Chapter Title: Historical and Cultural Features of Confucianism in East Asia

Chapter Author(s): CHEN Lai

Book Title: Confucianisms for a Changing World Cultural Order

Book Editor(s): ROGER T. AMES and PETER D. HERSHOCK
Published by: University of Hawai'i Press

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CHAPTER 7

Historical and Cultural Features of Confucianism

in East Asia
CHEN Lai

A lt hou gh i t originat ed in China, Confucianism has spread far

and wide across the East Asian Sinosphere. In the long process of its historical
and cultural development, due to different geographical, historical, and social
conditions, and to the different dispositions of each country, Confucianism in
China, Japan, and Korea has formed its respective features. Generally speaking,
compared to Chinese Confucianism, Korean Confucianism in theory is more
internal and abstract (e.g., in the distinction of the Four Sprouts [siduan 四端]
and the Seven Emotions [qiqing 七情]), while Japanese Confucianism shows
more external and concrete features.1 However, what I am concerned with in
this chapter are the following questions: What, respectively, was the ethos of
Confucianism in China, Japan, and Korea before the nineteenth century? And
connected with this, what were their respective axiologies? Or, what are the
value principles that predominated in each of these Confucianisms?
Among the comparative Asian cultural studies in recent years, especially
those on East Asian Confucianism, the research of Mizoguchi Yūzō demands
our special attention. Not only was he familiar with the contemporary thought
of both Chinese and Japanese, but his writings also evidence broad views and
deep insights in his own thinking. His thought shows a universal axiological
concern that greatly enlightens those of us in comparative Confucian studies.2
The main arguments of the present chapter are, briefly, as follows. Among the
virtues that are advocated by Confucianism, viewed from the value orientation
of social life, we can say that Chinese Confucianism emphasizes consummate
persons/conduct (ren 仁), while it is appropriateness (or yi 义) that is empha-

102

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Historical & Cultural Features of Confucianism 103

sized in Korean Confucianism and doing one’s utmost or showing loyalty (zhong
忠) in Japanese Confucianism. Or, taking a closer look, we can say that Chinese
Confucianism emphasizes putting oneself in the other’s place (ren and shu 恕),
while it is appropriateness and temperance ( jie 节) in Korean Confucianism
and loyalty (zhong 忠) and bravery ( yong 勇) in Japanese Confucianism. These
differences in emphasis in the different countries are not only axiological but
also cultural. The conclusions we might draw in East Asian cultural compara-
tive studies not only emerge at the level of canonical literature and philosophy,
but also from studies in sociology and anthropology.

The idea of renai 仁爱 (“consummate persons/conduct” or “benevolence and

love”) lies at the core of ancient Chinese Confucian cultural ideals. It can be
traced back to the early idea of “protecting the people” in China. The Shangshu
says, “Deal with them [the people] as if you were protecting your own infants,
and the people will be tranquil and well.”3 Not only is this a political idea, but it
also has ethical and axiological import. The Shangshu especially attaches great
importance to protecting the old, the weak, the orphaned, and the young. It is
said in the Shangshu, “Do not despise the old and experienced, and do not make
light of the helpless and young.”4 Also it is said that one should “not dare to treat
with contempt widowers and widows.”5 This special concern for old widows
and widowers, and orphans as well, is the initial expression of a Chinese human-
ism. Actually, the true meaning of filial piety (xiao 孝) should be understood
from this perspective. Filial piety is the cherishing of, and repaying of affection
to, one’s parents. It is the root not only of ren but also of its practice. This is why
Cheng Yi 程頤 (Yichuan 伊川) says, “To practice ren one should start with xiao
孝 and ti 悌 [‘filial piety’ and ‘love of one’s elder brothers’]. Xiaoti is one impor-
tant event (shi 事) in the practice of ren.”6
For Confucius, the most significant meanings of ren are expressed as fol-
lows: “Loving people”; “consummate persons wishing to be established them-
selves seek also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged themselves they seek
also to enlarge others”; and also “Do not do to others what one would not wish
done to oneself.”7 For Confucius, ren has become a universal ethical principle.
Hence, the Spring and Autumn Annals reports that Confucius values ren, and
Mozi values undiscriminating love.8 Confucius takes ren as the highest ideal
principle while Mozi takes undiscriminating love as the highest principle. Even
Laozi raised similar ideas. He states, “I have three precious things that I prize
and hold fast. And the first of these is ci 慈.”9 Ci means compassion and love.
In this sense we can say that these three important early Chinese thinkers all
affirmed the significance of renai in different ways.

