepts of forgiveness and victim-perceived value consen- related to the initial status of victim-perceived value consensus
sus were positively correlated, as well as the intercepts of and forgiveness. A serious wrongdoing implies greater doubts
genuine self-forgiveness and offender-perceived value con- about the offender sharing the same values and is less forgiv-
sensus (Table 5, lower panel). Hence, victims’ initial levels of able. Offender-perceived seriousness was not significantly
forgiveness and offenders’ initial level of genuine self-for- related to the initial status of offender-perceived value consen-
giveness were positively related to the value consensus each sus but was significantly positively related to that of genuine
perceived. This is consistent with theoretical assumptions of self-forgiveness, which may reflect the offenders’ acknowledg-
within-role relationships of value consensus perceptions with ment of (and working through) their wrongdoing in genuine
forgiveness and genuine self-forgiveness, respectively. self-forgiveness. Moreover, victim-perceived seriousness was
surprisingly a positive predictor of growth in victim-perceived
Intrapersonal dynamics. For victims, the model showed a value consensus and forgiveness, whereas offender-perceived
positive effect of the forgiveness intercept on the slope of seriousness was not predictive of growth in offender-perceived
victim-perceived value consensus. Initial levels of forgive- value consensus or genuine self-forgiveness.
ness were positively related to the development of victims’
value consensus perceptions (in line with predicted path a1; Model 7: Including self-punitiveness. A second full model
see Figure 3A). Conversely, victim-perceived value consen- was tested with self-punitiveness in place of genuine self-
sus (intercept) had a negative effect on forgiveness (slope); forgiveness (with genuine self-forgiveness partialled out—
initial perceived value consensus was negatively related to Model 7). The model fit statistics and estimated structural
growth in forgiveness (contrary to predicted path a2). For parameters are shown in Table 6. The fit was again somewhat
offenders, although we expected that engagement in genu- weaker than for the two-variable models, albeit acceptable.
ine self-forgiveness would similarly promote their value The same two error covariances as in Model 6 contributed
consensus perceptions, the intercept (initial status) of the mostly to the weaker fit. However, as with the previous
offenders’ self-forgiveness had no significant effect on the model, we did not see good reasons to include these covari-
slope of offender-perceived value consensus, and neither ances and instead report here the theoretically specified
did initial levels of offender-perceived value consensus model. In any case, the results for the models with or with-
affect the growth rate of genuine self-forgiveness. out these error covariances were highly similar (see Online
Supplementary Materials).
Interpersonal dynamics. For effects between partners, vic- The structural covariances of the main variables (see
tims’ value consensus perceptions (intercept) had a positive Table 6, bottom panel) showed that the intercepts of forgive-
effect on offenders’ value consensus perceptions (slope) as ness and victim-perceived value consensus were positively
well as their genuine self-forgiveness (slope). The converse correlated, as in Model 6. The intercepts of self-punitiveness
effects of offender-perceived value consensus (intercept) on and offender-perceived value consensus were significantly
victim-perceived value consensus (slope) and their forgive- negatively correlated, in contrast to genuine self-forgiveness
ness (slope) were not significant. These results are consistent in Model 6, which showed a positive correlation. The real-
with the earlier two-variable models. They indicate that vic- ization of sharing a value consensus appears to be implicated
tims’ initial belief in a shared value consensus is positively in genuine self-forgiveness, but the realization of not sharing
related with the development of such a perception in offend- a consensus, or violating it, is related to self-punitiveness.
ers (in line with path c1) and also with their growing engage-
ment in genuine self-forgiveness (in line with path d1). In Intrapersonal dynamics. The forgiveness intercept had a sig-
contrast, offenders’ value consensus does not seem to be nificant positive effect on victim-perceived value consen-
related to victims’ growth in value consensus. sus (slope). Conversely, victim-perceived value consensus
Furthermore, offender genuine self-forgiveness (intercept) (intercept) had a negative effect on forgiveness (slope).
had no significant effect on victims’ forgiveness (slope); These results are consistent with Model 6 (paths a1 and a2,
offenders’ early engagement in genuine self-forgiveness does Figure 3B). The intercept of self-punitiveness showed no
not seem to be related to change in victim’s forgiveness. significant effect on the slope of offender-perceived value
Unexpectedly, victim’s forgiveness (intercept) had a negative consensus; neither did the intercept of offender-perceived
effect on offenders’ genuine self-forgiveness (slope); initial value consensus show an effect on the slope of offenders’
levels of forgiveness seem to be related to a decrease in self-punitiveness.
