Grade 11 Module 2ND Quarter 1-4
Grade 11 Module 2ND Quarter 1-4
CLE GRADE 11
Introduction to World Religions and Belief Systems
(SECOND QUARTER – Module 1-4)
Module 1
Topic: SHINTO
Objectives:
Shinto is the oldest religion in Japan Shinto, and it is the indigenous religious beliefs and
practices of Japan. The word Shinto, which literally means “the way of kami” (generally sacred
or divine power, specifically the various gods or deities), came into use in order to distinguish
indigenous Japanese beliefs from Buddhism, which had been introduced into Japan in the 6th
century CE. Shinto has no founder, no official sacred scriptures in the strict sense, and no fixed
dogmas, but it has preserved its guiding beliefs throughout the ages.
Shinto consists of the traditional Japanese religious practices as well as the beliefs and
life attitudes that are in accord with these practices. Shinto is more readily observed in the social
life of the Japanese people and in their personal motivations than in a pattern of formal belief or
philosophy. It remains closely connected with the Japanese value system and the Japanese
people’s ways of thinking and acting.
Lesson Proper
History to 1900
Much remains unknown about religion in Japan during the Paleolithic and Neolithic ages.
It is unlikely, however, that the religion of these ages has any direct connection with Shinto.
Yayoi culture, which originated in the northern area of the island of Kyushu in about the 3rd or
2nd century BCE, is directly related to later Japanese culture and hence to Shinto. Among the
primary Yayoi religious phenomena were agricultural rites and shamanism.
The divine principle in Shinto worship is the Kami, an honorific title for greatness and
benevolence. The Kami can be a lot of things: it can be manifestations of the sacred in nature or
extra ordinary people. In fact, all people have a potential Kami, but not everyone is referred as
such because it is an honorific title reserved to a few entities, human or non-human. When one
looks into recorded Japanese mythology, the earliest of which is called the kojiki, one finds the
names of the most important kami that are universally recognized because they are mentioned in
mythological accounts
Shinto names and functions:
In ancient times small states were gradually formed at various places. By the middle of
the 4th century CE, a nation with an ancestor of the present Imperial Household as its head had
probably been established. The constituent unit of society at that time was the uji (clan or
family), and the head of each uji was in charge of worshiping the clan’s ujigami—its particular
tutelary or guardian deity. The prayer for good harvest in spring and the harvest ceremony in
autumn were two major festivals honouring the ujigami. Divination, water purification, and
lustration (ceremonial purification), which are all mentioned in the Japanese classics, became
popular, and people started to build shrines for their kami.
Ancient Shinto was polytheistic. People found kami in nature, which ruled seas or
mountains, as well as in outstanding men. They also believed in kami of ideas such as growth,
creation, and judgment. Though each clan made the tutelary kami the core of its unity, such kami
were not necessarily the ancestral deities of the clan. Sometimes kami of nature and kami of
ideas were regarded as their tutelary kami.
Two different views of the world were present in ancient Shinto. One was the three-
dimensional view in which the Plain of High Heaven (Takama no Hara, the kami’s world),
Middle Land (Nakatsukuni, the present world), and the Hades (Yomi no Kuni, the world after
death) were arranged in vertical order. The other view was a two-dimensional one in which this
world and the Perpetual Country (Tokoyo, a utopian place far beyond the sea) existed in
horizontal order. Though the three-dimensional view of the world (which is also characteristic of
North Siberian and Mongolian shamanistic culture) became the representative view observed in
Japanese myths, the two-dimensional view of the world (which is also present in Southeast Asian
culture) was dominant among the populace.
1. Shrine Shinto (Jinja Shinto) - which has been in existence from the beginning of Japanese
history to the present day, constitutes a main current of Shinto tradition. It includes within its
structure the now defunct State Shinto (Kokka Shinto)—based on the total identity of religion
and state—and has close relations with the Japanese Imperial family.
2. Sect Shinto (Kyoha Shinto) - is a relatively new movement consisting of 13 major sects that
originated in Japan around the 19th century and of several others that emerged after World War
II. Each sect was organized into a religious body by either a founder or a systematizer.
3. Folk Shinto (Minzoku Shinto) - is an aspect of Japanese folk belief that is closely connected
with the other types of Shinto. It has no formal organizational structure nor doctrinal formulation
but is centred in the veneration of small roadside images and in the agricultural rites of rural
families. These three types of Shinto are interrelated: Folk Shinto exists as the substructure of
Shinto faith, and a Sect Shinto follower is usually also a parishioner (ujiko) of a particular Shinto
shrine.
Shinto does not have a weekly religious service. People visit shrines at their convenience.
