Nyabingi Movement: People’s

Anti-colonial Struggles in Kigezi

1910-1930

Murindwa Rutanga

Working Paper No.18/1991

ISBN 9970-516-97-3
2 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Kigezi 1991
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Table of Contents

Section One …………………………………………………………….. 1

Introduction……………………………………………………………… 1
Theoretical Perspective…………………………………………………. 2
Changing Roles of Religion…………………………………………….. 4
A Word on Research Methodology……………………………………. 11

Section Two

Pre-colonial Kigezi ……………………………………………………. 13

Forms and Ownership & Production………………………………… 13
Mode of Politics………………………………………………………… 17
Religion………………………………………………………………….. 19
The Material Base for Nyabingi's Rise……………………………….. 23
Events that Precipitated Nyabingi Movement……………………… 31
Developments in Nyabingi Movement……………………………… 33

Section Three…………………………………………………………… 38

Colonial Invasion and the Creation of Kigezi………………………. 38

Establishment of British Colonial Rule ……………………………… 41
Background to Military Option ………………………………………. 45

Section Four ……………………………………………………………. 47

Peasant Resistance to Colonialism…………………………………… 47

Course of Nyabingi Movement up to world War I…………………. 49
Batwa Resistance……………………………………………………….. 52
Nyabingi Movement with the 1914 War ……………………………. 55
Resistance Under Ndochibiri…………………………………………. 62
The Tragedy that Befell the Movement……………………………… 68
Developments Consequent to these Deaths…………………………. 74
Colonial Methods to Defeat This Movement……………………….. 76
Intensification of Witch-hunt for Nyabingi-ites…………………….. 80

Section Five ………………………………………………………… 85

The Role of Women in Anti-colonial Struggles……………………. 85

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Inauguration of Nyabingi Movement by Muhumuza……………. 86

Women in Leadership Post Muhumuza …………………………… 95
Kaigirirwa's Contributions in the Movement……………………… 98
Colonial Reactions to Nyakishenyi Resistance ……………………. 101
Transformation of Peasant Resistance Under Kaigirirwa
into a Guerrilla Force ………………………………………………… 105

Section Six……………………………………………………………… 109

New Methods of Struggle and The Demise of Nyabingi

Movement……………………………………………………………… 109
Some Colonial Reforms in Response to Nyabingi
Movement ……………………………………………………………… 115
Promotion of Missionary Work For Ideological
Purposes………………………………………………………………… 121
Reforms to Control Mission Activities Among Peasants ………….. 122

Section Seven………………………………………………………….. 130

Contributions and Limitations of Nyabingi Movement…………… 130

Section Eight

Conclusion ……………………………………………………………… 142

Bibliography ……………………………………………………………. 145
Abbreviations…………………………………………………………… 151
Glossary…………………………………………………………………. 152
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Nyabingi Movement: People's Anti-colonial

Struggles in Kigezi 1910-1930*

Section One

Introduction

Kigezi is in South-Western Uganda, bordering Rwanda and Zaire. It is a

colonial creation of 1911 through the Anglo-German-Belgian Agreement in
which the Kivu-Mulera-Ndorwa region was shared among the three
imperialist powers. It is about 2045 square miles, with a total population of
985,700 people.1 What was Kigezi at present spread over the three districts;
Kabale, Rukungiri and Kisoro.2 Kigezi is a combination of Bakiga, Bahororo,
Banyarwanda, Banyabutumbi, Batwa and Bahunde nationalities.
Pre-colonial Kigezi was still at a low level of production, pre-capitalist,
pre-industrial. It was composed of small agricultural producers, using
rudimentary tools - mainly the hoe and the machete. It was among societies of
large-scale cattle owners in which differentiation was taking place. These were
very scanty and scattered. They lived in the plains of Bufumbira, Rujumbura
and Rukiga. This class formation was still in its nascent stages. They lived side
by side with agricultural peasants. Even smiths were in the process of accu-
mulation. Cattle owners exchanged animal products for grains and labour
from peasants.
The inhabitants of this area produced their own food, implements of
production and weapons for defence and hunting, provided their own shelter,
etc. Some form of specialisation and division of labour had emerged, barter
trade and exchange of gifts characterised the predominant mode of exchange,
while defence was collective.3
At the household level, oppression based on gender and age were
experienced. Men dominated the political, social and economic life of the
household. At the macro level, male elders dominated the political, social and
military affairs of their lineages.

1 Figures from 1991 Census.

2 See Map 1.
3 "Report on the Work of the British Section of the Anglo-German-Belgian Boundary

Commission, 1911," London: Darling & Son Ltd, 1912. This conformed with Alavi, Hamza op.
cit.

* The views expressed in this paper are those of the researcher.

2 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

The state did not develop organically in the whole area but was imposed
from above by Colonialism. In some areas, state formation was still in infancy.
These included Kinkizi, Kayonza and Bufumbira. It was in Mpororo where it
was highly developed. The inception of colonialism was through the assis-
tance of local agents as soldiers and chiefs. It introduced forced demands,
expropriated people's lands and usurped their independence. All these were
bitterly opposed by the peasants. This gave rise to various armed struggles
mainly under Nyabingi Movement. The colonial state applied maximum force
to suppress them while the missionaries gradually came to play a significant
part on the ideological front. This study focuses on how Nyabingi Movement
organised in tension, the material conditions that facilitated religion to
provide leadership, its programme, the course of this movement and the
various tendencies within these struggles. It also focuses on the strength and
limitations of this movement, the factors that led to the defeat, etc. Among
other things, it focuses on what new consciousness emerged through these
struggles, the social-economic and political consequences of these defeats on
both parties.

Theoretical Perspective

Various people, scholarships and policy makers have addressed social

movements the world over at different times, come up with different facts and
have formulated different solutions to it. For us to understand it, it is
imperative to analyse the various contributions of these works and see which
of them can offer us a suitable and sufficient framework within which to
conceptualise this study. The basis of this study is that this area was invaded
and conquered militarily, and that peasants resisted in various ways against
this force of occupation and against its various demands, impositions and
atrocities committed by colonial personnel. Colonialism was forced to reform
its system due to peasants' resistance. It created a broader social base etc. This
study holds that it is impossible to attribute social and political issues to the
irrational category of "distortions", peasants' ignorance, mistakes and obsti-
nacy. See Purseglove (1950).
Are peasants, both as participants and as a class, static and therefore
obstacles to development, i.e. are they their own enemies or there are more
fundamental social-economic issues? Who has the right to define their
priorities and development? Can democracy be foregone for modernisation
and should popular struggles be branded "tribalistic", "ethnic", "sectarian",
etc? Or conversely, is every "tribal" and "ethnic" struggle necessarily
"sectarian" and "anti-people"?
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Nyabingi Struggles Against Colonialism.

Various studies have addressed these struggles in different areas and

classes at different times. For purposes of our study, we shall begin with a
review of works on colonial invasion and peasant movement, deal with works
on religion and millenarianism, and then works on people's struggles against
the agrarian crisis.
A set of literature gives a historical account of colonial invasion and some
description of people's reactions. This literature gives an insight on how these
peasants were not objects of history but bitterly resisted it. It also shows forms
of these struggles, the forms of colonial repression and terror to crush them
and threaten others from resisting. Among these are Sebalijja (1911), Brazier
(1968), Ngorogoza (1968) et al.
However, it leaves out vital issues about the causes, objectives and
leadership of these struggles. Another limitation is the effort to project the
inevitable good mission of colonialism and its bounden duty to crush resis-
tances so as to accomplish its mission. As such, they confine their study to the
official position of the colonial state, justify its action and glorify both its ac-
tions and the role of collaborators. This arises mainly from positions many of
them occupied in the colonial set-up. Being actively involved in its service,
they could not see what was on the side of the people, the character of
colonialism, its motives and dynamics, the forces it represented, how it opera-
ted, and the reasons underlying these struggles. Most of these studies were
carried out in the seeking ways of how to suppress and defeat them and to de-
moralise peasants. The first type presents peasants and their resistances to
colonialism as the problem and colonialism as the solution. Consequently,
they fail to trace the origins of the crisis and to put Nyabingi movement in its
proper context. Yet, it is vital to put these peasant struggles in their proper
historical context.
Focusing on religions alone in the whole region, one Father de Lacger
brings out vital information about religions in this region in pre-colonial times
and the position of Nyabingi among them and in society. The limitation of this
approach arises mainly from trying to fit all religions within the European
religious framework. This assumes that all religions must develop within a
pre-designed fixed, linear pattern. As a result there arises distortions in such
trials to reconstruct the historical origins of Nyabingi. This is a major limita-
tion to works which are inspired by Philipps Report.4

4 Op. cit. Also see Bamunoba, Y.K. & Welbourne, F.B. "Emandwa Initiation in Ankole"; Uganda
4 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

This literature is silent about the motives that underlay colonialism, its
role, dynamics, how it operated and the factors underlying the struggles
under Nyabingi. Des Forges (1986), in dealing with peasant resistance under
Muhumuza shows its complex composition, aims, leadership, and origin of
support. He shows how they attacked both local and foreign oppressors and
Muhumuza's major failure to unite all the people against British troops. His
argument that Muhumuza's forces defeated British troops twice because the
latter withdrew voluntarily is value-loaded. Inspired by Sebalijja's work, it
denies peasants their military victory. Neither is his assessment correct that
some people preferred to stay under British protection, a force which was just
being imposed from outside for the first time, a view also propounded by
Sebalijja et al. His view that Nyabingi resistance was short-lived is also a dis-
tortion of social and historical reality. These are issues that Campbell (1987)
addresses. His work is a major step forward in studying the links between
Rasta Resistance and Nyabingi Resistance. It brings out the material
conditions that gave rise to Rasta movement, its aims, objectives,
achievements and limitations. It is this work that tries to put Nyabingi
movement in its historical context.
However, it falls in the same problem of generalising that Nyabingi
movement was a continuous movement under Muhumuza. Attributing all pe-
asant resistances in Kigezi to Muhumuza's leadership obscures the various
peasant struggles that ensued in various areas of the region at different times
under different leadership with varied aims, objects, tactics and strategies. It is
this problem that has to be addressed.

Changing Roles of Religion

Religion must be studied concretely in each social setting. There can never
be universal generalisations on religion. Functions of religions are different in
different social settings, depending on the concrete, historical, social, political
economic realities. Serious scholarships must therefore analyse historically the
factors that gave rise to a particular religion in a particular setting, its
dynamics, the series of changes it has undergone, how it addresses social
demands, which social forces it serves, its strengths and weaknesses, its
handicaps and hindrances to society, etc.

Many works deal with religion and its relation to people's social, political
and economic lives, the material conditions that give rise to it and its historical

Journal 29,1, 1965. pp. 13-25.

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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

roles. Colin Turnbull (1972) in his studies on Ugandan societies reveals how
the nomadic pattern of hunters and gatherers affords the hunters a much
greater sense of security than others like peasants. His studies show that while
the peasant may lose a year's inputs overnight without any replacement, the
hunter and gatherer is capable of replacing what is destroyed the following
day. He shows this as partly the explanation of the rise and dominance of
religion among peasant societies unlike among the hunters; "there tends to be
little fear of supernatural malevolence among hunters, they live an open life,
untroubled by the various neuroses that accompany progress." Their mode of
existence is contrary to the peasants' mode of existence; the latter tend to be
fixed in the soil like their crops.
In concentrating on religion in developed capitalist societies, some of
these works emphasise its ideological nature in class societies best exemplified
by Marx, Engels and Lenin (1972). The positive roles in the social-political,
economic and cultural aspects of the people is either left out or given
secondary importance. These are issues that Amrita Chchachchi, (1989), Guha
(1983) and Panikkar (1976) try to address.
Not only does the latter group bring out the central role played by religion
in various societies but they also demonstrate how religious movements are
not necessarily conservative. Amrita shows the material basis of religious
fundamentalism and its ideological functions, its relationship with state
ideology and women subordination in a historical context and its implications.
Raising the issue of exploitation and discrimination based on gender division,
she shows that "Women are neither acknowledged nor allowed to be
producers of theology, although they are the main practitioners of religion
hence the producers of culture and tradition."
In addition to religious fundamentalism, much literature delves into the
question of messianism and millenarianism; the material conditions that give
rise to them, their roles and limitations. Karen (1985) discovered that millennia
movements provide a new revolutionary consciousness through a vision of
the overthrow of civic authority, renewed self-respect and Pan-African
content; offer new organisation not based on kinship, ethnic loyalties or
customary political leadership, and promote mass expectation of
independence. See Hill C. (1981,1986) Van Young (1986) Caplan L. (1987).
These studies show that one of the limitations of messianism and mil-
lenarianism was emphasis on external saviours and expectation of miracles.
They ignored action by the affected to liberate themselves. As an instance,
WatchTower Movement leadership preached that external saviours would
come from America. Contrary to this inaction, the Nyabingi Movement lead-
ership mobilised people and armed them politically, ideologically and milita-
6 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

rily to resist colonialism. Adas brings out the basis of militancy of millenarian
protests against colonialism in five different regions; the social origins of the
prophets, their capacity in mass mobilisation and struggles and the reasons
underlying their defeats. Its main limitation is that it is silent on the role of
women, children and other minorities in these struggles. Yet, as these
minorities were part and parcel of these social movements, they cannot be
ignored in their history.
David Lan underscores the role of women in these anti-colonial struggles,
the role of a female spirit medium, Charwe, who, like many Nyabingi
Abagirwa led the 1896 rebellion against colonialism. Like all Nyabingi
Abagirwa, she was one of the last to be captured after the rebellion had failed.
She maintained her defiance to the new invaders even as she was being
hanged. Like Muhumuza, after her deportation till her death, Charwe left
behind a promise that her bones would rise to win back freedom from the
Europeans. This is a situation most parallel to this study. See Lan, David
(1985). It is these studies that show the charismatic character of these leaders.
This was characteristic of Nyabingi Abagirwa.
Various works have come up with important findings on various social
movements all over the world and the role of different social groups, gender,
age, etc. Taking Mau Mau as a case in point, many works deal with its origins
and development, the various social groups that participated in it at various
levels and their reasons. Some delve into the historical origins of this struggle
and its content, how it grew, its leadership, and the role of the colonial state in
trying to suppress it. They delve into the role of cultural bondings in the Mau
Mau and their contributions to unity, solidarity, devotion, courage and
determination among the masses. They contextualise oathing and other rituals
of secrecy in a dictatorial situation, and how they are characteristic of rural
protest in general, and how such practices have a longer history than these
protests. Furedi explains the impossibility of compartmentalising and
isolating social movements from previous trends. See Karogo, Tabitha (1987),
Gakaara (1987), Throup (1988), Furedi F. (1989). Throup's main limitation
arises from his focusing on the policy implementers alone so as to understand
the economic, social origins of Mau Mau. In so doing, he attributes its causes
mainly to Mitchell and his liberal bias, which led the frustrated educated
young politicians to begin the war.
The causes of a social movement cannot be understood simply through a
behavioural approach. Social movements cannot be understood by attributing
the causes to be continued anxiety among Africans, which led to "the highest
degree of unconstraint and violence, a common experience in psychiatric
practice in Africa"; nor should social movements' membership be seen to be
made up of "unstable, emotional, aggressive people who are a constant me-
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

nace to society due to lack of medical facilities". It is important to go beyond

the narrow view of Carothers that social movements in Africa were caused by
African modes of thinking and by egotists for their personal ends "political or
often purely mercenary". See Carothers (1954).
It therefore becomes imperative to use a dialectical and historical
materialist approach. It is this approach that Hobsbawn uses to probe into the
question of social banditry in different continents, its historical origins, causes
and course, strengths and weaknesses.5 In studying the conditions that give
rise to millenarianism and protest, and the conditions that will sustain them
and make them grow, he discovers that there is no purely religious
movement. Like Fanon, he underscores the role of peasants in these wars. He
discovers the role of banditry in societal transformation, distinguishes
between various forms of violence, its roles, the limitations of spontaneous
peasant revolts and exposes liberal culture which preaches submission and
inaction to the oppressed, exploited masses.
It is important to understand the various contending social forces, their
objectives, achievements etc. It is impossible to isolate these forces or study
them singularly as if they were fighting in isolation, with individual, isolated
achievements. It is vital to understand each of them and then analyse a sum-
total of their combined efforts and limitations. It is in this line that Hobsbawn
brings out the relationship between millenarianism, social banditry and mod-
ern guerrillas. He shows possibilities of transformation of bandits into
revolutionaries - those truly great apocalyptic moments - and the conditions
that lead to it. He explains why and how banditry cannot constitute a social
movement although it may be a surrogate for it or even its substitute.
One certainly needs to go beyond the above review to show clearly the
various social groups that were involved in these social contests. The focus
must go beyond the leadership. The membership cannot be relegated to
secondary roles in the background. In Hobsbawn's case, this limits his works
from showing if these social bandits organised peasants into struggles, how
they did it, if any at all. The question that arises then, if these bandits
remained alienated from society as saviours - robbing and looting from the
rich for the poor; for how long could such a practice be carried out. A study
that stops here has the potential of presenting peasants as objects of history. It
presents them as desperate, and deprives them of initiative. It negates the
dialectical development process of societies. History shows that bandits do not

5 Hobsbawn, E.J. (1959),Primitive Rebels; New York: Norton Library.Hobsbawn,E.J.(1969),

Social Bandits; Harmondsworth: Penguin. Hobsbawn, E.J. Revolutionaries, London: Quartet
Books Ltd.
8 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

always steal for the poor.

A committed study of social movements must go beyond idolising
primitive accumulators like bank robbers and paralleling them with Robin
Hood. Such romanticisation has the potential of obscuring or falsifying facts
about social reality. It is vital to understand the roles played by various
individuals, groups, and other sections of society in these social movements.
Any serious study of social reality must come to grips with concrete situation.
This then demands contextualising the women, youths and other minorities in
the whole social movement. What we witness is marginalisation of the various
contributors, support and direct participation of these social groups. This has
the effect of isolating individuals from the whole movement and creating
heroes of these individuals. Attributing social struggles to individuals in the
leadership leads to mythologization. It needs to distance the study from
gender trappings. Each situation must be studied in its own context. Without
such safeguards, we shall end up like Hobsbawn viewing men as the main
supporters of peasant families. This approach divorces women, youth and
children theoretically from production in peasant societies. Yet, this is
contrary to existing reality.
In a bid to halt or pre-empt these social movements in Africa, Huntington
became aware of the various social forces in African societies. That is why he
underscores the role of authority and control to avoid political decay which
might lead to instability and violence.6 His modernisation package of
increased foreign investments, AID, creation of local allies inter alia is aimed
at the whole populace. The "solution" goes beyond technical and reactionary
solutions for modernisation. It is important to advance beyond this, not to
control social reality but to identify correctly both the motive force and the
moving force in social movements. It is vital to understand which individuals,
groups or sections of society had the capacity and willingness to lead such a
movement, their motives, achievements and weaknesses. It is in this light that
a committed study must address the various social classes in these
movements.
It would be misleading to consider these social classes as geographical, or
to dismiss them as non-existent in pre-colonial Africa. Proponents of this view
like Nsibambi dismiss class struggles as merely ideological conflicts.7
Nyerere, on the other hand, argues that the agrarian question in Africa begins

6 Huntington, Samuel P. (1968) Political Order In Changing Societies. New Haven: Yale
University Press.
7 Nsibambi,(1987) "Conflict and the Land Question in Uganda" in Conference on "Conflict"

under MISR, 21-25 Sep. 1987. He argues that it is being created by individual "oral docu-
mentary radicals" through public lectures and writing in Newspapers exaggerating the plight
of peasants."
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

only with colonialism. Presenting Africa as classless implies continental

homogeneity. This implies a uniform linear type of backwardness; a continent
without dynamism. This view implicitly condones colonial invasion to
unleash the forces of production and put the continent on the capitalist road.
This approach raises a variety of conceptual and practical problems. Silence or
trying to refute existence of social classes in Africa and their relevance to the
agrarian question cannot help us to come to grips with reality. It has the effect
of obscuring facts on power relations in understanding social phenomena, the
forms of exploitation and oppression and social movements in understanding
this agrarian question historically.
The blanket generalisation of continental classlessness masks people's
resistance to various forces from within and from without. This view presents
them as fragmented individuals, at the mercy of nature, struggling for
survival against nature, animals and fellow people. This renders these people
in Hobbesian state of war against all these forces. Thus, without external
saviours, life remains "nasty, brutish and short". See Roscoe (1922). In such a
painted situation of "survival for the fittest", peoples are assumed to be guided
by instinct, devoid of consciousness. Whatever relationship that develops is
founded on the instinct of survival.
It is the subaltern studies that departs from this approach as it focuses on
peasant struggles against colonialism in India. In showing peasant
consciousness, they show peasants not as victims of history but as its
principals, with a capacity to resist and change events etc. See Guha, R. (1983)8
However, this school fails to delineate the various contributions by various
social groups, gender, caste, ages etc. as it divides Indian societies into "elites"
as collaborators and "subaltern" as resisters. This classification leads to as-
sumptions of homogeneity of the peasantry in pre-colonial and colonial
periods. This has the potential of obscuring the dynamics within societies, the
impact of colonialism, and how it shaped the colonised to serve British
interests. It is important to understand the form of transformation these
societies have undergone, how they were transformed to serve capitalist
interests and understand the rise of new social relations, etc.
While it is important to note that different historical and social conditions
lead to different social responses, it is also important to understand the class
character of each social movement. While pre-colonial peasants responded
militarily to colonial invasion, it should be noted that they were not the most
marginalised individuals that led these resistances. In other words, it is not the
level of deprivation that determines the type of revolutionariness. Arguing

8 Guha, Ranajit Ed. Subaltern Studies; New Delhi: University Press. Vol. I-VI.
10 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

that "subaltern consciousness is inherently revolutionary" has the weakness of

according supremacy to ideas over matter. While there is no general rule or
formula on factors leading to revolutionariness or resistance, historical facts
show that the most deprived, most exploited and oppressed often fail to
conceptualise correctly their situation and then translate it into struggle.
In no way is this an elitist view. However, it shows the objective
limitations confronted in any social struggle and the need for broad alliances
and unity between various social groups. Neither does this relegate peasants
to secondary roles, nor does it render then into inaction. What is evident is
that peasants do not have an independent perspective of development beyond
what is existing within their setting. Neither is their outlook broadly informed
due to lack of contact with the world beyond their small societies due to lack
of travel, massive illiteracy etc. It is in this regard that they are rooted in the
soil on their separate plots like their crops.
In studying peasants and their response to social and historical conditions,
it is vital to consider what type of class(es) exist in this setting. In a developed,
capitalist society, the peasants operate as a class within the ideological
framework of its leadership - the bourgeoisie or the working class. It lacks an
outlook that can help them to draw up a programme for leading other classes.
However, we see peasants in pre-capitalist societies responding militarily to
colonial invasion. They went beyond being sacks of potatoes, took initiative
and resisted relentlessly. However, what is clear is that their narrow outlook
limited their struggles. See Marx, K. (1973), Mamdani M. (1986) and Adas M.
(1979). It is in this context that the role of outsiders has been found vital. These
became instrumental in organisation - ideological, political and military - in
these struggles.
In military contests against a better armed, better organised superior force,
it requires a peasant leadership that goes beyond commitments and
willingness. This requires ability to lead, organise, plan, as well as a good
knowledge of the enemy and his weaknesses. This requires wide experience
beyond fellow peasants to lead them into advanced, sustained struggles for
years. Lack of this leads to spontaneous uprisings which lead to massacres
and repression. It is thus vital to understand concretely each of these social
struggles, their character, the material conditions that facilitated various
leaderships to come up, the origin and type of leadership, its ideological
content etc.
While Marx' dictum is correct that violence is the mid-wife of any old
society pregnant with a new one, it is vital to study the type of violence in any
social contest, its character; if its objective are popular, criminal or counter-
revolutionary. It is not enough to understand social movements by looking at
the forms of struggle. Violence is not synonymous with revolutionariness.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Similarly, no individual or section of society has monopoly of violence.

Neither is violence endemic in any society. Historical evidence shows it as
situational, in application to specific aims and conditions. It is vital to study
the various methods of struggle. Not all situations demand the same tactics
and strategies.
It is vital to understand that colonial invasion, oppression and exploitation
called for new forms of peasants consciousness and responses other than those
in use prior to the colonial epoch. New social, economic conditions always call
for new consciousness and responses. This then calls for going beyond the
subaltern school's view of continuity of subaltern consciousness from pre-
colonial to colonial era. There is need to understand the obtaining reality and
understand what is to be done, the role of the masses etc. See Cabral A. (1969),
Campbell H. (1987), Wamba-dia-Wamba (1986) Mamdani, Thandika and
Wamba (1988). It is only through a broad understanding of the motives of
colonialism, the class character, the mode of penetration, the various peasant
resistances and how they influenced the colonial policies and the practice; and
the consequent developments that one is able to come to grips with concrete
reality.

A Word on Research Methodology

This study began with a library-based research. It analysed the existing

files and works at Makerere and MISR on this study. This was followed by
Archival research both at National Archives, Entebbe and then District
Archives at Kabale. This availed the study rich historical documents for
analysis. After that, there followed research in Government Department at the
District level. We studied the available documents, discussed with the
relevant officials and people matters related to this study. These officials
facilitated this study very greatly. It was at this stage that we designed a
questionnaire.
This was followed by field research. In sampling, we followed the same
methodology spelled out in our research proposal. We came out with Rukiga,
Kinkizi, Ndorwa and Rubanda. From these counties, we selected
Nyarushanje, Rugyeyo, Rubaya, Muko, Bukinda, Bubare and Kaharo. From
these, we selected R.C. ones out of which we selected 200 respondents. This
formed our sample population.
It was after that that interviews were conducted. Interviews were
conducted basing on the designed questionnaire. We conducted the
interviews. However, some of our respondents preferred to fill the
questionnaire themselves. After this field research, we carried out informal
12 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

interviews with other people. These were very responsive and assisted this
study in cross checking some inaccuracies.
This study used a historical and dialectical materialist approach. This
study was confronted by a series of problems. Some arose from land struggles
in the sampled areas, which led peasant to suspect the research and its
motives. There was a problem of time, broken appointments and loss of
questionnaires due to death of one of our respondents. Absence of written
material by the resisters forced us to rely heavily on our respondents and on
archival material. It was through this field study that we discovered that there
were some peasants who lived dual-religious lives. These worshipped pre-
colonial religions in secrecy, concurrently with Christianity or Islam, had
European or Arab names to show their newly religious affiliation.
This study first deals with the pre-colonial period. It examines the role of
Nyabingi, its social, economic and political functions in this area and the
factors that led to its growth at the expense of other religions. It then focuses
on colonial invasion and peasant responses 1911 - 1930. This is when Nyabingi
religion takes up the leadership role to peasant resistance against colonialism.
It then examines some of the factors that precipitated this. It then examines
colonial methods to defeat it and the decline of these peasant struggles and
ends with a few conclusions.
13

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Section Two

Pre-colonial Kigezi

It is imperative to begin by reviewing briefly the pre-colonial political

economy of this area. This section deals briefly with the period before
colonialism. This will facilitate this study to understand how this area was
developing prior to colonialism, whether the agrarian crisis existed and
peasants' solutions to it if it existed. It will give us a basis to study reasons that
underlay peasants' defeat by colonialism, whether colonialism was a necessary
evil, the new social formations that arose from this new encounter and the
consequences.
This area was inhabited by different peoples, with varying modes of
production, cultures, etc. While the plain lands like Kamwezi, Rujumbura and
Bufumbira were inhabited by pastoralists and peasant agriculturalists, parts of
the Southern parts of Lake Bunyonyi and the surrounding forests were
inhabited by Batwa, a roving nationality. This nationality had no fixed homes.
Their mode of existence was predominantly hunting, looting and pillaging.
The rest of the region was inhabited by settled peasants, who practised mixed
farming.
Their production was mainly for use-values at household level. Their
main tool was the hoe. Nearly every household had its own tools of
production and livestock. The latter were kept for clothing, bride-price,
exchange and livestock products for home use and exchange. It is no wonder
therefore that in anticipation of peasants' resistance, Reid's strategy was `To
seize all cattle and stock as the natives are loathe to part with their cattle and
to requisition them would be to alienate the natives'.
Despite their self-sufficiency, they were still at a low level of mastering
their environment. Communication was mainly by land and water. Walking
and human porterage was the mode of transportation on land while
swimming and canoe were the mode on lakes and rivers.

Forms of Ownership and Production

Property ownership was basically at household level. Cap Philipps

described it as

the system by which each valley or hill is occupied solely by a solid block of
people consisting each of a different clan.... They do not admit or understand
the private ownership of land, which is held by the tribe sub-divided into the
14 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

clan, for the benefit of the family or community. They consider land, as the
birds, the water, and the air, to be the attributes of mother Earth to provide a
sufficiency for the direct maintenance of all.9

Purseglove noted that a man owned as much land as he could cultivate

and defend with the assistance of his clansmen. They applied shifting
cultivation with a usufruct of as much land as the household could cultivate in
a season, together with the fallow land that they had cultivated in the past.10
This type of agriculture prevented soil exhaustion and degradation, soil
erosion, invasion of pests and vermins; it maintained soil fertility, and balanc-
ed the ecosystem. As it did not encourage environmental destruction, it
ensured continuity for the peasants' economic, military and social needs.
While men had control over this land, production decisions in agriculture
were made mainly by women. The same applied to matters related to feeding
plans. Individuals and households owned their own property namely shelter,
livestock, utensils, clothing and ornaments, beehives, instruments of
production, weapons, canoes and troughs etc. However, Nyineka was the over-
all controller. When he died, his property would be divided among his family.
This was known as okubagana (inheriting). The eldest son would take over the
economic, political and social responsibilities of the deceased. This gave him
chance to get the greatest share of the property.
The Omuryango had external control over land of families at lineage level.
At a higher level, the Ruganda had external control at a broader level. Both
came in times of conflict arising from violation of established property rights,
or from external threats `inter alia'.11
Production was based on various factors like nature of the job, the skills,
the specialisation involved, and division of labour based on age, gender,
location etc. The 1911 Commission noted that most cultivation was done by
women and children.12 In Kigezi, polygamy was a common practice. This was
because women were desired for economic reasons. They were required for
production of wealth and reproduction of children. This is the basis of women
being referred to as abazaana or abairukazi literary meaning women-slaves.
Polygamy was greatly practised. This was because of demand for labour for
household production, defence and expansion of oruganda. As such, there was
no limit to the number of wives as long as a man could pay bride price. This
could have been got from the bridewealth of sisters, daughters, exchange or

9 op. cit.
10 op. cit. Also refer to File District Book, Department of Agriculture, Kabale District
Administration.
11 Refer to epics on Ruyooka Rwa Maganya and Kakwaya Ka Mishereko..
12 op. cit.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

from friends `inter alia'. Boys could marry at a later age than girls, many being
restrained by lack of bride price and delays in biological development to reach
maturity. At the same time, custom demanded that men had to take over the
wives of their dead brothers or the young wives of their late fathers etc. All
these reinforced polygamy in the area. An alternative solution was for the
young men to go and work for men who had daughters. Payment for their
labour would be in form of brides. This process was known as okutendera.
The saying goes that women belonged to no Ruganda. This arose from the
fact that women did not belong to the lineage in which they were born. Before
marriage, they belonged to the father's lineage. They were important in
providing labour. Though unmarried women did not have rights to land, they
enjoyed the proceeds from it. However, the role of distribution of these
proceeds lay mainly with the wives. In a situation of death of the mother, or
divorce, then, her children would retain the property attached to the
household - in case they were old. The elder daughters would take over the
mother's duties in production, utilisation and distribution. Women did not
own land. Land belonged to the Ruganda, under direct control of Nyineka.
However, its products belonged to the household which worked it. The same
applied to livestock.
Exploitation based on age was prevalent. Children were initiated and
integrated into production at a very early age. They were instrumental in food
production and preparation. They fetched firewood and water, scared away
birds from grains, grazed and shepherded livestock, and looked after the
young ones and ran errands. Drawing from this exploitation of child labour,
they developed a saying that the child is for the Ruganda.
Mothers trained their daughters in activities that were prescribed for wo-
men. These included food production and preparation, processing milk
products, making utensils `inter alia'. Boys were integrated into roles perfor-
med by men like bush-clearing, construction, and defence, animal husbandry,
tool and weapon-making, and home control.
Seen broadly, females were initiated into roles of direct food production,
and minor roles in animal husbandry like processing of animal products, clea-
ning the cow sheds. Women's education emphasized subordination,
faithfulness, polygamous life, managing hardships etc. On the other hand,
male initiation was into actual ownership and management. While the main
tool of production - the hoe was in the hands of women and children, land
and instruments of defence, coercion, suppression and enforcement of dis-
cipline like the machete, the spear, the stick, the bow and the arrow were in
men's hands. This was with the exception of the Batwa nationality where
every grown up member of society had to have his/her instruments of
16 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

production and defence.

The exploitative relations that characterised this formation revolved
around nyineka. Oppressed minorities included women, children, apprentices
and dependants.13 Whatever payment that existed was in kind, in form of
food, clothing, livestock, accommodation, protection etc. It should not be
misconstrued that men did not participate in the production process. They
did, both in cultivation, bush-clearing, building and scaring away animals, etc.
These were non-repetitive, non-continuous activities, which afforded them
leisure and time to think out ideas and plans to control those in production.
Jobs which required skilled labour were also based on gender and age
division. Examples of men's jobs included smithing, the main industry,
carpentry, leather tanning and cloth-making. Acquiring such skills required a
long period of apprenticeship, dedication and care. Other vital jobs included
medicine and midwifery, prophesying, religious leadership and rain-making.
It was this group which extracted surplus from peasants for their services or
as sacrifices or tributes.
In spite of their main role in production of wealth, women and children
were prohibited from eating certain delicacies. These included kidney, the
heart, the sternum, the tongue etc of animals. Men created and surrounded
myths, superstitions and other ideologies around these foods. They also put
heavy penalties around this exploitative practice to bar off the women and
children from challenging these privileges. Men invoked religions, gods and
spirits to which they were the mediums to check members of their families'
behaviour in all these and punish all contraveners. Likewise, women were
prohibited from eating goat meat or mutton. Meat-cooking and distribution
was by men. Eating meat that was being roasted from a roasting-rod was
prohibited. A woman caught eating cooking meat which was being roasted
would be fined a live goat. If an animal died during nyineka's absence, they
preserved the meat until his return. nyineka's meals were sacred. We find that
women, who actually played a leading role in production of wealth ate dregs
and offals. All these were taught, reemphasized. Sanctions to their violations
were clear.
These practices created and multiplied social injustice and grievances
within families and society. This created a basis for various struggles, both
militant and silent, divorces and separation, poisoning etc. This became a basis
for Nyabingi religion to come in at household level on the side of the

13Desperate people from poor families or without any help would go to big families to work
for food. In other cases, during wars between ENGANDA, women and children would be cap-
tured and taken as slaves and wives while the men and boys would be killed for fear of
revenge. Slaves were known as ABASHUMBA, ABAZAANA or ABAHUUKU.
17

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

oppressed for both their spiritual aspirations and social liberation.