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 104 Different Confucianisms
Mentions of various people that talked in support of ren
In the Warring States period, Mencius proposed the idea of loving the
people and things (renmin aiwu 仁民爱物). Zhuangzi’s Huizi went further and
evoked the idea of “overflowing in love for the ten thousand things, and becom-
ing one body with the heavens and earth,”10 an idea that has had a great influ-
ence on later Confucianism. This is why ren has risen to the most important
position in Confucianism since the Tang dynasty. Han Yu 韩愈 said, “Broad
love is ren”;11 Zhangzai 張載 stated that “the people are my siblings and things
are my friends”;12 and Cheng Hao 程顥 claimed that “consummate persons are
one with the heavens and the earth and the ten thousand things.”13 Cheng Yi
once pointed out that “The primordial source of the four virtues is the ren of
the five constant virtues (wuchang 五常). Specifically, wuchang refers to the vir-
tue of ren itself; generally speaking, ren can include the other four virtues.”14
Zhu Xi also maintained that the ren of the four virtues (ren 仁, yi 义, li 礼, and
zhi 智) can “include everything,” and that “the heart-mind of compassion runs
through everything.”15 These are all explicit examples that ren has been taken as
the predominant principle of Confucianism. Even in the 1980s Li Zehou still
used “studies of ren” (renxue 仁學) to reference Confucianism.16
As we have seen above, the Neo-Confucianism of the Song and Ming
dynasties used ren to unify and designate the four virtues. In fact, in Chinese
Confucianism, ren has a special connection with the values of love (ai 爱),
harmony (he 和), generosity (shu 恕), and impartiality ( gong 公), which taken
together constitute the dominating axiology of Chinese Confucianism. These
values have formed a dynamic correlation with the social regime in history, and
are embodied in the everyday conduct of the people.
In his significant sociological work titled Essentials of Chinese Culture,
Liang Shuming points out that ren is an ethical sentiment whereby people
express concern for others, while with desires there is only concern for oneself.
He states, “In short, what an ethical society values is respect for others. . . . Moral
relations are deontological relations, in which one seems not to exist for oneself
but rather for one another.”17 Liang therefore summarizes Confucian ethics as
“valuing one another.” This is a conclusion that emanates from his social prac-
tice of rural reconstruction. It can also be viewed as a development of the Qing
Confucian Ruan Yuan’s interpretation of ren as respect for each other (xiang/
renou 相人偶). According to Liang, after the Duke of Zhou and Confucius pro-
posed the moral ideal of ren, China was gradually transformed from a feudal
society into an “ethical society.”
This change can be illustrated by the following example. Consider two
brothers growing up following their natural sentiments in one family with the
same parents. One might wonder what would be the difference in their rights to
inheritance. In feudal society, however, once they grew up and came to inherit
the property of their parents, they would each face a different treatment. The
Example to
understand how the
idea of 'ren' helped
China transform into This content downloaded from
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an ethical society from All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
old feudal society
Historical & Cultural Features of Confucianism 105

elder brother would inherit both the official titles and the property while the
younger brother would get nothing.
With respect to the origins of primogeniture, Henry Sumner Maine once
pointed out a principle in his work Ancient Law that whenever the inheritance
system has to do with the political system, primogeniture necessarily emerges.18
Generally speaking, feudal structure and patriarchal order are established
according to the political and economic needs of the time. Yet the community
life of a super-family has such great power in suppressing family affections that
even when it is unnecessary to hold on to primogeniture it nonetheless exists as
before within the tradition. Before World War II, I went to visit some Japanese
villages and saw something called “primogen-school.” Puzzled, I asked the local
people and was told that the rural fields are inherited only by the first son, and
no one else can claim them. The other sons usually go to the urban centers to
make a living, while the first sons stay in the countryside, giving rise to differ-
ent educational needs. This phenomenon shows that their culture is not far
removed from the feudal society and that the old customs still prevail. In fact,
this custom was also preserved in European countries up until modern times.
Only China is different. In China, the inheritance was evenly split among
all sons. According to Liang Qichao’s History of Chinese Culture, the fact that
this inheritance system lasted for almost two thousand years is not a minor mat-
ter, nor was it merely accidental. Its consequence was to dissolve the unnatural
feudal order by bringing out the natural emotions and sensibilities of the human
being. This is a salient example of morality replacing feudality.19
Seen from Liang Shuming’s perspective, the emergence of ren represents
the “reasonable early maturity” of Chinese culture. The reason I talk about this
here is that it is similar to Max Weber’s “axiological rationality.” Not only has
it greatly influenced China’s social regime but it has also helped to direct the
overall trajectory of Chinese history.