Some may go to the shrines on the 1st and 15th of each month and on the occasions of rites or
festivals (matsuri), which take place several times a year. Devotees, however, may pay respect to
the shrine every morning.
Each Shinto shrine has several major festivals each year, including the Spring Festival
(Haru Matsuri, or Toshigoi-no-Matsuri; Prayer for Good Harvest Festival), Autumn Festival
(Aki Matsuri, or Niiname-sai; Harvest Festival), an Annual Festival (Rei-sai), and the Divine
Procession (Shinkō-sai). The Divine Procession usually takes place on the day of the Annual
Festival, and miniature shrines (mikoshi) carried on the shoulders are transported through the
parish.
2. Adoration—the chief priest and all the congregation bow to the altar.
3. Opening of the door of the inner sanctuary (by the chief priest).
4. Presentation of food offerings—rice, sake wine, rice cakes, fish, seaweed, vegetables, salt,
water, etc., are offered but animal meat is not, because of the taboo on shedding blood in the
sacred area. In the past cooked food was usually offered to kami, but nowadays uncooked food is
more often used. In accordance with this change, the idea of entertaining kami changed to that of
thanksgiving.
5. Prayer—the chief priest recites prayers (norito) modeled on ancient Shinto prayers. These
prayers were compiled in the early 10th century and were based on the old belief that spoken
words had spiritual potency.
7. General offering—participants in the festival make symbolic offerings using little branches of
the evergreen sacred tree to which strips of white paper are tied.
2. Shinsen – offering
4. Harai - purification
1. Jinja Shinto – is the conventional, temple-based Shinto, the shrines of which are government-
registered and organized into tiers.
2. Kyoha Shinto – consists of some sects that while altogether not contrary to Jinja Shinto,
specifically hold beliefs and practices not seen in the latter.
3. Tsuzoko Shinto – refers to mostly localized, non-institutionalized Shinto and thus, adheres
more to localized folk practices and beliefs.
Types of Shrines
A simple torii (gateway) stands at the entrance of the shrine precincts. After proceeding on the
main approach, a visitor will come to an ablution basin where the hands are washed and the
mouth is rinsed. Usually, he will make a small offering at the oratory (haiden) and pray.
Sometimes a visitor may ask the priest to conduct rites of passage or to offer special prayers. The
most important shrine building is the main, or inner, sanctuary (honden), in which a sacred
symbol called shintai (“kami body”) or mitama-shiro (“divine spirit’s symbol”) is enshrined. The
usual symbol is a mirror, but sometimes it is a wooden image, a sword, or some other object. In
any case, it is carefully wrapped and placed in a container. It is forbidden to see it: only the chief
priest is allowed to enter inside the inner sanctuary.
The indigenous religion of Japan, Shinto, was closely connected with the legendary legitimacy of
the emperor. Thus, special Shinto music was devised for use in imperial shrines. In Japan such
Shinto music is called kagura. The kind of music and ritual used exclusively.
The five countries (apart from Japan) that currently have Shinto shrines:
1. The Netherlands
2. France
3. The United States
4. Brazil
5. Canada
Activity 1
Module 2
Objectives:
The previous chapters have dealt with religions that are more familiar to many of us.
These institutional religions have withstood the test of time partly because of their global
presence and institutional structures. The workbook on world religions will not be complete
without paying due respect to minority beliefs especially among indigenous people. We
recognize them in this worktext because they contribute to the complex reality of religions in the
contemporary world. Among other attributes, much of indigenous worldview recognizes the
sanctity of land and culture. These are values that can also inform our understanding of society
and the environment. It is important to recognize the worldview of indigenous people because
their presence is perennially threatened by various social forces such as militarization and
modernization.
Indigenous religion’s practices consisting of, but not limited to; witchcraft, healing,
rituals, shamanism, ancestor worship, and spirit possession. Moreover, formal categorizations of
indigenous world religions include, but are not limited to:
Indigenous beliefs or folk religions are often associated with specific groups of people
typically based on ethnicity. These are typically the indigenous people whose identities have
been kept preserved against foreigners. There are many definitions of indigenous people but a
common denominator, they are persons and their descendants “who lived on their lands before
settlers came from elsewhere. The new arrivals later became dominant through means that they
may have included conquest, occupation, and settlement.” In the Philippines, the Indigenous
People’s Rights Act (IPRA) of 1997 is one of the first laws in Asia enacted to protect and
promote the rights of indigenous communities. Its definition is decidedly more elaborate but
nevertheless also recognizes their long history and marginally.
Here in the Philippines, the United Nations Development Programmed (2013) estimates
that there are about 14-17 million indigenous people who constitute 110 ethnolinguistic groups.