Mode of Politics

Taking politics as the concentrated expression of the contradictions and

relations at the economic level, we find that Nyineka was the main object of the
struggle at household level, in areas where classes had not formed or where
they were in nascent stages. Internal struggles within this social formation
were mainly between husbands and wives, youths and parents, and between
co-wives etc. These struggles revolved around land and movable property
especially livestock. These took place at household level. They appeared in
various ways and were resolved in different ways like fights, abandoning the
wife, etc. Elders would come in to arbitrate.
The main contradiction between daughters and the male revolved around
livestock for dowry. Pre-marital pregnancies or loss of virginity before
marriage would deprive the males of that wealth. Such acts were condemned
vehemently as abominable and punishable by death through throwing her
over cliffs Nyakibengo. Resistance to this was in form of escaping by the
victims before detection and rendering of the offences into slavery of some
wealthy men. Similarly, contradictions between mothers and daughters revol-
ved around this as mothers were expected to train and police the latter. Such
Pre-marital pregnancies also caused contradictions between husbands and
wives. This would lead to fights between husbands and wives, tormenting the
wives or sending then away etc. due to failure to train and police daughters.
At the household level were struggles between wives and mothers-in-law.
In her husband's home, the bride was expected to respect her parents-in-law
and all those that custom accorded such entitlement. She was expected to rear
children, feed her husband, the children and all members in the household,
remain faithful to her husband and loyal to the new lineage, was not expected
to bring witchcraft or magic to hurt people in this lineage etc.
Mothers-in-law had a big say in the management of the households, in the
distribution of resources such as land and livestock to the sons and their
wives. In fact the older a woman grew, the more legitimacy and assertiveness
she gained. Most of them tended to be very oppressive and demanding. As a
sign of respect, daughters-in-law and sons-in-law were outlawed from
pronouncing names of their mothers-in-law. This was known as kusinda. On
their part, mothers-in-law were expected to love their daughters-in-law,
counsel them, provide them with some property to assist and facilitate them in
marriage. To accomplish this required respect and this was enshrined in their
customs. Mothers-in-law were self-appointed overseers and informers on their
daughters-in-law to their sons. They counselled the latter on how to tame their
18 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

wives. Thus, mothers-in-law occupied an oppressive and exploitative position

which was sanctioned by tradition.
There were contradictions between these women and some fathers-in-law
over sexual harassment. Such fathers-in-law would argue that they wanted to
see where their cows went. This contradiction would be resolved in different
ways including fights, divorces, dispute resolution by elders, in naming
children allegoric names etc.
Men created ideologies, myths and proverbs to justify and protect their
exploitative position. They initiated all brides into this relationship from the
first day. A bride was then surrounded by family religions of which Nyineka
was the religious head. Obedience was enforced through invoking gods and
ancestors, known as Okuhindiza. They also ostracised sons for disobedience.
This was known as Okucwa. This denied the victim the right to inherit prop-
erty, or to enjoy anything in the family etc. It was also feared as men
threatened that it would bring miseries, infertility, disasters, and untimely
death etc. Men justified their dictatorship with sayings like the shoulder can
never grow taller than the head; two bulls can never stay in the same kraal;
two heads can never be cooked in the same pot. They also created and told
stories about rebellious characters, and how they met disastrous ends. These
stories were passed on to new generations.
Resolving such antagonistic contradictions involved fights, separation, the
husband rejecting to eat her food and/or to enter her house at all Kuzira. This
required elders to come in and arbitrate. In case it was proved that the woman
was wrong, she was required to appease the husband by preparing special
meals and brewing alcohol etc. for the husband before he returned to her. This
was known as Okuhonga. On the other hand, if they found that it was the
husband who was wrong, he would be asked to return to her. Other methods
of resolving these contradictions included naming derogatory allegoric names,
or enmity and fights between the two lineages of the husband and the wife
etc. Resolutions like divorces and dowry-refunding kuzimura depended on the
nature of the contradiction, judgment and the attitude of the affected parties.
All these formed a fertile ground, which Nyabingi religion exploited to
penetrate and gain popularity in this society.
Matters like justice, defence, celebrations, death, crises, etc, marriage
cases, property, production, divorce, family social justice, murder, revenge,14
individual rights, migration, going in search of food etc. demanded greater
attention than the head of the household. This was for elders of lineages

14 Refer to Epics on Kakwaya Ka Mishereko; Ruyooka Rwa Maganya and the War Songs.
Justice of murder cases included revenging KUHOORA and atoning KUKARABA. Justice extended
to all sections of their existence.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

bakuru b'emiryango. They, like Nyineka, were never elected by all members of
the lineage.15 They met together as a body known as Karuubanda or enteeko to
attend to different disputes from different households within their lineages,
resolve crises, etc. In these councils of elders, even minorities like women,
youths, and children were heard although they could not participate in the
hearing of the cases and in passing judgment. However, old women, women
with skills and reputation like doctors attended. It was through such processes
that they maintained internal cohesion.
Defence was a collective responsibility of all sections of enganda. Their weapons
included spears, bows and arrows, shields, knives and sticks alarms and horns. They
developed complex systems of detecting the enemies and rallying the message
through a system of codes which they varied very often. This was aimed to prevent
their enemies from deciphering them and penetrate their defence system. Colonialism
attributed this system of codes to be the contributions of Nyabingi. The truth is that
these codes were developed long before the rise of Nyabingi religion in the area.
However, these codes were incorporated into Nyabingi movement. In these battles,
they would kill the males, capture women, children and livestock. Women and chil-
dren were converted into wives and slaves. These increased conflicts and disunity
between enganda. Before any military campaign, they consulted Abagirwa and future
tellers abaraguzi. All people spied and participated in defending their Enganda.16 The
1911 Commission Report commented in these peasants' military preparations thus:

All able-bodied men are called upon to fight, and in such a case will wear
charms, consisting small bucks horns, or small pieces of wood, round their necks.
Such charms protect the wearer from death or wounds. Dances take place before
the warriors set out for the scene of action and after their victorious return.
Their arms are two spears, used either for throwing or stabbing, and bows
and arrows. All the male prisoners are killed, and the dead have their hands
and feet cut off; but women, and children who can march, are made
captives... show great courage and do not hesitate to charge home in the face
of rifle fire17

Religion

This area had many religious beliefs. These religions included Emandwa,

15 op. cit. These emerged through personal exploits etc. Songs, stories and oral literature,
Nyakeirima Ka Muzoora's great prophecies on imperialism. Ngorogoza, P. (1969) Kigezi and
its People; Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau.
16 op. cit. During this study, our respondents informed us how women and children would

equip men with stones and in some cases use the stones themselves. They would shield
themselves with winnowing trays entara. In other cases, they would use their husbands' wea-
pons, pestles, etc.
17 op. cit. Also refer to Epics on Ruyooka.
20 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Ryangombe, Mugasya, Kahukeiguru, Kazooba Bitindangyezi, Esiriba and Biheeko

Nyabingi.18 Being at a low level of production, with many peasants subjected
to the mercy of nature, these peasants still attributed most of what they could
not understand and their problems to the supernatural factor. That is why
they had so many religions, mostly at household level. While it looked like an
ideology of liberation and resistance, Nyabingi religion was an ideology of
domination and exploitation by the Abagirwa. They used it to extract surplus
value from peasants, and used it to threaten them. On the other hand, heads of
households, who were the spiritual heads and mediums of the other religions
used them also for dominating those below them. At the same time, those
below them attributed any crises/problem to these religions and it was the
heads of the concerned households to intercede for them. Nyabingi with time
gradually gained dominance over others.
Nyabingi religion depended on coercion, intimidation, curses and threats,
the claim to inflict mysterious diseases and deaths. These were plotted and
executed secretly by the Abagirwa. However, it gained in popularity also
because of its spiritual and temporal ideals. In most social conflicts, it was the
Nyabingi religion which identified with the oppressed peoples, preached
emancipation from oppression and exploitation. It provided a foundation for
solidarity, courage and action against oppressors whenever it was possible.19
It extended to Rwanda, Burundi, Tanganyika, Congo, Mpororo, Nkore, etc.
With the colonialism period, peasants did not sit watching in desperation.
From the time of invasion, peasants resisted. Their resistance took overt and
covert forms. Some were militant, others were passive, some took individual
courses, others communal forms. However, all of them ended in defeat by an
organised, coercive force in alliance with local allies. Nyabingi religion
mobilised peasants into armed resistance for over twenty years. Despite
increased state repression, massacres, imprisonment and deportations,
Nyabingi resistances continued flaring up between 1910 and mid 1930s.
Colonialism accepted that "purely military measures have been proved
useless".
By the time of colonial invasion, Nyabingi was the strongest. There were
two major differences in this environment. The first category was of areas

18 From its doctrine of action, militancy and courage, Nyabingi came to be known as Rutatiina
Mireego - one that can never fear bows and arrows. Its other names included Omukama,
Nyinekyaro meaning ruler. With 1928, it took on another name: Muzeire Kasente - a parent that
accepted money.
19 Refer to Philipps Report of 31 July, 1919. de Lacger, Louis (1959) Premiere Partie Le Rwanda

Ancien; Kadgayi: Imprimatur. Turyahikayo - Rugyema (1974) "A History of Rukiga in South
Western Uganda and Northern Rwanda 1500-1930"; PH.D. Thesis, University of Michigan.
Ngorogoza, P. (1969) Kigezi and its People; Nairobi: East African Literature Bureau.
21

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

which were highly differentiated, with classes living off the surplus labour of
others. These were areas where states had formed or where chiefdoms existed.
These included Rwanda and Bufumbira, Kayonza, Kinkizi and Mpororo. It
became easy in such class societies for the exploited oppressed subjects to
accept Nyabingi religion for their emancipation purposes as it promised. It
should be noted that this class could not accept easily the teachings of
Nyabingi due to the dominant religion of the ruling class and actual fear of
reprisal by the ruling class. To concretise this, Emandwa was the religion of the
ruling class in Rwanda. It is neither by accident that the king was the head of
the Emandwa institution in Rwanda. In areas where states had not formed or
where they were in their embryonic stages, it was the head of the household,
who headed these institutions. As such, Nyabingi's Abagirwa had to use
intimidation, coercion and threats to convince them to accept Nyabingi. What
is clear is that in any social conflicts, Nyabingi religion became a religion of
the oppressed, exploited majority.
In the rest of the region, where classes were in their nascent stage of
formation or where they had not yet come into formation, the Abagirwa of
Nyabingi were still able to identify some of privileged sections, groups and
individuals there and the social grievances and identified with the majority. In
such societies, the dominant lineages and family heads became the main
targets. If the lineage accepted Nyabingi religion, then, new targets of its
struggle would be found among other lineages etc. It is of interest to note that
at one time, the Batwa used Nyabingi religion to raid peasants in these areas.
However, the same peasants gradually adopted the same religion to defend
themselves against the Batwa. Here, Nyabingi had began as an ideology of
domination and then transformed itself into an ideology of resistance. To
understand the acceptance of Nyabingi religion amidst all these competing
religions requires going beyond its intimidating and coercive characteristics,
to looking at the people's social grievances and problems that it addressed.
Without this, it may be hard to understand the core issues, since after all,
peasants had the capacity to resist this religion as they had done where need
be, to others. It is clear that religions have an element of intimidation and
instill fear, and that state religions more often than not, are backed by
coercion.
Nyabingi was presented to its followers as having been created in the
form of woman: a female spirit which lived under the earth but which often
appeared to people, with rapid transformative powers into feminine
personalities. It was assumed that it could transform into different forms of
destitution, for example like that of a desperate, poor old woman, etc. It was
interpreted that Nyabingi would do so to punish whoever mistreated her or
22 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

scorned her or refused to welcome her or denied her food, shelter etc. People
feared that Nyabingi would punish them through diseases, failure for a
woman to get a husband, death etc. It was assumed that she would reward
those who treated it well. The moral lessons from this included discipline and
reforms, enforced humanity, generosity and, humility among the oppressed.
All these feminine imaginations about Nyabingi and its being created in a
feminine form, and the dominance of selecting females into its service leads us
to conclude that it was likely to have been created by the dominated,
oppressed females.
The practical character of Nyabingi religion to people's problems and its
spiritual aspirations increased its acceptance and popularity among the
oppressed sections of society. Despite its intimidation and coercion, more
women came into its service. This was partly because of its Abagirwa's ability
to identify with the oppressed, suffering people. These in turn worked hard to
spread its fame. This arose mainly from women's resistance to male
domination and oppression. Nyabingi had developed though exploiting the
grievances of the oppressed. Its common object of attack were the privileged
groups and individuals. In so-doing, men, women and children were drawn
into its fold. This was for their spiritual beliefs and partly in fear of its powers
and malice. The Abagirwa were responsible for defending it theoretically and
militarily. They promoted it, spread it and recruited new membership to its
fold.
Its increasing dominance must also be traced in the fact that women were
more united through production and polygamous, extended families. They
co-operated in that peasant form of production and at home. As they worked
together, met and chatted, they were able to learn about Nyabingi and its
purported powers, its exploits and commands, and gave free expression of
their desires. Being in direct shaping of children, youths, dependants, women
were able to influence them. It became easier for the Abagirwa to create myths
and ideologies and transmit them quickly through women. As households
had their religions, it made it easy for them to interpret all these demands. The
Abagirwa would command men to build its shrines, feed those in its service,
offer it sacrifices and dedicate to it young daughters for its service. This was
known as okutweija.
The situation was different with other religions like Emandwa. These were
mild and were headed by Nyineka. He interceded for the rest of the
household. Nyineka was the representative of the other religions. The various
contradictions between him and the other members of the family made him
more of a petty tyrant protected by supernatural powers other than the
interceder. Worse still, men tended to exploit such a situation, enforcing
23

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

obedience through religious threats.20 From this religious role, household

heads derived more political powers which reinforced their exploitative and
oppressive practices over the membership. He also derived more powers from
threats of invoking the spirits Okuhindiza or ostracising them kucwa as
punishment to any individual(s) who tended to challenge the status quo or
even those who had dissent views. Thus, in these other religions, the position
of women and other minorities was of subordination.
To side-step men's oppression, the oppressed minorities found refuge in
Nyabingi. The Abagirwa would make it clear how Nyabingi did not approve
of quarrels amongst its membership. Of course, this was another way of
maintaining control over the membership. It was in Nyabingi where the
Abagirwa were mostly their fellow women and daughters. It emphasised mo-
ral discipline, love, generosity etc and gave rewards to good people in form of
children, livestock, etc., The other religions were silent on this material side
while they commanded obedience and subordination from minorities in
society.
As the privileged sections of society like Nyineka, elders and the ruling
classes were the foundation of its expansion, and the object of its struggles,
both its membership and leadership were dominated by minorities like
women, youths etc. However, it should not be forgotten that Abagirwa lived
off the surplus of labour of peasants and enjoyed privileges, and that the so-
called liberation of these sections of society was a basis for the expansion of
these privileges. Put differently, the exploitative section was fighting other
exploiters in the name of peasants.
Furthermore, Nyabingi's demands on Nyineeka undermined men's status
and infallibility at home and in society. This was worsened by women's
positions as Abagirwa, who would be ordering men to carry out Nyabingi's
wishes. In this way, it recruited more women, youth etc. into its membership.

The Material Base for Nyabingi's Rise

When people fell sick, they would attribute such sickness(es) to Nyabingi
or any other spirit. They would consult an Omugirwa, an Omufumu (traditional
doctor) or Abaraguza (future seers) on what was to be done. These would
apply their skills and cunning to guess what the problem was and what
sacrifices were required. This was the basic method through which these
professionals would also appropriate the surplus from the peasants for these
20This invoking of gods and spirits of the dead by old people to punish the big-headed or
insolent was common practice to enforce obedience, exact labour etc. Whoever challenged the
established order or refused to carry out their wishes became the target.
24 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

services. In other words, these did not offer free services. The clients had to
pay something in form of Omukyimbo. The same applied to the rain makers or
rain controllers Abahaniki. The Abagirwa were supposed to intercede for
people in times of crises, and would treat some sicknesses. It should be noted
that their initiation involved learning medicine and treatment of different
diseases, how to expand imagination in case of new, unique crises. In the same
vein, they were taught how to create fears, curse offenders, fight and, lead
people. in defence of Nyabingi institution. People believed that Nyabingi
cured both physiological and psychological diseases and those caused by
supernatural forces.
There were two forms of surplus extraction through tribute in form of
sacrifices to Nyabingi. These were Okuterekyerera and Okutweija. These
included cattle, food, meat and enturiire (beer made of sorghum and honey) or
young daughters. Whoever asked Nyabingi for a favour had to give some
sacrifice or offering. Such requests included children, husband, cattle, good
harvests, or life to the sick. Nyabingi was assumed to be the source of things.
Such pledges included young girls or cows. Those who did not have the
means would make pledges to bring it. People were taught that if Nyabingi
asked for something and the concerned person failed to bring it, then,
Nyabingi would take offence, leading to rejection of the requests and deaths.
In other words, Nyabingi was not necessarily for the very poor, without the
wherewithal. Its acceptance or rejection of their sacrifices or promises would
be known by the fulfillment or unfulfilment of their requests. Whoever
promised something would have to fulfill the promise. In other words,
requests made to Nyabingi and sacrifices were mainly in material form and
the latter was compulsory. This was the surplus value that maintained the
Abagirwa and their source of wealth. Nyabingi gained its popularity from
the interests it appeared to project and fight for. Its Abagirwa preached
resistance by the down-trodden and articulated their interests. Peasants found
this very acceptable and considered Nyabingi to be fearless. In fact, those in its
service could not abandon the membership in times of hardships. Instead,
new leadership came up when the old one got separated from membership.
Similarly, peasants who believed in Nyabingi consulted Abagirwa for its
consent before going to war. This was the time for those in its service to
exercise their imagination and judge the situation before answering. If
peasants learnt that it had sanctioned the war, then they would go to it
knowing that Nyabingi was leading them. Its followers believed that Nyabingi
would not lead them to war if it did not sanction it. It was assumed that
Nyabingi would punish them if they fought badly and lost the war that it had
sanctioned. This forced them to fight even harder. It preached action, courage
and encouraged struggles against oppression and exploitation. In these
25

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

circumstances, where the enemy was an already established institution,

secrecy was a `sine qua non'. It was because of this that the Abagirwa stressed
the importance of secrecy and revenged on all traitors under the cover of
Nyabingi.
The question arises as to why it was Nyabingi which developed as
people's religion amidst so many religions. In other words, the limitations of
the other religions became a fertile ground for Nyabingi and its strengths. In
the absence of any organised force to protect these people from internal and
external threats, the oppressed found a vent in Nyabingi.
However, new developments led women to the fore in some of these
military ventures. This was greatly achieved with the emergence of
colonialism in this area. People prayed to this Nyabingi religion and dedicated
their lives, relatives and property to its care. Colonial repression and witch-
hunt forced the membership of Nyabingi to become very secretive and
changed the methods and times of worship.
Selection of young females into the ranks of Nyabingi religion was highly
secretive, mysterious and frightening. This process always took place at night.
The sign for the selected girl was a metallic rod or spear which would be
placed in-between the thighs of a chosen girl. From that morning, it would be
clearly known and spread among the peasants how Nyabingi had selected so-
and-so into its service. No one would object or contradict this choice. Peasants
would begin to respect and fear such girls. However, we need to transcend
these idealistic postulations and deceits in order to understand why this
selection was made in the dark, at night, when people were asleep. This was
because the Abagirwa, who carried out these secret missions of selection
wanted to hoodwink the peasants and maintain the myth and sacredness in
the exercise and institution. A breach of this practice would have undermined
the process, the Nyabingi institution and would have forced peasants,
especially men to resist such choices and the legitimacy of the Abagirwa. It
was therefore imperative to have people believe that these were works of
supernatural forces.
Before carrying out that mission, the Omugirwa would first carry out a
secret survey of the house, how the residents slept, their sleeping time and
habits, and the positions of sleeping of different individuals in the house. In
the night of selection of the girl, the Omugirwa would sneak into the house in
the dark, place the rod between the thighs of the girl that would have been
singled out. This metallic rod symbolised her being chosen as Nyabingi's
defender. Of course, this type of secrecy impressed it on the peasants that it
was Nyabingi, which had made the selection. Even those who had some
doubts and reservations about the whole process had to keep quiet so as to
26 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

avoid invoking the wrath of Nyabingi spirit or of its Abagirwa. This had the
effect of imposing more discipline and fear on the peasants. In fact, that was
one of the reasons why all actions in the name of Nyabingi demanded top
secrecy. In this case, the chosen girl would then go into the service of Nyabingi
under senior Abagirwa. The economic implication was that such girls would
no longer engage in material production, nor would they get married in the
traditional way to bring in wealth as livestock in form of bride price. Bride
price was very important in wealth accumulation, livestock products, and in
acquiring wives. In these societies, women felt some pride and enjoyed some
prestige and material benefits if they brought in wealth in form of bride price.
Women were critical in both production of wealth and reproduction.
Okutweija divorced those girls from the honour of women, which was through
marriage and reproduction of children. They could not live a married life that
they might have been dreaming of and rear their own children. Furthermore,
such females could marry by the high priest giving them freely to a man that
Nyabingi wanted to reward. The chosen girl(s) would be initiated into its
secrets and defence. This allowed them the chance to hold instruments of
coercion: the spear, the matchete etc. Nyabingi institution ruled that everyone
in its service had to use these weapons for its defence. While this seemed to
alleviate these females from the direct oppression and exploitation of Nyineka,
they had now come under the direct control of the High priests/priestesses
and the strict discipline of Nyabingi institution. By then, the Abagirwa
believed in Nyabingi, feared it, and had to obey its commands. As such, this
choice deprived them of private life with personal wishes, actions and
programmes.
These expensive economic sacrifices became a source of discontent and
fear among men. However, they could not say anything in fear of Nyabingi's
reprisals. This worsened when the Abagirwa began accumulating wealth in
form of cattle, which they had acquired from them in the name of Nyabingi.
Some men harboured some internal grudges but could not express it because
of fear. The Abagirwa gradually accumulated some wealth in form of
livestock under the cover of Nyabingi. This livestock was got from peasants.
This was another reason why it was essential to initiate all those in the service
of Nyabingi into defence of Nyabingi, themselves and their property.
Abagirwa had therefore to be militant and were always armed.
In a context of continuous armed struggles between Nyabingi followers
against the established order, privileged groups and persons, Nyabingi
religion had to preach more vigorously for the application of instruments of
violence by the oppressed. This was a point of departure from the past where
weapons were the exclusive monopoly of men.
As Nyabingi was against armed established order, its fold had to be
27

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

militant for self-preservation. Its Abagirwa and followers had to be militant

for defence purposes. They also had to broaden its social base among the
population. This became easy as women would meet other women so easily in
the gardens and fields, or as they worked or while going to dig and in the
process they would transmit information about Nyabingi, and talk about her
exploits. Women were also in a better position to pass on the teachings and
influence of Nyabingi to the young, and the dependants. All these made
Nyabingi get rooted into their lives. This explains why there were many
female Abagirwa, who organised, led and sustained these anti-colonial
resistances under Nyabingi for over two and half decades. It also explains
partly why it was impossible to defeat Nyabingi militarily despite superior
arms, technology and skills. In sum-total, Nyabingi religion tried to address
social, political, economic and military issues of the people. Thus, these anti-
colonial struggles were not a continuation of the Hobbesian situation where
"human life has no value amongst them".21 They were a response to a social
crisis and had specific objectives of self-emancipation and preservation.
Nyabingi religion gave resistance ideological guidance, leadership and
strength. The military option under Nyabingi, was the feasible option for them
against the invading armed forces. In this contest, Nyabingi sided with
peasant resisters, who represented popular interests against colonialism which
represented oppressive, exploitative alien interests.
Being a new and dynamic religion, it developed a mechanism of
providing new leadership and theories in times of crises, that led to separation
of leadership from membership. What this shows is that in a desperate
situation, with no organisation or forum, minorities in many cases resort to
any organised platform like religion, which allows them a platform for
articulating their interests. In such circumstances, it gives them a stage for
realising or defending their rights. It gives them some form of promise, hope
and a sense of direction. Religion, at this stage, increases in relating to these
people's material existence. It is only in religion where they find some
solution. However, it should also be understood that in oppressive and
exploitatively harsh conditions, the victims still find some solace in religion. In
this context, religion is at the service of the exploiters and oppressors. It is in
here that one of the functions of religion is to obscure the existing relations
between the various social groups within that social formation.
In Nyabingi's context, there was marked development in the role of
women both in its service and defence, right from the pre-colonial to the
colonial Kigezi. As society underwent changes, there were changes that

21 A.D.C. Sullivan to P.C.W.P. on 30/9/1913. Also see P.C.W.P. to C.S. 10/10/1913.

28 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Nyabingi institution also underwent. We see it developing very fast at the

advent of colonialism. Colonialism at this time gave Nyabingi a broader
platform for mobilisation and action. The leadership fell mainly in the hands
of Abagirwa. Anyone who mobilised peasants into armed struggles against
colonialism had to use Nyabingi. As such, the first armed struggles were
characterised by spontaneity and were short-lived. There was poor planning
of peasant forces against well-armed, sophisticated enemy forces, who were
professional. During the course of this paper, we shall evidence continuous
victory of colonial forces over Nyabingi Movement arising mainly from poor
planning and organisations, lack of unity, poor arms against a superior
enemy, `inter alia'. However, the objective factor stems from the different
levels of development of these contending forces.
It is with the coming in of the war between the colonial powers that
Nyabingi became very vibrant, and reached its climax. We see at this point
serious, long and bloody resistances emerging under the leadership of various
personalities, with different historical origins, training, experience and
knowledge of struggle. Some of these were army deserters from colonial
forces and colonial chiefs. Others had returned from deportation, where they
acquired a lot of knowledge about the enemy, his weapons, how to acquire
and use these weapons and his weaknesses. It was during their colonial
service or detentions that they also created friends and allies in the enemy's
forces. What was most important was the planning and timing of their
struggle when the imperialist war was raging, their capacity to incorporate
various sections of society into the movement, as well as their capacity to
sustain their struggles for years without selling out and their willingness to
die struggling.
When colonialism invaded the area, the charismatic Abagirwa took up
initiative in studying the situation and mobilising people into militant
resistance. It was this group which had a long history of resistance to draw
from and outstanding guidelines to follow. Colonialism was not the first
threat. It only increased the number of adversaries of Nyabingi. The Abagirwa
had to defend their spiritual beliefs, inspiration, ideals and secular interests.
Nyabingi was also the source of their social status. As already shown,
Abagirwa were very important in this society for people's temporal and
spiritual needs. Tied to their roles was the accumulation process taking place.
Their position had become lucrative as they accumulated livestock and other
forms of wealth. As Nyabingi was expanding to more lineages and areas, this
meant broadening both their social and economic bases. The truth was that
without Nyabingi, the Abagirwa institution would be no more and so would
be the privileges that accrued to that position.
Confronted with this invincible external aggressor, the peasants became
29

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

paralysed. They had no immediate solution, Bakuru B'emiryango could not

provide solutions to save them. It was in this situation that the Abagirwa
understood correctly that the solution lay in mobilising peasants into armed
resistance. These events forced peasants to develop more confidence and
reverence into these Abagirwa, including even those men who had been
harbouring some internal grudges against Abagirwa and Nyabingi. In this
time of war, people saw the Abagirwa as charismatic. They gave solid
leadership regardless of their historical origin or social position. Their
charismatic leadership, mobilisation, recruitment drive, organisation and
resistance inspired more courage into the peasant resisters even after defeat.
This had the effect of inspiring into peasants more commitment to self-
emancipation than perhaps ever.
Colonialism had come by force, imposed itself and had to survive by
force. It cannot be forgotten that all states are armed institutions and must de-
pend on coercion - whether they are organically developed from below or
imposed from above. The presence and legitimacy of this colonial state were
therefore contested bitterly. Peasants wanted it to go. That is why they
attacked colonialism and its allies. As the former were hidden away, its allies
and agents, who were the visible representatives of the system, became the
immediate target. These lived nearest, were the men on the ground
implementing the contested policies, imposing colonial demands,
administering, judging cases, assessing and collecting taxes.
Nyabingi Movement underwent a transformation during this struggle. As
struggles intensified, some Abagirwa took up its personification. This was
mainly for political and military purposes. The need for this transformation
sprang from the contradictions between the Abagirwa and some lineage heads
who opposed the war or defied being led by women to war. The Abagirwa
realised the importance of this transformation in asserting their authority over
the membership. It would help them to dictate commands and orders over the
membership and maintain control over them. This would have the effect of
imposing discipline. Being a Nyabingi personification allowed them the right
to deal with any individual(s) or group(s) with dissenting views in a way that
they wished. It also had the effect of encouraging the peasant resisters into
courageous struggle as they would feel that they were led by Nyabingi's
personification. It had the effect of increasing peasants' fears of Nyabingi. This
helped to consolidate their resistance, beliefs, unity and secrecy. Its weakness
was that the resisters would be blinded by this illusion to attack this
sophisticated enemy without retreat. This led to massacres.
The D.C. outlined in June 1919 how Nabingi cult had been a foreign
element throughout RWANDA, opposed to the established native "religion",
30 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

revolutionary in method and anarchic in effect.

On the advent of the protecting powers the European element was included,
equally with the two other privileged classes of Watussi and Watwa, within
the scope of its virulence. By means of an unusually developed form of
witchcraft, in which hypnotic suggestion plays a leading part, the country
within the sphere of its operation is completely terrorised. (sic!)22

He submitted that it was deeply rooted in the whole region; `Thus ideal
means and conditions are created for ... fomenting and organisation of
rebellion, and (the most serious feature of all) absolute secrecy ensured'.
They had learnt that the character of the society `... does not shrink from
organising attacks in force on fortified positions held by troops'. It had
become clear to colonialism that

"Nyabingi" is indestructible: thus the break up of the agitation and the arrest
of the practicers would not convince anyone of the futility of the practicers'
claims but would only point to the ill luck of the chosen media and to the fact
that the "nyabingi" had left them to settle elsewhere. It does however have a
salutary effect in causing others to be more modest before claiming to be pos-
sessed by nyabingi.23

By 1930, colonialism had come to understand the complex character of

Nyabingi, how it was deeply rooted in people's lives; `"Nyabingi" is a female
spirit which is the god and religion of these people and therefore the difficulty
in eradicating the beliefs is extreme and will take years until education
gradually helps to stamp it out'.24
While colonialism was using European religions for penetration, it could
not tolerate Nyabingi religion. It therefore had to use all weapons and
personnel against Nyabingi. Another important difference lay in personnel.
While Abagirwa were from this area and spoke local languages, colonial
personnel were different in colour, language, and culture. All these helped
peasants to compare the two forces. Many of them understood the historical
and social usefulness of Nyabingi. The first contest therefore had to be
military.

Events that Precipitated Nyabingi Movement

As the Bakiga say, dogs browse on crops of a person with misfortunes.

22 D.C's report of 26/6/1919. U.N.A. Entebbe.

23 Fidem.
24 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 29/5/1930.
31

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Colonial invasion was following a series of crises that had hit these peasants
and weakened them. The persistent disastrous drought had caused a great
famine which caused untold deaths. This was followed by plague and other
diseases. At their heels followed Batwa bands, who invaded them for food
and killed many of the survivors. Those who survived and fled these crises
lost their cattle, lives or wives in the process to people where they had run to.
The survivors and returnees then confronted Belgian forces which came
killing, looting, and raping. Then followed the Germans.25 The colonial report
of 6/9/1911 described the situation thus:

Apart from the recent change in European control which is in itself an

unsettling factor in the native mind, two principle causes have continued to
make the settlement of the district ... slow and difficult... the severe famine
which devastated Rukiga and the adjacent countries some four years ago -
Rukiga was almost depopulated and the few remaining inhabitants fell an
easy prey to marauding bands of Batwa, a hill tribe from the south ... The
majority of the Bakiga took refuge in the neighbouring countries of Ruanda
and of the Chief Makaburri and have only in the last two years commenced
returning ... in most cases the Bakiga lost the greater part of their stock, either
from the famine, the Batwa or from the heavy toll levied by the inhabitants of
the countries they took refuge in as the price of their temporary sojourn.26

If we focus on the subjective factors, we find that while the conditions of

oppression were widespread, peasant organisation against it was limited. The
explanation lies in their low level of production, still at lineage level, where
the household was a self-satisfying economic unit in terms of material
resources, and organisation at community level was still on ad hoc basis, in
response to crises. There was no organised armed force or an in-built
systematic defence system to fight oppression or invasion.
This was a time of profound crisis. Everyone was forced to think about the
whole situation. They were not only the men that got involved in the thinking
about the crisis and of the means for survival, but every member of society got
involved. They were these crises that gave women a broader chance of
25 We learnt from our respondents how the Germans and Belgians came massacring peasants.
The encounter between Belgian colonialists and peasants of Bugarama and Kitare. Concretises
this. The besieged peasants hid in rocks. They used ropes to lift their cattle up the rocks. When
the adversaries came, peasants rolled rocks at them. When the latter tried to shoot up at them,
they hit the rock and finally left, defeated. Also refer to the Kavu Case in which Belgians killed
32 peasants and looted cattle on 21/3/1916. Le General Commandant en Chief admitted this
crime on 22/10/1916 and paid 170 heads of cattle. File: War With Germany; Kavu Incident.
U.N.A. Entebbe.
26 Kigezi Monthly Report of 6/9/1911.
32 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

thinking and acting. As they confronted particular problems and solved them,
especially during the famine. Women applied diplomacy in the new places
that they shifted to and as they did things that men could not manage at that
time, like taking charge of impossible situation when their husbands could not
manage due to being feeble or to lack of capacity such as conning their hosts,
stealing food, telling lies to get food or credit from people that they did not
know. This pathetic situation led them to carry out men's roles like building
shelter when men were too weak to do anything or, labouring for food to save
their households from death, or taking these starving households to relations
or families of their original parents or actually dead. This had the effect of
promoting them to a higher level than ever before.
It was in these crises that women began to hold weapons for self defence
in case of attack - when the husband was very weak, sick, away or dead. In
other words, while the crises wiped out thousands of peasants, fragmented
societies and forced many to flee, their positive contribution was to release
women and youths from the former strong male domination. The role of
defence now fell on everyone's shoulders. Women became tougher and
resolute. This also gave them more time to worship and practise Nyabingi
religion, put their lives under its care and make a lot of requests and promises
to it. The Abagirwa increased in number and in their work of identifying with
the suffering people, assisted them in these problems and sicknesses. This
gave them chance to preach Nyabingi religion and broaden its base among
the peasants.
The other religions and gods were superseded by Nyabingi. So, when
colonialism invaded, all sections of society were forced to think and act.
Members recalled the experience they had passed through, the role Nyabingi
and its Abagirwa had played. In areas which had not been seriously hit by
these crises, the same old social relations obtained. What we get is a situation
of struggles at various levels. At one level is the struggle with Belgian,
German and British imperialism. At another level is a struggle against men's
domination at household level or against inefficient, useless chiefs by a cross
section of society. At another level are struggles between minorities and other
dominating sections of society. There is also a level of spiritual struggles. We
find the various religious beliefs struggling for both supremacy and converts.
What is interesting is that this colonial invasion had been foretold by
Nyakeirima Ka Muzoora. He had warned them of an imminent invasion by
people with wings like butterflies, who travelled in `grain stores'. These
prophecies were proved by the eventual arrival of colonialists, who came in
motor cars on roads (Nyakeirima's long ropes that tied the world) and
aeroplanes. Though this prophecy had spread in the region, peasants did not
take it seriously and make necessary military preparations. They realised it too
33

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

late. They were aware that any defeat was disastrous for them as individuals
and as a people. They had no option other than defending themselves, their
land and property. They knew that there were no other people to defend them
other than themselves. When imperialism came in a violent form, elders,
Abagirwa, peasants all searched for solutions. It was at this time that
Abagirwa declared war against the invading force, and led the peasants to
war. They promised to turn bullets and guns into water and chase away
Europeans. On the other hand, British colonialism, claimed this area and gave
itself the role of `liberating' peasants from all these problems; and from `the
alien Nyabingi, its Abagirwa and their demands", Makobore and his Bahima,
crises like famine, Batwa, paganism and abo'e all, from anarchy and violence
to organised administration, from Belgian and German terror. But, could
colonialism determine correctly what the peasants needed without first
knowing who these peasants were?
Peasants did not sit idle spectating. Absence of a state, an armed force or
any other organised force to protect them and their rights did not mean
inaction. They rose up in arms against the three colonial powers. These
peasants had a long history of crises and struggles to draw from. As the
colonial forces proved more sophisticated and threatened all the peasants, it
became the basis for them to resolve their earlier differences and join forces to
defend their rights. Nyabingi Resistance ensued against this invasion from
1910-1930s.

Developments in Nyabingi Movement

Nyabingi Movement can be divided into four sections. The first one was
in pre-colonial period. In here, Nyabingi religion was developing at the
expense of the other religions, mobilising peasants against internal enemies
and external aggressors. In its early stages, various peoples used it. As an
instance, the Batwa used it to raid the peasants.27 These peasants gradually
adopted the same Nyabingi religion to defend themselves against the Batwa,
and other lineages. The oppressed peasants in Rwanda were informed and
guided by Nyabingi to struggle against the ruling class in Rwanda. In other
areas like Ndorwa, some lineages accepted Nyabingi religion. Their belief in it
became instrumental for their defence against the wrath and potency of other
religions and lineages. Nyabingi gradually permeated deep to household

27Colin, Turnbull (1961) The Forest People; London: Paladin. In his narrative, he illustrates how
peasants were prisoners of the supernatural and witchcraft, and how the Pygmies took
advantage of this backwardness of these peasants to frighten them and deprive them of their
property.
34 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

levels. Most of the membership came from the oppressed sections of society.
They saw solutions to most of their problems in Nyabingi. Nyabingi gradually
became important in being invoked to seal and oversee certain sensitive
agreements, social practices and promises like blood brotherhood and
swearing.
The second phase of Nyabingi begins with colonial invasion: 1909-1914.
Here, peasants are paralysed by the new invaders. Peasants realise the
dangers of this invasion and the immediate solution is a call to action.
Nyabingi religion is very dynamic; more Abagirwa spring up to replace the
killed, or deported and broaden the struggle. Here, recruitment is mainly
based on nationalities, lineages, and groups; the Abagirwa, lineage leaders,
and elders play an important role in the recruitment of membership into the
movement. At this time of the movement, voluntary joining of membership
into the membership is still limited. It should be understood that a leader
joined the movement with all those under him. Even lineages and peoples
who had earlier on refused to accept Nyabingi religion came to believe in it as
all their other religions were silent about the solution to this crisis. These other
religious beliefs and gods are at this time limited to a much more individual
level, lack a united mass of worshippers, lack of a revolutionary programme
and history. Their main weakness stems from absence of spiritual leaders who
live off the surplus of peasants and whose duties are spiritual, or political like
the Abagirwa. This would have made them more resistant to any force that
threatens their positions. That is why peasants come to see more hope in
Nyabingi's powers, judgment and actions. Different sections of society see the
military option as vital, accept Nyabingi's leadership and join the struggle.
They see the Abagirwa as very charismatic, which inspires even more
peasants into this resistance. They fight for their beliefs. Here, Okutweija and
rituals of initiations are undermined as the situation demands prompt action.
It is in this period that women come to the front and play an active role in
leadership and combat. Seeing the various challenges and internal opposition from
some lineage heads and fearing some problems likely to arise from leadership and
membership of women in war, some of these Abagirwa transformed into Nyabingi
personifications. This phase is marked by spontaneous, sporadic insurgencies.
There is mobilisation with minimal organisation of peasants into a sustained,
coherent struggle. The peasants are still rooted to the ground like their crops,
the leadership has not developed the capacity, skills and focus to create and
sustain a struggle for a long period. People still struggle within their
environment, in a circumscribed area.
The two major differences between these struggles and the pre-colonial
ones lies in the fact that women form the bulk in the leadership and that the
principle enemy is now from without, visible, better armed. However, they do
35

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

not understand concretely the basis of this invading force, its military strength
and the need to make a more comprehensive military planning, organisation;
the need for broader unity among various enganda so as to resist at the same
time. Another objective weakness arises from the divisions between Enganda.
These pre-colonial divisions were based on past battles. This blocked any
possibility for their unity. This resulted in the first struggles to be fragmented,
spontaneous and short-lived.
The third phase begins with the world war of the years 1914 to 1919. This
is a period when Nyabingi movement reaches its climax. Not only does its
membership increase numerically but it also develops qualitatively. There is a
marked change in the recruitment process. A new leadership emerges, which
is versed with the enemy and its methods of war, knows the enemy's strengths
and weaknesses. Most of this leadership arises from the colonial services or
from deportations and detentions. Being in colonial service or in deportation
outside Kigezi gives them chance to sever their roots from the environment. It
also becomes an opportunity to expand their knowledge about the geography
and environment, increasing friends, learning more languages etc; so as to
understand their military weaknesses and the need to acquire, incorporate,
master, and use the enemy's methods of war and weaponry. They also acquire
fire arms and ammunition from the adversary.
It is also from the enemy that the leadership learns and appreciates the
need of mass organisation, intensive preparations and involvement of the
population into the struggle. This stay in the enemy's camp also enables them
to appreciate the need for mobility, inflicting sharp, short injuries on the
enemy and the importance of preserving the fighting forces from being
annihilated. It is in here that they learn to change from the peasant method of
direct charging by masses on the strong enemy to guerrilla warfare. They
create and sustain armed struggle for years with mobile guerrilla forces.
Recruitment of the membership also undergoes some qualitative change. It
changes from massive, spontaneous forms. The new leadership recruits the
membership basing on its programme. We find that in some cases,
recruitment is based on willingness, ability and military skills. There is
intensive conscientisation and preparation. The leadership adopts more
secretive methods, introduces blood-brotherhoods, oaths and other important
cultural practices that could help to unite the movement. It trains the
membership into the techniques of attack and self-defence, the need for
mobility and concealment in the rear-bases, and among the peasants. This is
re-emphasized by colonial attacks, joint-military expeditions and screening.
These help to sever the resisters' roots from the agricultural rhythm.
The fourth phase begins with the 1920s up to the 1930s. Here, Nyabingi
36 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

movement is undermined by various factors. These include constant defeats,

the deaths of the strong leadership -Ndochibiri, Ruhemba etc., whom resisters
and peasants took to be immortal. This is worsened by the adversary's
permanent presence, counter-insurgency, reprisals and raids. The various
reforms and programmes that colonialism initiates to undermine Nyabingi
and defeat this movement, the continued repression and witch-hunt for
Nyabingi-ites have a great impact on the resisters. Coupled with this is the
availability of other alternatives to Nyabingi religion - namely Christianity
and Islam. Peasants begin to appeal to the state, and to use the colonial legal
machinery against state policies and its related institutions and against fellow
peasants etc.
By late 1930s, Nyabingi Movement had been undermined. Through public
addresses, lies, threats and peasant rationality, and opportunism. Many
peasants joined the new religions. The peasants participated in these new
religions and by 1939, women led a threatening movement: Revivalism
Ruvaivuro. However, Christianity fails to provide solutions to the key social,
economic, health and political issues. As such, a religious movement known as
Mukaaka in 1970s attracts a cross section of society. Its origins and
development have to be traced in the economic, social and political crises of
the time and the mounting dictatorship in 1970s. It attends to people's social,
economic and psychological problems. In response to the mounting social,
political and economic crises, this movement has given way to Abarangi. The
leadership of this movement is predominantly composed of females.
This new institution has incorporated some aspects of Christianity with
Nyabingi aspects. However, they are paid money. After pretences to
commune with the supernatural force, they offer medicine and advice to the
clients. The Abarangi attend to all types of social, economic, psychological and
supernatural issues.
The Abarangi Movement is increasing in number in leadership and
membership. The established Churches are threatened by Abarangi and
preach vehemently against them. Their appeals to the State to stop Abarangi's
activities failed. We find that the Abarangi are attracting more people from the
other religions. This facilitates the Abarangi to accumulate wealth much more
easily and quickly than the pre-colonial Abagirwa. The explanation to why
they are increasing in number and popularity has to be sought in the type of
issues that they are addressing, how they are addressing them, etc.
Although the two institutions are not linked in any way, there are some
similarities between them. This is evident in the problems they address, their
composition in terms of gender, their extraction of the surplus value from the
peasants and the accumulation process. The explanation for the rise of this new
religious movement and its popularity lies in the economic hardships arising partly
37

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

from exploitation, corruption, the impact of anti-people programmes and advice of

IMF and World Bank especially SAPs. There is deepening misery. There is no
medicine in hospitals, they have no wherewithal to pay school fees, thousands are
faced with the problem of landlessness, others are faced with diminishing
agricultural yields due to perennial tilling of the same plots of land, without resting
or fertilising them. Others are faced with lack of market for their meagre crops, etc.
Peasants do not understand scientifically what has gone wrong, and have therefore
resorted to these new, exploitative religious movement. The Abarangi institution
thrives on people's misery and destitution. As one of our respondents put it, people
would not be rushing to consult them if they were useless.28

28 Response by Mbaguta. One of his sisters is in leadership in this new institution.

38 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Section Three

Colonial Invasion and the Creation of Kigezi

The question why Africa became the target and victim of European
capitalism in the last centuries has been addressed by a lot of scholars. The
reasons lie in the desperate need for cheap permanent sources of raw
materials produced by cheap labour for the ever expanding European
industries, markets for the European industrial products, places for re-
investment and re-exportation, and places for resettling her ever-increasing
population. See Mamdani (1976, 1983), Mukherjee (1984), Lenin (1986) Rodney
(1976). As full control of any market entails political control, imperialism had
to take political control of Africa - hence the inevitability of colonialism. The
explanation why the three colonial powers struggled viciously amongst each
other and against peasants for Kigezi lies in the Political Officer's
communication to the C.S. in January 1910 on his scramble for territory;

I would like to remind His Majesty's Government that if our object in

acquiring the Mfumbiro District is to obtain a route for the Cape to Cairo
railway, it will be necessary to include within a strip of the Rutshuru Valley,
since the hills to the S.E. present an impassable barrier to the passage of a
railway.