offenders’ engagement in genuine self-forgiveness (contrary
to predicted path e1). Again, these results are completely con- Interpersonal dynamics. Regarding cross-partner effects, vic-
sistent with the two-variable models. tim’s perceived value consensus (intercept) had a positive
14 Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 00(0)
effect on offenders’ value consensus perceptions (slope), way around); however, it does not seem to be related to
consistent with Model 6 (path c1). However, in contrast to its offenders overcoming self-punitiveness over time.
positive effect on offenders’ genuine self-forgiveness in Contrary to Model 6 where victims’ forgiveness (inter-
Model 6, victims-perceived value consensus (intercept) did cept) negatively affected the slope of offenders’ genuine self-
not have a significant effect on offenders’ self-punitiveness forgiveness, victims’ forgiveness (intercept) had no significant
(slope). These results indicate again that victims’ early belief effect on self-punitiveness (slope). Instead, conversely, self-
in a shared value consensus is positively related to the devel- punitiveness (intercept) had a significant negative effect on
opment of such a perception in offenders (but not the other the slope of victims’ forgiveness. This finding indicates that
Wenzel et al. 15
Table 6. Model 7: Structural Paths and Covariances of Four-Variable Latent Growth Models With Self-Punitiveness (Genuine Self-
Forgiveness Partialled Out).
Note. Value C. = value consensus; Self-Punit. = self-punitiveness; V = victim; O = offender; (I) = intercept; (S) = slope.
growth approach to model the effects of initial status of vari- both genuine self-forgiveness and self-punitiveness. Hence,
ables on the growth rates of other variables. While there are both genuine self-forgiveness and self-punitiveness seem to
limitations to this approach that we discuss below, the find- involve an acceptance of the wrongfulness of one’s actions;
ings underscore that perceived value consensus is a key pivot however, genuine self-forgiveness further seems to imply a
in moral repair dynamics. trust in one’s moral integrity, whereas such self-trust is lack-
ing for self-punitiveness (see also Woodyatt & Wenzel,
2013a).
Intrapersonal Dynamics
On the other hand, the finding that victim-perceived seri-
In terms of intrapersonal processes, the findings suggest ousness was positively related to the development of value
that victims’ forgiveness increases their perception of shar- consensus and forgiveness in victims is curious, considering
ing a value consensus with the offender. This is in line with that seriousness has generally been found to be negative
research by Wenzel and Okimoto (2010, 2012) where an act related to forgiveness (Fehr et al., 2010). It is possible that a
of forgiveness was shown to feed back into the forgiver’s more serious wrongdoing initially implies lower levels of
own value consensus perceptions and sentiments toward perceived value consensus and forgiveness, permitting more
the offender. The present study, using a different paradigm scope for growth in those variables. However, this should
that taps into naturalistic processes as they unfold, adds fur- have been statistically accounted for by the effects of the
ther evidence that forgiveness is not a mere outcome of intercepts of value consensus and forgiveness, yet the unex-
moral repair but rather an active contributor to the process. pected effects emerged regardless. Alternatively, it is possi-
Forgiveness may function as a self-persuasion that reas- ble that victims’ appraisals of seriousness partly reflect how
sures the victim of the offender’s commitment to shared important they find their relationship with the offender and
values. It implies, and thus reinforces, trust that the offender how committed they are to it, which at the same time may
is committed to the violated values. make them more willing to engage in forgiveness (Finkel
Although we expected that perceived value consensus et al., 2002).
would relate to increases in victims’ forgiveness (Wenzel & In sum, the intrapersonal dynamics revealed in our
Okimoto, 2010) by seeing the offender as trustworthy to be research suggest that victims are more clearly able to regu-
given another chance, this effect was not supported in the late their own value consensus perceptions through acts and
present study. In fact, the results indicated the opposite sentiments of forgiveness. In contrast, offenders seem less
effect: Value consensus perceptions seemed to be related to a able to do so and, as the following discussion of interper-
decrease in forgiveness. It is not clear why this would be the sonal dynamics shows, may be more reliant on victims to
case. It is possible that the perception of sharing a value con- assure them of their value consensus.
sensus with the offender makes further self-persuasion in the
form of forgiveness unnecessary. Alternatively, victims may
feel inclined to judge offenders more harshly (and unforgiv-
Interpersonal Dynamics
ingly) when they believe offenders knowingly violated prin- The most exciting and distinctive aspect of the present
ciples despite understanding that these are important to the research is that it facilitates recognition of the dynamics that
relationship or shared identity. occur between partners in their negotiation of moral repair.