They are in the various islands of the Philippines but 61% are in Mindanao and 33% in the
Cordillera Administrative Region. These communities may be categorized according to different
major groups.
Igorot – means “people from mountains”. Based in the Cordillera, the Igorot refers to
various ethnic groups such as the Kankanaey, Bontoc, Ifugao, Kalinga, Ibaloi, Isneg, and
Tingguaian.
Lumad – “residual category” that reflects the indigenous communities “secondary
status” in Mindanao as those who “did not convert to Islam and become Moros.” In
Visayan means “born from the earth,” is an appropriate term to recognize, among others,
the similarities and shared histories of the different ethnic groups in Mindanao before
contact with the Spaniards. There are 18 major Lumad groups, which include the
Subanen, B’laan, T’boli Manobo, Talaadig, Mamanwa, and Manguangan.
Mangyan - these are indigenous people in Mindoro, Sibuyan, and some islands of
Palawan. Some ethnic groups include the Tadyawan, Hanunuo, Tabnua, and Palaw-an.
Negrito – they are found in different parts of the Philippines but are distinguishable
because of their physical features such as dark skin and curly hair. Some Negrito groups
include the Agta in Cagayan, the Dumagat in the Sierra Madre, the Aeta in Zambales, and
the Ati in the Visayas.
Indigenous beliefs:
a. The sacredness of nature as god’s gift to man and the role of man as steward.
b. Animism, in that personal and social living reflect beliefs in life forces, spirits of
nature, and of natural phenomena.
c. The dominance of kinship in terms of the value put on ancestors and their influence to
present life.
d. The emphasis on rituals and not conversion, since religious life consists of communal
belongingness and not domination.
e. The oral transmission of beliefs and practices, and as such their cosmologies, their
worldviews, literature, philosophies, and other aspects of cultural life might not be
fully coherent.
f. The belief in divine revelation experienced through visions, dreams, and spirit
possession.
g. The interconnection between economic activities to their inner-worldliness.
Ifugao Worldview
the Ifugao in Cordillera Administrative Region are known for the Banaue Rice Terraces,
which was declared a UNESCO World heritage Site in 1995. They are also known for two epics,
Hudhud and Alim, which are normally chanted or sung on special occasions.
Hudhud – recounts the creation narrative and the journey of Aliguyan, a man hailing from the
village of Gonhandan.
Alim – is about the god Makanungan and other Ifugao deities.
The Ifugao are known for their elaborate rituals dedicated to deities
Anito – it refers to the essence of the Individual, typically understood as the soul. These
are ancestral deities to whom sacrifices are mainly offered because of their ongoing
involvement in the life of the community.
Namadjang – believed to be the creator of the physical world. Although he is no longer
involved in its affairs, sacrifices are mainly offered him as a sign of respect and not for
supplication.
Mapatal – it is the sun deity in charge of the weather.
Pwulan – a feminine entity, Pwulan is the moon deity concerned with fertility.
Mihtalapi – these are deities that govern celestial bodies such as stars, clouds, and
comets.
Bunbuni – these are deities of the earth, which can affect natural geological catastrophes
and such as landslides and earthquakes.
Abat and Umichaw – are deities of war, vengeance, and hostility.
Penaching – these are commonly described as demons but not all are evil in nature. They
are seen as inflicting trouble specially on children as they can cause pain and illnesses.
Pulay – these deities can be malevolent as they can extract the soul of an individual from
his body while he is asleep. They can also prevent the soul from returning to the same
body. It is believed, too, that mental disorders are cause by Pulay, entering one’s body.
Religions are inseparable from their socio-historical contexts. The identities of
indigenous communities are largely informed by the interconnections of these aspects of
social life: religious beliefs, political organizations, social and gender roles, worldviews,
economic undertakings, linguistic practices, cultural nuances, as well as the differences
between indigenous groups belonging to one heading.
Activity 1
Watch the documentary The Men of the Fifth World. Which focuses on the various aspects of
the culture of the Aborigines in Australia.
4. How do you feel about the threat that their culture might one day be extinct?
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Activity 2
1. What Philippine law has been enacted to protect and promote the rights of indigenous
communities?
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2. It generally refers to groups of people whose physical, cultural, and ethnic identities have
been kept preserved against foreigners. They have also been living in their lands before
new settlers came.
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3-6. What are the different major groups of indigenous people in the Philippines?