II

The anthropologist Ruth Benedict, famous for her studies in Japanese culture
and axiology, held that ren never gained the high position in Japan that it has
had in China. In her studies of the idea of gratitude (baoen 报恩) toward the
emperor and one’s parents, she points out that this gratitude is an infinite,
unconditional obligation, and that it is more absolute compared to the Chinese
idea of duty to one’s country and filial piety to one’s parents. Although both
ideas of loyalty (zhong 忠) and filial piety (xiao 孝) come from China, they are
not unconditional in China: “A virtue dominating all others is established in
Chinese thinking. That is ren.”20 She remarks that the rulers in China have to
practice ren or else they legitimate rebellion against the throne. However, “This

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106 Different Confucianisms

Chinese moral idea has never been accepted by the Japanese. In fact, in Japan
ren has been excluded from the ethical system, holding no lofty position as it
does in China.”21
Robert Bellah believes that in premodern Japan the idea of loyalty to one’s
superior has dominated all other moral ideas and was viewed as the core value
and first virtue during the Edo period:22

As we see, in Japan the idea of loyalty has permeated the whole society
and become the ideal of all classes, although in China it is even difficult
for it to be applied to the scholar class (shi 士). It only applies to the offi-
cials.23

According to this theory, the dominant value and principle in premodern Japa-
nese Confucianism and Japanese culture was loyalty (zhong 忠), under which a
person’s commitment to some specific system or group trumped his or her com-
mitment to universal values (e.g., justice, expansive love, and so on).
Actually, what needs to be stressed here is that this value orientation that
was formed during the Edo period was tightly connected with the social struc-
ture of Japan at that time. The most important two points are as follows. First,
Japan during the Edo period was a feudal society, similar to China’s Spring and
Autumn Period, when loyalty was the ethical embodiment of this type of soci-
ety. Second, the Samurai class was the social foundation during the Edo period.
This was completely different from the Chinese and Korean political structure
with the literati (shi 士) as the social foundation. Although the Samurai class
was the ruling class during the Edo period, Samurai nonetheless had no land
of their own. So it was crucial for them to be loyal to their lord. While practic-
ing Confucianism, the Samurai class formed the Confucian value orientation
unique to the Japanese.
Because his research centered on sociology and history, Mizoguchi Yūzō
was not interested in pure philosophical analysis. Mizoguchi had deep insights
into the axiological principles of China and Japan. As he points out, Darwin’s
theory of evolution and Spencer’s theory of social evolution in the West have
been developed into Yan Fu’s Tian yanlun 天演论 (theory of evolution) in
China, generating a strong impact on modern Chinese intellectuals, for whom
the competition for existence, “the survival of the fittest,” “natural selection,”
and “the law of the jungle” are the principles of progress. However, China has
had to undergo a fundamental change in its worldview in order to accept this
“law of the jungle.” This is because the world of ren (benevolence), yi (appro- 4 virtues
priateness), li (rituality), and zhi (wisdom) has been viewed as the world of
humanity in China ever since the Song dynasty, while the “law of the jungle”
is viewed as representative of the world of animals. In ancient China, property