The Belgian Post at Rutshuru will be untenable once the Mfumbiro District
comes under us since all food supplies for their troops and employees is
drawn from here.29

But as this region was not empty and the inhabitants were not objects of
history, what were their reactions to this invasion and the consequent
imposition of political control over them from outside? How did this area
come under colonial rule? While European missionaries were an important
forward force in the colonisation of Africa, this was not the case in the present
Kigezi. The first European parties to settle in the Kivu-Mulera region were
Catholic Missionaries.30 These White Fathers had penetrated the region,
opened it up, set up mission stations and carried out their mission of
preaching. However, they were resisted in various ways. Mulera peasants
murdered Loupias, the Father Superior of the French Catholic Mission on

29Coote's letter of 21/1/1910 to Ag C.S. in File on Border Demarcation U.N.A. Entebbe.>

30Mukasa, S. (1912) "Olugendo Olw'Abakulu Abe Mbalala mu Kigezi ne mu Rwanda".
Kampala: Munno, Dec. 1912. He shows how Catholic Missionaries had set up mission stations,
with many Catholic Priests and Brothers, and Catholic Converts, very good churches of fired
bricks and tiles.
39

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

1/4/1910 and were not apprehended.31* This new church was already sowing
seeds of hatred and enmity among the peasants. Mukasa showed that there
was great hostility between the Catholic converts and the "Pagans", that the
latter hated the Catholic priests right from the beginning and wanted to kill
them. In his account, the neighbourhood was full of enemies, who had killed
two Catholic priests, one boy, three catholic converts and two pagans in one
hour.32 In the scramble for this region, the British on their arrival found the
Belgians and Germans in the region. Its arrival sparked off serious protests.
Monsieur Davignon protested against British encroachment on Belgian colony
in September 1909.33* These peasants at Kibimba resisted forced food
contributions to the British forces under Campbell despite Coote's threats.
Coote imprisoned their leadership and force them to contribute food. The
Belgians based on these atrocities against the peasants to accuse them.
This inter-imperialist struggle reached a peak when the Belgian soldiers
arrested the British forces at Rubona, and detained them for about a month
before they escaped to Mbarara. We find that they were the peasants who had
to pay the price for British invasion. Granville complained of the invasion by
Congolese forces, looting peasants' property, killing a woman, wounding,
raping and abducting some peasants.34 The defence for British colonialism was
that this area was not civilly administered until 1912. The implication of this
statement is that this area was pre-political, with a vacuum for leadership.

31 Letter of The Political Officer, Kivu Mission to the Ag C.S. dated 9/4/1910. File No.147/09
U.N.A. Entebbe.
*: K.D. Report of 3/5/1912 reported the capture of Chief LUKARRA, for the murder of the
French Father LOUPIAS. He had been captured by the Imperial Resident of Rwanda. Chief
BIRAHIRA had been giving him sanctuary. Other resisters: Mujaruhara and Manuka were in
hiding in British territory near Mt. Muhabura. U.N.A. Entebbe.
32 Idem. Mukasa recounted how they crossed Bukamba from Rwaza with loaded guns.
33 Davignon maintained his protest against the entry of British forces under Coote in Belgian

Territory. He condemned their establishing a camp on River Kigezi, in violation of the Clause
of the General Berlin Act, which prescribed the use of mediation before arms. He showed how
the Anglo-German arrangements of first July, 1890 and 19th May, 1909 did not attribute this
territory to Britain. He reiterated this in his letter to the Baron Greindl on 19/7/1909.
*: Refer to Communication of Von Schoen to Baron Greindl of 30/7/1909; communication of
British Foreign Office of 17/8/1909; and "Agreement Respecting the Boundary Between the
North-Western Portion of German East Africa and Uganda" of 19/5/1909 which in referring
to the rights derived from the Agreements of 8/11/1884 and 1/7/1890 in which Germany
ceded to Britain parts of Mfumbiro region that she held and Britain promised to make no
further claims on Germany. Document: "Boundaries: Uganda - Congo"; Olsen's letter to D.C.
Kigezi of 12/7/1909; No. 405 and Political Officer to the Ag C.S. of 3/9/1909. File: No. 147/09.
U.N.A. Entebbe.
34 Granville to Davignon on 8/11/1909 op. cit.
40 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

This legitimised British invasion to save the situation. It does not take into
account the form of politics that was in existence at that particular time. It
negates existence of the inhabitants' history, deprives them of any form of
politics.
The inter-imperialist and anti-imperialist rivalries intensified. While at
Ihunga, Cap. Ireland, had communicated to the O.C. Uganda Protectorate
Troops, in 1909 about this rivalry, on the contradictions between Belgians and
Germans. Fifteen Belgian askaris had deserted with arms and ammunition on
21/11/1909 unpursued. This continued in the subsequent period. Captain
Ireland reported in March 1910 low morale and massive desertions among
Belgian troops due to heavy death toll. 37 Belgian troops had died of
dysentery since August 1909. 23 troops had deserted with arms and
ammunition previously.35 He urged British colonialism to take advantage of
the impending peasants' armed resistance against Belgian colonial force.
The British knew how Belgians were weak militarily, and discredited in
these areas by the untold atrocities. Belgian troops had lost morale due to hor-
rible working conditions, neglect, diseases and death. The British Consulate in
Congo communicated all these and the need for British colonial government
to take advantage of the situation as;

a conflict with British troops would be the signal for a general uprising in the
Congo amongst the natives. They would be quite unable to rely on the fidelity
of their troops .... The native troops are nothing less than savages, looking, as
they do, upon the British as the only hope of salvation from the state of
oppression in which they have lived for so many years. (Sic!) Should hos-
tilities commence the European population would be in imminent danger of
being massacred.... Government would be utterly powerless to resist such a
rising...36

These mistakes created a fertile ground for the experienced British

Imperialism to occupy the region using the rhetoric of liberation. Drawing
from its past colonial experience and mistakes elsewhere, it adopted cunning
tactics. This was in contrast to the crude, naked brutality and exploitative
practices by Belgian and German colonialists. To this end, the Political Officer
urged the British state to compensate the peasants; `...since all the above
mentioned crimes were perpetrated as a direct result of our withdrawal from
the country and were intended as petty acts of revenge on the part of the
Belgian authorities...'37 He underlined the urgency to appease peasants by

35Report of Cap. Ireland on 3/3/1910, 4th K.A.R. commanding Kivu Mission. U.N.A. Entebbe.
36 The British Consulate in Congo on 22/11/1909 reported the discontent of Belgian askaris
which led to an abortive plot.
37 Cap.Ireland at Ihunga to the Officer Commanding Troops, Uganda Protectorate, on
41

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

compensating them `would not only have a most excellent effect in the district
but would be a retributive act calculated to clear us of the moral responsibility
which at present rests on us'.38 Though these did not affect its imperialist
objectives, this approach made the British colonialists appear less dangerous
than the others. This inter-imperialist rivalry had to be resolved diplomatically
or militarily. Events seemed to be leading to the latter option. British
imperialism had deliberately created this situation. The question is why they
did not resort to military option. As reported in the 1941, `The 1911 boundary
dispute with Belgians had been likely to lead to local fighting, led to the
International Commission with Belgium, Germany to mark out the frontier.'39
The Boundary Agreement of 19/5/1909 was nullified, a new Team was
constituted to demarcate a new International Boundary, which would
accommodate the new changes. Britain and Belgium concluded yet another
agreement in Brussels on 14/5/1910.40 Another Agreement was concluded on
August 26th 1910 in Berlin between Britain and Germany. These culminated
into the Anglo-German-Belgian Boundary Commission of 1911.41* As this
boundary process did not take into consideration the interests and rights of
the indigenous peasants, it had far-reaching consequences on peasants.
However, this is beyond the scope of this study.

Establishment of British Colonial Rule

There was no broad visible, organised political structure in the area,

which British colonialism could manipulate to introduce, promote and protect
British interests through its demagogy of Protectionism called "Indirect Rule".
As such, it was forced to import wholesale a state apparatus and a train of

26/11/1909. Also see The Anglo-German Agreements of 1/7/1890 and of 19/5/1909. File:
Boundaries: Uganda - Congo.
38 Political Officer, Kigezi to Ag colonial Secretary on 3/9/1909.
39 Article: "Notes On Kigezi District" File: Historical and Political Notes (West), 1941. U.N.A.

Entebbe.
40 Refer to "Uganda Congo Boundary Agreement. Convention Between Belgium and Britain"

of 14/5/1910 signed in Brussels. File: Boundaries: Uganda-Congo. U.N.A. Entebbe.

41 File: Boundaries: Uganda - Congo. "Instructions for the Fixed German - British - Boundary

Commission", Agreed to in Berlin on 26/8/1910.

*: Also see Kigezi Monthly Reports of 30/4/1911 and 9/6/1911 on the Border Settlement and
the signing between the British and the Belgians. Also "Anglo-German-Belgian Boundary
Commission. Anglo-German Boundary Sabinio to S.W. Source of Chizinga" - "The Protocol in
English" signed on 30/10/1911 & "Anglo - German Boundary, Protocol" signed on
11/12/1911. Kigezi Monthly Report of 30/1/1912. D.C. Mbarara dated 9/1/1912 on "German
- Boundary: New Territory, Ceremonial Transfers". File 3226 Part II show how Kigezi Border
was demarcated.
42 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

administrators, soldiers, and traders from Britain, Buganda, Ankole, Tanganyika

43

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

The Counties of Kigezi District 1927

44 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Tanganyika and India to man it. Dominance of Agents from Buganda in the
administration led to the establishment of a hybrid of Kiganda - British form
of administration, articulating British interests. The key sensitive jobs were
combined and controlled by British personnel. This was due to lack of trained
manpower, fear of administrative costs and mistrust of the colonised. To
concretise this, the Ag. Crown advocate notified the Political Officer, on
7/7/1911 that as the latter had been appointed A.D.C. Kigezi from 1/11/1910,
`by a notice under the subordinate Courts Ordinance, 1902, dated 4/6/1909,
you have been appointed a magistrate of the second class to exercise your
powers within the local area counterminous with the administrative District to
which you may be from time to time appointed.'42A situation was created
where duties of conviction were fused with those of prosecution and
execution under same officers. This complicated the question of impartiality,
justice, and mercy in the colonial system as will be seen later.
British colonialism used agents mainly from Buganda to invade, conquer,
reorganize and administer this region. Buganda region had reached a higher
level of state formation with a complex administrative system. Baganda had
accepted to co-operate with British colonialism. This was in harmony with
colonial interests to preserve resources. As an old imperial power - both in
America and Asia, Britain was not blind to the pros and cons of using agents.
It had gained a rich experience in India to draw from. Although it did not
commit all this on paper, it is clear that at that time, the choice of alien agents
was the appropriate choice. In addition to being of the same colour with the
peasants in the region, Luganda language was nearer to the local ones and so
was culture. This made it easy for them to communicate the colonialists'
wishes to these people. Baganda agents would be used to implement
unpopular, anti-people colonial policies. This would help to hide the real
enemy. The oppressed would see the Baganda agents, not British colonialism
as the enemy.43 It depended on these agents for local administration, judging
local cases. which led them to dominate the political, economic and social life
of the peasants. The first people to resist them were peasants under Makobore.
Colonialism saw these resisters as `a mere curb on the advancement and
progress of the district'. Colonialism resorted to its ploy of sympathising with
one section of the peasants. It was isolating the other section so as to lay
ground for attack. It therefore took a pro-peasants' supposedly stance, `The

42 Ag Crown Advocate to the Political Officer, Kigezi on 7/7/1911. File: Kigezi: Fighting by
Natives "Sentences Passed on Natives of Makuburri's Country." N.A.
43 Captain Brooks in his report: Mahagi Military Garrison, Feb. 1912 drew lessons from the

military recruitment of Belgian troops from all sorts of tribes as the best method of obtaining
efficiency and avoiding resistance. However, this was no sure guarantee against mutinies and
desertions as already seen although it had the effect of minimising them.
45

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

peasants in this district appear to be greatly oppressed by the Bahima'. It is no

wonder, therefore that the A.D.C. Mbarara led 30 police and crashed this
resistance the following year.44 One of the administrative solutions of 1913
was to divide the thickly populated area into Sazas and Gombololas with
Baganda agents in charge and sub-gombololas with Bakiga in charge. It would
divide the people and also train local people into manning the system. To
colonialism, the crisis was that these people were `... addicted to excessive beer
drinking and while under its influence, ... were very liable to be quarrelsome
and use their spears instead of their fists'. It was confronted with Makobore
whom it described as `the most shifty and unreliable chief in Kigezi' because
of his outright resistance to colonialism.
As such, British colonialism depended on the skills, loyalty and initiative
of Baganda agents. However, this led to abuse of office. The colonial state was
forced to step in;

The powers of the agents have been defined, and restricted, and only one case
of anything in the shape of persistent extortion has been brought to my notice
as this was met by instant dismissal, there is an unlikelihood of any
recrudescence.45

The colonial state had acknowledged the role of Baganda agents in the
colony the previous year how;

The undoubted administrative gifts of the Baganda have been utilised in these
districts by their employment as Government agents to educate and supervise
the local chiefs, a system which is open to obvious objections, but which in its
ultimate results has been incontrovertibly successful. This method of
administration is... only tolerable under the closest supervision by District
Officers.46

However, when the contradictions between the colonised and colonialism

became antagonistic, the British colonialists came in as arbiters between the
colonised and Baganda agents, laid the blame on Baganda agents and replaced
them unceremoniously with local agents. The latter had learned from Baganda
agents how to man this state machinery. On their part, Baganda agents had
been under the illusion that they were expanding Kiganda Political system

44 W.P.A.R. 1913-14 & 1914-15. The W.P.A.R. 1915-16. reported female witch doctors had re-

opened operations which were purely anti-European; were dealt with promptly and firmly
militarily.
45 K.D.A.R. 1913-14; N. A.
46 U.P. Annual Report 1912-13 noted how Kigezi had been ceded to the British under the

Anglo-Belgian-German Boundary Convention of 1910.

46 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

and culture. This was subsequently shattered by the colonialists in response to

armed struggles in the region. Others like Sebalijja also believed that they
were spreading the new word of God to the pagans.47

Background to Military Option

Being still stateless, peasants had developed a complex defence system

and codes. This was necessary for their defence against their surrounding
enemies who included other Enganda, the organised Batwa bands and states
like Rwanda and Mpororo.
In his report of March, 1912, Cap. Reid had identified two military
problem of this area. One was of peasant rising and the other was of European
hostilities. He argued that in dealing with the native problem, the population
was "practically entirely pagan and would therefore be unmoved by any wave
of religious feeling which might affect Baganda or Ankole". He showed the
objective weakness of these peasants as lack of unity between Makobore's
land, Rukiga and British Ruanda which formed "three entirely separate and
distinct districts and it is difficult to conceive any cause which could unite the
three". Furthermore, they were unwarlike, with no military organisation. In
Reid's account, the only anti-European tendencies had been due to the
preaching of local witch-doctors and witches who practise the NYABINGI
cult. To him, prompt police measures would suffice to nip these in the bud.
He devised two major strategies in case of any insurgency. The first was to
localise the disturbance and if it was necessary to employ local levies, to use
Makaburre's people against the Bakiga, the Bakiga against the Banyaruanda
and so on. The second one was to seize all cattle and stock.48 Resistance was
imminent right from the start. Thus, the District Report of February 1911
stressed the need for a strong military force to suppress peasant resisters, who
had made their country unsafe for unarmed persons.49 It was already clear to
colonialism that

Military operations in this district would be extremely difficult owing to the

nature of the country and the natives could lay ambushes and escape to the
hills where pursuit is useless. The seizure of the cattle and the occupation of
the cultivated valleys would probably bring any particular clan to reason.
Night operations, though attended by great difficulties, would be the only
means of attaining the capture of any considerable body, as during the day

47 Sebalijja, Yoana (1911) "Olutalo Olwari Mu Lukiga e Rwanda", Munno Of Dec. 1911.
Kampala.
48 Cap. Reid's Report of 14/3/1912.
49 Kigezi Monthly Report of 4/2/1911.
47

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

time sentries are posted on all the hills and outflanking movements are
doomed to failure".50

This became the modus operandi of colonialism throughout the struggles

that followed.51 The initial causes of this resistance revolved around this
occupation by this foreign force, its territorial claims, demarcating and fixing
of borders in their region. This was worsened by its militaristic approach, and
atrocities, which included massacres, looting and property destruction,
imprisonment, forced contributions of food, labour etc. As the imperialist
powers were busy struggling amongst themselves for this land, the peasants
mobilised under Nyabingi Movement and waged armed resistance for over
two and half decades. Despite their antagonistic inter-imperialist
contradictions, the three imperial powers were forced to co-operate over this
anti-imperialist Nyabingi Movement.

50op. cit.
51op. cit. One of the first cases in which they implemented this plan was with Lwantali and
Bukola's cattle. The Political Officer led surprise attacks at dawn on two successive days; `In
both cases the natives endeavoured to drive the stock into the main Rukiga swamp on the
edge of which the kraals were situated... some spears were thrown and it was necessary to fire
a few rounds before natives retired... the swamp was entered and the cattle and goats
collected...'
48 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Section Four

Peasant Resistance to Colonialism

With colonial invasion, all members of society began thinking about this
crisis and the appropriate solutions. Various solutions emerged, which guided
people's various courses of action. Peasant grievances revolved around
material issues although resistance took on a religious tone - political and
religious. The concrete issues that peasants raised revolved around the
division of their geographical environment and the imposition of borders by
the colonial forces and then their claim over territorial ownership. This
resulted into restriction of movement of peasants, and limited their operations
and chances of expansion of their production and trade activities. Other
grievances rose from land, politics, forced labour in form of Ruharo, Kashanju,
head porterage and conscription from military purposes. Other grievances
revolved around the newly imposed institutions, rules and laws, oppressive
alien judgment, persistent demands or forced contributions in form of food,
milk, livestock, etc., forced sales and forced production for sale under the label
of "Market gardens".
Colonialism had invaded and occupied this area militarily. As such, its
appearance largely determined the peasants' response. Its militaristic
character contributed greatly to the continuation of the resistance. The various
atrocities committed onto peasants by colonial personnel increased social
grievances. These included looting of peasants' property, collective fines and
the state's imposition of the "Collective Fine Ordinance", which were aimed at
punishing peasants and impoverishing them, and other indisciplined crimes
by colonial personnel like raping, massacres, and murders. The continued
occupation by foreigners was resented by peasants. This had the effect of
raising nationalism in the peasants. What compounded the problem was the
imposition of Baganda agents and their superiority complexes, languages like
Luganda, corruption and bribery, crude and strange punishments. disruption
of the peasants' social set-up, deliberate attempts to destroy peasant religious
institutions like Nyabingi. This led to colonial legislation against free worship
by peasants which it termed "witchcraft". In this regard, the colonial state
instituted the 1912 witchcraft Ordinance. This was aimed to prosecute
anybody caught worshipping these religions. It also designed and instituted a
Deportation Ordinance in 1912. These were some of the issues that informed
peasants' resistance in the first phase of the struggle.
On their part, the Abagirwa had to try and retain their economic base. As
they lived off the surplus from peasants, and some had began to accumulate
property under the name of Nyabingi, they had to try and defend it. As such,
49

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

they were able to combine politics and religion around all these concrete
issues. Peasants realised sense in the Abagirwa's teaching and were moved
into resistance. As heads of households were to complain later, they were also
opposed to the modus operandi of colonialism and the new religions which
undermined their political power and social status, set the young against their
elders etc.
After invading this area, colonialism introduced forced labour for public
projects, and political fines. However, it avoided introducing direct taxation
`until the natives have some means of earning money; which at present they
have not.... Premature taxation without opportunities for earning the
wherewithal to pay it would cause discontent and might result in migration to
the Congo or German East Africa'. This was imposed in 1915.
Subsequent events to colonial invasion prove that colonialism was not
welcome in the area. What we witness goes beyond Bakiga proverb that he
who is stronger than you kills your father and then takes over your mother.
Despite the absence of a centralised leadership in the area to defend peasants'
interests, peasants did not sit idle as these three imperial powers were
scrambling for this area, dividing and sub-dividing it amongst themselves.
They were not ready to surrender their land and autonomy.
The population factor needs to be contextualised. Though this area had
not reached a high level of social differentiation, which was worsened by the
crises that faced these peasants prior to 1910, it had reached a high population
level. The population of this new Kigezi District was estimated at 206,090
people in 1921 and land per head was 5.4 acres.52 This high population vis-a-
vis the available resources, and the rudimentary state of technological advance
contributed to peasants' mistrust of the colonialists and intensified their
militancy. This was one of the reasons why colonialism was very careful not to
encourage raw material production in Kigezi. Introduction of raw material
production in Kigezi required first the upgrading of the technical level of
labour due to this land shortage. Yet, Britain was not willing to plough back
the resources that it was siphoning out. Secondly, the colonial option was
shaped in this respect by the peasants through resistance for two and half
decades. Colonialism therefore opted for labour migration. The creation of
Kigezi into a labour reservoir has its origins in colonialism. However, it
should also be noted that colonialism was not hard-pressed by land for these
raw materials. It had nearer places like Buganda and Busoga where it was
already growing them very cheaply. As such, it found it economically rational
to transport labour from this highly populated area than taking risks to invest

52 Figures from Kigezi District Resettlement Office, Kabale.

50 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

its resources there.

Let us first have a general picture of the trend of these struggles.

Course of Nyabingi Movement up to World War I

At the time of colonial invasion, a Nyabingi Mugirwa had organised

peasants into resistance and overthrown Chief Ruhayana of Kinkizi.
Interestingly, it was in this Ruhayana that colonialism saw an ally. It took
advantage of this situation and reinstated him.

The Chief Nduraiana is very old and infirm. I found a section of his people in
revolt against his authority under the leadership of a local witch doctor,
whom, I arrested. These witch doctors are rather a feature of Rukiga and the
neighbouring countries. Their influence is great and the mischief they cause
considerable, as the doctrine they preach is entirely subversive of all authority
whether local or European.

At the same time, chief Muginga in the neighbouring Kayonza, refused

persistently to subordinate his authority and peoples to British colonial
government. Instead, he organised them into resistance. Being a danger to
colonialism, Cap. Reid deposed him, and replaced him with his collaborating
brother, Duybumba.53 However, Sullivan reinstated him after the C.S. had
warned against it as `...not desirable to interfere with the native regime until
we are firmly established in this country'.54
Muginga did not conform to collaboration as colonialism had wanted. Mc
Dougall accused Muginga that he had persistently refused to heed Cap. Reid's
summons. Instead, he had mobilised the majority of peasants into resistance;
and they fled Kayonza villages when Cap. Reid went there in August 1911. He
led a peasant force to Izomba, at the beginning of the war, 1914. He stayed
there till his arrest in February 1917. Accusations against him included
banding with Ndochibiri against colonialism, irresponsibility, consorting with
the enemy and fighting against the British. He was also accused of possessing
the charismatic characteristics of exercising considerable influence in the
District and fuelling resistance even while he was away. It was in the interest
of peace and good government that he was deported to Bunyoro, where he

53K.D. Report of 6/9/1911.

54Ag C.S. to Political Officer, on 2/10/1911 promised that "the new Ordinance on the subject
of witch craft will have to be enforced (when finally approved) as soon as the country is
added to the Protectorate". His memo of 3/x/1911 and letter of 6/10/1911 of C.S. ordered the
Political Officer to transfer Muginga to Mbarara or Masaka pending the Secretary of State's
approval of this Ordinance, "a witch doctor should be temporarily transferred to another
place".
51

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

could have no intercourse with any of the other natives, who had from time to
time been deported from Kigezi.55 Muginga's deportation order to Bunyoro, in
accordance with "The Uganda Deportation Ordinance, 1906", spelled out that
this was aimed to prevent continuance of his misconduct and intrigue against
the British rule.56 The Governor informed the Secretary of State for Colonies
that;

Mginga displayed an antagonistic attitude to the Government on the advent

of British Administration to his District in 1911, and that the subsequent
rectitution of his chieftainship failed to affect his disloyal tendencies on the
outbreak of the present war... the unsettled condition of the Kigezi District
renders it imperative to remove all suspicious influences, and, although no
proof exists as to Mginga's actual complicity in the recent disturbances, his
continued presence undoubtedly would be a source of danger to the peace
and good order of the area in question.57 *

To break him further and consolidate his alienationfrom his people, which
also emphasised the lesson that he had to conform when he went back to his
land, he was detained internally in Mparo after his term of deportation.
Ndungusi gives an interesting leadership in this movement. There were
various Nyabingi insurgencies, whose leadership claimed to be Ndungusi, son
of Rwabugiri (king of Rwanda) and his wife, Muhumusa. Such leadership
made such claim to this name because of the social, political, military,
religious and organisational capacity of both his mother Muhumusa and
Ndungusi himself. The history of Ndungusi and his mother becomes relevant
to this study as soon as they are forced to flee Rwanda due to power struggle.
Ndungusi failed to replace his father as King of Rwanda. It was during this
anti-colonial Nyabingi Movement that Ndungusi became a Nyabingi
Omugirwa, like his mother. He learnt the tricks and importance of
personification of Nyabingi. He developed military and leadership skills from
other Abagirwa and lineage leaders in the struggle. He participated in the
battle at Ihanga in 1911, managed to escape capture and death. He then

55 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 9/4/1917. Also see Comments of P.C.W.P. on Muginga on 18/4/1917.

See Affidavits of 8/6/1917 & of 8/6/1917. File Op. cit. File: Natives Affairs. Mginga:
Deportation of. U.N.A. Entebbe.
56 Mginga's Deportation Order of 29/6/1917 signed by the Ag Governor. File: Native Affairs.

Mginga: Deportation of.

57 The Governor's Communication on 10/7/1917 to the Secretary of State on Mginga's

Deportation. Also see the Attorney General's letter to Ag C.S. of 28/7/1917 and the
Governor's Communication 517 Minute 1 of 2/8/1917.
*: K.D.A.R. 1922 reported Mginga's return from exile at Masindi. K.D.A.R. 1923 noted that
Mginga had taken over Kayonza Gombolola.
52 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

retreated into the peasantry, where he began mobilising peasants into further
armed resistance. From then onwards, various personalities made claims to
this name for political purposes, to gain legitimacy and acceptance among the
peasants.
We find one of the claimants to this personality joining forces with
Katuregye, being killed in the forest.58 Another one, a Ndungusi, was caught
mobilising peasants into resistance in 1913 and deported to Jinja, where he
finally died in 1918. Another claimant to this name organised the broad-based
regional resistance of 1928. He escaped capture and disappeared among the
peasantry. Yet another claimant was to be captured mobilising peasants into
resistance and collecting tributes in 1930. He was convicted and imprisoned.
There were other young men who made similar claims to this name.
Ndungusi had become charismatic, an inspiration to resistance. Gradually, the
name Ndungusi declined and was rescinded into legendary. However, what is
evident is that whoever made claims to this name raised a large following. It
was because of the charismatic character of Ndungusi and his role in
leadership that the colonial state charged one of the claimants to this name
with responsibility for `riot, rebellion, sedition and bloodshed in Kigezi'. He
was deported for being a `dangerous and undesirable person to be at large in
this district'. The A.D.C. argued that Ndungusi had incited numerous chiefs
into open revolt against the government and attacking collaborators.
Rwagara, a local collaborator accused Muhumuza and Ndungutsi two
years later that they were

... bad people and disturbed the Rukiga county. They came to this country
about two years ago... went from place to place and took the people's cattle
they preached against the English. If a chief refused to obey them they warred
on him, they did this to Chief Mutambuko. They killed his people and burnt
his houses and took his cattle. Everyone was in fear of them. Cap. Reid with
the soldiers arrested Mamusa and killed many of his people but Ndungutzi
escaped. Mamusa and Ndungutzi had three stakes. They said they would
place me on one. Agt. Sebalija on the other - and Agt Yonozani on the third
one... Ndungutzi went into German territory and did many bad things there
but the German drove him into English country again and he stopped at
Lubungo. He told Lwantali and all the chiefs around there not to obey the
English but to follow him they did so. The people all refused to obey the
Government owing to his words. He moved from one place to place inciting
the people to rebellion. He accused me of bringing the English into the

58K.D. Report of 3/5/1913 noted that the Imperial Resident of Rwanda had been engaged in
operations against Ndungutse and Bassebya, that Ndungutse had been killed and that
Bassebya had escaped across lake Bunyonyi. More information was given by our respondents
including Rukara and Byandageire.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

country and wanted to fight with me.59*
Attributing all these peasant resistances to individuals as colonialism was
trying to do would be negating people's history. Peasants resisted in various
areas of the district at different times without Ndungutzi's knowledge or
influence. However, he was convicted of being dangerous to peace and good order
in the W.P., `endeavouring to excite enmity between the people of the Pro-
tectorate and His Majesty and is intriguing against His Majesty's power and
authority and the Protectorate'.

It would be a great mistake to allow Ndunungutzi to return to Kigezi for

some considerable time to come as he would be certain to cause trouble again.
Experience has taught me that too haste forgiveness or lenience with natives
who have misbehaved themselves (especially with fanatical ones) is
misplaced kindness and instead of being appreciated is invariably abused.60

Thus it was further reiterated in July 1914 that his return would be most
injurious and would lead to a recrudescence of the disturbances, which had led to his
deportation.61 This objection was reiterated the following year by the Governor to the
Secretary of State for Colonies.62 This Ndungusi died in exile in April 1918.63

Batwa Resistance

The Batwa nationality lived in forests stretching to Zaire in the West and
Rwanda in the South. Their mode of existence was principally hunting and
gathering which they supplemented by primitive plunder of wealth
characterised by massacres, arson, property destruction and looting. They
constituted a military and political threat to the local peasants. It is no wonder

59 Ruagalla's testimony of 25/3/1913. File: Kigezi: Ndungutzi - Native Chief: Deportation of;
Death: Settlement of Estate.
*: Our respondents accused collaborators like Rwagara and Baganda in fighting for Europeans
for loot and posts Eminyago hamwe n'emirimo.
60 .P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 23/12/1913.
61 See Communications of 10/7/1914 and 21/1/1915 barring him from returning. Also

Governor's communication to P.C.W.P. of 3/10/1916; the D.C's communication to P.C.W.P. of

27/9/1917 and P.C.W.P's communication to the C.S. of 4/10/1917 all barring Ndungutzi from
returning.
62 Governor of Uganda to Secretary of State for Colonies on 21/1/1915 responding to the

latter's letter of 13/6/1913 No. 284. File op. cit. The A.C.S. wrote to the P.C.W.P. on 6/4/1915
on the same decision and on 3/10/1916, the Governor informed the Secretary of State for
Colonies that the question of the return of Ndungutzi to Kigezi would have to be deferred
until normal conditions had been restored and the district brought under closer
administration.
63 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 2/5/1918. Also see D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 30/12/1918.
54 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

therefore, that the Abagirwa mobilised peasants against this nationality

... of a treacherous and thieving disposition, and at certain times of the year
band together for the purpose of raiding their more peaceful neighbours...
peasants near Mabaremere and other parts, lived in the most lively dread of
the Batwa who always attacked by night, killed all their people and stole their
food.64

The Batwa could not accumulate wealth through this process of hunting
and gathering, leading a nomadic life. They were not engaged in settled
production of either animal husbandry or crop husbandry. They could not
accumulate and concentrate the looted property to make it reproduce itself.
Neither did they engage this wealth in production for it to reproduce itself. As
there was no form of accumulation of wealth, no classes existed among them.
This made them very vulnerable. Colonialism capitalised on these weaknesses
to isolate and defeat them politically and militarily. We learnt from our
informers that in their primitive plunder, Batwa would burn whatever
remained after acquiring whatever they wanted. They killed all livestock as
they could not look after them. Our informers argued that the Batwa were so
wasteful because they did not participate in production of that wealth.
The 1911 Border Commission presented the Batwa as a race of fierce,
savage and undersized people, looked upon with suspicion and dislike by the
other natives, whose land they constantly raid, always independent and
truculent, acknowledging none but their own chiefs.65 Contrary to this colonial
view, it has to be understood that the Batwa were also inhabitants of this area,
regardless of the sentiments of other nationalities. After all, there were
contradictions at different levels in other nationalities, too.
Because of their military expertise, skills and lack of a settled mode of
production, it became easy for them to hire themselves out to fight for
organised states and peoples, nationalities and classes, like Rwanda to hire
them for military purposes. Colonialism anticipated that they were not likely
to give any trouble but that if it was found necessary to deal with, then native
levies could be raised without difficulty to assist in driving them from their
bamboo forests.66 One of the colonial tactics was to exploit pre-colonial
conflicts between the local peoples. In the case of the Batwa, the plan was to
ally with other nationalities against them. Though they were still dependent

64 op. cit. Jack exaggerated that they were "cannibals." It is Colin Turnbull, op. cit., who gives
another picture of the bigger section of the Pygmies in the Ituri Forest, their mode of
production, organisation, character, bravery and skillfullness.
65 op. cit.
66 op. cit. A lot of valuable information about the Batwa was provided by our respondents.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

on nature, they were militarily superior to the rest of the inhabitants. They
were more organised into a military force, under militant chiefs, more
advanced in weaponry etc.67 It was because of this level of organisation that
they could invade, terrorise, loot and pillage the populous peasantry who
were disunited, politically disorganised, and militarily weak. Colonialism had
to deal with them immediately.68 However, the Batwa soon realised the
dangers of this new enemy and started attacking it and its allies, disrupted its
communication system etc.
The three colonial powers combined forces, intelligence and military
information to fight them. They found it easy to mobilise peasants against
Batwa, due to past hatred between them. So, while wars were raging on Lake
Bunyonyi by the British against Katuleggi, the Germans and Belgians were
also fighting against the same nationality in their colonies. The question arises
as to why their resistance was defeated. While colonial powers were ready to
smash any local resistance, the Batwa received no sympathies, material or
military assistance or alliances from the peasants in the neighbourhood due to
their past history. Worse still, they had no continuous food supply. At the
same time, the area where they could go to for supplies had come under
different colonial powers. As a result, they faced shortages without
replenishments.69
The Batwa resistance under chief Katuleggi gave colonialism and its local
allies considerable trouble. His forces attacked and killed `friendly natives on
two occasions', and interrupted communications by seizing the canoes on
Lake Bunyonyi. They attacked and fired at runners, messengers and natives
sent to fetch wood for the troops. British colonialism sent a strong force to
dislodge and defeat them.70.* Bassebia, Chief of Batwa combined forces with
Ndungutse, and led a cross-section of peasants against the German colonial-
ists in Ruanda in 1912. While Ndungutse was reportedly killed, Bassebia
escaped to Rwanda. He was caught, arrested, prosecuted, convicted by the
German Court Martial and executed on the same day.

67 op. cit.
68 Interview with Karamagi, Mucoori, Ndyabura inter alia. They described the massacres and
plunders by the Batwa and how people fled in terror.
69 Our respondents informed this study on this alliance and the consequences. Byandagaire et.

al. showed how Rukara and Muramira led collaborators with Europeans against Katuregye et
al.
70 Report of 3/5/1912 & communication of 4/5/1912. U.N.A. Entebbe.

*: A force led by Lieuts Turpin, Moore, Sullivan, Wagstaff and Major Lawrence had failed to
defeat and dislodge them. This was because of their knowledge of the terrain and military
skills
56 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

I succeeded on 13/5/1912 to arrest the Batwa chief, Bassebja. Bassebja was

condemned to death by the military tribunal on 15th May and the sentence was
executed on that very day. Bassebja's raid on English territory has thus been
avenged.71
These anti-colonial struggles by the Batwa were nationalistic. They were
attacking colonialism and its collaborators. However, they got dispersed
through these defeats and death of their leadership.72 The fault with colonial
reports is that they attributed these raids to have been influenced by the Ger-
mans. That view presents these resisters as being prompted from without.73*

Nyabingi Movement with the 1914 War

We witness a great advancement in the anti-colonial struggle with the

advent of the year 1914. The peasant resisters in the three colonies
amalgamated their grievances and articulated them together. They organised
peasants around these issues. This enabled them to reach deep inside the three
colonies in terms of mobilization, recruitment and struggle. It was this
guerrilla force that took maximum advantage of the defeat of imperial
Germany and the colonial borders. The ideology of the movement was still
around this colonial occupation, colonial borders, land for the state and the in-
coming missions, forced labour and contributions, the imposition of alien
administration and administrators, laws, cultures, and new religions.
Colonialism had also marginalised local chiefs like Nyindo and Muginga,
deprived them of the opportunity to extract surplus labour from their subjects
as prior to colonialism. What worsened the situation were the new
impositions of other colonial demands onto the peasants to support the war.
Sebalijja and Abdulla were instrumental in resource mobilisation. The world
war had forced the colonial state to intensify its methods of extracting
resources from peasants. This had forced it to increase labour demands, food

71 The Imperial Resident, Kigali on 22/5/1912: "Betr. Einfall Bassebja's in Sud - Rukiga" No.
1/433 replying to The Political officer's letter of 21/5/1912 No. 48/12 on a joint military co-
operation against Batwa. This study acknowledges Dr. Muranga's assistance in translating
these documents from German into English.
72 Idem.
73 K.D.A.R. 1915-16 and K.D.A.R. 1916-17. Katuleggi was reported to have died of wounds

sustained in a fight with colonial forces under Abdulla.