3._________________
4._________________
5._________________
6._________________
10. In the Ifugao worldview, who is believed to be the creator of the physical world?
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Module 3
Objectives:
Discuss whether religion and violence are compatible with one another
Define the concept of interfaith dialogue
Explain how exclusivism can be an obstacle to effective interfaith dialogue
Identify the two potential unifying principles between religions
Introduction:
The noble goal of a course on world religions and belief system is to foster not only
religious literacy or familiarity with other religions, but also comprehensive understanding of the
beliefs and practices of different religions, which will ideally foster mutual respect among people
of different faiths. Many conflicts around the world, while not directly caused by religion, are
colored by fundamental understanding of people of other religions. Sometimes these conflicts are
in the form of religious discrimination. But in other occasions, they can involve violent struggles.
It is in the light of these conflicts that this worktext provides a chapter on interfaith dialogue.
Many parts of the world have long been characterized by religious conflict or by tensions
that are religiously justified. The 9/11 attacks on the US simply globalized awareness of such a
reality. Historically rooted strife among Christians, Hindus, and Muslims is evident in societies
around Asia and Africa, for example. And even in Europe, the arrival of immigrants has
engendered everyday forms of religious xenophobia.
The connection between religion and violence can be explain by how religious ideas are
often employed to instill religious commitment, organize resistance, or even encourage
martyrdom. Other observers argue though that religion, because of its inherent social boundaries,
is predisposed to inflict violence especially on other who do not share it.
Lesson Proper
As one grows up, ideas about one’s religion and the other are shaped gradually. These
ideas in the end inform the perceptions and treatment of other religions. In this light, interfaith
activities should become part of young people’s religious socialization.
At its core, interfaith dialogue is about “persons of different faiths meeting to have a
conversation.” Interfaith has been conceptualized in various forms and experimentations
including facilitating workshops, community organizing, and even political peace building.
There are many experiences of interfaith dialogue around the world.
One of the most prominent thinkers and practitioners in the field of interfaith dialogue is
Muhammed Abu-Nimer, who has experience conducting research and interfaith workshops
across the globe. Gleaning from his work on Palestinian-Israeli conflict, for example, Abu-Nimer
argues that there are three conditions that leaders and activists must fulfill in order to make any
interfaith successful.
1. In contrast to the claims of Wellman and Tokuno, individuals must believe that religion
has a constructive role to play in resolving conflicts.
2. Dialogues are avenues to change hostile attitudes toward other religions in being able to
find commonalities. For this, Abu-Nimer suggests that the interfaith facilitator be somebody
that parties involved find trustworthy.
3. interfaith dialogue in itself must be seen as an avenue for political change. Abu-Nimer
challenges the assumption that religion must be kept an any peace negotiation since conflicts
can also religious in nature.
These ideas have been implemented in different places. Peacebuilding as an effort aims to
prevent war, resolve existing conflicts, or help in postwar reconstruction. Changes in how
religious activities are carried out, for example, can be introduced to avoid offending the
sensibilities of other religious individuals.
The MCYPD (Muslim-Christian Youth for Peace and Development) is one of the several
interfaith initiatives established by the Peacemakers’ Circle, a local nongovernment organization
that facilitates dialogues, peace workshops, and self-awareness retreats. Peacemakers’ Circle
began as a pioneering entity of the URI in the Philippines, which explains its emphasis on
grassroots participation. The youth group is composed of at least 30 active Muslim and Christian
(Catholic and Evangelical) youth leaders and members.
Interfaith is not only about understanding each other’s beliefs and practices. These facts
are easily learnt by attending a class on world religions or reading introductory textbooks.
interfaith communities can extend beyond this rote of learning of facts by allowing relationships
to form. Three areas are emergent from the interviews: the person, and not religion, friendship,
and community engagement. In the lives of these young people, interfaith has been a
transformative relational experience.
When asked what they have learned about the other religion through MCYPD, the youth
of MCYPD have constantly pointed to the character of the follower rather than the contents and
doctrines of the religion. To be sure, some of them have described the differences in terms of
food restriction or even the names of God, for example, but references to the character of a
Muslim or Christian is more prevalent.
This is not to say they have not learned the substantive differences between their
religions. Respondents have been able to identify some differences in terms of feasts such as
Ramadan and Christmas, dietary restrictions, and even wedding rituals. But in explaining these
differences, informants as quick to suggest that learning made more sense as they can now
associate these to specific friends of theirs.
Friendship
There are two possible reasons for this. First, these young people are in their formative
adolescent year wherein the need for socialization and belonging is heightened. Second, many of
them are relatively new as immigrants to the community. This is in itself a fascinating finding
because immigrants can have the tendency to isolate themselves from the mainstream.