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Historical & Cultural Features of Confucianism 107

is evenly distributed, vocations are not inherited, the communal fields ( yitian
义田), and communal villages ( yizhuang 义庄) are everywhere, and communal
life is viewed as virtuous. Accordingly, the established principles that dominate
both the ethics and social structure of China are anathema to the “law of the
jungle.”24
Mizoguchi also underlines the fact that there is a big difference between
Japan and China. Japan during the Edo period was a hierarchical society based
on the right of primogeniture. For this reason the sense of private property and
class consciousness were developed at that time and became the ground for
adopting the principles of competition. On the other hand, when Confucian-
ism was adopted by the Samurai class during the Edo period, bravery ( yong 勇)
was already accepted as an important virtue on a par with ren. Yet at the same
time in China, both Chen Chun’s Beixi ziyi and Dai Zhen’s Commentaries on
Mencius did not mention the virtue of bravery ( yong), while in Ogyū Sorai’s
Distinguishing Names the virtues of bravery ( yong), valor (wu), firmness ( gang),
strength (qiang), and fortitude ( yi) were listed. This, Mizoguchi thinks, is why

Japan has fertile ground for accepting the law of the jungle concerning its
philosophical and ethical tradition. On the contrary, China not only has
no such ground but rather has a contrary ground of principles.25

Indeed, loyalty, valor, and fortitude were significant virtues for the Samurai
Confucians in Japan, which reflects the characteristics of the social structure
and the needs of the Edo period. Even though there were scholars such as
Yamazaki Ansai 山崎暗斋 and Itō Jinsai 伊藤仁斋 who underscored ren, they
nevertheless emphasized only personal moral practice, and denied ren as a uni-
versal principle and thus its transcendental nature. For this reason, concerning
their respective orientation of values, it is a simple fact that Japanese Confucian-
ism cannot be summarized as the study of ren as it is in China.26

III

The ethos of Korean Confucianism is closely connected with the develop-

ment of Korean history. The constant literati purges of the Joseon dynasty had
great influence on the morale of Korean Confucians. These purges (in 1498,
1504, 1519, and 1545) led to great political persecution and the slaughter
­ onfucians—a rare phenomenon in other East Asian countries. The shi-
of C
lin school formed by the Confucians called for social reform and advocated
social justice, and had thereby fallen into conflict with the jiuxun school,
which represented the interests of the nobility. However, the tragic deaths of
these famous Confucians subsequently served to fire the unyielding daoyi 道

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108 Different Confucianisms

义 spirit of Korean Confucianism. In the words of Zhao Guangzu, “Without

regard for personal danger, dedicated to the public enterprise, this is the spirit
of true literati.” Thus, we can say that “righteousness” or “appropriateness” ( yi
义) is the basis for the spirit and principle behind Korean Confucianism. As
Liu Chengqiang has pointed out, “the daoxue school’s spirit of justice ( yi) illu-
minated through the literati purges and sacrifices reveals the specific feature of
Korean Confucianism.”27
Yi is the persistence of moral convictions. Confucianism in the Joseon
dynasty strictly distinguished appropriateness ( yi) from inappropriateness
(buyi 不义), and appropriateness from selfish interests (li 利),28 and this has a
lot to do with Korea’s history of constantly being invaded by other countries.
For example, during the Goryeo era Korea was invaded by the Khitans and the
Mongolians, and during the Joseon dynasty by the Japanese and then by the
Manchus. In 1592, Toyotomi Hideyoshi attacked Korea. With the Confucians
as their moral center, Koreans organized military volunteers, and this further
inspired a spirit of loyalty (chunghyo jeongsin 忠孝精神) among the Korean
people. In the course of this national battle many Confucians sacrificed their
lives for their country, demonstrating a strong spirit of loyalty and righteous-
ness (zhongyi 忠义) and patriotism, and thus earned the praise of the people.
In 1636, Emperor Huang Taiji led a large army in an attack on Korea, and the
latter was forced to sign a treaty surrendering to the Qing dynasty and breaking
off with the Ming. Korean Confucians opposed to the surrender were executed.
This opposition exemplifies how invasions from other countries have aroused
the spirit of justice among Korean Confucians.
In this way the emphasis on justice and loyalty has set the tone for Korean
Confucianism. Concerning its intellectual resources, Korean Confucianism
was able to take the idea in the Spring and Autumn Annals of “distinguishing
the great yi” and develop it into a national spirit of rebellion against injustice
and resistance to aggression. This spirit of Korean Confucianism has become
the main characteristic of the Korean national spirit. Here we need to bear in
mind that Zhuxi studies, which was the leading ideological foundation of the
Joseon dynasty, had undoubtedly fostered this strong and at times dogmatic
cultural ethos. The Zhuxi school has to a large degree formed the basis of the
cultural identity of the Korean literati for over five hundred years.
Professor Jin Zhonglie from Korea University, who for many years studied
those places where the Chinese language was of great importance, offers the
following observation:

Before the impact of Western culture, China, Korea, Japan, and Viet-
nam were all part of the Sinosphere; all used Chinese characters, stud-
ied ancient Chinese canons like the Four Books and the Five Classics, and

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Historical & Cultural Features of Confucianism 109

were educated in Confucian morals such as ren (benevolence), ai (love),

xiao (filial piety), ti (respect for elder brothers), zhong (loyalty), and xin
(keeping promises). In this sense we can say that these countries used the
same language. Despite their different natural environments and minor
differences in lifestyle, the ideas formed by Confucianism—for example
in cosmology, view of life, and cultural view—were roughly the same.
However, although equally Confucian, the aims pursued by the respec-
tive countries as well as their social customs could be very different. The
people cultivated by [the educational system in] these countries differed
greatly in their ideologies, politics, and life views, largely due to differing
national aims.

Jin also notes,

Generally speaking, Chinese Confucianism emphasizes the personal

moral life. Filial piety and respect for elders define what one should do.
There is a strong atmosphere of modesty and generosity. But the sense
of loyalty and patriotism is not very strong. There has always been some
distance between the individual and the nation. As for Korean Confu-
cians, they firmly believe that the three principles (三纲) are the root of
heaven, earth, and human conduct. Korean Confucianism focuses on
filial piety, and only regards one’s own family’s interests [as important];
thus there is a lack of public morality, even [to the extent of ] bearing
the foul [taint] of exclusiveness. . . . Japan, as we have said above, . . . holds
national aims and national interests above all else, and lays all the moral
values on the foundation of loyalty to the monarch and patriotism. Dili-
gence [in devotion] to [their] organization, loyalty to their monarch and
nation, [oblivious] of their own and others’ lives, they pursue only their
national aims and interests. The so-called Japanese spirit is the very prod-
uct of monarchism, which requires that people abandon personal inter-
ests, concentrating [their] efforts on yielding to the state.29

According to Confucian texts, this discourse is not a mere philosophical analy-

sis; rather it has both sociological and anthropological significance. Due to the
fact that he was reflecting on his own nation, Jin Zhonglie did not underline or
praise the patriotism of Koreans, although his insights into the society are of
great value for us.
The Confucian values represented by the five constant virtues are advo-
cated by the Confucianisms found across China, Japan, and Korea. Restricted
by their respective socio-historical traditions, not only are the Confucian dis-
positions different, but each society’s value orientation and dominant principles

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110 Different Confucianisms

are different as well, causing a different ethos to develop within each nation’s
form of Confucianism. Although appropriateness ( yi) and loyalty (zhong) are
also advocated by Chinese Confucianism, it is the way of putting oneself in
another’s position (ren and shu) that is emphasized. In the case of Japanese Con-
fucianism, although ren and yi are also encouraged, it is loyalty (zhong) that is
stressed. As for Korean Confucianism, although the five constant virtues are all
advocated in theory, it is appropriateness ( yi) that is highlighted.
Now these differences are also reflected in the modernization process of
each country. Chinese Confucianism, taking ren and shu as its principle, is apt
to confirm a kind of universal value in its principles. However, it has cast much
doubt on modern Western civilization. Facing the colonialism and imperialism
of the modern West, it has been difficult for Chinese Confucianism to admit its
backwardness, and this has resulted in the slow pace of modernization in China.
Although the emphasis of Japanese Confucianism on loyalty (zhong) and brav-
ery ( yong) is limited by its exceptionalism, it encountered fewer impediments
while accepting modernization. It stepped rapidly into modernity—but payed
the price for its exceptionalist ethics. Korean Confucianism, imbued with the
spirit of justice ( yijie), has given rise to the strong national subjectivity of Korean
culture. Although it holds on to some of the cultural values from the past, it
has nevertheless fostered the development of Korea as a modern national state.
Now the principle of harmony included in ren, the principle of justice embod-
ied by yi, and the principle of order demonstrated by zhong are all necessary for
the continued vitality of each modern East Asian country. In the twenty-first
century, the three countries should try to understand one another, learn from
one another, and unite to establish a harmonious future.