*: Report of Lieut. Kigezi of 11/10/1915 to the Political Officer No. Pol. 3/15 on "Fighting
Among German Natives" advanced the need to take advantage of local contradictions; `With
regard to our people, there are certain clans such as Musakamba at Kigezi who are bitterly
opposed to Bukamba of Mulera, and reprisals for recent raids would cause no surprise... the
Batwa and the unruly natives to the South of lake Bunyonyi be punished for their raid on
British territory in November last, as soon as the opportunity presents itself. Mugengi
Katuleggi's brother G.E.A. ... wants bringing to his senses in a prompt and effective manner'.
57

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

and livestock to feed the troops. The A.D.C. had underlined that the colonial
state needed 12,000 goats and sheep to feed the troops in this district a year.74
The latest imposition for resource extraction was taxation. The P.C. had
warned in 1913 against abrupt taxation in cash until the natives had some
means of earning money, which they still lacked. He warned how `Premature
taxation without opportunities for earning the wherewithal to pay it would
cause discontent and might result in migration to the Congo or G.E.A.'75
However, colonialism was forced to introduce it due to pressure for resources
to meet the administration costs of the district, support the British economy in
the war and meet other expenses. This increased peasants' discontent. The
state used chiefs to collect it, gave them tax rebates. In the process, some
money paid for tax got embezzled.
Other issues revolved around the new religions and their demands, and
the privileges that colonialism was according them. Yet, these privileges were
on exploiting peasants property; religious persecution of Nyabingi by the
colonial state. Worse still, a new contradiction emerged between peasants and
colonial personnel over promiscuity. This arose partly from the fact that those
in colonial service did not bring their wives with them, while others were still
bachelors. Colonial service had subjected all of them to a bachelor life. This led
to new developments. They began chasing after women and girls in the
peasantry. Yet, this was an area where virginity was expected to be preserved
until marriage. As such, this new development led to adverse consequences.
Girls became pregnant and ran away, others got harassed by members of
society for flattering with colonial personnel. All these were forced to flee to
Kabale Station. A new institution of prostitution began to emerge around
administration centres. This was reinforced by other women from other areas,
who came from other areas of the country, not in search of men but to work
for money. Even colonial personnel used their state positions to force some
women into carnal affairs with them. All this was detested vehemently by
peasants. Worse still, this new development introduced and helped in the
spread of venereal diseases not only among prostitutes and government
personnel but also among the peasants. This led to adverse results in the area.
The persistent armed resistance of peasants in Kyogo and its environs to
British colonialism evidenced peasants' determination to regain their lost
independence. Their resistance began with colonial invasion. This led to the
bloody war of March 1915. As early as January 1914, the P.C. reported that
some Bakiga in Kyogo had indulged in some outbreak with spears. He was

74 op. cit.
75 W.P.A.R. 1913/14.
58 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

optimistic that `As soon as the rains commence, these people will devote
themselves to cultivation instead of beer drinking and fighting'.76 Not long
after, A.D.C. accused them of armed resistance. They had murdered a
government agent in December, who had gone to ask them to supply their
quota of forced labour, they attacked and chased away messengers between
the A.D.C. and the agent persistently, denied passage to anyone in colonial
service regardless of colour or origin. They attacked the agent's Boma twice
and the colonial forces fought back. This led to heavy casualties on the side of
resisters.77*

They have persistently refused to do any work or to bring food for the feed-
ing of the troops, and have endeavoured to get other natives to follow their
example. This was followed by the murder of one of the agent's followers,
and two attacks in force were made on the agents Boma... I requested Mr.
Turpin ASP ... to seize the cattle of these rebels, and thereby bring them to
reason as half measures are worse than useless when dealing with savages of
this type.78

Attributing peasant struggles to German influence obscures both reality

and the very basis of these struggles. They did not resist and later cross the
border on the ground that they had allied with the Germans but because they
considered the whole region as part of their land and were running away from
their enemies. This conforms to the Bakiga saying that the one chasing you
shows you the way.
This military encounter was characterised by courageous resistance
despite the peasants' weaknesses in planning, arms, military skills and
technology, organisation, and leadership. Turpin argued that Kyogo peasants
had attacked the Government forces with spears and arrows, had declined to
listen to the Agent, challenging them for a fight if they were men. This
portrayed the peasants' weaknesses as they had failed to know that this force
had come for war. He had therefore considered the position so dangerous and
opened fire on them. Although the peasants fought bravely, they lost this
battle. Even Kahondo peasants who rushed to their aid were repelled by

76 FW.P. Monthly Report of January 1914.

77 FA.D.C. Sullivan's Communication of 11/4/1915 to P.C.W.P. & P.C.W.P. to the C.S. on
3/2/1915 & on 12/7/1915.
*: See Appendix II C.A. Turpin's report. Also see A.D.C's report of 5/7/1915 and June 1916 &
P.C.W.P (vide Min. 16 in S.M.P. 2471 D) Ag. P.C. to C.S. of 12/7/1915 on measures taken
towards the end of March against certain Natives of Kyogo. The D.C. to P.C.W.P. on
11/4/1915 "Ref. MP. 3/2/15. File: Raids and Punitive Expeditions in the Kigezi District.
U.N.A. Entebbe.
78 Idem.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

colonial forces before they joined them. In this battle, over seventy-one
resisters were killed, also captured were 180 cattle, 650 sheep and goats and
500 loads of grain millet. These were treated as a Collective Political fine on
the ground that `the conduct of these people requires exemplary punishment...
must be taught that they cannot treat the Government with contempt... 1000
goats and sheep are required monthly as food for troops in this district, at the
cost of Rs. 1500/= per month'.79 This was a time when Nyindo, Semana et. al.,
mobilised peasants into resistance in the south-western part of the district. It
should be recalled that Nyindo was chief of Bufumbira by the time of colonial
invasion. Bufumbira was highly differentiated. Chiefs extracted surplus
through tributes presents and other contributions. Colonialism feared that he
could raise five thousand spearmen in the field on short notice. Colonialism
took careful steps not to confront him directly. There is evidence showing that
Nyindo was related to Musinga, king of Rwanda and that it was Musinga who
had appointed him chief. Despite all the precautions by the colonial state not
to draw Nyindo into armed struggles, Nyindo saw the dangers of colonialism
and began to organise people into resistance. By then, it had transformed him
and other chiefs like Makobore into nominal figureheads. His first move
against colonialism was in 1912/13. This was when he led a group of peasants
to Rwanda, kidnapped Kalemarima, a C.M.S. teacher and killed him. The
colonial State arrested them and convicted them.80 Some of this fine was given
to the widow, some was paid to eleven small chiefs, who `rendered valuable
assistance but who had not been rewarded for their assistance in dealings with
the natives'. The rest was sold and credited to the state.
This was a source of resources for it to run the state. It also wanted to
encourage more people in its service and wanted to inflict pain by
impoverishing the culprits. This aimed to discourage more resistances.
Capturing livestock of resisters aimed to deprive them of material resources
essential for supporting the resistance. Heavy punishment onto Nyindo was
meant to pre-empt any further rebellious activities by him. It also wanted to
placate the C.M.S. and encourage them to come to the District to carry out the
ideological and educational work. Implicitly, it aimed to show the colonial
state's capacity to protect all in its service.

79Idem.
80File: Murder of a Native Captured in German Territory. See P.C.W.P's to C.S. of 26/3/1913
on "fines imposed". Nyindo was fined fifty heads of cattle, Minyana and Badutwarumu were
charged twenty five heads of cattle each and Biteraboga was fined five head of cattle.
W.P.A.R. 1912/13 commended it "This I believe has had a good effect, and is expected to
result in applications for redress being made to the District Officer, instead of reprisals, when
an offence has been committed".
60 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

The leadership timed when the colonialists began war against each other
and commenced their resistance. They had also realised that the colonial state
was still weak as the P.C.W.P. admitted that they `were not strong enough to
take rigorous action on the frontier at the commencement of the war...' Nyindo
and the others had been aware of their objective weaknesses vis-a-vis the joint
British and Belgian forces. They were also aware of the racial differences
between Europeans and Africans. Their search for allies went beyond the
borders down south to the Germans, whom they had some link through King
Musinga, of Rwanda. It was clear that he had no interest in the Germans and
neither did the Germans have any personal interest in him and his group.
Neither could they trust any Belgian or English, who formed the object of the
struggle. He had faced it earlier on and witnessed other atrocities meted on
other peasants, the witch-hunt, collective fines and imprisonment. He knew
the risks involved in trying to do it. The only option remain was peasants, and
the Germans. The first option existed despite the colonial trials to win some of
them. It was under those conditions that he and his group struck some
agreement with the Germans. Colonial Intelligence Reports show that after
two German officers visited Nyindo under the disguise of being White
Fathers; they had sealed an agreement for cooperation in which Nyindo and
the others would ally with Germans against British and Belgians in return for
more cattle and expansion of territory.81
These resisters allied with the Germans to take advantage of the inter-
imperialist contradictions. They aimed at using them to drive out the British
and then break loose from the Germans. In this arrangement, the Germans
wanted to use in their inter-imperialist contradictions to defeat both the
British and the Belgians and then occupy that area as the new colonial power.
This was a situation of maneuverability. What is evident is that these peasants
neither wanted the presence of any of these colonial powers, nor their new
rule.82 The reasons for this resistance go beyond the colonial view that it aimed
to reinstate Nyindo.
With the beginning of the First World War in 1914, some peasants crossed
with their cattle to Belgian territory and others under Nyindo crossed to
G.E.A. They then began raiding loyal peasants.83 Although the peasants were
busy cultivating in October, the P.C.W.P. underlined how `The condition of
this part of the district must remain unsettled as long as Nyindo is at large
across the frontier and from under the wing, of the "black eagle sending

81 W.P.A.R. 1915/16.
82 Idem.
83 W.P. Monthly Report of August 1914.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

threats to our people...' 84 It is not surprising that there were attacks on British
forces and their allies near Mulera the following month. There were also other
attacks by Katulegge which continued for months. By then, British colonialism
had mistaken Katulegge's retreat and change of tactics for surrender or
abandonment after his mother's arrest. This type of mistaking tactics for
surrender was persistent in misjudging peasant resistances in this region.85
They mobilised peasants into continuous resistance to colonialism. These
resistances blocked resource mobilisation by colonialism in form of taxes,
labour and forced contributions. To concretise this, they attacked colonial
forces under agent Abdulla near Miserero's, when he had gone to collect
forced labour. They reorganised and attacked again within a month. They
attacked, killed or wounded "loyal natives". A section of resisters under Sem-
ana "burnt nearly all Mushakamba's villages" and about twenty other villages
of loyal chief Mutesi and Abdulla's Boma in October 1914, and looted their
livestock. Colonialists lamented how `The natives of these villages were loyal
and were attacked without provocation or excuse' (sic!).86 Nyindo and his
followers. led new attacks against colonial forces at Kisoro, defeated the
colonial forces and the latter fled towards Ikumba Headquarters with losses,
bruises and humiliation. The resisters then burnt the administration quarters
and looted cattle of allies. More bloody battles followed with the war-cry that
they were going to drive the Europeans out of the country.87
The Political Officer accused them of `circling round to cut me off from
Kigezi Hill, and I was lucky to extricate myself...' He and his forces fired and
shot several resisters. Nyindo commanded over 1200 peasant resisters the
following day against the colonial forces and the local collaborators. Their
major weapons were the people, arson, arms, belief in Nyabingi, courage, and
unity. Their rear base was across the borders. This battle lasted four hours.
The resisters killed many loyal natives and looted most of their livestock.
What is evident in these struggles is that the allies of colonialism were the
immediate targets as they were the nearest as the real enemy was distant and
sometimes not clear. These allies were poised as an obstacle, which had to be
removed first before resistance could reach the principle enemy. Colonialism
retaliated viciously. It arrested some of them and confiscated their cattle.
Kilongole, Kalafa, Mutago and Biunyira were sentenced to one year R.I. in
Kampala goal with a fine of cattle and goats. Taking them to Kampala aimed

84 W.P. Monthly Report of October, 1914.

85 W.P. Reports of November and December, 1914.
86 Report of Political Officer, Kigezi to C.S. on Nyindo of 9/11/1916. File: Kigezi: Nyindo -

Deportation of.
87 Affidavit by C.E.E. Sullivan on 6/12/1916.
62 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

at widening their narrow outlook: `Besides the possibilities of escape from

Kabale goal, detention here would not make them realise that Kigezi is not the
only district under British rule'.88 He explained how their short term
imprisonment was determined by their low level of consciousness,
organisation and mobilisation, `These men are ignorant and superstitious
semi-savages and not on the same plane as intelligent chiefs such as Nyindo'.89
The Attorney General advised the D.C./D.M. not to imprison them under
Martial law in the existing circumstances of the war but to deport them on an
affidavit. This was because he feared that such imprisonment would require
British colonialism to accord them some rights as prisoners of war. Secondly,
it would show internationally British acceptance as an army of occupation and
its recognition of existence of people's struggle for self-determination. As such,
they were convicted under sections 148 and 149 of arson, attempted murder,
theft, causing hurt, etc., and then to have them deported them after
imprisonment. The Attorney General had advised the D.C./D.M. that in the
existing colonial law, mere participation in the unlawful assembly made a
person liable for all offences committed by the others in prosecution of the
common object of the assembly.90 *
We find that when Nyindo finally surrendered, his property was
confiscated as punishment for resistance. He was accused of fanning anarchy,
attempting to murder the civil officer in charge of the District, inciting people
to murder Agent Abdulla while collecting porters at Mizerero's in 1914 and on
many other occasions, burning the agent's house at Kisoro, mobilising
peasants to loot the Indians' shop and to attack the Boer family. He was also
accused of constantly attacking the civil officers and their escorts between
Kumba and Rutchuru, mobilising other Batusi gangs into resistance
operations on the Congo border and looting the post of Goma, inciting his
forces to attack, kill and rob many loyal peasants and chiefs who refused to
join him, killing a missionary teacher, allying with Germans and participating
in the German attack of Chahafi of 1/1/1915 with Ndochibiri. Other charges
included aiding Chief Katulegye in raiding and looting loyal natives,
instigating numerous petty raids at various times and places, rioting,

88FA.D.C's letter of 19/4/1917 to P.C.W.P. These four resisters lived at Namakumba. I argued
that Ndochibiri had just been residing there. Refer to Map 3.
89 Idem.
90Ag Attorney general to C.S. of 16/5/1917.

*: Also see Communication from P.C.W.P. to the C.S. of 4/5/1917 on the lawless acts and
judgment, Ag Governor's letter of 16/5/1917. Ag D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 11/8/1917. Mitobo was
sentenced to 21/2 years R.I. and Karafa, Mutago, Kilongole, and Biunyira to 1 year's R.I. each.
D.C. informed P.C.W.P. on 23/8/1917 that rebel Semana had been sentenced to 5 years R.I.>
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

encouraging and commanding peasant resisters to kill Europeans.91

He was convicted and deported to Masindi. To silence the membership
under Nyindo, colonialism replaced Nyindo with his child as their chief. `The
son is a small boy of about 6 or perhaps 7 years of age, who can do no harm
for some time to come'.92 Colonialism deported him for `...peace and good
order in the Kigezi District ... would be dangerous to peace and good order... if
he were ever allowed to return there to; and to prevent effectually his having
any evil influence in this said district...'93

Resistance under Ndochibiri

Available evidence shows that Ndochibiri and his comrades got initial
military training in scientific warfare, skills and military tactics from
colonialism. They had been employed in colonial forces as askaris and then
deserted with arms. It shows that Ndochibiri and some others were recruited
by Belgians and participated in the war against Germans. This was important
for his career as a guerrilla leader. That is where he gained military skills,
training, commanding and knowledge of geography. It also assisted him to
learn the weaknesses of the Europeans and their weapons. These were
important as he was to capitalise on them in the struggles that followed. This
involvement in this war also facilitated him to make more friends, create more
comrades and allies in these forces. He was able to recruit more combatants
and seal comradeship and brotherhood under the practice of blood
brotherhood and other cultural practices. It also gave him opportunity to
popularise people's cause and the need for self-emancipation from colonialism
in the whole region.
Their other important achievement was their acquiring weapons and
ammunition from colonialism, the dead soldiers, from the reckless ones; from
stores and captured others from the enemy. Others were got from the defeated
Germans on their hurried evacuation. These activities led to his being
suspected of his designs. The colonialists tried to burn him in his house but he
managed to escape with serious burns. It is alleged that his three fingers were
lost in this tragedy. Ndochibiri in the local language means two fingers. It was

91 See Police Statements by Abdualla Namunye and Sulimani Ntangamalala of 7/1/1918 and
10/1/1918 confirming these. Other Statements include those by Mushakamba's son,
Kanyamanza, Luwanya, Police Constable Saidi Bitensi on 8/1/1918 who showed how peasant
resisters overwhelmed them, defeated them, forcing them to flee to Ikumba, and how the
resisters burnt their homes and captured all their cattle.
92 op. cit.
93 op. cit
64 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

this event which forced his resistance into the open. He began actual
organisation, politicization and recruitment of peasants into struggle. Another
important method he employed in preparation for the struggle was of creating
blood brotherhood wherever he passed. By 1916, the colonial State confessed
how `witch doctor Ndochimbiri has been the cause of considerable trouble, in
April he ravaged the country within a few miles of posts garrisoned by the
U.P.S.B.' It was, therefore, forced to station a post of 10 special constables near
the border to prevent his rebel activities.
It was the new leadership which had no illusion of returning this society
to the pre-colonial one. After all, their wide travels in the whole region and
beyond, and their experience with the colonialists had given them enough
chance to appreciate the importance of organised administration, with a
standing armed force. They aimed to rid the area of this force of occupation,
establish a strong administration aimed at defending people's interests. It was
this leadership which was divided over Nyabingi. Some of them believed
strongly in Nyabingi and had some backward looking and idealist in terms of
society's movement, to return it to the period where there would be not taxes,
no chiefs, and no any other ruler other than Nyabingi. Other members, who
had been in colonial service appreciated the inevitability and usefulness of
some of the colonial institutions and weapons.
The resistance under Ndochibiri was forward looking. During his military
service in colonial forces and his consequent leadership role in anti-colonial
struggles, he had realised the importance of an organised, a strong
administration necessary for protecting the inhabitants and their resources.
This was reflected in his strong, broad-based leadership which included men
and women. Furthermore, this leadership came from various nationalities in
the whole area. The same was reflected in the membership of the peasant
forces. We find the membership comprising of different nationalities, with a
strict discipline.
Anti-colonial struggles under Ndochibiri came into the open in January
1915 in the Kivu-Mulera-Kigezi region. He timed when colonialists were
fighting amongst themselves and organised peasants into armed resistance.
He, too used Nyabingi religion for military, political and ideological purposes.
By 1916, the colonial state was highly paralysed by the peasant force under his
command operating in the Kivu-Mulera-Kigezi region: Rwanda, Congo and
Uganda. He began by organising peasants into a powerful resistance.
Ndochibiri understood clearly the importance of Nyabingi religion in
enforcing unity, discipline, determination, secrecy, and cultural bindings,
among the fighters and their see. His maiden attack was a great blow to
colonialism, `a crowd of fanatical natives, with a "Sacred" sheep as an emblem,
were with difficulty driven back, with the aid of two mitrailleuses, after some
65

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

hours fighting'.94
The two main objectives of this attack were to defeat and dislodge the
Belgians and English forces from that fort and to capture arms. This Sacred
White Sheep was believed to have powers to send away Europeans.
Ndochibiri encouraged peasant resisters that he would turn bullets into water.
In January 1916, colonialism reported that peasants in Ruanda behaved in `a

94Ag D.C. Kigezi to Monseiur Le Commissaire de District Ruzizi - Kivu of 7/6/1919. We are
grateful to our respondents for their valuable information on this resistance. Among these are
Bayanguha, Rwakisheya Bafwokuheeka and Mucori who informed this study on the
contributions of Ndochibiri, Komunda, Muhire, Baguma, Rwamutwe et al.
66 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

G.E.A Series Lake Kivu A1, Showing British Ruanda

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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

disloyal and defiant manner and under the leadership of Ndochikembiri with
his sacred sheep' attacked Chahafi and that the prophet was severely
wounded.95 The wounding was later disapproved as wishful thinking of the
colonialists. In April that year, Ndochibiri led an attack on colonial forces,
looted the collaborators' property and livestock and disappeared in Kayonsa
forest.96 These peasant resisters waged a series of short, quick attacks on the
colonial forces. They would then retreat into the forests across the border.
What increased the colonial fears was that these "rebels" were well-armed
with lethal weapons and were also capturing both colonial troops and their
arms. Worse still, there was a major shift in methods of struggle from those
prior to the war. These resisters employed guerrilla tactics and did not want to
commit the enemy into direct combat.97
The colonial state was compelled to deploy a strong, well-equipped force
against this movement.98

Rebel Chief Ndochibiri causing great trouble around Kabale in Kigezi District
a Governor considers it advisable he should be dealt with at once... release
one company of the police service battalion with maxims for this purpose a
Lawrence suggests Mwanza Company as any Punitive measure...99

The persistent sharp attacks that this peasant armed resistance under
Ndochibiri continued to inflict on colonial forces compelled the latter to
wishful thinking that Ndochibiri had died of wounds.100 This was dispelled
that `no reason believe ndochibiri dead or wounded he sent insulting message
to Agent Chinchizi and is leaving Kayonsa forest stop A.D.C. asks if police are

95 P.C.W.P. Monthly Report of January 1916. File: Raids and Punitive Expedition.
96 FP.C.W.P. Monthly Report of April, 1916. Op. cit. Also see C. 228 II. Intelligence Reports,
Lake Detachment. U.N.A. Entebbe. Also see Excerpt from Intelligence Reports, Lake
Detachment. Kigezi, Punitive Expedition Against Ndochibiri. Also see Report of P.C.W.P. of
May, 1916.
97 P.C.W.P. Report of June 1916 (vide Min. 16 S.M.P. 2471D). P.C.W.P. Monthly report of July.

1916 reported that before retreat, they had lost 13 combatants, ten killed and three captured.
Also see A.D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 21/12/1916.
98 The September Report noted that "inhabitants of Ruanda are still out of control and likely to

remain so until Ndochibiri and his followers are finally dealt with, and until such time as the
Belgians over the border manage to exercise control over their natives". Telegraph of
4/11/1916 from O.S.
99 Telegraph of C.S. to O.C. Lake Detachment Ndala of 11/11/16, same file. Kigezi Punitive

Expedition Against Ndochibiri. Also refer to telegraphs of 6/11/16 of C.S. to Major Lawrence
and Governor's telegraph of 8/11/16.
100 Telegraph of C.S. to P.C.W.P. of 8/12/1916.
68 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

going to Kigezi to co-operate with Belgians'.101

The colonial state arranged a combined military venture with Belgian
forces from Rutchuru and Kigali on Congo and Rwanda frontiers.102 The Com-
missioner of Police, Kampala was awaiting `final instructions for dealing with
Knochibililli's people... I hear they are well armed and this seems a good op-
portunity to bring them to reason - and disarm them'.103 The Belgian
authorities were enthusiastic to punish the rebels who had murdered their
mail runners and two of their soldiers. Another strong force came from
Mwanza under Major Lawrence.104 *
However, the resisters learnt of this expedition and foiled their plan by
dispersal method before the enemy's attack. In retaliation, colonial forces
arrested peasants and their leaders for assisting Ndochibiri.105 * There
followed series of attacks in this expedition, leading to heavy casualties on
both sides, arrests and capture of colonial troops. This expedition increased
strife to peasants and hostilities between them and colonialism.
The answer to why they failed to achieve their objective despite all these
preparations and superior arms, why they didn't wipe out this resistance and
convince peasants to desist from resistance106 lies in the objectives of this
struggle, the leadership's level of organisation, intelligence net work,
knowledge of the terrain, the methods of struggle, the integration and
identification of the population into this struggle and the peasants
participatory role in the struggle. Whatever victory was the peasants' victory.
It was impossible to separate them from it. Even those who would have
informed the colonial forces of the resisters' movements were denied access to
such vital information.
The strength of this peasant resistance can be assessed from the colonial
force and weaponry that came to fight it under Major Lawrence who `left

101 Telegraph of P.C.W.P. to the C.S. of 18/12/1916.

102 Telegraph from Major Lawrence, commanding U.P.S.B. to Commissioner of Police,
Kampala on 16/12/16. Tabora.
103 Telegraph of Commissioner of Police, Police Headquarters Office, Kampala of 16/12/1916.

Also refer to telegraph of C.S. to Col. Riddick of 20/12/1916 and to Political Officer, Kabale;
and another to the P.C.W.P. on 22/12/1916.
104 Commissioner of Police, Mwanza to C.S. on 21/12/16. Also see Telegraph from Maj.

Lawrence, to Commissioner of Police, Kampala on 16/12/16.

*: Le Commandant le C.O. Kigali Stereng G. to D.C. on 28/11/1916: Coups d'occupation
Commandement participation eventualle des troupes belges a Capture de N'DOKI-BILI.
105 Maj. Lawrence to the C.S. on 21/2/1917. Op. cit. and O.C's report to C.S. on Expedition

dated 17/2/1917.
*: See Appendix VI: Report on the Expedition Against Ndochibiri and Kanyaruanda on
29/3/1917.
106 Telegraphs of 26/2/1917 and 8/3/1917.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Kabale on 3rd instant as follows: - Lt. Col. C. Riddick, Inspector Dryden,

Assistant Inspector Wagstaff, Dr. Doble, Mr. Mc Dougall, A.D.C., and 80 Rank
and File, Uganda Police, with one Machine gun and 200 odd porters...'107
This state repression and scorched earth policy of `destroying shambas
and property as reprisals for supporting the rebels' increased insecurity.108
This had disastrous consequences among which was famine as peasants were
withdrawn from production. Colonialism blamed it on the resisters; `Owing to
the former raids of Ndochibiri during the time Ruanda was supposed to be
under the protection of the Belgians the people were prevented from planting
adequate crops. There is now a considerable scarcity of food, and there is
some fear of a famine'.109* Lt. Col. Riddick accepted both the leadership's
superiority in organisation and execution of armed struggles, using the
masses as the see, despite the colonialists' brutality, cruelty and illusions
because of this paralysis. He confessed how both Ndochibiri and
Kanyaruanda were seasoned guerrilla fighters, who were outsmarting the
colonial forces in the forest, in the caves, among the people who knew when
and how to engage the enemy and when to retreat, who had learnt about their
enemies' military capacity, weapons, tactics, allies and movements and above
all won the confidence, support and love of the people. He concluded by
confessing

without the power to punish the people who were aiding and abetting his
escape, Ndochibiri was master of the situation, there were no roads, very hilly
country, lookout huts and signal fires on every hill and every native as far as
lay in his power apparently under Ndochibiri's control - none of whom we
could touch.110

In despair, British forces under Lt. Col. Riddick embarked on a massive

arrest of peasants; accusing them of being relatives of Ndochibiri, two wives
and their children being of Ndochibiri, and four leaders for conniving with
him.111 However, commitment to the struggle had made Ndochibiri resilient

107 Commissioner of Police, Major Commissioner Lawrence to the C.S. on 21/2/1917.

108 O.C. Expedition to C.S. on 17/2/1917.
109 W.P. Report of November, 1916.

*: Also see telegraph from Commissioner of Police, Mwanza to the C.S., of 3/1/1917 and of
13/1/1917 and reply of 21/1/1917. Also see Telegraph of Commissioner of Police of
31/1/1917.
110 Report of the Commissioner of Police Lt. Col. Riddick to the C.S. dated 29/3/1917 on

Expedition Against Ndochibiri and Kanyarwanda.

111 He had arrested 37 peasants, of whom some were claimed to be Ndochibiri's wives and

children.
70 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

even during such trying moments. The Belgian Lieutenant rejected Riddick's
proposal `to capture and keep in custody his (Ndochibiri's) women etc. and to
punish those who helped him with food etc'.112
It was Kanyarwanda, who was forced to surrender after colonial forces
captured his son and held him as a bait. He was charged with being a member
of unlawful assemblies which committed murder, arson, hurt with dangerous
weapons, theft and other crimes, was convicted and sentenced to four years
R.I. in Kampala. His fate for deportation would be decided thereafter. As a
rebel, all his cattle were confiscated.113 That way, colonialism was able to
separate the leadership from the membership, deprive them of resources and
ability to make war, inflict psychological pain and a sense of separation and
loss. It was also meant to threaten others from struggles against this colonial
power and for politicisation purposes. The politics underlying imprisonment
of the culprits to Kampala was to open their eyes to the fact that the regime of
the British Government was not confined merely to this district, and give them
some idea of the British power.114

The Tragedy that Befell the Movement

British colonialism invited Belgian participation in a joint military venture

in 1919. The D.C. notified them that the rebel Ndochibiri had appeared from
BUITWA on frontier of Kigezi at NAMIKUMBWE, KWA KABANGO, slightly
south of Chief ITEMBERO and reminded him of `the double danger of the
movements headed by this man in that they are essentially anti-European, and
supported by fanaticism inculcated by NABINGI worship, which, by
terrorism, renders every native his spy and a willing host... was recently
joined in BUITWA by Wakiga LUMULI and LUHEMBA and the latter's wife
KAIGIRIRWA, a Nyabingi...are organisers of dangerous and fanatical anti-
European movements in the KIVU-MLERA-KIGEZI area'.
Colonialism had resolved that `even should no disturbances occur, these
rebels should be hunted mercilessly in our respective districts. Their death or
capture will alone ensure peace'.115* This course of action was agreed to

112 K.D.A.R. 1916-1917. He released them. There were four arrests of Ndochibiri's confederates.
113 See P.C.W.P. communication to C.S. of 5/7/1919. The Ag D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 11/8/1917 on
"Lawless Natives in Kigezi District". The Ag D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 28/7/1917 & P.C.W.P. to C.S.
on 9/8/1917 on Kanyaruanda's conviction. Also refer to File Native Affairs: Kanyaruanda.
U.N.A. Entebbe.
114 Idem.
115 Ag D.C. to Mon. le Commissaire de District Ruzizi - Kivu of 7/6/1919. He outlined his

military plans against these peasant resisters. He had set up a military post on BIRAHIRA's in
British Ruanda, another at KINKIZI-KAYONZA opposite ITEMBERO's (Kisalu). Le Resident
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

although Belgian authorities remained skeptical;

du Ruanda to D.C. on 14/6/1919 on "Rebel force under Ndochibiri".

*: See Map on British and Belgian patrols.
72 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

“German East Africa” Series

Lake Kivu Section A1
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

we shall find it extremely difficult to effect his capture since he is always
informed of our slightest movements. He is held in terror by the native
population by reason of his supernatural associations, and no one dares to
denounce his gatherings from the additional fear of reprisals ... he seldom
risks remaining in villages and takes the precaution of establishing his camps
in places which are far from population and kept secret, these rendezvous
even he changes frequently.116

The P.C.W.P. confirmed in November that the peculiar geographical

features and power of blood brotherhood among these wild and backward
people's make it impossible to rely on the local natives at all.117 Van de Ghinste
informed the D.C. Kigezi on 23rd June a Belgian force of 25/30 rifles under a
European was going to patrol frontier so as to cut off retreat of the
NDOCHIBIRI rebels.118 He communicated to the D.C. Kigezi how chiefs
KABANGO and ITEMBERO had feigned ignorance of the movements of
NDOCHIBIRI that morning.119 It was that night that the colonial forces caught
up with the top leadership of this resistance and wiped it out.

... strong force rebels crossed frontier into KAYONSA nineteenth ... enticed
from forest and attacked KUMBA three hours north KABALE ... their retreat
cut off and gang entirely dispersed leaving leaders NDOCHIMBIRI and
LUHEMBA instigator NAKISHENYI rebellion, with two other rebels dead in
our hands ... "Sacred" Nabingi sheep captured together with two rifles,
bayonets, bows, arrows and British and German ammunition ... our casualties
one wounded.120

Their death was of great significance. It was a great success for

colonialism. In the P.C.W.P's words, hadn't they been so promptly and
successfully dealt with, `within a month, we should ... have had very serious
native trouble in Rukiga and perhaps in Ruanda also'.121 That is why it was
celebrated in Kabale where they exposed Ndochimbiri and Luhemba's bodies.
Ndochibiri's two - fingered hand was cut off and circulated in public `to
assure publicity for the death'. They also burnt to ashes the captured "Sacred"
white sheep publicly at Kabale.122 These were aimed to prove their death to
116 Communication from D.C. Ruzizi - Kivu to D.C. Kigezi, on 18/6/1919.
117 W.P. November 1919 Report.
118 Communication of D.C. Van de Ghinste to D.C. Kigezi of 23/6/1919 in reply to D.C. Kigezi

of the previous day 22/6/1919. They were going to patrol the frontier between RUTEZO and
Mt. NKABWE.
119 Van de Ghinste, D.C. Ruzizi - Kivu, Rutchuru on 23/6/1919.
120 .D.C's telegraph of 24/6/1919 and his letter of 25/6/1919.
121 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 5/7/1919.
122 op. cit. It was burnt on 3rd. "a very serious General rising organised by a powerful anti
74 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

the public, demystify and discredit Nyabingi, and threaten peasants from
Nyabingi resistances.123

...it is difficult to realise the immense importance locally of the death of this
rebel who has defied two Governments for five years and was a leader of an
anti-European Secret society which has terrorised the RUANDA - RUKIGA
county for four generations. (Sic!)124

It is important to understand some of the factors that contributed to the

sustainence of this guerrilla movement for that long. Firstly, the resisters used
forests in the district and at the border with Congo as one of their bases. They
showed mastery of the terrain, weaponry and developed sophisticated, mobile
guerrilla tactics. As D.C. argued, to defeat them demanded luring them from
the forest. Secondly, they attacked all in colonial service. This way, they
defeated joint Anglo - Belgian forces. Colonialism was compelled to admit that
`Anything therefore in the nature of purely military force appeared futile'.
That is why the colonialists formed a joint Anglo-Belgian Patrol along the
impenetrable forest.125 British colonialism was compelled to broaden its social
base among the peasants and to deploy many of them to spy for it and to
monitor all activities of Nyabingi movement.
Thirdly, the resisters used the peasants in the three colonies as their sea.
Whenever pursued, they would apply guerrilla tactics of dispersal, leading
the enemy to confusion. That was why this resistance created real fears to the
colonialists. In addition to their joint military expeditions, patrols, intelligence
and communication, the death of Ndochibiri was celebrated not only by the
colonialists and their local allies in the whole region but also in England. The
resisters exploited all existing social and cultural practices such as blood-
brotherhood, Nyabingi religion and its rites for making and sealing new
alliances, recruiting new fighting forces and other active and supportive
purposes, punished waverers, sell-outs and betrayers. This is best exemplified
by one of those in its top leadership RUHUNGO. He had killed a chief's askari
in RUANDA in 1916.126 Another interesting example is of two domestic boys
who killed their master for betraying Nyabingi Movement, burnt his house
and fled across the border.127

European "religious" society has been most narrowly averted".

123 op. cit. The death was celebrated in Entebbe, Kampala, Kigali, Rutchuru and England. His

head was hurried to the British Museum for public display. Refer to nationalistic songs on
these struggles under Ndochimbiri.
124 op. cit.
125 D.C's letter of 25/6/1919. No. 55. Also See Map.
126 op. cit.
127 op. cit.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Fourthly, there was increased cooperation in both membership and

leadership. The best instance is of Kaigirirwa, a priestess, who was in high
command with men, was the one who commanded a strong peasant armed
force of about 600 fighters from Congo into Uganda and stayed with them in
the forest awaiting instructions from Ndochibiri et al. in Kabale. She took over
the movement's leadership immediately after their death.
Fifthly, Ndochibiri derived his strength mainly from large numbers of
peasants joining the movement. In fact, he was able to convince many people
in colonial service to join the struggle. The best examples were peasants of
Rwagara hill, former allies of colonialism. He formed a bond with them
through blood brotherhood and other cultural bindings, mobilised them into
resistance twice early 1919 against forced labour, taxation, inter alia. He was
able to recruit them into the struggle as both supporters and active
participants drawing on their social grievances. It was among these where the
top leadership was making blood brotherhoods, carrying out Nyabingi rites
and "fomenting a general resistance on a large scale in Rukiga and Rwanda,
bigger than the August 1917 Nyakishenyi resistance" according to the colonial
assessment.128
The leadership's capacity of organisation and military strategies were
exemplified even in the last encounter. By the time their forces under
Kaigirirwa crossed into Uganda, Ndochibiri and fourteen other leaders were
busy doing political work around Kabale. They were making military plans
and preparations for the next offensive, preparing arms, carrying out
initiations and broadening their cause, carrying out cultural and Nyabingi
rites, mobilising and encouraging peasants while cementing their faith and
courage, using Nyabingi, patriotism and blood-brotherhood and all other re-
lation that could be exploited. "Not a whisper of their presence reached any
alien native, much less any political agents connected with the Government".
In terms of modern weaponry, they had 25 rifles during that night. With the
object of liberating their country of Europeans, they never surrendered but
portrayed great heroism and bitter hatred for colonialism as they resisted it
even in death. The D.C. acknowledged;

Their rifles they deliberately broke, shouting as they died `we will not look
upon a white man, he shall not have our "iron" but a curse'.129

One of their main military weapons was arson. Arson as a weapon was

128 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 5/7/1919.

129 op. cit.
76 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

easy to apply. One method of applying it was to tie a bundle of live fire on the
arrow and then shoot it at the place to burn. Arson struck great fear among the
colonialists. `... native tactics locally are massed attack just before dawn. As at
Nakishenyi, houses are burnt to "bolt" the occupants. All station buildings are
mud and thatch. No approach to water can be commanded by rifle fire from
any of these, least of all the office ... no "boma". Water is a mile away. Any
force fighting its way to water would find itself in a swamp with mountains
on either side...' Resisters applied it very often either individually or
collectively. The enemy also resorted to it. They also feared that a section of
resisters would burn the headquarters and claim that it was Nyabingi which
had burnt them and chased away the government.130 This would lead to loss
of property and credibility among the area, which would fuel resistance.131
D.C. had noted the guerrilla tactics of these resisters:

Speaking generally the rebels expressly avoid fighting and retire into the
forest or across international frontiers whence they dart out to raid and retire
before any news can even reach the station.132

Some sought individual solutions to colonialism; they fought on

individual bases, committed murders, or suicides in despair or in utter anger,
others refused to pay tax or to provide free labour as groups or as individuals.
A good example was Kayonsa and Kinkizi resistance. "Several villages of
criminal fugitives and malcontents are situated just across the Belgian fron-
tier...At the first sign of tax collection or labour demands the greater portion of
the people prepare to move across the frontier".133 Others migrated across the
borders while others opted for an opportunistic alternative - collaborating
with colonialism for material rewards and other benefits.
The paralysis of colonialism came from continuous and persistent attacks
by all sections of peasant society. Birahira gives another good example. He led
a force of over 300 peasant resisters against the British, who were exploiting
forced labour Ruharo on road construction. This disrupted road construction.

130 Ag D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 26/6/1919. Also refer to report of P.C.W.P. of 28/10/1920 on the
Safety of Kabale Station. The Commissioner of Police, Kampala on 17/vii/1919 suggested
construction of a cemented underground Water tank by P.W.D. and the roofing with
corrugated galvanized iron. Ag C.S. to Director of P.W.D., Kigezi Station. Ag C.S. to the
Director of P.W.D. of 24/7/1919: Kigezi Station. File: W.P. Kabale Station, Defence
Precautions.
131 op. cit. P.C.W.P. to Commissioner of Police on 7/7/1919.
132 op. cit. He recommended alterations of Kabale Station and to increase Police establishment

to 70.
133 W.P. April 1919 Report. Colonialism instituted an Anglo-Belgian Patrol in 1921 to help

collect tax on both sides of the border. K.D.A.R. 1921.

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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

The colonial forces under Namunye arrested him and some of his forces.134
Birahira had earlier on led another anti-colonial resistance.135
The peasants' overt methods included refusal to offer information. The
best example was their refusal to explain to the A.D.C. in a large Baraza at
Kabale the reasons for their resistance. They were determined not to betray
their cause. It is false to argue that this peasant movement was caused by
"nabingi" as the A.D.C. did. The cause was imperialism. Nyabingi united and
inspired them to fight their enemies.136

Developments Consequent to these Deaths

These resisters understood the critical demands of the struggle and the
need to promote it. As such, they intensified it. To concretise this, seven
"compatriots of the late Ndochibiri", who had tried to conscientise the
peasants had been beaten off at once by British forces. On the same day, `there
was a simultaneous gathering at Itembero's (Congo-Belge frontier) of Nabingi
malcontents with 28 rifles'. Both the Belgian and British authorities responded
with scorched earth policy. They burnt villages of Kisalu, Kayonza and
Kinkizi, and evacuating peasants from the border areas. They knew that
`While one cannot hope for any permanent result from this section, it has nev-
ertheless had a salutary effect'.137
The murder of Biramba and then the burning of his body by his domestic
boys illustrates some of the ways how resisters dealt with those who betrayed
the struggle - the so-called "pragmatists" or in colonial language
"progressives". The P.C.W.P. recounted:

On the night of July 31/1 August the Ruanda Chief BIRAMBA of Bunagana
was murdered by two servants who were sleeping in the same house
adjoining that of Agent Abdulla. They burnt the house over his body and fled
to the Congo. BIRAMBA was a useful progressive chief who had
accompanied me twice on tour and given under secrecy much valuable
information by the Nabingi movement. The latter have announced the act as
one of vengeance on an "informer".138

There was continuous resistance in various forms. The main contention in

134 Idem. Bilahira was doing 12 months R.I. at Kabale.

135 op. cit. Excerpt from Intelligence Reports, Lake Detachment. Kigezi, Punitive Expedition
Against Ndochimbiri & W.P. Report of May, 1916.
136 op. cit.
137 op. cit.
138 op. cit.
78 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

many parts remained taxation, forced labour and other demands by the state
and religious missions. Colonialism was forced to exempt certain areas like
Butare, Bufundi and parts of Bufumbira from taxation for fear of resistance.139
It was clear to colonialism that "the basis of all negative politics is that alien
Government is only temporary... is also a basis of NABINGI "religion".(Sic!)140
It therefore, intensified political work and organisation of the District.141 *
The P.C. warned against strong punitive measures against resisters as this
"would bring temporary success". The D.C's defence was that Punitive
measures were necessary to quell all international disorders.142 * This was the
same time when peasants attempted to burn the residence of the agent of
Rukiga.143
Peasant resisters used the weapon of propaganda to explain phenomena.
An instance is how new diseases like dysentery, influenza were lumped
together with poll tax and other colonial impositions to wipe out people.
The disease is classed with influenza and Poll tax as plague maliciously
introduced by the European, and is first class Nyabingi propaganda.144

139 W.P. Nov. 1919 Report.

140 D.C. to P.C.W.P. of 17/9/1920. The P.C.W.P. on tour on 27/10/1920: "Operations
connected with Nyabingi Kigezi District 1920" showed that he had gone to check on Passive
Rebellion "in Kumba area attributed its causes to the drinking season and to Nabingi
movement. Also see his communication to the C.S. on 1/10/1920. File: Nyabingi (1920).
U.N.A. Entebbe.
141 Telegraph of D.C. to C.S. of 26/9/1920 on passive resistance. He had sent reinforcements to

an ex sergeant major, had "captured two rifles, other weapons". Also see telegraph of C.S. to
P.C.W.P. of 27/9/1920. File: Nyabingi and its Defence (1919-1923). P.C.W.P. telegraphed D.C.
on 24/9/1920 instructing him to deal with that Nabingi organisation "quietly and efficiently
on lines similar to previous occasions obtaining co-operation Belgians their side aaa".
*: The P.C.W.P. to D.C. on 29/10/1920 blamed D.C. for not using all available means to
suppress the disturbances. He taught him to plan repression by listing "all chiefs, headmen
and people known to have been implicated and from time to time...effect arrests and mete out
punishment on individuals, such action would have a very good effect on untutored people as
they would understand that the Government's arm though slow is long...These disturbances
are the normal work of your district, as time goes on and our influence extends they will
decrease but must be expected for some time." File: Congo: International Border: Admin-
istrative Proposals. U.N.A. Entebbe.
142 D.C's telegraphs to P.C.W.P. of 6/10/1920; 9/10/1920 and of 12/10/1920. Also refer to

D.C's report of 17/9/1920 about the same issue.

