Critical Discourse Analysis
Critical Discourse Analysis
Moslem Ahmadvand
University of Zanjan
- Abstract -
1. Introduction
thanks to the works of the British sociolinguist Norman Fairclough – has gained a lot of
attention. Fairclough (1995) defines CDA as follows:
2. Approaches to CDA
In spite of the fact that all the approaches to CDA have the notions of ideology,
Critique, and power in common, they could be classified into three major ones with respect to
the differences in their theoretical foundations and analyzing tools.
interactions, knowledge systems, and beliefs, is also shaped by them in turn. Like Kress and
Van Leeuwen, he bases his analyses on Halliday’s systemic-functional grammar. In
Language and Power (1989), he calls his approach Critical Language Study, and considers
the first aim of his approach as helping to correct the vast negligence in relation to the
significance of language in creating, maintaining and changing the social relations of power.
This first goal tends to be the theoretical part of Fairclough’s approach. The second one
which is helping to raise awareness to the question that how language can influence the
dominance of one group of people over the others could be considered as the practical aspect
of his approach. He believes that awareness is the first step towards emancipation. To reach
the latter goal Fairclough has put a great emphasis on raising the level of people’s
consciousness, for he assumes that in discourse, the subjects do not, strictly speaking, know
what they are doing, and they are unaware of the potential social impact of what they do or
utter.
Process of production
Text
Process of interpretation
Interaction
In comparison to the three aspects of discourse (shown in figure 1.), Fairclough (1989, pp.
26-27) identifies three dimensions for CDA:
• Description is the stage which is concerned with formal properties of the text.
• Interpretation is concerned with the relationship between text and interaction by
seeing the text as the product of the process of production and as a resource in the
process of interpretation.
• Explanation is concerned with the relationship between interaction and social
context, with the social determination of the process of production and interpretation,
and their social effects.
In all these stages we are concerned with analysis, but the nature of it is different in
each stage. Analysis in the first stage limits its boundaries to labeling the formal properties if
the text and regards text as an object. In the second phase, CDA goes through the analysis of
the cognitive process of the participants and their interactions. Finally in the third stage, the
aim is to explain the relationship between social events and social structures that affect these
events and also are affected by them.
for instance, in the discussions of standard and non-standard dialects, there is clear-cut
evidence that the dialect of the powerful group will gain the reputation of the standard one.
By the same token, there are studies that pay attention to the ways in which power is
exercised in the people’s conversations. All of these studies are concerned with the
description of power distribution in terms of sociolinguistic conventions; however, they
cannot explain these conventions. Explaining how the relations of power are shaped and the
struggle on how power is shaped, does not fall in the realm of sociolinguistics. In his
approach, Fairclough endeavors to explain these conventions; conventions which are the
upshots of the relations of power and the struggles on them. He accentuates the
presuppositions of a common sense present in the interlocutions among people that they are
usually blind to their existence. These presuppositions are the very ideology that has a close
relationship with power; for these ideological presuppositions exist in the social conventions
and the nature of the conventions depend on the power relations that cover them.
The relationship between common sense and ideology was introduced by the Italian
Marxist, Antonio Gramsci. He refers to “‘a form of practical activity’ in which ‘a philosophy
is contained as an implicit theoretical premiss’ and ‘a conception of the world that is
implicitly manifest in art, in law, in economic activity and in all manifestations of individuals
and collective life’” (Antonio Gramsci, 1971, cited in Fairclough, 1989, p.84). This form of
practical activity is the ideology which exists in the background and is usually taken for
granted. Fairclough assumes an ideological nature for the common sense, to some extent, and
believes that this is the common sense which is ideological in order to be at the disposal of
the survival of the unequal relations of power and to be a justification for it.
Fairclough takes a rather traditional approach towards power, and does not agree with
Foucault. From Fairclough’s (1995, p.17) point of view, Foucault considers power as a
pervasive force and symmetrical relations that is dominant over the whole society and is not
in the hands of one special group or another; whereas in Fairclough’s thinking, the relations
of power are asymmetrical, unequal, and empowering that belong to a special class or group.
naturalization of the discourse, its ideology will change into the ideological common sense.
In the process of naturalization and creation of the common sense, the type of discourse
appears to lose its ideological character and tends to become merely the discourse of the
institution itself instead of looking as the discourse of a special class or group within that
institution. In this way, the struggle on power seems to be neutral, and being neutral means
being out of ideology, that is to say, having no ideological load. The fact that discourse loses
its ideological load, paradoxically, will make a fundamental ideological effect: “Ideology
works through disguising its nature, pretending to be what it is not” (Fairclough, 1989, p.92).
Now, as long as linguists insist only on the formal aspects of language, they foster the
development of this ideological effect. Thus, naturalization occurs in this way and people can
hardly, if ever, understand that their routine and usual behaviors makes ideological effects on
the society.
work is political and their criticisms of discourse will involve political criticism of those who
are responsible for the reproduction of ascendency and social inequalities; elite groups who
are in power; those who ordain social inequalities and injustice, continue and legitimize them.
The ultimate goal of critical discourse analysts is to help the deprived part of the society, the
issues that threaten these people’s lives, not small issues relating to discourse structures.
Critical discourse analysts’ criticisms should not be temporary or personal. In other words,
CDA goes beyond here and now, and attempts to study the roots of fundamental social
problems. CDA’s criteria, as acknowledged by Fairclough, too, is not merely observational,
descriptive or even explanatory, rather CDA’s prosperity is evaluated in terms of the
influence that it has on the macro structure of the society and the role that it plays in the line
of changing, amending, and removing social inequalities. Van Dijk believes that CDA does
not reject having a special direction, and specifies its social and political direction clearly and
articulately and is proud of having such a direction.
3. Conclusion
One could say that in spite of the differences which exist in major approaches to CDA, all
of these approaches pursue one common goal that is representing the dialectic relationship
between language, power, ideology, and the influential role that language plays in emanation
of power and legitimizing social inequalities. For as it was shown the dominant ideology, as a
result of excessive use, will be presupposed and it becomes natural and neutral. Therefore,
critical discourse analysts are giving a serious effort to clarify and denaturalize the hidden
power relations, ideological processes that exist in linguistic text. They attempt to awaken the
unconscious of those people who contribute to the establishment and legitimization of
ideology through their ignorance.
From CDA vantage-point, language does not possess power per se. It takes its power
from the powerful people who make use of it. This is the very reason that why, in a majority
of cases, critical linguists pick the view of deprived people and set out to analyze language
Critical Discourse Analysis 11
critically, because those who are in power are responsible of the social inequalities. Power
does not derive from language; rather language is used to fight against power.
References
This is a term paper for Advanced Writing course, instructed by Dr. R. Khosravi (PhD in
English Literature) at the University of Zanjan during the academic year of 2008-2009.
Acknowledgments
A few words of acknowledgment are due here. I would like to extend my words of
appreciation to Dr. R. Khosravi of Zanjan University who read the drafts diligently time and
again and made invaluable comments.
Bio Data
Moslem Ahmadvand is Master’s student of Applied Linguistics at the University of
Zanjan, Iran. He holds a BA in English Literature from the University of Semnan, Iran. His
major areas of research are minimalist syntax and optimality phonology. He has been
teaching English and Applied Linguistics for five years.
Correspondence concerning this paper may be directly submitted to the author via
e-mail at: [email protected]