On the offenders’ side, the findings did not evidence any First, victims’ perceptions of value consensus showed a reli-
corresponding intrapersonal dynamics. Specifically, the able effect (across two- and four-variable models) on the
present study did not indicate an (intercept-on-slope) effect growth of value consensus perceptions in offenders. The
for offender-perceived value consensus on genuine self- victim’s perception that both parties share the same values,
forgiveness. These findings appear at odds with previous whether explicitly or subtly communicated to the partner,
evidence where experimentally manipulated value affirma- might reassure the offender of a continued value consensus,
tion causally affected and promoted genuine self-forgiveness in spite of what the offender has done. Intrapersonally, vic-
(Woodyatt et al., 2017; Woodyatt & Wenzel, 2014). However, tims’ forgiveness seems to nurture their belief in a value
those experimental manipulations involved instructions that consensus with the offender (as discussed above); it can
led participants through an exercise of value affirmation. therefore be concluded that forgiveness also ultimately ben-
Hence, as an intervention, it may have had a more active efits offenders’ value consensus perceptions, mediated via
impact on the offender’s processing of their wrongdoing, the victims’ perceptions. Thus, forgiveness may not only
whereas the present study’s measure of value consensus rep- lead offenders to reciprocate with conciliation out of a sense
resented a more passive gauge of the offender’s processing. of indebtedness (Kelln & Ellard, 1999) or gratitude (Mooney
Still, value consensus and genuine self-forgiveness were et al., 2016). Rather, forgiveness also fosters offenders’
positively correlated at the intercept-level, whereas self- belief in shared values and, as sharing values increases feel-
punitiveness was negatively related to offender-perceived ings of acceptance, closeness, and love (Lomore et al.,
value consensus. Interestingly, offender-perceived serious- 2007), should therefore motivate offender efforts to repair
ness of the offense was positively related to the intercept of the relationship.
Wenzel et al. 17
Related, this study showed that victims’ perceptions of restored justice, or for communicating the sharing of a value
value consensus also reliably led to an increase in offenders’ consensus with the victims (De Vel-Palumbo et al., 2019).
engagement in genuine self-forgiveness. Hence, victim Contrary to these arguments, the observed effect suggests
beliefs that both parties share a consensus about relevant that offenders’ self-punitiveness reduces victims’ forgive-
values seems to encourage offenders to genuinely work ness. It may be that self-punitiveness is considered an ego-
through their wrongdoing: making an effort to learn from centric response where offenders feel bad about themselves
what they have done to change and rebuild their moral self. rather than feeling for or with the victim. There is, indeed,
Notably, victims’ value consensus perception did not decrease evidence that self-punitiveness is related to offenders’ avoid-
offenders’ self-punitiveness. Thus, while previous research ance of the victim/issue and, over time, with a reduction of
showed that offenders, when led through exercises of value empathy for the victim (Woodyatt & Wenzel, 2013a). It is
reaffirmation, become more willing to engage in genuine therefore possible that victims react with decreasing benevo-
self-forgiveness (Woodyatt & Wenzel, 2014), the present lence and forgiveness to an offenders’ self-punitiveness.
study showed that victims’ belief in value consensus, and The main insight from these analyses, however, relates to
the assurance this may communicate to offenders, can simi- the pivotal role that victims’ value consensus perceptions
larly encourage genuine self-forgiveness. As before, this have in the process of moral repair. Victims’ belief in such a
also implies an indirect effect of forgiveness, mediated by consensus seems to positively influence offenders to regain
victim-perceived value consensus: To the extent that for- their own confidence in sharing a value consensus with vic-
giveness bolsters victims’ confidence that both parties share tims and encourages them to engage in genuine self-forgive-
relevant values, it leads offenders to engage in genuine self- ness, working through their wrongdoing, and learning their
forgiveness. In other words, to the extent that the forgive- lessons from it to rebuild their moral self and social relation-
ness is genuine and implies a true belief in the offenders’ ships. Moreover, victims seem able to actively rebuild value
fundamental goodness, it leads offenders to be genuine in consensus perceptions by engaging in forgiveness. Hence,
working through their wrongdoing. forgiveness seems capable of instigating or promoting value
Two of the interpersonal dynamics were unexpected. consensus processes deemed beneficial for moral repair. At
First, victims’ forgiveness decreased offenders’ genuine self- the same time, however, there remains a risk that forgiveness
forgiveness. We expected the opposite: simple reciprocation prematurely relieves the offender from engaging in efforts of
where victim conciliation is answered by offenders working working through their wrongdoing and thus undermines gen-
through their wrongdoing. It is possible that the observed uine repair.