*: P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 8.X.1920 requested for closure of British Ruanda until Mid-December on
the grounds that it was more than likely that this trouble was due partly to the drinking
season and partly to the Nyabingi movement. The P.C.W.P. warned against further arrests in
the existing quiet condition in the country.
143 P.C.W.P reported on 28/10/1920 their failure to trace the culprits.
144 K.D. September Report. Also see Communication of the C.S. to the Principal Medical

Officer on 7/11/1919.
79

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Peasants were extremely cautious of the colonialist's motives. They

understood the colonial thirst for people's land and other resources. As such,
Nyabingi Abagirwa and resisters resisted protected spring water in 1929 and
warned peasants against `a sinister scheme to poison the water and the peo-
ple, so that the "Whites in Kenya" could seize the land!'145
Philipp's allegation that Nyabingi was non-indigenous because of being
anti-European was aimed at discrediting it at a theoretical level. It also aimed
to deprive Nyabingi Movement of any legitimacy to mobilise peasants and
articulate their interests. Hidden in this argument is the defence mechanism
that Nyabingi religion was as foreign as European colonialism in the region
and that as such, neither of them had the right and legitimacy to articulate
peasant interests. Even if their argument was true that Nyabingi was also new,
the major issue would be its relevancy to the lives of the peasants and how it
addressed their interests. Whose interests it served and how it had arisen;
either it was imposed from above or it has risen from below. Furthermore, the
peasants' choice of Nyabingi and their involvement in Nyabingi Movement
dispels colonial defences. In other words, peasants had the capacity to think,
judge, decide and act. They were not sacks of potatoes.
Without understanding the social, political and economic conditions that
had given rise to Nyabingi movement, and the grievances that fuelled this
resistance, colonialism simplified it as `dangerous as containing a fanatic
religious element'. However, colonialism understood why Nyabingi paralysed
it most was its `working in the African territories of three European powers
and gradually extending the sphere and malignity of its influence'.146 *

Colonial Methods to Defeat this Movement

It applied various methods to defeat this movement. These included force,

rewards and it put a price on Ndochibiri's head, persuasion, deportation,
plunder and destruction of resources to handicap peasants from making war.
Its major method was of intensifying military expeditions under
European commanders, using local allies and Agents from different
nationalities. The latter were normally rewarded with resources captured from
peasants, power as small chiefs, with or promises. They employed some
religious converts, and informers. To this end, it deemed it `desirous of
adequately rewarding those who have done so well on this occasion' in

145 K.D.A.R. 1929.

146Report of D.C. on 31/7/1919.
*: In August, 1922, the D.C. abandoned his house in fear of peasant resisters.
80 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

nipping the incipient rising in the bud... `desire to offer encouragement to

others to emulate their good example, if we should have occasion to call for
volunteers again, in the event of Kaigirirwa attempting reprisals for the loss of
her husband and brother-in-law'. It expected her to attack soon `in the hope of
driving from her native country the hated European'.147 It awarded substantial
rewards for Nziraba Muzale, Alibatusede and Bigirwenda and booked
Sebalijja for `some non-pecuniary recognition'.148
Colonialism wanted to smash the resistance before it spread to the whole
area. It had everything to lose and had duty to restore order. It also bought to
`teach them a lesson' never to resist again. It had to prove its capacity to smash
any resistance, contain the situation and protect them. It employed brutal
force and repression on both membership and leadership, mounted military
expeditions either individually or in co-operation with other colonial forces,
massacred peasants, and witch-hunted resisters and Nyabingi worshippers. It
had no mercy, it carried out operations, arrested en masse, carried out public
executions both in Kabale and Kampala, imposed heavy fines with long-term
rigorous imprisonment, deported without trial. It destroyed property and
created utmost insecurity. It extradited resisters and suspects and intensified
retribution. Another major method was the joint Anglo-Belgian co-operation
in Intelligence, military and patrols. The Ag C.S. wrote to Les Resident du
Ruanda et Rutchuru thanking them for their co-operation against Ndochibiri
and his Nyabingi followers.149
It improved its military capacity by increasing military personnel and
arms in the District.150

Early in 1919 we were constantly threatened by the armed raids of Ndoki-

mbiri and his murderous bands. Their headquarters were, near the frontiers,
in the mountains north-west and south-west of Lake Bunyonyi. So soon as
one ordered porters or moved out from Kabale, they were informed
beforehand of one's movements. I therefore conceived of the idea of
establishing myself on a small centrally situated island in lake Bunyonyi
whence, under cover of night and the usual dense mists, one might be able,
unostentatiously and by canoe, to strike at either extremity of the lake. The

147 op. cit.

148 D.C. Kigezi Philipps to P.C.W.P. of 25/6/1919. No. 55. Ag C.S. to Deputy Governor on
16/7/1919, 18/7/1919. Governors' Authority on 22/7/1919. The Governor sactioned rewards
of sixty pounds to them in recognition of their services for saving the the protectorate of the
loss of many lives and heavy expenditure by their action
149 The Resident, Kigali to the C.S. of 14/10/1919 on Joint Cooperation Against Ndochibiri.

Reply from le Commissaire de Rutchuru to C.S. of 22/8/1919 replying to his letter thanking
them for their cooperation in the joint venture against Ndochibiri. Also see communication of
Resident, Kigali, to the C.S. Entebbe on 14/10/1919.
150 op. cit. Telegraph of D.C. to P.C.W.P. of 26/6/1919.
81

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

secrecy and mobility thus attained was in fact a principal factor in the final
cutting off and wiping out of Ntochi-mbili.

In order that the island could not be regarded as a Public Rest Camp and its
Chief Value (namely secrecy of movement) thereby destroyed, I paid (and
gladly) from my own pocket both the compensation to occupiers and for the
clearing, planting and building which I undertook. It was thus regarded by
everyone merely as a not very serious hobby...151

The colonial state broadened a section of allies and collaborators and spies
among the peasants, with attractive remuneration, promises, favours and
exemptions from certain obligations and demands. On its invasion, agents
from outside Kigezi formed the social base of colonialism. However, due to
increased Nyabingi attacks, colonialism realised the need to dispense with
these alien agents by creating and broadening a local social base.
Consequently, it gradually created a social base, first with peasants under
lineage leaders and chiefs like Mutambuka, Rwagara, Mushakamba, Mizerero,
Ruhayana, Duybumba, and Ruzindana. These were remunerated with
political posts, livestock etc.
Gradually, it began recruiting individuals in its service from all sections of
society. Among the new category were spies like Sebisorora Sowedi and
Mutasa who were instrumental in gathering intelligence information on
Nirimbirima, Ruzirakuhunga and Kabango. Sebisorora's incrimination of the
three in the complicity with Nyabingi and his conclusion that `this movement
of Ruzirakuhunga's is semi-anti-European' testifies to the success of this
scheme. This new social base was recruited mainly by Baganda agents or
under their recommendations or under the recommendations of the
missionaries.
These informers and those who remained neutral in these struggles were
opposed to Nyabingi Movement. Many sold out for opportunistic reasons.
Some wanted immediate wealth in form of livestock, and posts. It is this
group that claimed to be pragmatic and argued that they saw nothing wrong
with the British forces who were better than Belgians and Germans. However,
they were these individuals and groups who undermined Nyabingi
movement as they sold out, and gave away most important secrets about
Nyabingi to the enemy. This facilitated the enemy to understand its
adversaries' strengths and weaknesses and how to defeat it. On the other
hand, resisters could not get access to any vital information about the British
as the latter from these pragmatists. The best case is of Chief Biramba already

151 op. cit.

82 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

cited.
Our respondents castigated collaborators for selling out for spoils and
loot, European things, favours, political gains, posts etc. They brought to light
the role of collaborators in defeating the resisters, how resisters fled and hid in
caves, rocks, on islands, of swamps.152 Others argued that Rwagara and others
allied with Europeans, following the example of Baganda. Others advanced
the view that some had allied with colonialism because of fearing them, and
ignorance of what they were doing. Others advanced that some lineage heads
allied with Europeans for fear of their people's death.153 Colonialism was
receptive to any individual, group or lineage that collaborated or showed
positive signs to cooperate. We find collaborators from different lineages even
from Batutsi and Bahutu who had deep-rooted contradictions between each
other now serving the same colonial master. Another important thing to note
is the role of religious converts. We find Muslims playing a dominant role
among its first cadreship. This was mainly because the first foreign religion in
Buganda was Islam. Islam had been introduced hand in hand with trade.
When colonialism came, it found there these converts who had a broader
knowledge and experience of the world than others. This was a windfall for
colonialism. On the other hand, the Catholic and Protestant missionaries that
came just before colonialism spent much time in wrangles with each other and
also wasted much time at the palace instead of carrying out their work. On its
arrival in Kigezi, they found it compromising to deploy them in areas where
Catholics missionaries had began their work. Protestant converts like Sebalijja
would cause more crises by fuelling enmity there. This had been confirmed by
the murder of a C.M.S. teacher in Ruanda.154 These remained very useful in
the running of the state machinery until the colonial state and the new
European Religions had created a new cadreship from the peasantry and sons
of chiefs. The colonial state had to force these new religions to carry out their
ideological role.
On top of that, it intensified the witch-hunt for resisters, sympathisers
and helpers of Nyabingi resisters. This was religious persecution. In this
regard, the P.C.W.P. rushed to Kabale and `gave them a lengthy anti-Nyabingi
lecture, and commended those who had assisted in the capture of Ndochibiri
and Luhemba and extorted them to remain faithful to the Government which
(I told them) is not only their master but their friend... begged them not to
listen to Kaigirirwa who will only lead them into trouble... Ndochibiri's
152 Responses by Ncwire Y., Rukara, Karangizi, Muyaga, Mazireyo, Kashangaki et al.
153 Responses by Rwamafwa, Byandageire, Twongeirwe, Mazireyo, Beinamaryo, Ndunguye,
Keinywanisa et al.
154 These included Sulaimani Ntangamalala, Abdulla Namunye, Saidi Bitensi, Sowedi Sabada,

Zambatisi Jute, Luvayagwe etc.

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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

"Sacred" sheep was publicly cremated as a precautionary measure'.155

But could such politicisation bear fruit? Was colonialism able to reach the
resisters - both the leadership and membership to discuss with them and
convince them to lay down their arms? Did this movement depend on this
leadership and therefore incapable of bringing up new leadership? Did that
death wipe out the movement therefore?
The colonial officers, who were far-sighted, war-hardened practitioners
did not entertain illusions. They expected that `a further religious war of
revenge will be undertaken by this cult at not very distant date'. The P.C.W.P.
suggested a new site for Kigezi Head Quarters with a "Boma" in July as he was
`fully alive to the fact that incendiarism on the part of fanatical followers of the
late Ndochibiri, the late Luhemba and the still existing witch doctoress
Kaigirwa is a real danger and not to be scoffed at'.156 They were certain that
the leadership under Kaigirirwa would be able to explain the causes of this
death in light of religion as the will of Nyabingi for delinquencies in religious
duties and would call on all the membership for revenge. `It is the same
dangerous and illogical problem of religious fanaticism world - over'. They
anticipated an attack. The crucial problem was that `Kabale Station, as it
stands is wholly indefensible against the kind of attack which might be
expected ... a sudden and fanatical night attack in force as the Nabingi
Organisation was comparatively well supplied with arms retained by de-
serters and discarded by the Germans themselves in Ruanda during their
hurried evacuation'.157

Intensification of Witch-Hunt for "Nyabingi-ites"

In response to the D.C's public appeal of 1922-1923 `that all indications of

Nyabingi, witchcraft or incantations be reported immediately to the D.C. in
person', certain developments occurred in Bufumbira.158 Lwakazina, from
Chahi accused Nirimbirima, Luzirakuhunga and Kabango of witchcraft on
15th March. Sekitaka accused Luzirakuhunga on April 11th of possessing
NABINGI appliances such as horns, beads and medicines and Nirimbirima for
harbouring him. Mizerero, Chief of Nyarusiza accused Kabango of Nyabingi
and of allying with Ndochibiri against colonialism.159 The two spies that

155 Idem.
156 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 7/7/1919.
157 op. cit.
158 Document entitled "Detail of Events leading to implication of NIRIMBIRIMA WITH

NABINGI CONJURATION by D.C. including evidence".

159 Idem. See evidence of the three signed by E.E. Filleul as D.M. on 24/4/1923. The Belgian
84 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Kagubala had dispatched to spy on them gave similar evidence.160 Sebosorora

incriminated Luzirakuhunga for heading a "semi-anti-European" Move-
ment.161
Luzirakuhunga was then arrested. This arrest caused some resistance.
They were attacked by eight peasant resisters while bringing him.162
Colonialism was resolved that Nabingi, witchcraft or "Kubandwa" activities
should be nipped in the bud and not be permitted to pass without the most
exacting secret enquiries being made.163 Luzirakuhunga was convicted and
sentenced to three years R.I. at a Kampala goal with a fine of Shs. 100/=. On
his release, he was to be deported for at least another year in a distance not
less than 250 miles from Kigezi. On his return, he would remain under
surveillance of the D.C. Luzirakuhunga maintained his struggles while in
prison. He attacked a warder with a hoe, hit him in the head and neck and
split his skull. He was then sentenced to death. This was later commuted to
twenty years R.I.164 Kabango was considered to be `a pawn in the Nabingi
game, but at the same time a deterrent influence to the rapid advancement of
this part of the district...' He and Luzirakuhunga were accused of leading
Nirimbirima to resistance, `laziness, and bred the distrust of his District
officers'. He was therefore repatriated to Belgian territory. The D.C.
concluded: `And thus ends the reign of another "Nabingi" authority whose
evil influence is so retrograde to the natives of the district'.
The P.C.W.P. discovered too late how deep Nirimbirima had penetrated
the colonial system and the political implications of deposing him and
charging him in court. Colonialism wanted to avoid unnecessary grievances
which would form bases for Nyabingi resistance. After all, Nirimbirima was a

Authorities letter No. 1178 of 16/4/1923 attested that they had discharged Kabango from
chieftainship at KITAGOMA for political reasons, that they had always had apprehensions as
to his connections with the Nabingi Sect without obtaining proof positive. Lulebuka and
Lwakazina gave similar evidence on 21/4/1923. File op. cit.
160 D.C./D.M. to P.C.W.P. of 23/4/1923. The two spies he sent to spy on the above case,

Sowedi and Mataza gave a lot of incriminating evidence. Also see D.C's letter of 23/4/1923 to
le Resident du Ruanda Kigali.
161 Idem.
162 Idem. Also see communication of D.M. to P.C.W.P. of 27th April. U.N.A. Entebbe.
163 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 23/4/1923 about Luzirakuhunga's practice of Nyabingi. D.C. to

P.C.W.P. on 28/4/1923. Luzirakuhunga's conviction under The Criminal Law (Witchcraft)

Ordinance 1912 was certain, only awaiting evidence from Kigali and Bufumbira `to prove
anti-European inclinations against him'. He argued that `such beliefs against Nirimbirima that
have been proved to exist amongst the Bahutu can have nothing but a retrograde effect on the
general native administration in Ruanda. The native government here is only in the embryo
stage and is very fragile and easily disturbed, and the fact that they do not trust their chief can
have nothing but a deterrent effect on the advancement of these people'.
164 K.D.A.R. 1924.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

colonial creation. He decided to drop all charges against Nirimbirima. In his

explanation, Nirimbirima had been in office for only 21/2 years and;

The history of Kigezi does not go back very far and... action in a similar case
essential in another District might be unwise in the present state of
development that yours is in ... no great harm if we leave this matter for
another two months ... it might be advisable to issue propaganda to all chiefs
in Bufumbira that as a result of Luzirakuhunga's case the Government believe
that other chiefs and people in Bufumbira were partly implicated and
warning them that the government are determined to put down nabingi and
severely punish anyone practising it whether chief or peasant.

We want to teach these chiefs rather than turn them out and that it would not
be easy to find others and if we did they might not be any better. Dismissal
as rule makes a native hopeless punishment and maintenance in his position
sometimes makes him strongly...

The P.C.W.P. cautioned D.C. against use of force. He disclosed how he

had learnt through `experience how difficult they are ... although a
prosecution is justifiable and a conviction probable we have made any great
progress in the District and might we not be at rather a dead end?'165
There were some important developments. The first one was that despite
the missionary education and his friendship with Dr. Sharp of C.M.S.,
Nirimbirima still worshipped Nyabingi religion. He communed with its
Abagirwa. Secondly, he managed to penetrate the colonial system through the
D.C's Clerk, Yoasi. He accessed all important information about himself and
colonial plans about him. This gave him opportunity to prepare himself and
hide all traces of Nyabingi practices. Colonialism realised this too late.166
It needs to be stressed that colonialism was incapable of addressing
correctly the causes of the struggle as it was the problem. Peasant resisters
were challenging its existence. To solve such a problem would have required
it to dissolve itself, which it was incapable of doing. Secondly, it was
dictatorial by nature and could never engage in democratic discussions. It
remained confronted by resistances under Nyabingi, `Every local grievance,
whether real or imaginary, and every apprehension or misapprehension, is
greedily exploited, hence the need of going slow, constant personal contact
with the peasantry, and seeing under the surface, in Kigezi. Nyabingi and all
its works are unlikely to die out except with the present generation'.167 The

165 P.C.W.P. to D.C. of 24/8/1923.

166 Idem. It was Yoasi who got dismissed.
167 op. cit.
86 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

colonial state took steps to revert from forced food contribution to forced food
production for sales. The former had been collected by the chiefs under the
supervision of Agents. Gradually, this took root as peasants began to bring
things voluntarily for sale. The state also took steps to ensure food security for
the peasants. Among its measures was the introduction of famine crops and
communal granaries as food reserves. It intensified communal food reserves
and granaries on its administration centres. This increased peasants'
resistance. They did not understand the rationale of these communal granaries
while households had their own granaries at household level. Secondly, they
did not trust the colonial state in this. They suspected that it wanted this food
for its troops, porters and for selling. This was not without ground as was to
be witnessed when it sold some food without consulting the owners and
Agents embezzled some of it.
The peasants knew that these famines were neither caused by Nyabingi,
nor by devils but by the colonial state, which was now forcing them to pool
together food. To peasants, colonialism was evil. Thirdly, this pooling together
of food was resisted as it had the effect of undermining men's position in
society. While men were the political heads of their households, colonialism
reduced them tremendously. In default of any state demand, these family
heads and other men were harassed or punished. This undermined their
political and social status in society; and as the main generators of ideas,
ideology, teachings and as the initiators of moral standards. Colonialism made
men become more or less fugitives in their area. All this had the effect of
recruiting more of them into active anti-colonial struggles.
The colonial State was forced to abolish Kashanju due to peasant resistance
to it. Its abolition was followed by peasants withdrawing their labour as there
was no legal basis to force them. Sullivan reported peasants' response thus;

Under the 1920 Ordinance, offenders render themselves liable to

imprisonment or to work in custody. Previous experiments have shown the
futility of such people to work on plantations, as they merely vanish.

The abolition of Kasanvu has removed any form of compulsory labour, with
the result, that these people who have no wants, (Sic!) and who can grow
their food without any effort, do not undertake voluntary labour.

There is apparently a passive movement against tax paying, the natives

saying "Kasanvu is now abolished, the Government will not kill us, and the jail
cannot hold us all".168

Colonialism was forced to revisit taxes and their methods of collection in

168 File: Native Affairs. Poll Tax in W.P. U.N.A. Entebbe.

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the area. The first thing to note on tax was that it had desisted from taxing
women. It relaxed patrol Potoro aimed at netting tax defaulters. It also began
to alleviate the tax burden both on the young men and on the aged. The first
one was to fix the minimum and maximum age for tax-payment, and the
category for those to pay partial taxes. The P.C. pleaded for tax exemption for
`elderly men whose earning capacity is exhausted to contribute tax even at a
partial rate, actually the sum due has generally to be earned by a younger
member of the family'.169 In fact, it ensured a continued tax-assessment
annually, basing on individual's capacity to pay, age, amount of resources one
owned.
The colonial state went ahead and made reforms in forced labour. It
allowed peasants to commute Ruharo. Gradually, it phased out Ruharo by
consolidating it with poll tax.
This section has shown how there were many changes with the world
war. These were in reaction to colonial demands, impositions, punishments
etc. These demands and brutal coercion, massacres, tortures etc. had forced
peasant resisters to adopt new forms of recruitment, conscientisation and
struggle. They adopted new methods and raised more or less standing forces.
This was also the time when this Nyabingi Movement took a broader
internationalist line. They began attacking all the imperialist powers in the
whole region. Another qualitative transformation into the movement arose
from the new membership. Some of these had been in colonial service as
askaris, cadres and chiefs while others had learnt a lot from their term in
detention. These incorporated the enemy's technology and weaponry into the
resistance, trained peasant resisters into new military warfare and gave them
access to use of these new weapons. It is not surprising that colonial forces got
defeated in some skirmishes and were forced flee. This was also the time
when many grand military plans were foiled and intelligence were rendered
useless by resisters.
Faced with the imperialist war on a broader scale and this Nyabingi
movement domestically, colonialism was forced to seek other solutions in
addition to militarism. It was forced to make a series of reforms, based on the
prevailing social grievances so as to undermine Nyabingi movement. These
revolved around taxation, forced labour, forced production and contribution,
land, religions, and change of agents. At the same time, it began to increase its
social base among the peasants. It accomplished this through material rewards
and posts, promises, and promotions. Another method was direct
decampaigning of Nyabingi citing malpractices of the Abagirwa. Though this

169 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 6/5/1937. File: Luwalo: Abolition of.

88 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

phase evidenced the climax of Nyabingi Movement, it also witnessed the

beginnings of its demise.
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Section Five

The Role of Women in Anti-colonial Struggles

While women were marginalised in this area, they played a dominant role
in Nyabingi institution both in the leadership and membership. This section
examines some of the contributions of some women in this anti-colonial
resistance.
The prohibition of women from owning weapons and active participation
in war was premised on the argument that women were weak, lacked
experience in wars, and had their specified roles to play. Another more
plausible explanation seems to lie in the question of whether men were ready
to allow ownership of weapons to all sections of society. Could such a process
not have facilitated these other sections of society to resist men's domination
and oppression or the whole arrangement? or was it symbolic - as a symbol
for men as heads of homes? This calls for a revisiting of the restrictions of
women and children to go to forges, let alone touching the raw materials like
charcoal. Could it be accepted that this was aimed to ward off ill-luck which
could fail the success of the smelting process or it had to do with hiding the
smithing skills from these sections of society for self-preservation? This,
therefore create a practical situation which the oppressed sections of society
had to be protected from any external aggression. Monopolising the protective
role had the effect of legitimising the oppressive position of men, their
magnanimity, infallibility and indispensability in society.
However, this did not mean that these other sections of society did not
contribute in defence of their society. We learnt from field research how
women and children equipped men with stones during these fights, threw
stones at the enemy while shielding themselves with winnowing trays entaara.
They showed how women used their staves emihunda to stab their enemies. In
case of attacks, women and children could use men's weapons for self-
defence. This was not directly condemned by the lineage elders as they would
be defending themselves and their enganda from external aggression. In such
instances, there would be no condemnation and no purification rites would be
carried out. Any defeat or victory affected all people, their economy and
social set-up. In other cases, they would poison the enemy or make them
drunk and then kill them with daggers endiga or other weapons etc. However,
they were not allowed to own weapons. These do not apply to the Batwa
nationality, where all sections of society had their instruments of production
which were at the same time usuable as weapons.
90 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

It was through Nyabingi Movement and such charismatic leadership that

a spirit of comradeship developed. This had the effect of sealing together
various peoples in the struggle. All other practices and cultural initiations
contributed to this. Another development was that women in leadership
discussed with men on equal basis and commanded all membership in the
fight. Combatants had realised that the issue at stake was to combine efforts of
all members of society to defeat the invaders. As such, every contribution was
welcomed. The role of the Abagirwa was also critical in dressing wounds and
injuries sustained in the struggle. They were the Abagirwa who also had the
monopoly of calling upon Nyabingi to threaten with curses and death penalty
or actually arranging deaths of the saboteurs.
We find that peasants, who did not take up arms to resist gave logistical
support in food and arms supplies, transport, intelligence, keeping secrets,
making arrangements, guiding and directing resisters in movement,
transmitting information, hiding the resisters and confusing the enemy, in
recruitment, morale and encouragement, harassment of collaborators etc. All
these contributions were critical in sustaining and promoting the struggle. We
shall look briefly at the leadership and fighting roles of some of these
Abagirwa.

Inauguration of Nyabingi Movement by Muhumuza

The Kivu Mission and the Boundary Commission were confronted

militarily by peasant resisters, under the leadership of Abagirwa. Most of
these were females. The first two main anti-colonial resistances that
colonialism confronted from 1909 were led by Muhumuza and Kaigirirwa.
Muhumuza, mother of Ndungusi, originated from Rwanda. She was widow
to the former king Rwabugiri, of Rwanda. With her husband's death, both
Muhumuza and Ndungusi got involved in power struggles against Musinga.
Musinga got the backing of colonialists and took the reigns of power. These
events, and the subsequent ones forced Muhumuza and her son to flee to
Rutobo, which was soon to be made the border between the new Ankole and
Kigezi Districts. That is how they joined a peasant life and developed new
relations with these peasants after falling from the ruling class in Rwanda. On
the other hand, Kaigirirwa originated from the peasantry and was an
omugirwa of Nyabingi.
What is worth noting here is that while female Abagirwa like Kaigirirwa
were selected into the service of Nyabingi in their girlhood, got initiated into
Nyabingi secrets and rites, etc. and had more religious faith in Nyabingi
religion, Muhumuza and her son adopted this religion, after falling from the
palace. This showed the transformative and dynamic character of mother and
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son - from being objects of Nyabingi to embracing it for their political,

economic and military purposes. Their choice of Nyabingi religion was a
conscious one unlike other Abagirwa. Nyabingi religion became a powerful
ideology for mother and son to gain legitimacy and credibility among
peasants. Like other Abagirwa, Nyabingi religion was important for them to
extract surplus from the peasants under the guise of Nyabingi and to declare
war etc.
It should be noted that owing to their historical origin, Muhumuza and
her son were more conscious politically, ideologically and militarily than the
peasants in Kigezi. Furthermore, they had encountered Germany colonialists
and European Missionaries in Rwanda. Thus, both son and mother had no
illusions about colonialism. In addition to that, they had been beneficiaries of
the Rwanda state and understood the need to defend land and independence.
It is no wonder therefore that her struggles against Germans led to her capture
and deportation to G.E.A. However, she struggled and managed to return
soon after. This was also the time when other Abagirwa were mobilising
peasants into resistance against colonial invasion in the whole region. These
resistances led to massacres and Kaigirirwa's deportation to Mbarara. The
absurd encounters of Abagirwa like Muhumuza with colonial forces in
Rwanda and G.E.A. and Kaigirirwa with British forces while in detention at
Mbarara were very important for their future military and organisational
purposes. These provided them with insight into the mechanics of the enemy,
the need to resist and methods to accomplish it. Colonialism had set the terms.
The capture and deportation of the leadership did not act as a reformatory
or lead them to a `cul de suc'. Instead, it was while they were in this absurd
contact with their adversaries that they developed more determination to
emancipate their society. They learnt more about their adversaries, their ways
of life, their motives, methods of struggle and strengths, weaponry , military
tactics, and how to protect oneself from these weapons. They learnt the
importance of mobility, retreat, broader unity, the role of masses in self-
emancipation, the need to study both the enemy and the membership and to
choose capable and dependable ones into the leadership for the struggle and
the need for conscientising the membership. In fact, this separation was very
important to the leadership. As an instance, Muhumuza's separation from the
ruling class in Rwanda and then from the peasants to G.E.A. helped to cut her
ties with the aristocracy.
In a similar manner, Kaigirirwa's deportation to Mbarara was a time of
reflection. It helped to cut her roots from the geographical and social
environment. It was this weakness which had led to heavy losses and
massacres as peasants would hide in swamps, bushes, caves and rocks in their
92 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

geographical environment and got besieged by the colonial forces for weeks.
Faced by hunger or misjudging that the enemy had left, they would fall easy
prey to the enemy while trying to return. They had not known that the new
adversaries were skilled professional fighters. This was witnessed with the
Nyakishenyi resistance. The colonial officer reported how a large number of
rebels had become tired of hiding in the swamps and had tendered their
submission, while others were following suit daily.170 This time of separation
was thus a time for gaining a rich experience for the forthcoming struggles, in
which they were to apply most of this knowledge and skills. It also helped
them to meet many other oppressed people from other areas. This gave them
opportunity to share experiences about their new enemy and the need to fight
him to final victory. They were all these developments that became the bases
for their charismatic and forward-looking leadership in the struggles that they
led thereafter. It was their religious and political roles that made them the
conscience of society.
We see Muhumuza taking the first initiative to mobilise peasants in the
region against the invading forces. It was her past experience that enabled her
to take the first initiative and mobilize peasants in the region against into
resistance. She is the first known woman resister who mobilized a cross
section of peasants into armed resistance in Kigezi. She took initiative to
conscientise peasants about colonialism and its dangers. This was proved
practically at Rutobo where she intercepted a convoy of White Fathers
Missionaries destined for Mulera. After interrogating their porters, she denied
them food and passage. In the same area, these peasants resisted the Boundary
Commission from carrying out demarcations. They disrupted the border
demarcations, uprooted border pillars, attacked the commissioners, occupied
some of their camps. The Commissioners were compelled to move under tight
security. These peasant resisters attacked all those in colonial service. These
included mail runners and messengers. To concretise this, they in separate
incidents, killed a colonial Agent, an askari and a porter. Though the colonial
forces hit back, leading to massacres and injuries, the peasant resisters
maintained their resistance. Colonialism attributed all these to Muhumuza's
political work.171 As already noted, the major problems for these peasant
resisters arose from the low level of productive forces, absence of an organised
armed force to engage and repel the invaders. There was no established

170 op. cit. The D.C./D.M. on 8/9/1917 reported continued surrendering of the rebels after
becoming tired of hiding in swamps, though a number of rebels' chiefs were still in hiding and
the witchdoctor had disappeared.
171 Report on the Work of the British Section of the Anglo-German-Belgian Boundary

Commission, 1911.
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institution to mobilise peasants for self-defence. The only way was through
Collective armed resistance. It was in these circumstances that Muhumuza
took up initiative, assumed leadership and mobilised peasants into armed
resistance against colonialism. Knowing the weaknesses of peasants in relation
to religions and witchcraft, she exploited the situation by promising them
protection of Nyabingi. She used Nyabingi religion for ideological purposes to
unite and encourage them. She applied a militaristic approach to whoever
refused to join the resistance. This way, she was able to raise a big peasant
force composed of various nationalities and lineages. Some of these were
formerly hostile to one another. Through her politics and invocations to
Nyabingi, she was able to convince them into unity against this common
enemy. She showed them that the only way to defend their land and interests
was through collective armed struggle. Aware of the dangers of guns, she
encouraged the resisters that she would render the European guns harmless
by turning them into water. In fact, these were some of the promises that the
subsequent leadership was to uphold. Muhumuza was also able to
incorporate lineage leaders and other influential personalities into the
leadership. This had the advantage of bringing in various peoples under such
lineage leaders into the movement, even if they had not accepted Nyabingi
religion.
Though she was able to mobilise a large peasant force, her militaristic
approach to individuals, lineages and peoples that refused or hesitated to join
the movement led to negative consequences. By attacking them and looting
their livestock, they alienated many of them and forced them to join the
enemy's forces. This was detrimental to the movement as it swelled the
enemy's forces. In isolating and attacking them before attacking the principle
enemy - colonialism, this peasant movement lost a credible force. This force
could have been neutralized through dialogue, diplomacy, conscientisation or
other methods. This would have led to isolated fewer enemies. Yet, we find
that thousands of armed peasants under Rwagara and Mutambuka joined
colonial forces after being beaten by forces under Muhumuza. Cap. Reid
informed Maj. Jack in August, 1911, how Ikumba was full of wounded and
starving refugees and how the situation was getting worse. He showed how
"Mumusa was preaching an anti-European Crusade and collecting a
considerable following in Rukiga, Mumusa or Muhumusa is a well-known
personage in Ruanda, and has formerly given a great deal of trouble to the
Germans. She is one of the "witch-doctors" who are found in this part of
Africa, and who are regarded with superstitious reverence by the native.
94 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Mumusa at one time had enormous power and still has".172 Germany
colonialism in the South also promised military cooperation.
On the other hand, other later leadership that followed thereafter tried to
overcome this limitation. These included Kaigirirwa, Ruhemba and
Ndochibiri. The leadership that emerged later tried to involve more people
into the movement. We find that both the leadership and membership of the
Nyakishenyi resistance were composed of both peasants and local people,
who had been in colonial service as chiefs, askaris, messengers and porters.
This new approach had advantages. It weakened colonial forces at the time of
this armed struggle as many of its local chiefs defected to Nyabingi
Movement. It also increased the resisters' morale, courage and inspiration in
this resistance. They were able to introduce and use the experience of
leadership and struggle gained through their colonial service in this
resistance. This was a great leap forward from most of the past peasant
resistances, which suffered from lack of such skills and capable leadership.
These chiefs came with their followers. This reduced the colonial numbers
while augmenting the ranks of the resisters with experienced, hardened
fighters who knew how to fight colonial forces. These chiefs and their
followers knew much more of the geographical location of the enemy and the
enemy's weaknesses which they would capitalise on. These were instrumental
in the struggle.
Realising that some members were likely to lose faith in the leadership
and desert the struggle or defect to the enemy or even turn against the
leadership, Muhumuza drew lessons from the characteristics that people
attributed to Nyabingi. One of these was to transform herself into a Nyabingi
personification. She understood clearly the role of religion as an ideology. She
was leading a big peasant force of various nationalities and lineages. She was
not blind to the fact that some of them were likely to challenge her military
plans and legitimacy to lead men to war. Even some of her membership had
been allies or friends of Mutambuka and Rwagara. This, then called for
creating a solid ideology, which would unite them, and keep them under
indirect fear. This would threaten them from rebelling or questioning her
legitimacy or refusing to carry out orders. People needed to be convinced that
her line of action was the correct one as it was the Nyabingi line. She was able
to marshal all these by combining her knowledge from the palace and that
from the peasantry. Other Abagirwa were to follow this line of Nyabingi
personification in the subsequent resistances. This was still prevalent by 1928
as the colonial officer reported Nyabingi's subversion to state and church with

172 Idem.
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the local personification, heavily concentrated in Ndorwa.173 Unlike the pre-

colonial personification, the new form was precipitated by the needs of war.
This transformation from an Omugirwa into a Nyabingi personification
scared those who would have been tempted to betray the struggle. Here was
Nyabingi, in the human form defending their interests. This transformation
elevated her above other members of society. This gave her more powers and
legitimacy to act decisively and gave her room for manipulation and
command. It also bestowed on her more powers to dictate and deal with
individuals and situations promptly as she deemed fit, especially those with
dissenting views, wavering behaviour, traitors etc. It also legitimised her
position in compeling all people to resist colonialism and to wage war against
anyone who refused to heed the call of Nyabingi. Her decisions were claimed
to be the decisions of Nyabingi. It also became a basis for increased
encouragement, bravery, unity and comradeship among the peasant resisters.
It also had the effect of restraining more people from withdrawing from the
struggle. It increased confidence of the membership in the leadership for both
temporal and spiritual interests. The membership became more determined to
resist when they saw her more resolute in her promises, actions, and her
spiritual powers to turn bullets into water.
Her fears were unfounded. Some of these elders despised and feared this
initiative and leadership by a woman. While some felt that it was despicable
to be led by women to war, others felt that their position as men or as leaders
would be undermined if women led them to war.174 Others feared the
consequences of such leadership and the possible resistance after the battle.
They envisaged a situation of turmoil - where disobedience of women and
children would emerge. These would challenge the existing social relations. At
the same time, there were others who did not understand the gravity of the
situation. Others resorted to outright collaboration with the enemy for wealth
and power, while others decided to sit back and wait rather than joining forces
led by women. Others even refused to join hands with them because their
former enemies had joined them.
These were the reasons why the leadership and other peasant resisters
had decided to attack such people before attacking the principal enemy. This
also forced the leadership to increase their propaganda, ideology, thinking,
planning, secrecy and ruthlessness with the weak, the wavering, the traitors
and informers. Another development which united the peasant resisters under
her leadership was her broadening the leadership of this struggle, her trials to

173 K.D.A.R. 1928.

174 Our respondents like Kamurasi and Ndunguye stressed this.
96 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

unite the former hostile lineages and incorporate them into one strong peasant
force. Lineage leaders were part of the leadership. Her program of liberating
the area also shows her capacity to understand and interpret phenomena.
Firstly, she tried to rid the area of all those who formed the internal enemies
of the struggle. These included the waverers, traitors and collaborators,
cowards, fence-seaters etc. She did this by persuading them to join,
threatening and the last option was to fight them before attacking the colonial
forces themselves. She had no patience with this category of people. To this
cause, she sharpened and carried three stakes for staking alive Mutambuka,
Rwagara and Basajjabalaba `who had brought the British into the region'.
However, she was defeated in a surprise attack by the British forces under
Cap. Reid and Sebalijja jointly with peasant forces of Mutambuka and
Rwagara on 28/9/1911. In this surprise attack, masses of armed peasants were
massacred. Some of the reasons underlying their defeat lay in the poor
weaponry, lack of unity, ill-planning, and the surprise attacks. All these arose
from backward forces of production. The colonial forces had used 66 guns,
1680 bullets and one canon. Sebalijja put it melodramatically thus;

I opened fire on them and they fled towards Effendi Marijani. He opened fire
and they fled towards Captain Reid... the battle was won and Muhumuza was
captured .... Many unknown Bakiga were killed in the battle.... We set fire to
all the houses. We buried about forty corpses in one deep grave.... On our
side, one man was mortally wounded, while trying to plunder a house.... The
Bakiga on our side doubted the utility of carrying enemy wounded on their
heads. They killed them and threw them down and moved on.175

His account is inaccurate and full of self praise. This can be shown by the
length of this battle. It lasted for six and half hours, with losses on both sides.
As the report showed, Dr. Marshall, of the Commission, had led a force to
Kumba. Though he found the war over, there were a good many wounded
and he did most useful work in attending to the wounded colonial troops. He
transferred the acute cases to Kamwezi.176 Although he did not explain the
causes of this war, Sebalijja recounted how the peasants, who had been
shouting that they were going to turn guns into water had been wiped out
through a surprise attack.177 In his account, the peasant resisters had burnt
Sebalijja's camp on 10th September, then fought Mutambuka who had allied
with the British. After this battle, Reid gathered peasants and threatened them

175Sebalijja, Yoana "A History of Rukiga and other Places", 1912.