Several youths have pointed out, too, that the most meaningful memories they have of the
circle involves interaction with their peers, including youth from other interfaith cooperation
circles in other parts of Manila. And because friendship has become the main motivation for
participating in MCYPD, it has become the main reason for trying to understand the other. For
the Christian informants, new realizations about Islam point to prohibitions such as that of eating
pork and its protectiveness when it comes to women. To put differently, the informants recall
those aspects of religious difference that could help them avoid offending their peers and thereby
maintaining healthy friendship.
Being the only registered youth organization in their village, MPYPD is often invited to
help in cleanup drives, participate in the local government’s projects, and even send a
representative to the monthly meetings with the local youth council. The URI has also invited
them to participate in rallies advocating for peace. Collectively, these engagements project an
image that Muslim and Christian youth can, in fact, work together for the community. Moreover,
these young people find their participation in the community meaningful precisely because they
themselves have experience discrimination one way or another. It is these everyday moments of
discrimination that they are contesting. Indeed, young people can be aware of their social issues
and be instrumental in effecting changes.
It is very clear that religions are divided by their respective beliefs, traditions, and
practices. Such conflicts and militancy have become the basis for many people to believe that
religion is inherently violent. But to think that religions are irreconcilably different and
intractable is a mistake. Religions have shared understanding that may serve as openings for
different individuals to come to the same table, talk, and fellowship with one another. Such
understandings may go a long way toward accepting people who are different from us, and
pursuing lasting peace and progress.
1. Ethical Values – although they may have different views of the divine, the afterlife, and sacred
authority, religions do espouse certain values with respect to the just and respectful treatment of
other people. “There is a principle which is found and has persisted
2. Orientation to the Ultimate Reality – we recognize that views about the divine – its nature,
presence, and character – may vary across religious traditions. Thus, we also understand that
there are complex theological nuances that statements such as “We all believe in the same God”
or “All religions lead to the same God” become too simplistic and naïve. Nevertheless, we make
the case that religions demonstrate at the very least the inclination of many individuals and
cultures to seek and experience the Ultimate Reality.
Activity 1
Activity 2
Module 4
Objectives:
People have different attitudes toward religion and so their outlook concerning its
dynamic state will equally vary. The religious elderly in your family, for example, might be
worried that young people do not share the same level of commitment they have towards certain
traditions or practices. Others might not even be bothered. In this light, this worktext ends with
the chapter dedicated to the prospects of religion in the future. Specifically, it gives attention to
the social scientific explanations concerning contemporary religious change. Among others, it
presents the theory of secularizations that, broadly construed, and argues that religion will fade
away as a society modernizes.
Lesson Proper
Rightly or wrongly, the question “is religion dying?” readily unravels the tensions in the
public sphere. No wonder those who wish to address it objectively have to carefully explain
themselves. Herein lies the main controversy or “discontent” concerning the supposed dying
state of religion. Sentiments toward religion are surfaced by the question.
Without doubt the question is important-and controversial-to the public. It is, too, to
students of religion who have engaged the question from various angles and disciplines. The idea
that this question underpins is secularization, a theory which broadly argues that religion is
expected to fade away from social significance as societies undergo modernization. From this
perspective, religion, in other words, is dying a natural death.
Secularization Theory
Secularization or the idea that religion is bound to die as a society modernizes can be
traced back to the Enlightenment thinkers in the 18 th and 19th centuries. In different ways, they
believed that religion’s transcendental character was fast becoming irrelevant and even untenable
in view of the positivist or evidence-based logic of science.
The founders of sociology made similar observations around the same time. We can
discern from their writings that what they generally observed is the wakening significance of
religion to social institutions and the life of individuals. It is his association between processes of
modernization and secularization that has served as a master narrative in the sociology of
religion.
Early Sociologist
Although they were observing the same phenomenon, their attitudes toward religious
declined were varied. As a discipline of Enlightenment, sociology could be expected to actively
entertain the removal of religion.
Levels of Secularization
Secularization as a theory that predicts the death of religion has become untenable for
many observers. Broadly, there are two possible explanations. For one, discussions on
secularization have been generally confine to the West and among Western observers. In this
case, the question “is religion dying?” may, in fact, be of interest primarily to these scholars. One
case after another from the US and Europe is employed to support and refute conventional
secularization thesis.
Sacralization – a concept that has cropped up a few times above, turns secularization on its head
by arguing that religion is, in fact, experiencing, more than anything, resurgence in modern
times. As a trend, can be more interesting in how its varied processes encourage religious
upsurge.
Activity 1
1. Is religion dying?
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2. What does it mean for the world to have no religion, heaven or hell?
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Reference:
Jayeel Serrano Cornelio, PhD. et. all., 2016, “Introduction to World Religions and Belief Systems”, Rex Book Store,
Inc., Manila, pp 162-224.