effect is an outcome of suppression due to controlling for the
mediated path of the effect of forgiveness via victim-per-
ceived value consensus, thus creating an opposite direct
Limitations and Research Directions
effect. In other words, genuine forgiveness implies the vic- The latent growth approach we have used can be criticized
tim’s true belief that the offender shares relevant values with for not completely disaggregating between- and within-per-
them, which leads the offender to respond with genuine self- son sources of variation (e.g., Curran & Bauer, 2011; Curran
forgiveness; however, forgiveness without such belief (which et al., 2014). The approach focuses on between-person dif-
may be seen as an empty gesture or even a manipulative ferences in level and change of psychological variables, and
move) may prompt offender reactance and unwillingness to associations between those. For example, individuals who
engage with their wrongdoing. Alternatively, it is possible differ in the level of one variable (e.g., forgiveness) may
that victims’ early forgiveness is seen by the offender as show different trajectories in another variable (e.g., more or
relieving them from efforts of working through. This would less increase in value consensus perceptions over time).
be consistent with McNulty’s (2011) finding that forgiveness However, from this we need to distinguish, and cannot infer,
can have a “dark side” in that it can free offenders from criti- time-specific within-person change (e.g., whenever an indi-
cal self-reflection and allow them to continue on with their vidual forgives their perception of value consensus increases).
hurtful behavior. This also raises questions about the role of Ultimately, it depends on the theory whether between- or
the timing of forgiveness in moral repair—an issue that has within-person effects, or both, are of interest and theoreti-
received little research attention so far. cally relevant (Curran & Bauer, 2011). Our theoretical argu-
The second surprising interpersonal effect in the present ments are not specific enough, and arguably both between
study was that self-punitiveness negatively affected the and within-person associations are theoretically relevant.
development of forgiveness over time (observed in both the However, we limited our analysis to the between-person
two and four-variable models). We did not have specific a level because of the already considerable complexity posed
priori predictions for the model that included self-punitive- by the parallel growth modeling of four variables across the
ness. However, past research suggests that offender self- two partners of a relationship dyad. Future research may
punitiveness would be responded to with victim forgiveness, adopt alternative growth curve modeling approaches that
be it for feeling sympathy for the offender, seeing the self- allow the investigation of within-person associations between
punitiveness as a sign of remorse, believing it effectively variables over time (e.g., Curran et al., 2014). Certainly, this
18 Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 00(0)
is an evolving area of research and we need to continue to of the reaffirmation of value consensus as a vital element in
evolve our means of more accurately testing the complexity these processes.
of these relationship dynamics.
In addition, as the research is correlational in nature, Declaration of Conflicting Interests
future research will need to use experimental designs to The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect
investigate causality, even if this means again carving causal to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
effects out of what is a more complex dynamic of reciprocal
relationships. The present research demonstrates the com- Funding
plexity and reciprocity inherent in this dynamic, and thus The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support
provides a heuristic perspective for future research to attempt for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This
to isolate specific causal effects. research was supported by a Grant from the Australian Research
Furthermore, due to the prospective design with “ordi- Council, DP190102283.
nary” relationship couples, the reported transgressions were
generally only rather minor relationship infractions. Hence, ORCID iD
it is not clear whether the present findings generalize to more Michael Wenzel https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3844-8487
serious incidents. To study more serious transgressions with
this type of design would require expanding the timeframe of Supplemental Material
the study considerably, likely over years. Alternatively, one
Supplemental material is available online with this article.
would need to recruit high-risk groups (e.g., relationship
partners with a history of abuse). However, such a study
Note
would raise major ethical questions (e.g., letting a serious
transgression take its course without intervening) and would 1. The study with Sample B was designed to explore also other
issues unrelated to this article, for which a fourth measurement
suffer restricted generalization of findings to specific at-risk
point was included in its design. However, for the purpose of
groups or transgression types. Another limitation of the pres- extending the sample size for the present investigation, the data
ent method is that interpretation of the findings presumes from the fourth time-point were omitted from the analysis.
that both parties somehow engaged with each other (e.g., sig-
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