176op. cit
177 Sebalijja, Yoana, op. cit. recounted how Bakiga collaborators killed many unknown

peasants. Ngorogoza op. cit. records a mass grave of 40 people while others were devoured by
vultures.
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with the might of the gun that what Muhumuza meant by turning bullets into
water was her men's blood.178 The significance of this battle was that it was an
inaugural battle for peasant armed resistance under Nyabingi.179
While Ndungusi and others managed to escape, she was wounded,
captured by the colonial forces, dispatched to Mbarara and then deported to
Mengo. There followed a hot pursuit of other members in the leadership.
However, they failed to catch them as they escaped into the hills and peasants
resisted Cap. Reid's investigations about the resistance.180
Her return was blocked as she was a military and political threat `high
priestess of revolutionary religious-political cult "Nabingi"' aimed against
them. The agents feared her political - religious powers and military attacks.
Her return would mean loss of their newly acquired lucrative jobs with
tributes, incomes, bribes and prestige. On her part, Muhumuza continued
sending promises and encouraging messages that she would soon return and
chase away the Europeans.181 Fearing that she would organise resistance
through messengers, colonialism denied her visitors from Kigezi. It also
stopped Nyindo's herdsboys from passing near her while taking Nyindo's
cattle to Gulu.182 The district administration and P.C. remained emphatic
against her return until her death in 1944.
The colonial strategy of separating the leadership from the membership
had some basis. Colonialism had learnt how a return of such a deportee
would be taken as testimony of Nyabingi's triumph over the state; Nyabingi
having taken such time as it desired. The 1926 incident confirmed the colonial

178 Idem. This study acknowledges the valuable information on this resistance by Beinamaryo
and Karangizi, who lost grandfathers in this resistance; Byamukama, Mucori, Kamurasi,
Tindyebwa, Kandeku et al. the effect of collaborators and the aftermath. They brought to light
Muhumuza's leadership and military capacity, her powers as an Omugirwa to mobilise
peasants into resistance.
179 Sebalijja, Yoana "Olutalo Olwali Mu Lukiga e Rwanda", Munno, Kampala Dec. 1911. He

commanded one of the three fronts against peasant forces under Muhumuza. Sebalijja recorded mass
graves of peasant resisters and massacres of prisoners of war by British forces. The first recorded
resistance was in Mpororo under Makobore in 1899. The 1904 W.P. General report noted Makobore's
arrest and fining in 1899 for allowing two trading caravans from G.E.A. to be cut up. File: A6/17/1904:
Annual Reports. General Report on W.P. 1904". U.N.A. Entebbe.
180 Cap. Reid's Report of 5/3/1912. op. cit.
181 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 4/10/1917.
182 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 16/7/1917. In the P.C.W.P's memorandum of 1/5/1922, vide minute 28

in S.M.P. 5409 asked about Muhumuza's repatriation so as to relieve government of

maintenance costs. The P.C.W.P. communicated to the C.S. on 25/5/1922 that the District
Administration was opposed to the return of both Muhumuza and Nyinabatwa. The K.D.A.R.
1932 noted that Muhumuza was receiving presents from her people. Also refer to File:
Historical and Political Notes (West) 1941. U.N.A. Entebbe.
98 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

fears. When Abagirwa mobilised peasants on the theme that Muhumuza was
returning, hundreds of `People came from all parts voluntarily to build a large
fenced in area 200 yards by 200 yards ... to welcome her back as queen of
Nyabingi since her "nyabingi" had obviously overcome everything causing
her return to the district - even though she had been exiled for the last fifteen
years!'183 What threatened colonialism was that no chief reported it until a
Roman Catholic Father did so. Such a failure to report this could be explained
by these colonial agents' fears of Nyabingi, fears of peasants' wrath and
vengeance or their approval and support of these peasants' actions, or their
personal beliefs in Nyabingi.
Her charisma and influence even when she was away disturbed
colonialism. Despite colonial objections to her request for visitors, peasants
devised methods of visiting her secretly in Kampala for initiation into
Nyabingi institution and its secrets and took her presents and tributes.184 This
made colonialism more vigilant against Nyabingi Movement. The Buganda
Resident, who went to Rwanda on this mission in 1939, discovered that
Nyabingi Movement was still active. The colonialists were shocked to learn
that many people from Kigezi, Rwanda, Congo and Ankore came regularly to
Muhumuza for initiation.185 They therefore took strict steps to stop these
missions.
All these prove the effectiveness of the weapon of separating the
leadership from the membership. Had she been in Kigezi, then, it would have
been easier for her to effect a better organised resistance as Kaigirirwa was
later to do.
This short account helps us to dismiss the narrow view presented by
colonialists for public consumption that Muhumuza was just fighting to
establish herself as a ruler. Even this official view had changed by 1941 to the
view that her special aim was to form a Kingdom for her son Ndungutse.186
The problem with such presentation is that the resister is projected as using
peasants to fight and die for her personal interests. This fails to show what
popular interests were being advanced, the progressive nature of such a
struggle and its achievements. Furthermore, such a presentation aims to show
that neither such a resister, nor colonialism had legitimate claim of the area as
both were foreigners fighting for imperial ends. As such, the victor in that
case would have the legitimacy to rule, hence justification for British
colonialism. Such an approach, which speculates about individuals has the
183 op. cit.
184 op. cit.
185 Buganda Resident's Memo. to C.S. on 14/4/1939 and his report on Ruanda of 13/4/1939

No. A 102/14. Another Ndungusi was arrested in Ankole and convicted.

186 op. cit.
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problem of ignoring the popular forces' history and obscuring issues. If

Muhumuza was aiming only at personal interests, how come that she had not
concentrated on promoting them until this invasion? How come that she
managed to mobilise a cross section of peasants of different lineages, gender
and other minorities? Did peasant struggles end with this defeat?
Women in Leadership Post Muhumuza

There were many Abagirwa, whose role in leadership and struggles led
them to death, capture and/or deportation. Others had to disappear among
the peasants. This leadership proved a military and political challenge to
colonialism. This raised its expenditure on defence in this new district,
increased its fears and instability. Direct military confrontation had the effect
of increasing colonial oppression. Muhumuza's deportation was not the end of
the movement. In fact, that resistance was the launching of the Nyabingi
movement. Colonial authorities were soon to lament how `the female witches
of the Mamusa type' were at work in the whole district, mobilising people
with `anti-European ideas'. It had not taken long before colonialism had learnt
the charismatic and effective character of these women Abagirwa, their
political and mobilisation capacity, their capacity to provide leadership,
ideology, interpretation of phenomena for people's cause etc. It was compelled
to intensify repression. It applied all ruthlessness it could marshal to hunt
them down. Among those killed was one Wahire. Another one Chandungusi
was captured, deported to Mbarara and died on her way back.187 Mukeiganira
was arrested, deported and her twenty cattle looted. Among the arrests and
deportation were also Nyinabatwa and Kanzanyira.
Both Nyinabatwa and Kanzanyira were arrested and charged like the rest
under Section 2 W.C. Ord. 1912.188 Judgment was based on D.C's oaths and
evidence. The colonial court deemed it imperative to deport each of them to a
place more than 250 miles away as

Witchdoctors (females) have been a source of great trouble to the native

administration of the Kigezi District for years by inciting the natives to
disobey the chiefs and leading armed forces against authority ... If Kanzanyira
returns to Kigezi District for the next three years, her influence is likely to
cause a recrudescence of such armed revolt.189

187 K.D.A.R. 1914-15. Also see Reports of W.P. of August and September, 1914. Chandungusi

was Katuregye's mother.

188 Nyinabatwa's was Criminal Case No. 56 of 1917 and Kanzanyira's was Criminal Case No. 6

of 1918. See Files: Native Affairs: Ninabatwa (Witch doctor) Die 23/3/1923; & Native Affairs.
Kanzanyira d\o MAESI (Witch doctor) Deportation of U.N.A. Entebbe.
189 Idem. D.C. Gervoise swore to this Affidavit at Jinja on 31/3/1919. Nyinabatwa was
100 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Colonial administration applied its modus operandi of setting up

administrative and legal barriers to block their return to the membership. In
colonial words, they were not to return until conditions became more settled
and authority of the chiefs less likely to be undermined by such perverse
persons.190 Not surprisingly this separation also became their tragedy.
Kanzanyira died on 28/7/1919 at Entebbe, a few days after arriving in
deportation. Nyinabatwa died on 23/3/1923 at Mengo. Available records and
correspondences reveal that both died of neglect, hardship and cruelty by
colonialism.191
Generally, the separation of the leadership from the membership had far-
reaching consequences on the Nyabingi movement and on the leadership. It
disorganised the movement due to lack of experienced leadership and of
continuity. Even when the new leadership came up, the resisters would not be
accustomed to them immediately. This wide divide with the membership also
ruled out possibilities of contact between them and the rest of the
membership, to give them guidelines of what to do, who to contact, where the
arms were concealed, how to go about with Nyabingi secrets, invocations and
pretences. On the side of the leadership, movement to these far away hot
areas, infested with unfamiliar environments and diseases like malaria killed
or affected the deportees. While the membership was kept in the dark of what
had become of the separated leadership, leadership suffered under the hands
of the captors.
Through this separation of leadership from membership, colonialism
succeeded in depriving the membership of the strong, far-sighted leadership.
Similarly, it denied the leadership their vanguard role. Collaborators in the
meantime became overzealous to protect and strengthen their newly acquired
positions by blocking this leadership out. Their return was blocked on the
argument that

Witch doctors have been the curse of Kigezi District. They have an immense
influence among the superstitious semi-savages of this region and their
activities have before now led to the temporary reign of terror as in the case of
Mumusa. A mere term in goal does not appear to diminish their power for
evil and the return of any convicted witch doctor to her home is likely to be
fraught with danger until such time as the Bakiga and other inhabitants of

convicted on 6/12/1917. See D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 9/1/1919 and P.C's reply on 27/1/1919.
Also see their Deportation Orders in the same files.
190 Governor to Secretary of State for Colonies on 2/9/1919. Also see excerpt from P.C.W.P's

memorandum of 1/5/1922 Vide Minute 28 in S.M.P. 5409. Also see his communication to the
C.S. of 25/5/1922..
191 op. cit.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Kigezi District cease to be the slaves of superstition.192

The intensity of colonial repression on the resisters forced the leadership

to change tactics and operate among the people with utmost secrecy.
However, the former was always shocked to find that its repression fuelled
resistance and militancy. For some time, it retained maximum repression to
suppress these `Fanatical witch movements... who are essentially anti-
European and need to be put down with a firm hand'.193 It was forced to post
a warderer at Kabale because of `increased number of female prisoners,
chiefly Nabingi offenders'.194 State repression forced the leadership to change
their methods of mobilisation and struggle. They increased secrecy of
movement, plans and operation; they broadened their work to Masaka,
Karagwe, Bukoba and beyond. More Abagirwa sprung up, intensified their
work with zeal, travelled to other places to conscientise the oppressed peoples
into resistance despite the intensifying repression. This needs concretising.
This repression also forced the resisters to develop complex methods of
recruitment, mobilisation and organisation. New coded forms of language
were developed in form of parables and allegories. They also utilised the pre-
colonial art of speech of word twisting and breaking and mixing up normal
verbal communication patterns to communicate certain secrets without them
being understood by the enemy. It was because of this that colonialists
concluded that this was a Nyabingi language. They were also forced to
expand their geographical terrain to Masaka and Karagwe. The colonial state
arrested an Omugirwa in Masaka, charged her with `her disturbing and
pernicious influence over the more ignorant natives'. It deported her. Another
was `deported from Bgugi to Usumbura for dangerous propaganda'. It
captured another one in Karagwe, with all her appliances and burnt them
with the exception of her spears. It then convicted her on a number of
charges.195
One of the limitations of these Abagirwa was their failure to delineate
clearly the objective and subjective conditions within these new areas.
Although they raised pertinent issues of foreign occupation, impositions,
demands and restrictions, the peasants in these areas responded differently to
their call. Nyabingi as a religion lacked a history and social base in these new

192 Sworn on 21/4/1919; File op. cit.

193 K.D.A.R. 1915-16.
194 K.D.A.R. 1921.
195 Uganda Intelligence Report No. 12 of May, 1922 (13) No. C 515. W.P. on Tanganyika -

Native Affairs. by R.C. Stuttaford, Lieut I.O. Uganda.

102 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

areas. Yet, the subjective factor was very critical. As such, peasants' response
to the Abagirwa in these new places tended to be slow and lukewarm to the
Abagirwa's gospel of resistance. It should also be mentioned that some
peasants had lived a relatively peaceful life, and were not ready to accept
anything that could create more trouble for them. In places like Masaka,
Nyabingi religion and its Abagirwa were newer than colonialism that they
wanted to fight. It required time to gain legitimacy and social acceptance in
these societies. Colonialism was vigilant and denied them this chance.
However, it was clear that these peasants had great fear of both Nyabingi and
its Abagirwa as the colonial officer recounted the impact of an Omugirwa on
the peasant public in Bukoba;

During the course of the Baraza at Bagene it was interesting to note the effect
she produced on the assembled natives. The chiefs, with scarcely any
exception, trembled whenever her look was directed towards them. She also
made most noticeable efforts to exercise some form of hypnotism over me.196

Kaigirirwa's Contributions in the Movement

On their part, both Kaigirirwa and her husband Ruhemba underwent

serious transformation during their separate deportations. Ruhemba had been
deported in 1912 for his role in the movement. On his return, he was put
under supervision of the Nyakishenyi agent. This gave him advantage to
monitor their activities and spy on them. It enabled him to learn their weak
points and then choose appropriate methods for the attack, the timing etc.
Worse still, his resolve was concretised by the murder of his brother by an
askari. It must be understood that neither of the two Abagirwa compelled the
other to join the movement. It was due to their religious and political roles
that led them to this leadership.
While Kaigirirwa's initial methods of struggle were not very much
different from those of other the members like Muhumuza, she underwent a
major transformation during her deportation. She was able to learn the
importance of training, preparation, and sophistication, the necessity to keep
away from the enemy so as to preserve one's forces while tiring the enemy, the
importance of avoiding fighting on the enemy's terms and the importance of
hitting the enemy by surprise and at its weakest point. It should be noted that
the conditions and methods of struggle had changed from those prior to the
1914 war. Before that war, the leadership had been predominantly from the
peasantry, with little or no wide experience. Peasant resisters were still rooted

196 op. cit.

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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

in the habitat like their crops. However, this excepts Muhumuza. Even the
objectives of the struggle had changed. It should be recalled that P.C. had
reported in 1912-13 that the natives, who had been recently in a state of semi-
rebellion had become peaceful and were cultivating their crops and that `the
clans who a month or two ago were defying the Government have submitted
and are similarly employed'.197 The first struggle that she headed after her
return was the Nyakishenyi resistance in 1917. The leadership for this
resistance was broadened and included four women Abagirwa, Ruhemba,
seventeen chiefs and other influential personalities. Colonial reports show that
this plan was made three months before the actual day and was kept a top
secret. It is important to note that she, with others in leadership, studied
correctly the whole colonial situation in the area, understood the weaknesses
of colonialism and some of its local allies. She understood the need for broader
alliances of peasants and those in colonial service. This was done by first
identifying the contradictions between the colonial state, its Baganda agents
and the local chiefs and then exploited them. They based on these
contradictions to isolate and conscientise these local chiefs on the need to
struggle with the people and liberate their area. These chiefs had grievances
with colonialism. They were marginalised in their own country by both the
British and the Baganda agents. This included discrimination from ranks,
status, income, etc. They could not benefit like their Baganda counterparts
through accumulation of wealth from tax rebates, court dues or corrupt
practices. They were excluded from all these. She was able to exploit this
situation and base on these grievances to mobilise these chiefs.
The strength of this leadership was their capacity to understand the social
grievances of different sections of society and then incorporate them into their
programme. Among these was the hated colonial taxation on men, forced
labour, in form of Ruharo, Kashanju, head porterage etc. Others included
abuse of office and direct abuses, corporal punishments and other arbitrary
decisions and punishments, land alienation, and forced food contribution. The
female Abagirwa identified with men on these social grievances. Other social
grievances arose from the rampant corruption, oppression, unfair court
judgment, witch-hunting of Nyabingi followers and imposition of both British
demands and Baganda language and norms onto the peasants. This was
worsened by unfair court proceedings and heavy fines denying peasants
services and court judgment because peasants were incapable of speaking
Luganda, which were taken by the Baganda agents, unfair land cases. These

197 W.P.A.R. 1912-13.

104 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

grievances had the effect of raising peasants' sentiments for nationalism.

Even chiefs like Kisyagali and Ruzindana who later betrayed the
resistance at the critical time could not leak out the secret before that time.
This was because they initially believed in the explanations and plans given
by the Abagirwa. They, too, had suffered the naked oppression and
discrimination in the system for political and economic resources.
Furthermore, they feared the wrath of Nyabingi and its Abagirwa and of the
people if they ever tried to double-cross them. They also realised that even if
they had succeeded in betraying them and the colonialists pre-empted this
resistance, the betrayers would be wiped out through revenge. However, it
was in the actual practice that they failed to marry theory and practice. As
such, they betrayed the resistance at the last hour.
The Abagirwa bound together all these resisters with oath of secrecy and
commitment under Nyabingi, and offered a solid ideology for the struggle. All
this was accomplished secretly and selectively. `No suspicion however of even
disaffection or unrest leaked out until one daybreak when the massacre began'
though the victims had connections in peasantry through birth, marriages,
blood-brotherhood, etc. Nyabingi enforced among them discipline, unity,
courage, determination, confidence and comradeship. The leadership carried
out secret organisation among Nyakishenyi peasants for self-emancipation
under Nyabingi's guidance and protection. It was through this capable
leadership and high level of organisation, with a correct programme that they
mobilised over 1400 armed peasants into this armed struggle. This occurred
on 12th. August at 6.30 a.m. when they attacked all in the service of
colonialism, destroyed all the symbols of colonial oppression and exploitation.
This was horrendous to colonialism,

hordes of Bakiga and Bahororo from the adjacent country ... attacked the
residence of Abdulla Mwanika... all his enclosures and houses totally
destroyed by fire, 64 dwelling houses of Baganda, Banyankole and loyal
Bakiga were also burnt. The C.M.S. and Moslem Mosque suffered similarly.

The agent's life was saved by `Loyal Mukiga Chief Kisiagali and others
with their people... Sixty three men, women and children were massacred by
the insurgents, 15 men, women an children were wounded, some severely. ...
All lived near the Agent and some of them were assisting him in his duties', 64
cattle and 330 goats of the agent and others were seized by the insurgents.
Much property was looted or destroyed, including five Poll Tax Registers,
Case Books of the Native court and Five Books of Poll Tax Tickets - Nos.
11601-11850 for that year.198 To colonialism, this resistance `was directly due to
198 Communication from the Ag D.C. of 31/8/1917 on "Native Rising in Nyakishenyi". The
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

the machinations of witch doctor Kaigirirwa and possibly others with her due
to superstitious influence of a native witch doctor who unfortunately
succeeded in escaping. The Nabingi cult has never yet failed to find a
following in this district'. Colonial Intelligence reports argued that `Certain of
the disloyal chiefs some months ago paid a visit to Ndochibiri, who is believed
to have entrusted Kaigirwa with the task of fomenting mischief in Nakishenyi'.199
It became clear to colonialism how the rebellion was an attempt by a
section of the residents in Nyakishenyi to free themselves from European rule,
and to restore former conditions of independence; and absence of obligations,
- in the shape of Poll Tax and Labour. Rebel opinion supported the belief that
the overthrow of authority and the removal of the chiefs appointed by
Government and the European officers was a task within their powers'.200
Abdulla testified how five hordes of Bakiga shot at him and said `We do
not want you here. The Nyabingi has ordered us to kill you or drive you
away'. The court evidence by Kasenene, a Nyakishenyi peasant resister shows
some of the issues around which the peasants were mobilised, how they were
mobilised, the theme of the struggle, and Nyabingi's context.

Our Chiefs told us `We see you are tired of work we have made a plan to kill
the Baganda and the Europeans, so that they may leave the country and we
shall be independent as we were before. You will pay no more tax and we
will serve Nyabingi who used to rule over us before'. When we heard what
the chiefs said, we agreed, as we did not want to do any work, so we attacked
Abdulla.201

Colonial Reactions to Nyakishenyi Resistance

It should be understood that by 1917, the whole district was characterised

by resistance through covert and overt methods. It is important to review
briefly the peasant resistance that took place at Butare, four days before the
Nyakishenyi resistance. Lwampomo, of Mukaranga, organised peasants into
armed resistance. The actual resistance took place on 8th August. They
blocked passage to the agent Butale who was touring Mukaranga, attacked

P.C.W.P's telegraph to C.S. of 20/8/1917 D.C. Kigezi to the P.C.W.P. on 26/6/1919. Also see
P.C.W.P. to the C.S. on 24/9/1917 & C.S' telegraph to P.C.W.P. of 12/10/1917 on the same
issue. Report of the D.M./D.C. to the Chief Justice on 8/9/1917. Report of the D.M./D.C. to
the Chief Magistrate of 8/9/1917.
199 K.D.A.R. 1917-18.
200 Idem.
201 Court evidence by Kasenene, rebel peasant forwarded by D.M./D.C. on 21/9/1917.

Wavamuno, one of the Agents testified how Bakiga who cried that; "We have come to pay
tax!" carried spears and other weapons in their hands instead of money.
106 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

him and short at of his followers. They forced him to retreat and chased him
and his entourage. The D.C. had noted in April how Butare peasants were
among the most truculent, who were averse to forced labour and any
taxation.202
Faced with the Nyakishenyi resistance, the state was forced to shelve
counter-insurgency for Butare till after resolving the major resistance in
Nyakishenyi. This finally took place on 24th August, when the D.C. and his
team led a force of 20 police men and other followers to Butare to crash it. The
peasants `whereof fled at the first signs of approach, and hiding themselves in
the swamps'. They captured peasants' livestock which were treated as a
Collective Political Fine. After two days, they were forced to retire after
burning down all the peasants' houses.203
In response to Nyakishenyi resistance, colonial forces from all over the
district headed for Nyakishenyi. The forces from Kinkizi and Ikumba arrived
early and saved Kisyagali's villages from destruction. Peasant resisters had
attacked it as reprisal for his betrayal. Colonialism came with all force to
smash the resistance, restore colonial law and order. It unleashed state terror,
used 729 rounds, and fired M.H. 468 rounds against the resisters. `Energetic
action was at once taken and the natives dispersed ... a number of Bakiga were
shot in action with the police and a considerable amount of stock captured'.204
In five days of repression, over 100 peasants were killed, including three
chiefs. It captured 479 cattle and 764 goats and sheep, recovered one Poll Tax
Ticket book of the previous year and 2 Poll Tax Registers.205 However,
resisters fought back in this exercise and colonialism found it `impossible to
arrest persons wanted owing to the armed resistance'.206 Peasant resistance
intensified. Casualties in colonial forces included Dr. Webb who was speared
by a peasant resister.207 The D.C. commended the vital role of Agents and local
allies in this counter-insurgency.208 The P.C.W.P. telegraphed on 20th August
on this counter-insurgency; `rounding up of rebels and recovery of the lost
proceeding satisfactorily rebel movement not spreading'.209 Seven chiefs were

202 FD.C's report on Kanyarwanda on 22/4/1917.

203 Telegraph of Ag. D.C. to P.C.W.P. No. 73/16/1 of 20/8/1917 & letter of 31/8/1917 entitled
"Attack on Agent, Butale". They left behind four police men to guard the Agent.
204 K.D.A.R. 1917-1918.
205 op. cit.
206 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 21/9/1917.
207 D.C. to P.C.W.P. of 21/9/1917 on Native Rising in Nyakishenyi. File Op. cit. U.N.A.

Entebbe.
208 Idem. During this exercise, D.C. Ankole sealed off the border and patrolled it to net any

rebels running into Ankole. It should be noted that peasants resisted by crossing these
borders, fleeing from state repression demands. D.C's Report of 8/4/1912.
209 op. cit.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

still at large while seven chiefs had refused to join the peasant forces to
emancipate their land. Colonial Intelligence reports indicated that Kaigirirwa
and her forces were operating near the Belgian frontier. The D.C. concluded
his report that they `left Nakishenyi for Kabale 19th. the country having been
restored to a peaceful condition'.210
In inviting the Chief Justice to the court trial in Kabale of the rebels, the Ag
D.C./D.M. underlined the need to create a frightening impression onto the
peasants.

This rebellion is a serious affair, and in its results the most deadly I have
known, or heard of in this district. It seems to me to be an affair in which the
trial of the principal prisoners by the High Court would be eminently
desirable feature; such a course would have a decided impression in the
district.211

This resistance evidences that these peasant struggles were not caused by
emotions or superstitions or the love or fear of Nyabingi or irrationality. They
were determined to emancipate themselves and their land using whatever
weapon at their disposal, powerful organisation, Nyabingi religion, secrecy
and purpose of action, unity and courage and above all, organised violence
against the well-equipped, well-trained colonial forces in alliance with some
local people. The presence of so many alien Agents had the effect of evoking
petty nationalism which fuelled peasants' anger.
With British colonialism's ploy of using agents, the immediate target
became the Agents. In this struggle, these peasant resisters did not
discriminate. They never spared whoever was in the service of colonialism,
even their kins and relatives. It would be erroneous to argue that they were
only against Baganda agents for imposing their language and demands on
them. They wanted the alien, oppressive, exploitative system to go. That is
why they took away the Poll Tax Tickets, Tax Register records and case books,
which symbolised oppression and exploitation of this new system. The looting
of the livestock of the allies of colonialism was another testimony. In a region
where livestock was sparsely distributed, on an average of 3-5 head of cattle
per household, the 64 cattle and 330 goats that agent Abdulla had accumu-
lated in five years is concrete testimony of the primitive accumulation of

210 Ag D.C. Kigezi to P.C.W.P. on 31/8/1917 on Native Rising in Nakishenyi and the K.D.A.R.

of 1917-1918 noted re-establishment of colonial order in Nakishenyi.

211 D.M. to the Chief Justice of 8/9/1917. On 19/9/1917, the Ag Governor suggested the Attor-

ney General to conduct the prosecutions. This was aimed to inflict fear into the peasants. Two
of the rebels were executed publicly at Kabale in February while the third was executed in
Kampala. The rest had long term Rigorous Imprisonment. Also see K.D.A.R. 1917-18.
108 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

wealth from above, a system that was greatly detested. Agents were busy
using the system for their economic gains. This counter-insurgency led to
disastrous famines in the two following years.212 Nyakishenyi resistance
shows the skilled organisation and leadership of this resistance, and the
commitment of Nyabingi Abagirwa to mobilize peasants into self-
emancipation. But what explains the vigorous participation of various parties
in this counter-insurgency?
In this counter-insurgency, colonialists wanted to smash the resistance
before it spread in the whole area. They had the political and economic
interests to protect. They had everything to lose and it was their duty to
punish the resisters and restore some order while also teaching them directly
and implicitly never to resist again. They also had to prove to their agents and
local allies that they had a strong state which could smash any resistance,
contain the situation and protect them as well.
Baganda agents had also to prove to their masters their ability and
capability to serve the system. They did not want to lose their lucrative,
privileged positions by being replaced with new agents. Furthermore, they
were beneficiaries of the colonial system and any threat to overthrow it
threatened their interests. Many of them had been accumulating wealth
through malpractices. Furthermore, they had everything to gain from showing
extra zeal, co-operation and courage. This would be in form of rewards like
property, promotion, retaining their employment, good recommendation,
good records and loot from this counter-insurgency. They had some scores to
settle with these peasant resisters who had murdered their Baganda relatives,
and friends. Seen from a narrow perspective, it appeared as a war of Nak-
ishenyi peasants against Baganda and Banyankole. This was what the colo-
nialists presented persistently in their communication and later capitalised on
to reform the system. This view of Bakiga hating Baganda tended to be over-
emphasised by our respondents.213 However, others saw Baganda and other
agents as their enemies. These included the small local chiefs who were rivals
to the alien agents and wanted to take their positions. They had opted for
collaboration for various reasons. They did it for material gains in form of
rewards from looted property, jobs, promotion, retaining their employment,

212 K.D.A.R., 1917-1918 commended the great work by Agents: Stephani Musoke, Zambatisi

Jute, Sowedi Sabadu, Zakaria Barake, Namunye and Sulimani.

213 Interviews with Keigwanisa, Ziryaharuga, Rwakasheya, Bafokuheka, Bayanguha and

Kanganabusha et al. Other respondents like Kakuru, Bakamwatirenda, Mayanja Bakeiha,

Mucori, et al argued that the peasants were resisting Baganda, Belgians, and the Germans.
Rwamafwa Dezi, Kandeku, Rugogamu, Tibereeba, Twongyeirwe, Kyebete, Muyaga,
Karangizi et al. attributed these resistances to defence of their land and power.
109

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

good recommendation, good records, social status, new religions etc. There
was also an element of ignorance especially among the new converts and the
agents' followers.
A question arises whether the Nyabingi movement was forward looking
or backward looking at this time, whether it was a tactical, mobilising
strategy. The resisters' objective was that everyone in the oppressive
exploitative system should go. They wanted to be independent as their
forefathers, without any state obligations. However, the leadership must have
been divided on the future that they envisaged. While there were some
Abagirwa, who wanted a return to the past, where they were living off the
surplus of peasants, other members of the leadership like Ndochibiri
appreciated the role of an organised administration, with a strong armed force
to protect the area. And it was this leadership that would have qualified in the
new leadership. The P.C.W.P. reported to the C.S. that the D.C. had handed
over some livestock and other property to agents and collaborators, settled
claims and he wanted sanction to give out rewards to collaborators,
compensate others and sell the surplus livestock. The most important point
was his request `for the sanction to offer a reward of 20 head of cattle for the
capture of the witchdoctor Kaigirwa alias Musige'.214 This brutal suppression
did not cow down the movement, as the P.C. hoped:

`I trust there will be no further trouble of this sort amongst the Bakiga, who
are fine race but unfortunately intensely superstitious as regards the powers
of the "Nyabingi" and at Certain seasons of year addicted to excessive beer
drinking, which frequently leads to fighting among themselves'.215

Transformation of Peasant Resistance under Kaigirirwa

into a Guerrilla Force

The role of Kaigirirwa did not end with the Nyakishenyi resistance. This
was a step towards a stronger and longer peasant guerrilla warfare under
Ndochibiri, Kanyarwanda and their followers. This new development cannot
be attributed merely to the fear of colonial repression unleashed in
Nyakishenyi or to the fear of the price on her head. This development can be
explained from their new programme for the movement; their patriotic
objectives and impact of intensive repression on the peasants. It should be
understood that peasants were not ready to betray her to the colonialists. They

214 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 26/9/1917. The C.S. sanctioned all these in his telegraph to P.C.W.P. of
12/10/1917.
215 op. cit.
110 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

considered colonialism as their principle enemy and considered their struggle

as ordained by Nyabingi. The opportunists who would have ventured to earn
those cattle did not know her movements and programme. Even those who
could have known them feared revenge and mysterious deaths.
However, the price on her head led to other consequences. Peasants
became more vigilant to protect her. Others were forced to harden and join the
struggle by her charisma, realising that a woman had threatened this colonial
force. Her capacity to elude enemy's traps like this one, intensification of
militancy, organisation and determination transformed her into a hardened,
seasoned fighter, who, with other resisters shed away all attachment to home
or village life. They joined Ndochibiri's guerrilla forces actively. It was her
long experience in resistance and commitment, courage, military training,
leadership qualities and charisma that brought her to top leadership after the
tragic death of Ndochibiri and other three top leaders. In pre-colonial peasant
circumstances, she would have been expected to withdraw from all activities
for days to mourn her husband and comrades. She would have had to sit
docile having been widowed and waited for one of her brothers-in-law to
inherit her. Instead, this hardened her, made her more resolute to rid the
whole region of the colonialists. However, it should be noted that it was
impossible for her to mourn her husband even if she had wanted since she
was on the run as colonial forces were pursuing her. Right from joining ranks
with Ndochibiri, her programme of emancipation had extended beyond the
colonial borders.
Kaigirirwa had distinguished herself in her capacity to organise peasants,
inspire in them courage and lead them to war. Her capacity to understand
people's grievances and problems went beyond gender limitations. Women
began identifying with men's cause, seeking appropriate solutions and
implementing these solutions. Their capacity to study the whole situation,
integrate themselves into it, then come out with correct solutions of self-
emancipation through armed struggle and then carrying out the task of
mobilising a cross section of society into militant resistance was a testimony to
their leadership role. This charismatic leadership inspired and united the
combatants into more comradeship.
It is these Abagirwa who purported to alleviate people's burdens from
colonialism and then change the order of things in their favour. Their capacity
to identify people's rights and the methods to regain them, to unite with men
leaders to plan struggles and convince local colonial agents to cross to the
people's side and fight for their popular rights. This forced colonialism to
intensify brutality, witch hunt for them, deportation, executions, long,
Rigorous imprisonments, and prices on some of them.
Kaigirirwa, Ruhemba and their followers led their forces and joined
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Ndochibiri's forces. In the struggles that ensued, Kaigirirwa played a key role
in military training of the fighters, in organisation and planning, spying and
other intelligence network and actual struggle. She contributed a lot in
training these peasant resisters in using lethal weapons, etc. It is no wonder
therefore to find that she was commanding a peasant force of over 600 fighters
by 20th June 1917.
It is of interest to note that the death of Ndochibiri, Ruhemba, Rumuri
and their followers did not discourage her from the struggle but instead
strengthened her into more resistance. She took on the new tasks of providing
the fighters with arms and food, training, creating and strengthening
friendship between the resisters and the peasants; creating more brotherhood
and recruiting more combatants etc. Colonialism hurried to change the site of
the administration headquarters with a new Boma at Kabale, re-roofed the
buildings with corrugated iron sheets since colonialism was

fully alive to the fact that incendiarism on the part of fanatical followers of the
late Ndochimbiri, the late Luhemba and the still existing witch doctoress
Kaigirwa is a real danger and not to be scoffed at.216

She led an attack on the colonial forces within two weeks after her
assumption of top leadership. She led another attack on 8th July from the
Kisalu area. This was driven off by a Police Patrol in Nakishenyi - Kinkizi area
and that

In retiring they announced that they would wait for vengeance until the
Government relaxed their precautions and forgot their presence.217

They waged other attacks in the subsequent months. It was in combat in

1921 that she was shot and killed in combat, after twelve 12 years of active
anti-colonial struggles.218
The other challenge to colonialism was that while all actors in its service
were men, Nyabingi had both men and women in the membership and
leadership, with women playing a dominant role in the leadership. The same
applied to the new religions, which came with it. Men dominated its ranks,
both at home and in these colonies. Back in Europe, the European woman was
discriminated against in public roles like in the military, active politics, and in

216 O.C.W.P. to O.C. Police on 7/7/1919.

217 P.C.W.P. report of July, 1919. Ag C.S. to the Director of P.W.D. Kigezi Station. File: Western
Province, Kabale Station, Defence Precautions. U.N.A. Entebbe.
218 op. cit.
112 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

the leadership of religions like clergy and bishops. Yet, here was a locally
established religion dominated by militant women in rank and file, addressing
people's spiritual, temporal, military, physiological and psychological needs.
This complicated matters for colonialism both in terms of armed struggle and
its justification.
In conclusion, this section has shown with concrete evidence the role of
women in the leadership of the Nyabingi movement, how they took the
initiative to mobilise peasants under tension and their contributions to the
movement. It has also shown how they were able to combine politics and
religion to mobilise peasants, unite them and lead them into armed struggle,
the various forms of transformation and changes that the leadership
underwent, the types of demands that they were able to address, their
capacity to identify grievances of other sections of society and incorporate
them into a comprehensive programme. It has shown how they mobilised
peasants around certain programmes and gave the movement both vigour
and an internationalist approach. This section has also shown colonial
response to these Women Abagirwa, how it tried to separate them from the
membership and the various developments from this course of action.
Continued attacks and heavy losses in terms of personnel and expenditure
forced colonialism to make certain reforms. These were aimed to remove some
of the social grievances so as to undermine the Nyabingi movement and its
Abagirwa.
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Section Six

New Methods of Struggle and the Demise of Nyabingi Movement

1920s witnessed the decline of Nyabingi Movement simultaneously with

the increasing anchoring of colonialism in the area. Abagirwa like Komunda,
Ndemere and the others. went on the defensive to prevent its decline by
proclaiming its greatness vis-a-vis the state and the new religions. The D.C.
gave an interesting narrative of events between Komunda and Zaribugiri, a
colonial agent. He narrated how the latter had arrested Komunda for
witchcraft. The D.C. released him due to lack of evidence. Komunda then
testified to the peasants that his "Nyabingi" had defeated Government and left
him free. The chief's wife and child fell ill immediately and nearly died. This
proved to the peasants Nyabingi's greatness and powers of revenge.
It had become clear to colonialism how Nyabingi was

above all revolutionary political... chief among chiefs, a state in the state. Its
aim is to free the country of Europeans and of all authority other than
"Nyabingi"...All the agents of Nyabingi with their pretended mysterious and
occult power give themselves out as liberators of the country.219

The colonial state's predicament was its failure to distinguish between

Nyabingi as a religion, Nyabingi as a supernatural force, Nyabingi as a
revolutionary movement, Nyabingi as an ideology, its character and
dynamism. and other practices like witchcraft, prophesying, healing, curing,
rain-makers, etc. It lumped all of them together. This was advantageous to the
resisters. It helped them to recruit all those that colonialism persecuted, even
those who would have refrained if the state had first made a theoretical and
analytical study of this society's movement. Thus, by 1927, the D.C. reported a
large amount of Nyabingi practice.220 Threatened by religious and political
persecution for Nyabingi leaders, worshippers and resisters by the state and
the new religions, and lies by missionaries of the imminent arrests of peasants
who did not join Protestantism, Abagirwa like Komunda began to create
propaganda to wield together the disintegrating Nyabingi movement. Trying
to live with the times, they issued declarations against colonialism and
proclaimed the supremacy of Nyabingi over all people, state, other religions

219 P.C.W.P. to C.S. of 17/7/1928: "A Supplementary Report on NYABINGI Movement Kigezi
District".
220 K.D.A.R. 1927.
114 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

and institutions. They called upon all peasants and chiefs to adhere to
Nyabingi's teachings, work on Sundays and observe Mondays and Tuesdays
as Nyabingi Days. No work was to be done on those days. Peasants feared to
die and followed this decree. This was challenging European religions which
had set aside Sunday for their god. This was underlined by D.C.

Many people going to him for Nyabingi from all parts of the district and all
being informed by him that his Nyabingi was more powerful than the
Government, that no work should be done on Mondays in the shambas, that
no taxes should be paid, and that the Europeans would be driven out.221

What compounded the problem was their weapon of secrecy: Direct

evidence is always difficult to obtain as the pursuit of witchcraft is carefully
screened from chiefs who are regarded as the eyes of Government.222 The
colonial dilemma still remained in 1928 that;

It is therefore in Rukiga that Nyabingi presents a peculiar character with more

persistent and more dangerous aspirations than elsewhere. It pretends
moreover to sovereignty. The principle verse of their hymn in Rukiga is ...
"The king (or queen) has come to his country".223

In pursuit of their resistance, the Abagirwa called upon all peasants in

Belgian Rwanda, Kigezi and Congo to bring in votives and sacrifices for
Nyabingi in form of money, beads, etc in preparation for a broader resistance.
This money was meant to be for sustaining the resistance. However, it cannot
be ignored that the Abagirwa would have appropriated most of it for their
personal ends. This was the phase when Nyabingi became known as Muzeire
Kasente: a parent that needed or accepted money. They also called upon
peasants to smith more weapons, sharpen them, and begin intensive military
training for an imminent resistance. The theme was Now the Omukama
(Nyabingi) is coming in the Country.224 D.C. Trewin warned all Saza Chiefs of
an imminent Nyabingi resistance.

The affair of "Nyabingi" is wanting to increase in this district, also I think that
all the chiefs are not aware of everything which is going on in this country.
Because I see that many chiefs do not want to converse with peasants. If you

221 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 29/5/1930 on Komunda's Sect of Nyabingi.

222 D.C. to P.C.W.P. ON 1/3/1928.
223 K.D.A.R. 1928.
224 Idem. the C.M.S evangelist also testified that he and his Mkungu Busisiri had reported to

the Gombolola Chief, when two hundred persons under the Nyabingi "priest" Ndemere
marched through his garden. The D.C. noted that the Sub-Chief was away as he `had
knowledge if not complicity in the Organisation'.
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want to be aware of the news in your country with ears wide open. I know
that witchcraft is going high, and that someone is telling people not to do
their work on Mondays and Tuesdays. Not one single chief has told me of this
... people are afraid to go to work on Mondays and Tuesdays because they are
obeying the "Nyabingi". Why do not you all put strength to find out about the
"Nyabingi"?225

Indeed, anti-colonial resistances followed in the first quarter of 1928. The

leadership mobilised peasants and they began war preparations in Kagarama
Mountains opposite Kabale. They aimed at the C.M.S., Kabale Station and
Kikungiri, centres of colonial oppression and exploitation. Their object
remained to chase away the oppressive, exploitative system and all in its
service.226 The leadership organised peasants in Kigezi, Rwanda, Congo and
Ankore, under the theme of self-emancipation. The leadership urged peasants
to contribute something to the movement. Over a thousand peasants from the
whole region are said to have participated, contributed in cash, livestock,
beads and bracelets. Acceptance of sacrifices in money and beads was another
qualitative change of Nyabingi religion. There was a movement to build more
shrines for Nyabingi and peasants began military training with bows, arrows
and spears. Peasants came from different parts of the region, in preparation
for an attack on Kabale Station. It was during this time that they were
surprised by colonial forces. People came from Karuzanga and Kumba to
attend these "Nyabingi" chiefs and give their offerings.
The whole resistance began in January to March, from Kabale (Kagarama)
to Karujanga and across in Rwanda, under the leadership of Ndungusi,
Ndemere, Mweyahusi et al. The first was betrayed by a Protestant convert
Senyange, who reported to colonial authorities. The one near Kabale was
organised in mountain forests and hills of Kagarama, four miles (and sight) of
Kabale. The resisters screened all events and secrets from a Muganda agent
although over 300 of them passed through the Gomborora compound that
day. The local agent had been informed of this resistance and had left the area
to avoid being blamed as an accomplice of the resistance.227

225 D.C. Trewin to Saza Chiefs on 28/1/1928. File, Nyabingi (1928).

226File:Raids and punitive Expeditions. Refer to memo of C.S. to the Governor on Nyabingi,
Criminal Case File No. 4 in which two peasants were found guilty and sentenced to five years
R.I. Also see telegraph of Chief Secretary to Districter, Kabale of 24/2/1928 and D.C's reply to
C.S. of 28/2/1928. U.N.A. Entebbe.
227 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 13/9/1928 on "Unlawful Assemblies and Incitement to rebellion by

"Priests" of NYA-BINGI Society, 1928". Also see communication from D.C. to P.C.W.P. on
1/3/1928. P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 29/3/1928 on a Recrudescence of "Nyabingi Movement - Kigezi
District". File op. cit.
116 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

The principal objectives were the Government Station and the Protestant
Mission whose houses and contents were definitely allocated by the leaders.
At roughly the same time, exactly a similar manifestation under some of the
same (escaped leaders took place 15 miles South of Kabale on the other side of
the frontier.