Notes
1. For example, see the natural theory of Kaibara Ekken 貝原益軒 and the political
theory of Ogyū Sorai 荻生徂徠.
2. Mizoguchi Yūzō 沟口雄三, Riben xian jieduan de Zhongguo yanjiu ji 21 shiji de
keti 日本现阶段的中国研究及21世纪的课题 (Contemporary Chinese studies in Japan
and themes in the 21st century), Guoji ruxue yanjiu, di er ji 国际儒学研究, 第二辑 (Inter-
national Confucianism studies, 2nd series) (Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe,
1996).
3.  Shangshu 尚書 (Book of Shang), “Kang Gao” 康誥, 6; adapted from the James
Legge translation. Translations are my own unless otherwise cited.
4.  Shangshu 尚書 (Book of Shang), “Pan Geng I” 盤庚上, 7; adapted from the Legge
translation.
5.  Shangshu 尚書, “Kang Gao” 康誥, 2; adapted from the Legge translation.
6.  Yichuan Yizhuan 伊川易傳 (Cheng Yi’s commentary on the Yijing), vol. 1.
7.  Analects 6.30 and 12.2.

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Historical & Cultural Features of Confucianism 111

8.  Spring and Autumn Annals, “Bu Er.”

9.  Daodejing, chap. 67.
10.  Zhuangzi, chap. 33.
11.  Yuan Dao 原道 (The origin of dao), in Han Yu wenji 韩愈文集 (Collected works
of Han Yu).
12.  Zhangzi quanshu 張子全書 (Collected works of Master Zhang [Zhang Zai 張
載]), “Xi Ming” 西銘.
13.  Er Cheng quanshu 二程全書 (Collected works of the Cheng Brothers), vol. 2.
14.  Yichuan Yizhuan 伊川易傳 (Cheng Yi’s commentary on the Yijing), vol. 1.
15.  Zhuzi quanshu 朱子全集 (Collected writings of Master Zhu), vol. 67, “On Ren.”
16.  Li Zehou 李泽厚, Zhongguo gudai sixiangshi lun 中国古代思想史论 (On the his-
tory of Chinese ancient thought) (Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe, 1985).
17. Liang Shuming 梁漱溟, Zhongguo wenhua yaoyi 中国文化要义 (Essentials of
Chinese culture) (Taipei: Liren, 1980), p. 90.
18. See Henry Sumner Maine, Ancient Law: Its Connection with the Early History of
Society and Its Relation to Modern Ideas (London: Forgotten Books, 2012).
19.  Ibid., p. 119.
20.  Pan Nai De 潘乃德 [Ruth Benedict], Juhua yu jian: Riben minzu de wenhua moshi
菊花與劍：日本民族的文化模式 (The chrysanthemum and the sword: Patterns of Japa-
nese culture) (Zhejiang: Zhejiang Renmin Chubanshe, 1987), p. 100.
21.  Ibid., p. 108.
22. Robert Bellah, Tokugawa Religion: The Cultural Roots of Modern Japan (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1957), pp. 7, 22, 26.
23.  Ibid., p. 200.
24. Mizoguchi, Riben xian jieduan de Zhongguo yanjiu ji 21 shiji de keti, p. 129.
25. Ibid.
26. See Huang Junjie, “The Resonance of Zhuxi on Ren in Tokugawa Japan,” paper
presented at Taibei Zhuzi Forum, October 2011.
27.  Liu Chengguo, History of Confucianism in Korea, trans. Fu Jigong (Taipei: Taiwan
Shangwu Press, 1989), pp. 115, 133.
28.  Ibid., p. 125. See also Huang Bingtai [Hwang Pyŏng-t’ai] 黄秉泰, Ruxue yu xian-
daihua: Zhong ri han ruxue bijiao yanjiu 儒学与现代化：中日韩儒学比较研究 (Con-
fucianism in modernization: Comparative studies on Confucianism in China, Japan, and
Korea [Beijing: Shehui Kexue Wenxian Chubanshe, 1995], chap. 4).
29.  Jin Zhonglie, “The Common Ethic of Confucianism: The Way of Zhongshu,” in
Examining and Prospecting Chinese Culture (Singapore: Bafang Culture Press, 2001), pp.
511–512 (quotation slightly modified).

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