Resistance in Karujanga and in Belgian Rwanda developed faster and in a

more organised manner. Peasants crossed from Uganda and joined others in
Belgian territory, murdered collaborators, burned many villages, and
threatened to burn the Gomborora headquarters. Inside Belgian Rwanda,
resisters were reported to have killed 24 Belgian Police.228 Colonialism went
on the offensive on both sides of the border. Belgian colonialism deployed 100
police who subdued about 2000 peasant resisters. This force burnt many
villages, killed or injured many of them. British forces suppressed the resisters
on Ugandan side, disarmed them and detained them.229 Colonialism got
alarmed on learning how this was one organised revolt from Kagarama to
Rwanda under the leadership of Ndungusi. It sent in a reinforcement of ten
police and one officer from Mbarara. Furthermore, it was not going to show
any leniency to "Nyabingiites" as it would be taken as a manifestation of
Nyabingi's omnipotence and indestructibility regardless of time. Colonialism
was aware of the political dangers in Nyabingi leadership

since it involves the fundamental basic anti-European element whereby all

Europeans must be driven out in order to make way for their God and King
and queen "Nyabingi" to rule their country and who for the time being has
entered in and is depicted in that particular person.230

And adds further thus:

Any unaccountable incident is put down to "Nyabingi" and is at once seized

upon by the witch doctor as a proof of his powers which all helps to foster
any agitation he may have in mind. The recent dry weather causing the
matama crop to begin to wilt of course lent colour to the general rumour that
a new Sultan would arrive in the country in the place of Government and
would bring "nyabingi", new seed, rain, etc.231

The two colonial states used all means at their disposal to suppress it.

228 Ag P.C.W.P. to the C.S. on 4/4/1928.

229 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 5/4/1928. Also refer to Document of 3/5/1928 on Peasants' uprising in
Belgian Ruanda against Belgian Administration and Belgian colonialists demand for
extradition of the resisters who had fled to Uganda. File: Nyabingi (1928).
230 Idem.
231 op. cit.
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Some members in the leadership were captured, convicted and sentenced

heavily.232* There were new colonial reforms, based on the weaknesses of
Nyabingi institution. Colonialism had learnt the exploitative character of
`Nyabingi cult to enable it to impose its character of liberator, strikes the
imagination of the simple. Thus it preys on the people demanding payment of
cows, goats, foodstuffs and money'.233 It exploited this coercive taxation to
mobilise peasants in its own favour against Nyabingi. It preached against
Nyabingi, suspended taxation and other demands in Butare, Bufundi and
British Rwanda. It should be noted that by this time, peasants could see some
tangible results from communal labour in form of roads, hospitals etc. On the
other hand, there was nothing tangible by Nyabingi Abagirwa that they could
cite. All peasant contributions to Nyabingi were consumed by those in its
service.
Colonialism devised a gradualist strategy to undermine the Nyabingi
movement. Peasant resistance was prevalent even after arrests. Peasants were
hostile to the colonial system and were not ready to incriminate their fellow
peasants. They

...had to be forcibly brought to Kabale on order to obtain their evidence

which was given reluctantly in awe of the presence of accused, it was clear
they were endeavouring to suppress incriminating evidence and had they not
been brought in their evidence would not have been obtained.234

After this, peasants refused to give information about the captured

leadership. Even those who were dragged to court still refused to co-operate.
The D.C. therefore recommended that Kagarama be fined 75 head of cattle
under Section 2 Collective Punishment Ordinance for conniving in these
witchcraft dances well knowing their nature and illegality and were
suppressing and combining to suppress all evidence which would cause the
leaders to be apprehended. He argued that this would serve as an example
and deterrent to other local areas should they at any time contemplate similar

232 Extradition to Belgian East Africa (Mandate). Dairy of events 1928/29. File Nyabingi (1928).
The D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 30/11/1928 about the Extradition Proceedings following Nyabingi
rebellion on Belgian east Africa (Mandate) and Uganda Frontier, MArch 1928 charge:- Murder
and Arson reported that he had arrested the following additional accused against Belgian
Arrest Warrants of April:- Maheranni, Lupfumu, Bariganengwe and Kagambire.
*: To concretise this, Ndemere and Mweyahusi were given five years R.I. each.
233 Report of P.C.W.P. to C.S. of 17/7/1928: "A Supplementary Report on NYABINGI

Movement Kigezi District" concluded that Nyabingi belonged to all tribes with its
headquarters at Omukyante...
234 op. cit. P.C.W.P's communication to the C.S. on 23/5/1928.
118 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

acquiescence in holding these Nyabingi agitations.235

It was due to the vigilance of agents like Zaribugire and Ndyabahika that
Komunda and other resisters were hunted down. When Komunda received
news of his imminent arrest, he moved camp with his followers to the
Kayonsa Forest, and he continued his political and religious work for two
weeks. The arrest of Komunda and some of his fold caused marked resistance.
One of the askaris was wounded and a peasant resister shot dead. Komunda
was arrested with peasants from the vicinity. The peasants in the
neighbourhood were fined fifty head of cattle under Section 2, Collective
Punishment Ordinance. The Colonial view, presented by the D.M. was that
`any waiving of punishment on these people in those areas can but have the
most serious and deleterious effect and would probably endanger the safety of
others in future'.236
It adds further thus:

In the native mind the forfeiture of cattle causes a deep and everlasting
impression, well-heeded and observed by others, but a contribution in the
shape of work is merely a phase which is ephemeral, possibly irksome, and
will by no means be stamped on the minds of onlookers as a deterrent.
"Emandwa" is of much more personal a nature - and infinitely less harmful -
than "Nyabingi". Nyabingi may extend to the attempt at expulsion from the
land of any form of government: Emandwa is not anti-Government in
characteristic.237

It is with this resistance that the convicted appealed against the judgment.
This alarmed the colonial state. One of them appealed and was released.238
However, this appealing was a testimony of the waning of the Nyabingi
movement.
It was this resistance that marks the final decline of the Nyabingi
movement. Many peasants began to join the new religions. This was partly
due to the religious persecution of local religions and the political threats
while at the same time promoting the European religions, and partly due to
the rewards, privileges and favours that colonialism accorded converts to
these new religions. This would be on recommendation of missionaries and
agents.
By late 1930s, Nyabingi Movement had been undermined. Their new

235 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 1/3/1928 He stressed that it was "...essential to impress on these

people that the government will not tolerate these Nyabingi outbursts".
236 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 29/3/1928. Chiefs who failed to track this resistance were dismissed.

File: Nyabingi (1928)

237 Idem.
238 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 29/5/1930. File: Nyabingi 1928. However, Ndemere died in prison.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

resistance occurred in form of Ruvaivuro `Revivalist Movement', whose

membership and leadership were pre-dominantly women. The main
explanation why this resistance came under cover of a religion was that their
productive forces were still at a low level, had a weak economic base and their
outlook was still narrow, still attributing whatever they could not understand
to the supernatural forces. They lacked any other organised forum around
which they could organise to express their interests and wishes. The
explanation of the dominance of women has to be sought in the effect of
colonial policies which developed Kigezi into a labour reservoir. Through this,
most men had to leave the district annually for wage labour for taxes and for
other political, economic and social demands. As such, they were mainly
women and children who remained in the villages, practising these religions.
By then, the colonial state was sure of itself. The balance of forces had
tilted in its favour. The local allies, most of whom had been incorporated into
the colonial system, were promising;

They are slow to learn new methods but, once learnt, are steady and reliable,
with the notable exception of fear of the supernatural as represented by the
organisation known as NYABINGI. I know no African race who retain their
social equilibrium and mental stability so well under modernising
influences.239

Resistance began to take more individualised forms like arson, murders,

suicides etc. As an instance, they burnt the house of the District Clerk in July,
1932 and the culprits escaped.240 The same happened to one Mandelbaum's
hut in 1933 in Bufuka. Colonialism had brought her to study these peasants so
as to know how to control Nyabingi Movement. Peasants objected to being
objects of her anthropological study. The choice of Bufuka was based on the
fact that it was taken as part of the headquarters of Nyabingi.241
However, the combined measures by the colonial state against the
Nyabingi movement finally produced results. Gradually, the Nyabingi
movement declined. Resistance was changing to other forms like avoidance of
poll Tax or Ruharo work or other obligations.242

Some Colonial Reforms in Response to Nyabingi Movement

Confronted by Nyabingi Movement, colonialism was able to examine its

239 Idem.
240 K.D.A.R. 1932.
241 K.D.A.R. 1933. She was carrying out an anthropological research between 1932-33.
242 K.D.A.R. 1933.
120 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

policies and practice. It came to realise that Baganda Agents were causing
unnecessary social grievances among the peasants.
Judicially Baganda endeavour to force their language upon the local
population. In a recent case an old woman was refused a hearing for three
months being told she must speak Luganda in Court - which she was unable
to do. Indigenous peoples are insufficiently consulted by the Baganda caucus
(who in Rukiga have the overwhelming majority in court) on cases arising
from local usage and tribal custom...

Following the compulsory use of Luganda by the Government; and the

consequent association of officers with it, Baganda lords, customs and outlook
are gradually becoming fastened... peaceful penetration, upon the local
people whose point of view is largely lost sight of in Native Courts where
Baganda preside or predominate much natural resentment is felt by the
indigenous population with which I entirely sympathise. I consider it almost
entirely due to the GANDA atmosphere created by the use of Baganda
interpreters, and the Luganda Language which is imposed by the
Government in Districts where it is as alien as it is unnecessary.243

As such, it now tried to reduce Baganda agents and their powers. It re-
introduced Swahili as the official language. It accused Kago Sebalijja of
nepotism; `forwarding unduly the interests of his own family and advising
D.C. to introduce alien (Baganda) customs resented by the indegines' which
formed inflammable material for the incipient fires of rebellion organised by
powerful witchcraft associations, under capable leaders.244
Philipps pursued this issue further to show how Baganda had become a
liability to colonialism;

The District has been almost entirely in the hands of the Baganda (who have
been steadily increased) since its opening. The mediums of communication
between the Government and the local population have been Luganda,
though heretofore agents have always to employ Kiswahili in personal
intercourse with officers - i.e. both being on terms of equality in using a
medium of speech which was not their own.

The Compulsory use of Luganda has been the most material influence in
misleading the indigenous population as to the Government's attitude
towards alien (Baganda) customs, in misleading the Baganda as to their own
position in the country... I cannot but consider its employment in this district
to be a distinct political error.245

The role of Baganda as agents in expansion of British colonialism became

243 K.D.A.R. 1919-1920.

244 op. cit.
245 op. cit.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

a basis for contradictions between Baganda nationality and other nationalities,

hitherto. This was a great achievement for colonialism - pitting the colonised
into wars against each other. Colonialism had two options - either to retain the
Baganda agents or to dispense with them. It opted for the latter option. This
would have the effect of hoodwinking the colonised peoples that this was a
transformation to self-rule. This would make the position of colonialism even
more obscure and secure. At the same time, it reverted to Swahili language as
the official language, brought in more personnel from Tanzania of Baziba
nationality to replace Baganda as agents, interpreters, etc. Swahili also was re-
emphasised as the language for instruction at school. It was made compulsory
for all government personnel to learn it and the state offered a bonus to
whoever accomplished this task.
British colonialism used these proxy administrators from other
nationalities and later from the local ones for various reasons. It was
handicapped in terms of British personnel, wanted to keep low the
administration costs and also minimise contradictions between colonialism
and the colonised by using these proxy administrators as shields. However,
contradictions between agents and the colonised developed over exploitation,
oppression and domination. In implementing colonial policies, Baganda
agents used crude and oppressive methods. These were felt in tax-collection;
collecting and supervising forced labour etc. It was also felt in collecting
forced contributions of food, money and livestock. There is evidence of
corruption, misuse of resources and embezzlement of taxes, famine food, and
bribery. Worse still, these agents were rude, obscene and lacked any human
relations in dealing with these peasants. They were uncompromising, tracked
down all peasants who had defaulted these dues. They harassed peasants for
Nyabingi movement, meted heavy punishments on peasants who failed to
comply with these requirements and those who tried to resist them or who
showed signs of insubordination etc. What made matters worse was that these
were strange anti-people practices on formerly independent peasants. Further
more, they were meted on men, who were the political heads of the
households. What should be understood is that, many of the colonial
demands, laws and policies tended to focus on men, and made them
accountable to the colonial state. This had the effect of undermining these
men's social positions in society.
Administrators were also judges or assessors, clerks or interpreters in
these native courts. In other words, the team of agents came from the same
nationality, understood each other and cooperated in their transactions. This
connection based on nationality compounded the crisis for the peasants. There
was a crisis of impartial judgment and lenience. If a peasant appealed, there
122 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

was no immediate authority to appeal to except other Baganda agents. This

had the effect of fortifying conspiracy. Even when peasants tried to appeal to
the European officials, the agents tried to overshadow or block them.
However, if they succeeded, then, the interpreters would try to give wrong or
distorted translations so as to confuse or destroy the case and intimidate the
complainant. Another method was to record the case badly for such purposes.
This type of network that these alien agents formed grieved the rest of
the colonised. This was worsened by their marginalising the local agents, and
treating them as "primitive backward pagans" instead of taking them as
colleagues. Worse still, these Baganda agents developed a superiority complex
over the rest. These were some of the issues that created contradictions
between the Colonised and these agents. These grievances had the effect of
arousing petty nationalism among the peasants, and propelling them into
militant struggles.

The local population has been submerged incoherent and voiceless. Their
attitude, needs and aspirations have only reached the Government indirectly,
coloured by Baganda intermediaries - who have been from time to time
confuted by volcanic upheavals arising from the resentment of the people
whom they have, perhaps unconsciously, misrepresented. Although strongly
supported in execution of their legitimate duties, the small but noisy Baganda
oligarchy loses no opportunity of expressing their displeasure and annoyance
at the firm check kept upon their continual attempts to impose their language
and customs upon the incoherent masses of the population... their
overbearing and domineering attitude to the local populations has without
doubt been the direct cause of more than 90% of so-called local "rebellions" in
the country where European Government has never been personally
unpopular". (Sic!)246

However, once colonialism realised the gravity of the crisis and the likely
repercussions, it took steps and replaced them with local agents, whom it gave
necessary rewards and privileges.
Colonialism learnt the necessity of dispensing with the Baganda agents so
as to reduce bloody resistances. Local agents had been learning from Baganda
how to man the system. It embarked on reforming the political system,
reorganising the political leadership of the district by removing the less
indispensable Baganda agents and replacing them with the local agents.247 By
then, both the major and minor chiefs were salaried. However, the role of
Baganda as instructors and advisors was still important. As such, many of

246 op. cit.

247 op. cit. Bakungu earned Fls.4/= per month.
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them were retained.248

However, these do not exonerate British colonialism from responsibility.
The colonial ploy was to dissociate itself from the crises and attribute all of
them to Baganda agents. However, colonialism cannot shun away from the
question of responsibility as it was the one in command, formulating policies
and supervising their implementation. Real power lay with colonialists, not
agents. Baganda agents did not have autonomy to act as they wished, or to
formulate policies. Further more, colonialism represented British and not
Baganda interests. As such, Baganda agents could not be considered at the
same level with British colonialism as these colonial accusations do. As such,
British colonialism had to bear full responsibility of the mistakes by its agents.
One needs to go beyond this colonial apologia of shunning away from
responsibility of their recruiting Baganda agents as a political error. Available
facts prove that they were an indispensable tool for British colonialism in
invading, conquering, penetrating and setting up the first administration
system in this area. Even after phasing them out later on, neither colonialism,
nor the post colonial Governments have tried to abolish this system.
It had become clear to colonialism how `the Nabingi organisation cannot
be dealt with by military measures'.249 The new colonial proposals for
remedies and safe-guards against future Nyabingi troubles were: General
civilisation of the District, the levelling up of administration on both sides of
the two international frontiers, abstention from pressure of tax or labour in
frontier areas, increased tolerance of the Ruanda Imandwa (anti-Nyabingi
institution), and employment of Batutsi, the hereditary rulers whenever
possible and increasing the police force to seventy.250
In a bid to accomplish this, it increased educational grants to missions,
began pushing religious missions to carry out their ideological and
educational work and to tolerate the passive Emandwa. In this line, it
criticised the C.M.S' method of work and hostilities against animists and other
religions, their lack of tolerance with them as a basis for social grievances. The
P.C.W.P. warned;

One of the dangers of these illegal aggressions by native proselytisers,

mistaught by Europeans ignorant of the nature of the religions or cults which
are endeavouring to destroy and replace is not only the creation in Africa of a
feeling of persecution and antagonism against Europeans in general, but also

248 op. cit.

249 op. cit.
250 Idem. The P.C.W.P. said that the first two proposals were a matter of time while the last

three proposals had been laid down and placed on record as general policy.
124 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

the natural possibility of exasperated reprisals on local churches. The latter

are mostly grass huts and easily inflammable.251

Drawing from the protest in the newspaper the previous year, Philipps
advocated for recognition and respect of animists (as in modern China and
ancient Rome) who practice the same cults of the ancestral spirit and of great
men now with the gods (mandwa). He argued that these religions could not be
mistaken since

The little shrine can often be seen within the enclosure or behind the house...
It is unthinkable that English or native mission-teachers should forcibly
penetrate the residence of a Japanese officer or official and set fire to the
shrine or even utter threats about it. In Africa, however, even under the
British flag and religious liberty mission teachers have been and are known to
trespass on private residences of Africans, chiefs and peasants, to destroy or
molest their shrines.

He exposed the C.M.S. and mission teachers who accused the colonial
state for its new position of hindering the burning of "devil-huts" in the
district. Philipps criticised one of the teachers for this view published in the
vernacular newspaper thus:

He doesn't add whether he considers the spirit of his own father an animist,
to be a devil... Animists in Africa are set down contemptuously as heathen. A
sense of both history and realities of the world as well as perspective, seen
still to be relatively rare.252

Colonialism found another solution in deliberate creation of social

distinctions in this society. This was conceived by W.P. administrators in 1921.

The question of getting into close touch with younger and more educated
natives with a view to giving them some vent for their aspirations and
preventing them by practical measures from becoming revolutionary or
disloyal.... To form a club or reading room in each station for the native clerks,
interpreters, young chiefs and other native youths of similar education.... The
idea is to enable these natives to have a place where they can meet to pass
their spare time, and providing papers and suitable literature to endeavour to
curb those ideas which are at present making headway in the country.... The

251P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 15/10/1930. File: C. 1605: Missions: Ruanda (C.M.S.) Mission Methods.
252Extract from "The Japanese Mystery" (1930), Atlantic Monthly, Sep. 1930. p. 290. Also refer
to J.E.J.P. Philipps' work of 1/10/1930. Colonialism had moderated its position and was
advocating for Emandwa and other mild religions. His criticism is multi - barrelled: criticising
actual malpractices of C.M.S. and their greed; their failure on the ideological front, and also
pushing forward the political programme to defeat peasants under Nyabingi. File: C. 1605
Missions: Ruanda (C.M.S.) Mission Methods.
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club should be managed by a committee of natives under the guidance of the
D.C., who would draw up such rule as local conditions found necessary, and
see that only suitable natives are permitted as members.253
To ensure discipline, conformity and to discriminate against many people,
they set up rules, which prohibited access to the club of women and children.
They were to set up a committee to screen and bar unsuitable people from
entering, to check on political or religious discussions inter alia.254
It should be noted that colonial authorities had learnt clearly the insurgent
character and influence of women in Kigezi. They also understood that the
mixing up of different sections of society would lead to the revolutionary
tendencies that were developing in the district and the world over. Class
creation was at the same time aimed at undermining women, and their
improved position in society. It aimed at entrenching or exacerbating
inequalities through isolationism and social distinction based on gender, age,
religion, education and employment. Fears of the past resistances, the
Nyakishenyi resistance, and the prevalent revolutionary feelings demanded
colonialism to create such a club of docility, of non-active political
membership etc., who would form a dependable ally. In colonial words, the
club was "intended as a rendezvous for the educated type of young natives
and as a check on revolutionary tendencies".255
All these colonial measures had some impact in the movement.
Colonialism spelled out how the matter was one of general administration,
which would always require watching. But as the district progressed, any
possible danger to Government would disappear and all cases harmful to
natives would be dealt with by law.256

Promotion of missionary Work for Ideological Purposes

The ideological, political and cultural contributions of European religions

to colonial interests were quite clear to colonialism. Being the most interested
party, the state could not leave this important work unplanned. Yet,
missionary work was hotly challenged by peasants. It was noted in 1915 how
the religious and secular work by both missions had been retarded by the
Nyabingi movement. This had climaxed in the murder of the C.M.S. teacher.257
253 File: Provintial Administration: District Commissioners Conferences:- Minute of Meetings:-

Meeting at Mbarara on August 4th-8th 1921 of D.Cs. of Toro, Ankole, Kigezi and A.D.C.
Kigezi and Secretary.
254 Idem.
255 op. cit.
256 FD.C. to C.S. on 17/1/1922 & P.C. to C.S. commenting on Philipps' report op. cit.
257 W.P.A.R. 1915-16.
126 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Colonialism wanted a planned education for the "natives". The creation of a

semi-literate and unskilled class of native was most undesirable. It therefore
planned a strategy for the success of this work through compartmentalising
the District, basing on nationality and other differences.
It was clear to colonialism that Protestantism had been rejected in
RWANDA where they stuck to their religion. The W.F.M. had nine Catholic
missions in Rwanda. Its personnel spoke local language and a wide experience
with the people. Colonialism correctly understood that Baganda Protestant
teachers would hinder this valuable work by Banyarwanda teachers and
White Father Missionaries. This also applied to the Bakiga, who disliked
Baganda but liked Banya Rwanda and were accustomed to them. Colonialism
saw it as `politically and tribally desirable' that `these two counties which are
ethnologically, historically and geographically part of Rwanda' be under the
spiritual charge of the vicariate of Sub-Nyanza. Rujumbura of Bahororo and
Kinkizi of Batumbi, who were `not unsympathetic to Ankole and Protestant
influence' had to be left for Protestants whose personnel spoke Runyankore.
This plan was implemented successfully. One of its achievements was to
create deep-rooted divisions amongst nationalities in the region based on
religions. It sharpened these differences, undermined local religions like
Nyabingi and increased religious animosity amongst the new converts.258
As the military option had failed, it began to combine various methods to
defeat these resistances. It saw education as important

if only to combat the influence of the witch doctors. The intelligence of the
natives generally could be much improved by widening their outlook and
education would prove of much assistance in this and in making the chiefs
independent of alien clerks.259

In pursuit of this, it maintained its supportive programme to these

missions. By 1930, it offered Pounds 500 as educational grants and it raised it
to pounds 547 the following year. In 1933, the total educational grants had
been raised to pounds 656.12260 Although these figures cannot tell how the
money was used, they still show a commitment of the colonial state to
education.
It increased its spies and informers to monitor Nyabingi movement and
all other subversive activities. It mounted politicisation programmes through
constant barazas, issued threats etc.

258 Idem. Also see K.D.A.R. 1961 on District politics and Provincial Reports from 1956-1962 on
religion and politics in Kigezi.
259 K.D.A.R. 1917-18.
260 K.D.A.Rs 1930-1933.
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Reforms to Control Mission Activities Among Peasants

The new religions created new antagonistic contradictions between the

whole colonial train and the colonised. There is another school of thought
which argues that the coming of these missionaries was a blessing for the
pagans. See Rwampigi (1980) Ngorogoza (1969), Sebalijja (1911) et el. These
contradictions revolved around material resources, notably land, labour and
livestock. These increased peasants' resolution to wage armed struggle. This
needs concretising.
In Kigezi's context, the cross followed the sword. They were the
colonialists with the Kivu Mission, who paved way for Christianity. The
White Fathers, who had arrived earlier in the southern part of the region did
not extend their work to the Ndorwa-Mpororo-Kajara areas. Colonial
administration embarked on hoodwinking peasants to allow in these
missionaries. In 1913, the P.C.W.P. quoted chiefs that peasants would allow
missionaries to come provided they did not deprive them of their plural wives
or their land.261 It was in the following year that White Fathers and C.M.S.
selected plots around Kabale.262 The so-called conditions laid by the peasants
were violated immediately.
Continued peasant resistances necessitated intensive ideological work. In
this pre-literate, peasant society, religion would play an important role. The
problem facing colonialism was that Nyabingi, the dominant religion was
against colonialism. Worse still, Peasants did not and could not understand or
accept British interests, let alone representing them. The duty fell on European
religions, as was happening elsewhere on the continent. It had its own
religions which people believed in, revered and feared. In such a context, the
new religions could not be accepted wholesale. This was aggravated by
misconduct by the missionaries and their new converts. Their association with
the murderous state and its forced demands exacerbated the situation.
Eventually, the activities of these new missions caused a lot of contradictions
with the peasants. This called for the state to come in and control their
activities. Let us concretise this.
The first major contradictions revolved around land. On his first visit,
Lewin, of the C.M.S. `marked out the choicest pieces of cultivated land for his
plots'. Instead of compensating the peasants for their gardens and land, he
deceived them that `If they resigned their claim to the land and became

261 P.C.W.P. Report 1913-14.

262 K.D.A.R. 1914-15.
128 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

mission people that they would be released from all obligations to their chiefs,
the government, and also from road work'. He forced them to supply free food
to mission teachers. This became a basis for contradictions and the state had to
come in to resolve it.263
Owing to the density of population and extremely strong feeling among the
clans as to alienation of their land whether fallow or cultivated it has been
explained to the indigenous population that such lands will not be alienated
without their consent (obtained after individual explanation to those
interested that lands then granted would cease to belong to them) missionary
societies were simultaneously informed that applications for unoccupied
lands (not cultivated or fallow) would receive sympathetic consideration.264

The subsequent years witnessed an intensification of scramble for land by

missions. By 1928, the colonial state was alarmed. Missions had 407
Temporary Occupation Plots, of which 272 belonged to C.M.S. In addition to
that, they had three miles of freehold land. This land had been acquired
through force, intimidation and deceits to peasants. The C.M.S. later deceived
the state that all its plots were bush schools. Because of that, they were able to
get educational grants from the state for these unoccupied plots.265
However, the state came to understand how the C.M.S. was failing to
execute its ideological duties. Most of its plots lacked teachers while the rest
were manned by young boys, `practically illiterate, irresponsible... unfit to
teach the doctrines of Christ'. To D.C., their presence had done more harm
than good to the community. The C.M.S. preferred to exploit this cheap labour
which it paid only a shilling a month and freedom from Ruharo. What
disturbed colonialism most was that the C.M.S. was receiving enormous
educational grants for these empty plots on the pretext that they were schools.
Yet, it was exporting teachers to Belgian Rwanda, where its outlook and main
interests lay.266 Colonialism was forced to spell out its educational policy;

We owe it both to a contented continuance of English trusteeship, and in

fairness to the men with whom we shall have to deal in the new Africa of ten
and more years hence, that the rising generation should either remain under a
proper African or a proper European influence. Unless such conditions are
rectified, we would appear to be drifting aimlessly (if not dangerously
between the two).267

263 FA.D.C. to Governor on 23/8/1914 in defence against C.M.S. accusation "Obstruction in the
Granting of Plots to C.M.S. in Kigezi". Sullivan to A.D.C. on 13/3/1916. File C.M.S.
264 K.D.A.R. 1919-20 & W.P.A.R. 1919-20.
265 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 1/8/1929: "Land, T.O.L., Missions." Sub-grade (Bush) Schools.
266 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 1/8/1929. Also see K.D.A.R. 1933.
267 op. cit.
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The state limited the amount of land acquired by missionaries. It also

forced them to visit these plots regularly and staff them with qualified
personnel. It did not want these plots to develop into centers for dissention,
resistance and insubordination to disrupt colonial order. In its view, these
evangelising classes made children `develop a contemptuous insubordination
to both domestic and tribal discipline'.268 It threatened to withdraw
educational grants, deprive them of most of the land and the privilege to
church teachers if the C.M.S. did not fulfill its ideological obligations. It
demanded accountability of the C.M.S. It stopped C.M.S. from exporting
teachers to Rwanda, accused them of embezzling most of the resources
received for educational purposes. In its own words, `Money granted to White
Fathers seems to go much further than an equal amount given to Protestants,
who encumber themselves with large families'.269
It was evident in 1931 when the Roman Catholics had nearly twice the
number of converts of Protestants. The former had 9,186 converts and the
latter had 5,087.270 This was also reflected by the enrollment at school. In 1930,
C.M.S. had less than half the enrollment number of the W.F.M. It had 109
pupils while the W.F.M. had 230 pupils. This worsened the following year
when W.F.M. had 287 pupils while the C.M.S. had 96 pupils. By 1933, W.F.M.
had 525 pupils while C.M.S. had 164 pupils. The colonial state continued
demanding accountability from C.M.S. as it was demanding and receiving
more money than the W.F.M. The C.M.S. was forced to respond. We find that
by 1960, it had considerably narrowed the gap. It had 8,817 pupils while the
W.F.M. had 11,398 pupils.271
Secondly, it discouraged the C.M.S. from using crooked, cunning and
deceitful methods to extort peasant resources in form of free labour. The first
example is Seseme church, which was struck by lightning. The C.M.S.
demanded its replacement by Ruharo labour, lying that it was `burnt by
incendiarism'. It received and used Ruharo labour worth a hundred pounds to
build a bigger and better one.272 Contradictions between state and C.M.S.
arose when the church was being completed. Dr. Smith informed the D.C. that
he had made a sad "discovery" that he had been appealing for help `under

268 Report of D.C. on "272 Temporary Occupation Plots. Plots at Kihi".

269 K.D.A.R. 1929 & 1930.
270 1931 Returns on Converts, K.D.A.R. 1931. It recorded that 232,603 peasants still stuck to

their pre-colonial religions.

271 K.D.A.Rs 1930-33 & 1960.
272 Dr. Smith C.M.S. to D.C. on 23/9/1927: "The C.M.S. "Freehold" at Seseme (Kisoro),

Bufumbira (Rwanda)" D.C. to Dr. Smith on 13/10/1927 and Dr. Smith's reply on 3/11/1927.
File: C.M.S. N.A. The Ruharo labour was worth more than Pounds100.
130 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

false pretences. Apparently it was not destroyed by incendiarism after all but
struck by lightning'.273 The D.C. was angered by this duplicity and
exploitation; "an act of god and not of naughty natives, though it was the latter
who had to suffer for it... the C.M.S. asked (and obtained) `unpaid forced
labour' against the existence of which they inveighed so forcibly public.274 He
was forced to warn them.
C.M.S. created lies and promised converts rewards, absolution from work
and other obligations and punishments. One of the lies it created was that
natives that were not Christians would be considered sympathisers with
NyaBingi and thrown into prison and that safety lay in the `religion of the
Government' namely Protestantism. This led `A few pagans, oscillating
alarmed between Scylla and charybdis, betook themselves to Islam.' The
Roman Catholics retaliated by creating rumour that the P.C.W.P. had become
Catholic and that Catholics alone could and would communicate to him and
would be the ones to get jobs. The D.C. had to disapprove this publicly that
`there was no religious "reservations" mediaevalisms which would get them
into or keep them in any post...'275
Resistance between peasants and missions arose over school fees. The best
case is of Ruhara's three children, who were expelled from school for failing to
pay church dues. What complicated matters was that they had paid school
fees. The state accused the Catholic Church of manipulating school fees to
exploit resources for the church. After a lot of correspondences, the colonial
state clearly concluded thus:

Education, is after all a social service. In Uganda the Protectorate Government

has entrusted it, almost entirely, to the mission Societies.... Responsibility still
rests with Administrative and Education Officers to exercise, in the name of
Government, ... who wish to make use of educational facilities, provided
largely by public funds, in spite of statements to the contrary, and are willing
to behave themselves, must be allowed to do so; and to attend Mission
schools until state schools are established. Schools must not be used as
instruments for enforcing Church discipline against children or parents,
especially when it appears to be only a matter of tithe payments.

Uganda has suffered since 1890, or earlier, from the political and religious
rivalry of the Mission Societies...276

Thirdly, the colonial state stopped the C.M.S' activities in the out-lawed

273 Dr. Smith to D.C. on 3/11/1927. File Idem.

274 op. cit.
275 K.D.A.R. 1915-16, 1928.
276 op. cit. Also see Memos of 10/2/1941 and of 15/2/1941 on the same issue.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Sleeping Sickness (S.S.) of killing game for ivory. In addition to violating S.S.
laws, they were depopulating the animals. To make matters worse, the
colonial state had prohibited peasants from going there, let alone hunting
there or killing animals. During its hunting expeditions, the C.M.S. personnel
exploited unpaid labour of peasants on these trips. They took an average of 50
porters per trip to these S.S. areas for an average of twelve days. The colonial
state accused the C.M.S. of exposing these porters to sleeping sickness,
overloading them without remuneration, separating these peasants from their
families for 12 days without remuneration, forcing peasants to contribute food
and milk without pay, and then forcing men to carry them for long distances
and many days, inhuman exploitation of not feeding these porters on these
trips inter alia.277
Not only were these grievances bases for Nyabingi resistances but they
also had the effect of teaching peasants to defy government laws and go into
the S.S. areas to hunt as the Whites were doing. Peasants saw this as a racist
move to block the Africans from hunting and keeping it exclusively for
Whites. The state threatened to prosecute any missionary violating this rule.
Fourthly, the state intervened when peasants appealed against forced milk
contribution. When peasants changed their methods of struggle - from
militant armed struggles to legal methods, and appeals, the state seized the
opportunity and came in with a pro-peasants' face. It began to address some
of the social grievances of peasants. Peasants appealed to D.C. against forced
milk contributions Ezekibeere by the C.M.S. They had been compelled to take
one cow each to the C.M.S. at Kabale, three days' march away. They were
compelled against their will to remain on the C.M.S. Mailo for thirty days and
to supply milk. They had to take their own money to Kabale for food and cook
the food themselves while so-detained. To make matters worse, the C.M.S.
gave them two Shillings per cow for the month's milk. An average of thirty
peasants were thus compelled every month to take each a milk cow to the
C.M.S., principally from Nalusanje and Nakishenyi Gombololas.278 The D.C.
explained this super-exploitation by showing how a Kiga cow produced as
much as three bottles of milk. The standard price of milk was 20 cents a bottle,
which meant Shs.9/= per month per cow.
This forced-milk contribution was class-based. In sanctioning this forced
milk contribution, the colonial state, still in its embryonic stage, was too
careful to antagonise the organised, large cattle owners. The victims were
277D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 15/5/1929. File: C.M.S.
278D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 28/9/1928. See Appendix. File: C.M.S. I am grateful to the valuable
information from Kanyima, Bwirirenkanya, Rutanga et l. regarding forced milk contributions
known as EZEKIBEERE
132 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

peasants owning an average of two head of cattle apiece. The agent received
orders of the needed cattle and he then acted. There was very high mortality
rate among the cows and calves thus brought to Kabale due to great climatic
differences and pasturage which were injurious to the cows and their calves.279
`This is a source of grievance among the peasantry. The average price of a cow
in milk is about Shs. 100/=. No compensation is paid by the C.M.S. in case of
deaths'. Worse still, there were relatively very few cattle. The D.C. explained
how

The proportion of cows, and in milk, at any one time was small, and nearly all
Rukiga cattle were owned in ones and twos which made the taking of the
only cow a man had, and any death, a matter of real hardship.

To gain a sense of perspective, one might reasonably say that the loss of a cow
to a mKiga is equivalent to the loss by fire to a poor European, who has
neither income nor bank balance, of his house and all its contents ...
uninsured! A cow to a mKiga frequently represents the savings of a life
time.280

He warned that these were just the kind of injustice which were exploited
by the Nyabingi and an accumulation of which produced the periodical flares-
up in Kigezi.281
The P.C. ruled against the practice and how `The assistance of chiefs and
the native Courts cannot be invoked in this matter'. He stressed that it was not
equitable that the peasants of Rukiga should be forced to bring the cows for
providing the milk and butter for the 16 Europeans on the C.M.S. hill.282 This
form of super-exploitation was abolished that December.283 The D.C. then
castigated the criminal nature of forced milk contribution;

It should however be placed on record that throughout the past eight years
the cattle have, in point of fact, had to be brought in by ORDER of the D.C.

279 Idem. The D.C. recounted to the P.C.W.P. the hazards these cattle and their owners were
exposed to: The marked climatic differences (damp-cold) in Kabale; differences in
composition of both water and pasture between the valleys of the Edward watershed and
those of Victoria (e.g. Kabale). On pasturage, he argued that MBULALLA and RUMBUGU
formed the staple pasture while the latter was relatively rare and the former practically did
not exist. `The MUBALLI grass at Kabale was injurious to cattle when unaccustomed to it,
leading to high mortality among cows and their calves brought to Kabale'.
280 Idem.
281 Idem.
282 P.C.W.P. to C.S. on 23/10/1928 and C.S' comments on 30/10/1928.
283 Telegraph of C.S. to P.C.W.P. of 22/12/1928 and telegraph of P.C.W.P. to Districter, of

24/12/1928. Also see D.M. to the Attorney General on 13/1/1929 and the Solicitor General
to C.S. on 22/1/1929. File Op. cit.
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supported by criminal convictions (flogging and fines) in Native Courts, all of
which are now stated to have been illegal. The question of influence has never
arisen. The matter is now seen frankly to have been one of illegality,
profiteering on and discrimination against, the native. Had the cattle
belonged to a White man, this state of affairs would clearly never have oc-
curred.284

Peasants needed this milk for themselves. This form of exploitation led to
detention of men, who commanded respect in society and as heads of
households on this mission station for a month was highly detested. It forced
them to carry out the role of cooking, which was exclusively done by women
hitherto. This had the effect of degrading and humiliating men. It had the
possibility of undermining their social position in society. This forced milk
contribution disorganised them and their families, their production plans, and
their defence system. Worse still, they had other compulsory state obligations
to carry out including Ruharo, Kashanju and taxation.285 In fact, colonialism
was able to assess the effectiveness of its reforms the following year by
attributing the confinement of NYA-BINGI to "a MAGNI NOMINIS UMBRA"
to be principally the

removal of a number of grievances, petty enough to the European who is not

touched by them but acute and infuriating to the African, and easily
exploitable by the Nya-BINGI, laudator - temporis - acti.286

This section has shown some trials by the Abagirwa to resuscitate the
waning Nyabingi Movement, the politics that emerged in late 1920s leading to
broad resistance of early 1928. This was a great shock and threat to
colonialism, which had committed itself publicly that Nyabingi had been
defeated. This resistance, which stretched across Kigezi to Belgian Rwanda
was a real threat. Its objects, secrecy, the swiftness of the leadership among
peasants, and the peasants' willingness to bring offerings in livestock, money,
beads etc. from all over the region to finance this resistance proved their
determination to emancipate their land.
Though colonialism moved in swiftly and carried out counter-insurgency
in the region, it was forced to institute some reforms. By this time, its policy of
creating Kigezi into a labour reservoir was under way. Males were being
forced to move into wage labour outside the district for taxes. Its other

284 D.C. to P.C.W.P. on 14/2/1929 on "Compulsory Milk C.M.S". File Op. cit.
285 D.M. to Attorney General on 13/1/1929 & Communication of the Solicitor General to C.S.
on 22/1/1929.
286 K.D.A.R. 1929.
134 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

reforms included synchronising the activities by the new missions in this area.
At the same time, it demanded their accountability and caution in dealing
with peasants. It warned them against unnecessary contradictions with
peasants. On the side of local religions, it began to tolerate Emandwa religion
so as to undermine Nyabingi religion. Peasant resistance forced the colonial
state to control the land race and alienation by these missions. It also
discouraged these missions' naked exploitation through forced contributions of food,
milk, labour and other demands that overburdened peasants. All these reforms and
changes were a response to pressures from the continued Nyabingi movement.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Section Seven

Contributions & Limitations of Nyabingi Movement

It is important to acknowledge that these resisters were able to defeat

colonial forces in some of these battles because of some advantages they had
over the latter. These included numerical strength, commitment, methods of
struggle and timing; knowledge of the terrain and its effective utilisation,
people's support and involvement etc. However, being masses, at low level of
production and with a narrower outlook than their counterparts, they could
not press home for more successes to final victory. Neither did many of them
develop beyond mass resistance and create a regional, armed force to fight for
their rights and defend their successes. Many of them saw these wars in the
same way as pre-colonial wars with other enganda, where the initial defeats
meant final victory. Yet, here was colonialism which attacked in succession
with no attachment to production, no family responsibilities, no shortage of
supplies etc. This new adversary did not first make war preparations and
climaxes through dances or beating drums. It did not even first challenge its
enemies to fight as these peasants did. Its rules of the game were different and
overwhelmed the resisters. As such, peasants' military success would be short-
lived.
Peasants' defeat arose out of their objective weaknesses. These included
lack of organisation and broader unity of all peasants in the region to resist at
the same time. They failed to neutralise collaborators either politically or
militarily. This excepts Nyakishenyi resistance and the one under Ndochibiri.
Most of them failed to learn and master the enemies' military methods and
weaknesses. This was worsened by their crude pre-capitalist weapons and
military methods which made them vulnerable to advanced capitalist ones. To
concretise this, throwing stones and spears while standing were no match to
repeated fire of self-loading machine guns while taking cover. These measures
contributed in undermining the Nyabingi movement. By mid 1930s, Nyabingi
resistance was declining, taking new forms such as avoidance of Poll Tax,
Ruharo or other obligations.287 The state had penetrated deep in the
peasantry.288 By 1939, the Nyabingi movement had been weakened
considerably.289
Despite the eventual defeats, armed violence had great impact. Peasants

287 K.D.A.Rs. 1933-38.

288 Idem.
289 Buganda Resident to C.S. on 14/4/1939. Also see File: Historical and Political Notes (West)

1941.
136 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

knew that this was their collective responsibility. It helped them to patch up
their differences and join forces for self-emancipation. Right from the
beginning, the more they were beaten, the more resistances flared up. All
these show how this area did not surrender but was conquered militarily by
colonialism after bitter wars. Successive defeats, massacres, tortures,
imprisonments, public executions, deportations, etc. demoralised the resisters.
They had come to terms with reality and learnt the invincibility of colonialism
at this point in time given their low - level of social formulation. They
gradually began to use it from within and began to appeal to it for arbitration.
Colonialism itself had learnt that militarism alone could not last long. It
therefore resorted to political solutions, reformed its administration, made
changes in its demands, promoted some local institutions to undermine
Nyabingi, reduced witch-hunts and punishments to the culprits. It changed its
approach and policies and adopted a cautious approach in dealing with them.
Faced with this insurgency, British colonialism was forced to import an
anthropologist in the person of Edel May to study these peasants and devise
measures to control them. Gradually, it made peasants form councils up to
village level in which they would discuss colonial policies and air their
grievances. The new reforms were not outright hostile. On their part, peasants
who were tired of continuous defeats, punishments and famines wanted to
settle down to production.
To solve this crisis, colonialism was forced to reform this system. In its
own words, it embarked on the programme of `re-construction and soothing a
volcanic people by explaining or removing causes of potential upheavals
rather than by initial punishment and by substituting where possible
indigenes for aliens in the control of local affairs'.290 It was also forced to shift
its administration center, first from Kigezi to Ikumba and then to Kabale. In
1919 alone, it had to spend more than a thousand pounds to change Kabale
Station. All these were from real fears of the Nyabingi movement.291
It gradually began to remove any grievance that would form a basis for
peasant resistance. This included warding off Christian missionaries from
exploiting peasants, who had been exploiting the peasants in different ways
under the blessing of the state. These malpractices revolved around taking
away peasants lands through lies, forced food and milk contributions, forced
free labour, overworking them, exposing them to sleeping sickness etc.
It undermined these peasants by depriving them of their capacity to make
wars. This was done through policies outlawing carrying spears and any other
sharp object, which could be used as a weapon. Secondly, it made policies

290 op. cit.

291 File: 146: Native Administration: Nabingi and Kabale defence (1919-1923).
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

against local smithing, and inflicted heavy penalties on anyone that violated
this. Punishments included imprisonment and chopping off thumbs. This was
worsened by forced labour, labour migration, massive importation of cheap
manufactured goods. These undermined the local industry and tied the area
to the new economic order. Yet, the new weapon of making war - the gun was
never availed to them. This was worsened by restrictions against free political
organisation.
It would be erroneous to look at the Nyabingi movement like a balance
sheet full of lossed without gains. There were some political, military and
social gains. This success depended on unity, organisation and mobilization.
They had the peasants as the sea, made effective use of weaponry and military
skills. Their leadership exemplified in secrecy, timing, organization, planning
and execution of their plans, creating rear-bases and effective use of con-
cealments, their military capacity and will to fight to death resisting.292
Through contact with the enemy, the leadership became aware of the enemies'
strength and viciousness. It therefore encouraged the resisters293 exemplified
great ability in evoking Nyabingi to exploit social, cultural practices for
sealing comradeship etc.
Some of the leadership developed sophisticated, solid resistances which
lasted longest. The leadership in this particular movement were widely
travelled, with wide geographical knowledge, had a lot of new relations and
blood brotherhood, and had developed wide political consciousness through
direct contact with the colonialists and different peoples from different regions
and countries. Most of these were in colonial service. They became clearer of
this new enemy, its origins, its political and military dangers and the need for
preparations before attacking. All this was vital for military purposes,
knowing the terrain helped them to attack or engage the enemy at its weakest
points. It also gave them chance to their rear bases - forests or across the
borders or to disappear into the population. It also assisted them to procure
and/or store food supplies, arms freely or cheaply from the environment. The
leadership also learnt many languages, cultural practices and secrets,
languages and codes during their interaction in colonial service and after.
These were instrumental in their struggles as they used them when they went
there with their forces in mobilisation and recruitment. It facilitated them to
create a strong intelligence network among the people, which the colonialists
failed to penetrate. The D.C. Ruzizi-Kivu confessed this;
292 op. cit. Colonialism responded with burning all property and crops from there and shifting
all the peasants from there.
293 As an example, Ruchezi, who succeeded Ndochibiri would hold out his hand to protect his

followers from bullets.

138 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Our experience in this district has been that the only possible method for his
apprehension is to entice him into open country, away from forest areas, and
employ native spies in plain clothes with the inducement of a large reward in
cash or stock for his arrest... whenever pursuing troops were told that their
objective was the apprehension of NDOCHIMBIRI, the news of their
movements was always regularly conveyed to him by camp followers or
porters.294

It should be noted that in all these struggles, these resisters put their faith
and protection in Nyabingi, even in those households and lineages where
Nyabingi religion had not permeated. Confronted by colonialism, peasants
accepted that Nyabingi had sanctioned this struggle. Nyabingi was their
leader and protector in this war. Nyabingi religion therefore transcended its
spiritual roles to address peasants' temporal needs. As such, the leadership of
this resistance had to use Nyabingi religion, even if it might not have believed
in it. Resistance had to be given a solid faith to hold on to. This gave the
Abagirwa a vital role in increasing the resisters' faith and fear in Nyabingi,
encouraging them to fight, threatening the waverers and the weak to become
strong and fight. This gave Nyabingi more legitimacy and expansion among
the peasants and the area freely, without threat of internal opposition much
more than ever before. It also helped in undermining the passive religions.
While some of them were pro-established orders, all of them offered no
practical solution to secular, psychological and spiritual problems confronting
peasants. With colonial invasion, these religions could not come up with any
solution either. It was only Abagirwa, who attended to these problems and
offered some solutions and explanations.
At the time of invasion, Nyabingi confronted two enemies, the external
and the internal. It became clear that while the main enemy was external, to
confront him required internal reforms first, that every step forward
demanded internal reforms. Internal reforms were demanded both in society
and Nyabingi institution. It was necessary to avail instruments of violence and
subordination to different sections of society regardless of gender, age, lineage
or historical origin. and allow various sections of society to come into
leadership and address issues of gender, and the minorities. As earlier noted,
women, children and men formed its social base. With colonialism as a new
oppressor, various sections of society found the solution in Nyabingi
movement. All were forced into anti-colonial struggles at various levels, in
various forms. While some took to arms, others supported them with
information, logistics like coverage and shelter, arms, food, guidance, and
transmitted messages.

294 op. cit.

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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

It was in these anti-colonial Nyabingi struggles that women took up a

critical leadership role in armed struggles - not only as mediums of Nyabingi
but as defenders of society; directing the fighters and participating fully in
combat both in the leadership and among fighters, planning, providing
ideologies, encouraging fighters and administering invocations of secrecy
under Nyabingi. In addition to holding local weapons, women held guns and
taught other resisters how to use them. This was the first time that they stood
side by side with men in battle, fought courageously side by side with men
and died together! It was this colonial invasion, which ushered women into
active fighting at all levels. This active participation in wars by women - both
in membership and leadership, allowed an atmosphere of commitment,
dedication and comradeship among the resisters without any discrimination.
This ensured sustenance of these resistances. This was a great leap from the
pre-colonial period.
This demonstrated clearly that a solid, long-lasting defence for society
depended on all members of society, and that in time of crisis, every member
had something to contribute. This called for all sections of society to have and
use the weapons to defend it. In other words, defence for society was not
determined by gender but on all who lived in it. It showed that basing on
gender to determine defence of society spelled out peril, that all sections of
society needed each other in this struggle and that this unity had to be built
basing on equality, comradeship and the call on all members of society rather
than basing on inequality, oppression and discrimination. This new
development became the basis for the development, sustenance and longevity
of the Nyabingi movement. Hence, the struggles that ensued gradually had
shed away spontaneity and developed into arduous, protracted sharp
struggles of mobile peasant resisters.
While these internal reforms were made, they did not extend deep to
household level. In other words, these reforms did not permeate in the whole
society, beyond the immediate requirements of defence of society. Even those
who did not engage in resistance did not experience them. The same old
hierarchy remained but on top was added the colonial state. Such reforms
therefore remained superficial, without any profound effect on the existing
relations. Secondly, even these reforms were not long-lasting. After the
military encounter, the various sections of society resumed their social
positions in the existing framework. Meaningful, profound reforms would
have to address the existing social relations, address issues related to gender,
youths and other minorities. In this context, equality and comradeship was
experienced only in the battlefield. This narrowness of these reforms finally
contributed to the defeat of the the Nyabingi movement.
140 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Even on the question of incorporating new ideas, methods of struggle, the

peasants did not fully accomplish it. While Abagirwa accepted sacrifices in
monetary terms and foreign military technology and science, they restricted
its followers from accepting certain innovations being preached by the state. A
situation developed where Abagirwa brought forward explanations to counter
any colonial move. The colonial state brought forth counter-arguments in
defence of such moves. These colonial explanations were backed by coercion
while those by Nyabingi were backed by fear of the supernatural and the
unknown consequences. Force, therefore compelled peasants to implement
these programmes, against peasants' will and against the wishes of Abagirwa.
However, as these programmes produced positive results in conformity with
what colonial authorities had earlier explained, this had the effect of
undermining the ground for Nyabingi religion. They were such issues related
to health, sanitation, production, soil protection, medicine and vaccines for
people and cattle that the state's explanations and policies proved most
successful and convincing. Gradually, peasants began weighing these
explanations by Abagirwa versus those by the colonial state.
In line with this were sacrifices to Nyabingi in form of alcohol, daughters
and foodstuffs. This was gradually abandoned due to the dynamics of this
war. Secondly, the long, pretentious process of selecting an Omugirwa was
abandoned. With these new continuous struggles, it became clear that any
rigidities or delays in leadership-formation, or initiative-taking spelled out
peril for Nyabingi and its people. Nyabingi therefore became very flexible to
the membership in joining its ranks. Since all Abagirwa were busy mobilising
peasants into resistance, and on constant run from colonial repression, there
was no time for a systematic initiation of these new Abagirwa into Nyabingi
secrets. War conditions demanded continuity in leadership. Where one
Omugirwa got killed or arrested, another had to emerge promptly, take up
her place and continue the struggle. As such, many more people became
Abagirwa and sustained the struggle.
This paralysed colonialism. This dynamic process had the advantage of
bringing in different people with different leadership qualities, military skills
and experience into leadership. Most of these would never have qualified in
normal conditions to become Abagirwa. Many of these were men, formerly in
colonial service. Such would never have qualified to join its ranks due to
gender bias and their former role in the colonial service. It should be recalled
that most pre-colonial Abagirwa were women. Yet, during these struggles,
even personalities with royal origins like Muhumuza and Ndunguzi became
its Abagirwa. It was this new leadership that emerged after 1914 which
became instrumental in these resistances and led peasant resisters into long,
protracted struggles. This new leadership had new skills and politics to teach
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

them.
This was an important critique to Nyabingi religion - that in confronting
the external enemy, there had to be internal reforms within Nyabingi
institution itself. It critiqued longer initiations into Nyabingi secrets and
exclusion of people into its ranks. This new development further demanded
merit to leadership rather than any other consideration. It proved that long,
segregative initiation into Nyabingi secrets was not necessary to answer
society's temporal and defence needs. It showed that restrictions of
membership into its ranks spelled out peril for Nyabingi religion and for
society. These events showed that even non-believers had something to
contribute to save society and Nyabingi religion. It demonstrated that beliefs
were not enough.
However, this fluidity and flexibility into the ranks of Nyabingi also led to
its undermining. This broadening the choice had the advantage of bringing in
capable, skilled leadership for the struggle, and also ensuring continuity of the
struggle through immediate replacement of the leadership. It had the
weakness of undermining Nyabingi religion. Many who replaced the old
Abagirwa had not undergone any initiation into the secrets and rituals of
Nyabingi. Neither had they been chosen in the usual way. These hampered
them from managing adequately the spiritual aspects and defending Nyabingi
outside this resistance. Worse still, some of those who came into leadership in
that manner did not have a lot of commitment to the spiritual aspect like the
chosen, initiated Abagirwa. Their main object was to struggle although they
still feared and revered Nyabingi. It was this type of Abagirwa who came to
understand some weaknesses of Nyabingi and either exploit them for
personal gains or disorganise the movement. In colonial language, this gave
rise to `charlatans masquerading as Nyabingi'.
Separation of leadership from the membership through death,
imprisonment or disappearance did not wipe out the movement although it
affected the course, magnitude and momentum of the resistance. This was
because Nyabingi Movement did not depend solely on individual leadership,
which would have made it incapable of bringing up new leadership. New
leadership always sprung up and led the struggle. The limitation with this
type of leadership was that it was handicapped by lack of experience, absence
of prior records of the struggle and a consistent programme, strategies, lack of
continuity, experience and lack of the capacity of the former leadership. These
had negative consequences. It was also hard for the new leadership to know
the connections in the enemy's camp, all the codes used, their contacts, etc.
This gave advantage to colonialism over them as it was organised, had
142 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

records, with a systematic programme etc.295

This explains why the death of Ndochimbiri and his comrades was
followed by the weakening of their resistance. As seen, their attacks under
KAIGIRIRWA's leadership on British forces were easily defeated although
they were well-armed with 28 rifles. Worse still, they began showing other
weaknesses to the enemy. One of them was when `they announced that they
would wait for vengeance until the Government relaxed their precautions and
forgot their presence'.296
While this dialectical process of Nyabingi was very important in
sustaining the struggle, it also became a weakness. People believed in religion
so much that they failed to advance ahead to make longer, comprehensive
planning against the enemy. Similarly, they did not study the situation
concretely after being defeated in these battles and learn from such
experiences and defeats. This denied many of them opportunity to learn more
about the enemy and his skills, strength and weaknesses and the necessary
internal reforms and planning before attacking the enemy. Another critical
point was of timing when to wage it. The wholesale belief in the invincibility
of Nyabingi contributed heavily to a series of defeats. While this process was
very crucial and timely, with the effect of paralysing the enemy, still, it had
weaknesses. It undermined Nyabingi as it increased the death toll, arrests,
mistakes, political fines etc. This decreased morale and forced peasants to re-
think and re-assess the whole situation. This contributed to the undermining
of Nyabingi movement.
Continuous peasant attacks that resulted in humiliating defeats also
contributed to the undermining of the struggle. There was no time to study
the enemy's resources, tactics, methods of struggle, strategies and weaknesses.
They did not have time to make comprehensive reorganisation and
modifications of strategies and arms. In many of these struggles, no trials were
made to capture or acquire the enemy's weapons and master his skills so as to
defeat him. Repeated defeats and massacres of peasant depleted them
numerically and demoralised them. It also depleted their weapons and
livestock while the enemy increased in strength and numbers.
This had negative consequences on the movement. Many peasants came
to understand the invincibility of the enemy and the weaknesses of Nyabingi.
Some came to recognise their weaknesses vis-a-vis the enemy and decided to
withdraw from resistance, or to migrate across the borders while some
resorted to other individual solutions like suicides, murders or joining the
enemy's forces. In other words, they began to withdraw their faith from

295 K.D.A.R. 1928.

296 W.P. July 1919 report.
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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Nyabingi as they could no longer continue dying for beliefs. Others began to
understand the need for better organisation and preparation for a general
mass resistance by all the peasants. The proponents of this view included
Ndochibiri, Ndemere, Komunda and Ndungusi. Their move was pre-empted
in 1928. Some resorted to sending their children to these centers to learn the
enemy's knowledge although objecting to their conversion into new religions.
The persistent defeats, lootings and collective fines that went on for two
and half decades had an important lesson on peasants. It dissuaded them from
intensifying resistance but instead to devise new methods to cope with the
situation. Three major options open to peasants were either to continue
resistance, abandon it or to join the colonial system. By 1930s, many peasants
had dropped the option of militant resistance and were joining the new
religions. Others were being recommended to join the colonial ranks by
missionaries and agents. In fact, the C.M.S. had proposed in 1914 to A.D.C. `to
appoint only Protestants as chiefs in a certain district, a proposal which I was
unable to accede to. I have yet to learn that Protestants make superior chiefs to
those of other denominations'.297
Looking through the whole movement, it becomes clear how resistance
under was characterised by high level of organisation and military planning.
Being highly conscious of the necessity of a broader effective leadership and
the importance of capable leadership to command various sections of resisters,
and prompt replacement with capable leadership in case of separation
through death, arrest, he incorporated many serious-minded, skilled and
committed people into the leadership. He involved them in planning, leading
the forces, and trained them to train others in use of new weapons, and
guerrilla tactics. He took them to various places to learn about the terrain,
peoples and languages, made new contacts etc. He was able to create a strong
mobile force of thousands of peasant resisters, which resisted for over eight
years. He was able to provide for them, popularised their cause, explained the
object of their struggle, and exposed to them facts about their adversaries.
The leadership linked these peasant resisters with the peasantry in the
three colonies, taught them how to use the terrain and the people as the sea,
methods of dispersal and concealment, and new military tactics. These were a
combination of the enemies' tactics and the local ones, taught them methods to
acquire weapons from the enemy, making them or buying. Above all else, the
leadership led them into successive battles. Ndochibiri underscored the
importance of infiltrating the adversary with intelligence system, knowing
their military plans, troop movement, etc. This was very crucial for

297 op. cit.

144 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

preservation of his forces, preparations for counter-attack and retreat. He

underscored the importance of the masses. He concretised this by developing
a high intelligence system among the peasants and this was very important for
this struggle. D.C. Ruzizi-Kivu in June 1919 confessed to the D.C. Kigezi their
failure to defeat Ndochibiri's forces.

we shall find it extremely difficult to effect his capture since he is always

informed of our slightest movements. He is held in terror by the native popu-
lation by reason of his supernatural associations, and no one dares to
denounce his gatherings from the additional fear of reprisals ... he seldom
risks remaining in villages and takes the precaution of establishing his camps
in places which are far from population and kept secret, these rendezvous
even he changes frequently.298

The leadership won people's trust and sympathies by linking this struggle
with the people's cause. Others feared reprisals from Nyabingi, from the
resisters and the peasants and also from the colonial system. With rigorous
training, constant fighting and mobility, his forces developed into a
sophisticated mobile guerrilla force. Peasants were its supporters and
suppliers of food, weapons, information, secrecy, new combatants and other
sacrifices and risks. This resistance under Ndochibiri, gives a good example of
resistance that thrived for years. They were these resisters that had time to
study the whole situation, make plans long before the attack was launched.
They were mobile and attacked all colonialists any time of the year. They were
these resisters, who gradually lost ties with the soil. However, some of the
membership, who would still be having roots with the soil gradually lost them
as they got hunted out of their areas and lived in forests, mountains, caves,
swamps and among other nationalities far away from home. They lost touch
with their environment and the agricultural rhythm and concentrated on the
struggle.
Many resistances took place in the dead season: July - November. They
were free from agricultural production and had surplus to live on. They had
time to think beyond agricultural requirements, got solutions and tried to
implement them. In fact, this dry season was time for merry making and
leisure, reflected through beer drinking, dancing, marriages, feasts etc. It was
also in this dry season when they could stay out without threats of rain etc.
Colonialism misunderstood this and argued that Enturire beer was the basis of
Nyabingi resistance. It therefore outlawed its brewing and fixed other tight
restrictions. However, this did not stop these struggles. It should be noted,
however, that although this alcohol was not the cause of these resistances, it

298 D.C. Ruzizi - Kivu, Rutchuru to D.C. Kigezi on 18/6/1919.

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Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

helped in giving peasants time to plot resistance, in carrying out some sac-
rificing, invoking and swearing to Nyabingi. Despite these legislations, these
resistances continued. The explanation is that colonialism was side-stepping
the issue.
However, there were some resistances, which occurred during other
months of the year. This depended on the immediate cause, on who attacked
first, the nature of the leadership, their programme etc. However, most
resistances in production season could not be sustained for long. They created
insecurity, which threatened food production. Peasants wanted to return to
their fields to cultivate and plant crops. This made most of these resistances
spontaneous, short and easily defeated. This was advantageous to colonialism,
which lived off the surplus extracted from peasants and some from without.
It is important to note that there were other various forms of peasant
resistance, which were not under the Nyabingi movement. These included
resistance to colonialism by crossing both internal and international borders,
with all their property for new setlements. The best example was in 1912,
when 132 peasants crossed from Ankole to Kigezi. The second effective and
frequent form of resistance was through cutting and stealing telephone wires
and smashing the insulators. While the stolen wire was used for
manufacturing anklets, the whole act disrupted communication with Mbarara
and Entebbe. Another related resistance was the interception of messengers
and looting mail and parcels. Another important form of resistance was
through refusing to volunteer information about fellow peasants or about the
Nyabingi movement. Silence was one of their main weapons. In other cases,
they would deceive the colonialists, aiming at derailing them.
Peasants developed a hostile attitude towards collaborators, sell-outs and
the wavering. They punished collaborators through ostracisation, scolding,
killing etc. It is not surprising that even some individuals took to committing
suicide. Faced with this new invincible force, the peasants complicated their
method of communication and speech. This denied colonialists and their local
allies vital information. One of these was creation of new methods of
communication locally known as orupikya. This blocked colonialism and its
agents from deciphering the messages. Colonialism was led to attribute this
sophistication to Nyabingi. The issue, was that, confronted by this invincible
adversary, the peasants had to build a secure, coherent internal system
amongst themselves, aimed at keeping out the enemy. Even at the level of
local languages, there was a problem of communication. Their was a lot of
distortion or misunderstanding by both parties, which was worsened by alien
people being employed as interpreters and intermediaries. The peasants
would decide to misunderstand certain commands and do the opposite or
146 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

what was not wanted to be done. All this increased the dilemma of
colonialism.
It would be far from the truth to argue that peasant resisters under
Nyabingi had the same objectives. Their objectives differed, depending on
their outlook. However, what they had in common was some form of
nationalism. They wanted to free their land of the invaders and leave it free
from these new obligations as in the pre-colonial times. This was the dominant
view among the membership and the leadership had to capitalise on it.
However, while some peasants' sole objective stopped there, others wanted to
return society to the past. Among these were many Abagirwa, former lineage
heads and chiefs. They wanted to return to a time where they would once
again dominate the religious and political life under Nyabingi institution.
They wanted a return to this glory where they would extracted the surplus
from peasants in form of sacrifices etc. Similarly, former chiefs and lineage
heads wanted a return to the old society where they enjoyed certain material
benefits and occupied a higher social status. There was another section, whose
outlook went beyond the existing structures. This was composed of people
formerly in colonial service, or those whose origins were in areas where
kingdoms had formed. These were forward looking.
This group learnt much about their enemies, their strengths and weak-
nesses, about their system, how to use their weapons, learnt their tactics and
methods of fighting, stole their weapons and ammunition. They trained
peasant resisters all this and how to apply them. Nyabingi religion had to
move with the times and accept incorporation of these new weapons and
methods of struggles. It also accepted the enemy's products like money, beads
as votive and sacrifices. Many in the leadership had travelled widely in the
area and learnt much about various resistances and methods of struggle, their
strengths and limitations and how to avoid or overcome such limitations. It
was this group which appreciated the role of an established administration,
the importance of united peoples in struggle etc. They wanted a strong
administration, which would unite peasants and protect them. This way, this
group saw itself as the vanguard and beneficiaries of the new administration.
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Section Eight

Conclusion

This study has shown how the Nyabingi movement arose on the bases of
various social grievances from both within and without society . Within
society, the Nyabingi movement was against the ruling classes in areas with
states like Rwanda, Mpororo and Kinkizi. In other areas, it was against the
privileged members of society, like heads of households. From without was
colonialism.
What became evident was that to confront the principle enemy,
colonialism, there had to be internal reforms. Secondly, it also became clear
that in the absence of an organised political forum and an armed force to
defend peasants' rights, the peasants had to do it themselves. The Abagirwa
took up the initial initiative to mobilise them. As a dynamic, armed force,
imperialism posed a direct threat to the Abagirwa's privileged positions, social
status and religion. To protect these, the Abagirwa had to mobilise their fold.
This led to the flairing up of the Nyabingi movement up to 1930s. Nyabingi as
an institution transcended other religions by its active politics. Its Abagirwa
devised new ideologies and practices to retain and encourage their fold.
It is important to note that unlike other religions in highly developed class
societies, where religion is an ideology of oppression and exploitation,
Nyabingi became a solid ideology for peasants' struggles. All the leadership
that followed came to recognise the importance of religion in this area. Even
the most advanced and sophisticated guerrilla movement under Ndochibiri
and his followers recognised this and exploited it intensively. Another
important thing was that the leadership tried to incorporate some of the pre-
colonial practices, methods of struggle, and language to enrich the movement.
One of the major weaknesses lay in heavy beliefs in Nyabingi as a religion.
This was dominant between 1910 and 1914. In here, peasant resisters put too
much faith in the Nyabingi institution. This was worsened by the Abagirwa
claiming to be personifications of Nyabingi. While this transformation had the
positive effect of encouraging resisters, it led them to be massacred by the
colonial forces. In the same manner, the dialectical character of the Nyabingi
movement of bringing up new leadership whenever the existing one got
separated from the membership had positive and negative effects. While it
encouraged and sustained the resistance, it led to defeats due to limitations
like lack of continuity.
We find the Nyabingi movement developing with the world war. The
movement gets new leadership from colonial forces and its detentions. These
148 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

bring in the enemy's military hardware and methods of struggle, planning

and commanding. This group exposes the enemy's strengths and weaknesses,
and it devises new methods. It is this new leadership which paralyses
colonialism and forces it to make various reforms. However, at this point the
Nyabingi movement is not an organised, armed force like a state, even though
living off the surplus of others. While supply of resources to the state was
compulsory, it was by peasants' willingness that helped the movement. They
withdrew from the struggle when they realised that the movement was not
likely to defeat the enemy.
Gradually, the Nyabingi movement got defeated. The colonial state
achieved this through combining various methods. These included the
military option, which it sustained throughout and various reforms that it was
compelled to make. In administration, it had been forced to replace proxy
agents with local ones, avoided taxing women, was careful to make Kigezi a
labour reservoir instead of introducing production of cash crops and high
technical skills, industries or any other major investments. It had to modify its
demands in taxation, forced labour etc. Colonialism also intensified
deportations, deprived resisters of resources to fuel the movement and
maintained its scorched earth policy.
On the ideological front, it encouraged and financed the new missions to
promote their work. It broadened its social base among the peasants using
pecuniary and other incentives. it also intensified its propaganda. With the use
of force, peasants were able to compare results of colonial policies vis-a-vis the
blind opposition of the Abagirwa to these policies. Through all these times,
colonialism managed to anchor onto the peasantry while undermining the
Nyabingi movement. The state increased legislations against Nyabingi
religion, giving jobs and other privileges to the new converts, offering medals,
honours etc. All these had an impact on the peasants. Gradually, peasants
began to withdraw into the new religions.
The Nyabingi movement is a concrete testimony for people's persistent
struggles to defend their rights and independence. It demonstrates that no
matter how backward people may be, they will always resist any threat to
their rights, irrespective of level of advancement of the adversary. It
demonstrated practically how religion can be instrumental in providing a
platform for struggle, theories, courage, ideology and leadership. It also shows
that in a situation characterised by backward forces of production, with no
state or other strong social or political organisation, people will find a base in
any form of organisation like religion to advance and defend their interests. It
is in such a situation that religion takes on a progressive role. On the other
hand, we see colonialism using Christianity to penetrate and control these new
colonies. It is in the latter case that religion is being introduced for reactionary
149

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

purposes as "an opium of the people" for oppressive and exploitative purposes.299 *
Their defeat was a landmark to their loss of independence and
incorporation into the broader capitalist system. It was a turning point for this
pre-capitalist, pre-state area. The fixing of borders and lumping together of
different peoples under one administration was a step forward. Former
antagonisms were dropped and peasants began to work together towards self-
emancipation. However, the colonial state was quick enough to understand
the effects of such nationalism and began fragmenting them. It denied them
rights to grow and develop crops for export, killed their industries and
developed them into labour reservoirs. Furthermore, it disrupted their social
set-up, outlawed their pre-colonial religions. Peasants gradually became more
scared of colonialism and tried to combine both pre-colonial religions with the
new ones. They took on European names as a sign of conversion to the
European religions. At the same time, they worshipped their pre-colonial religons in
secret. The new movement that emerged "Revivalist Movement", took the new
religious line instead of Nyabingi or any other pre-colonial religion. The state
approached the C.M.S. and the latter confirmed that it was `in full control of the
enthusiasts'. It was `to impress on their followers the necessity for obedience to civil
authority on all forms' In fact, Dr. Church promised to take disciplinary action in any
case of insubordination.300
The Nyabingi movement showed in concrete terms the need for leaders of
organisations like religions to get involved in solving people's problems, the
need for them to give courageous and untiring leadership. It showed that
dependence on any single section of society while denying others chance in these
roles spelled out peril for society.
Though the Nyabingi movement got defeated, still, it represented popular
interests. It was a popular movement, though reactionary. This movement, whose
base was in religion, was not able to transform into a revolutionary movement.
However, though the leadership took a religious fervour, the causes of the movement
were materialistic. It is from these characteristics that the Nyabingi movement shares
some commonalities with other peasant movements such as the Maji Maji movement,

299 Marx, Engels & Lenin V.I.(1972) On Historical Materialism Moscow: Progress Publishers.
*: Also see, Adas, Micheal (1979) Prophet of Rebellion, Millenarian Protest Movements Against the
European colonial Order; London: Cambridge University Press. Marx and Engels, Selected
Works, Vol. II. Marx noted in Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law that
`Religious distress is at the same time the oppression of real distress and also the protest
against real distress. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of the heartless
world, just as it is the spirit of spiritless conditions. It is the opium of the people'.
300 After interview with Archdeacon Pitts and Dr, Church, the D.C. left the C.M.S. with the

duty to control the Revivalists movement. D.C. instructed the chiefs that they had tribal
powers to ensure obedience by women to their legal guardians and to control unruly
gatherings. File: op. cit.
150 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Lakwena's Holy Spirit movement and the Abarangi movement.

151

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

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I: Primary Sources

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Title

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2: A6 Annual Reports 1904, 1904-5
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4: 2471J Western Province Quarterly Reports, 1927
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6:2471G Western Province Monthly Reports, 1919
7:4926 Kigezi: Punitive Expedition Against NDOCHIBIRI
8:2489 Kigezi: NINDO AND HIS SUB-CHIEFS PAYING
TRIBUTE TO MSINGA, Sultan of Ruanda
8:5006 Kigezi, Nyindo - Deportation of
9:5088 Native Affairs: Mginga Deportation of
10:7816 Native Affairs: Poll Tax in Western Province
11:5571 Native Affairs: NINABATWA (Witch-doctor) Deportation
of
12:3576 Kumba: Murder in Rukiga
13:5050 War in Germany. The Kavu Incident
14:1450 Ankole Kigezi: Monthly Reports 1910
15:1450A Kigezi: Monthly Reports 1911
16:1450B Kigezi: Monthly Reports 1912
17:2997 Western Province, Kumba: Declaration of As A Township
18:6466 Native Affairs: KANYARUANDA
19:U2/14
(1935) Annual Reports: annual Report on the Western province
1935
20: Western Province - Uganda Annual Report 1948
21: Annual Report - Uganda Police 1928 - 1934
22: Protectorate Annual Reports, 1900 - 1956
23: General Report By His Majesty's Special Commissioner on
the Protectorate of Uganda, March 31, 1904
24: Colonial Reports Annual, Uganda, 1905-1924
25:R.31 Labour: Luwalo Labour Policy and Principles
152 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

26:R.31/5 Luwalo Labour: Luwalo Commutation fee: Western

Province
27:C22 56I Luwalo: Abolition of
28:R.30/3 Labour: Immigrant Labour - Buganda
29:53 (1941) Historical and Political Notes (West)
30:4526 Raids and Punitive Expeditions in The Kigezi District
31:146 Native Administration: NYABINGI and Kabale Defence
(1919 - 1923)
32:146A Native Administration, NYABINGI (1928)
33:438 Western Province, Kabale Station Defence Precautions
34:3173 Kigezi: Ndungutzi - Native Chief Deportation of Death:
Settlement of Estate
35:147/09 Mfumbiro District, Occupation of: Parts I, II, and III
35:LAN 4/1 Boundaries interterritorial. Rwanda
36:5583 Native Affairs: Kanzanyira d/o MAESI (witch-doctor)
Deportation of
37: 3897 Kigezi: Agents; 17/4/1914
38: 60/1910 Boundaries: Anglo-Congolese, Anglo-German
Negotiations (Mfumbiro)
39:4754 Kigezi Chieftainships
40: 29381 Anglo-Belgian Boundary Commission, Mahangi Strip
41:2938II Anglo-Belgian Boundary Commission, Mahangi Strip
42: S.M.P.22351 Counties - Chiefs, Divisions and Titles of
43: Uganda-Congo Boundaries, January 09
44: Uganda Congo Boundary
45: 1700 Western Province Census, 1911
46: 7932/2 Native Affairs, Deportation Ordinance, Susani s/o
Tabyabwiza
47: 5972 Provincial Administration: Provincial Commissioner in
council proceedings of Meetings, 1919
48: 1981 Kigezi: Fighting by Natives: Sentences Passed on Natives
of Makaburri's country
49: Intelligence Reports - Uganda, Feb. 1907 - 1914, Vol. I
50: 131 C.M.S. N1 CMS
51: 2205 Reorganisation of Administrative Units
52: 3111/1 Native Affairs (Native Councils) - Uganda
53: 3634 Military: Western Province Movement of Troops,
18/11/13
54:3314 - 3314P Western Province Annual Reports 1912-1927
55: Uganda Protectorate: Annual Reports of the Western
153

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Province, 1936 - 1946

56: 3176 Kigezi: Murder of a Native Captured in German Territory
57: 3174 Kigezi: Kumba, Police Officer for
58: K30/10 Congo Belge: Claim by Mr. F.H.Rogers
59: R.61/1/ II Native Affairs Native Taxation And Expenditure on
Native Services
60: 4572 Public Works Department: Roads In Western Province:
Construction of
61: 516/08 Part II Crown Land Rents And Poll Taxes:- Appointment
of Collectors
62: 2923 Western Province Districts and Boundaries
63: 657 Ankole - Attack on an Askari Between Kigezi and
Kagamba
64: 657 Military: Board at Kigezi on Bayonet Scabbard
No. 52 And 110
65: 3226 Part I. Boundary Commission: In Reference to
Mfumbiro-German-Uganda-Congo
66: 3226 Part II. Boundary Commission: In Reference to
Mfumbiro-German-Uganda-Congo
67:C1916 Part II Boundaries: Southern Protectorate Boundary
68: K30/12 Congo: International Border: Administrative Proposals
69: C706B Boundaries: Uganda-Kigezi-Rwanda
70: Uganda Uganda Protectorate Annual Reports of 1936 - 1959
71: C1605 Missions Rwanda (CMS) Mission Methods
72: 147/109 Mfumbiro District Part I
73: 147/109 Mfumbiro District Occupation of
74: S61 Missions: Miscellaneous Correspondence
75: K 30/12 Congo: International Border: Administrative proposals
76: C1429 Missions. Temporary Occupation Licence Plots
77: B 61 Provincial Administration: Report of the Departmental
Organisation Committee 1933. Comments of Provincial
Commissioners
78: G 3/9 Telegraphic and Telephone Communications,
Mbarara-Kabale line
79: 17083 Trespass Belgian
80: C404 Church Dues and Deflection of Fees
81: C1040 Omugabe of Ankole Claims Ruzumbura
82: Special Files 1903 - 1905
83: 12,741 Lease of Habukara Island in Lake Bunyoni to Dr. L.E.S.
Sharp
154 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

84:A6/17/1904 Annual Reports & Co.

85: 9430 Education: Grants from Native Governments
86: 7998 C.M.S. Annual Reports
87: C456 Legal: Native Authority Ordinance
88: C54 African Affairs, Emigration of Nations from Belgiam
Congo to Neghbouring British Territories
89: R.3/4III Chiefs: Western Province: Appointments and Dismissals

II: Secondary Sources

B: Books

1. Adas, Michael (1979) Prophets of Rebellion, Millenarian Protest

Movements Against the European Colonial Order; London: Cambridge
University Press.
2. Cabral, Amilcar (1969) Revolution in Guinea, The African People's
Struggle; Kent: Whitstable Litha Ltd.
3. Campbell, Horace (1987) Rasta and Resistance; Trenton: Africa World
Press; Inc.
4. Caplan, Lionel (1987) Ed. Studies in Religious Fundamentalism;
London: Macmillan Press.
5. David, Lan (1985) Guns and Rain, Guerrillas and Spirit Mediums in
Zimbabwe. London: James Currey.
6. Karogo, Tabitha (1987) Squatters and the Roots of Mau Mau; Nairobi:
Heinemann (K) Ltd.
7. Gakaara wa Wanjau (1988) Mau Mau Author in Detention; Nairobi:
Heinemann.
8. Guha, Ranajit (1983) Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in
Colonial India; New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
9. ---Subaltern Studies; New Delhi: University Press. Vol. I-VI.
10.Hill, Christopher (1981) The Century of Revolution 1603-1714; Hong
Kong: Van Nostrand Reinhold.
11.Hill, Christopher (1986) Religion and Politics in 17th Century England,
Sussex: Harvester Press Ltd.
12. Hobsbawn, E.J. (1959) Primitive Rebels; New York: Norton Library.
13. Hobsbawn, E.J. (1969) Social Bandits; Harmondsworth: Penguin.
14. Hobsbawn, E.J. (1973) Revolutionaries, London: Quartet Books Ltd.
15. Jack, E.M. (1914) On The Congo Frontier; London: T. Fisher Unwin.
16. Karen, E. Fields (1985) Revival, Rebellion in Colonial Central Africa;
Princeton University Press.
17.Lenin, V.I. (1986) Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism;
155

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Moscow: Progress Publishers.

18.Louis, de Lacger (1959) Premiere Partie Le Rwanda Ancien; Kadgayi:

Imprimatur.
19.Mamdani, Mahmood (1983) Imperialism and Fascism in Uganda;
Nairobi, Heinemann.
20.Marx, Karl (1973) Grundrisse; London: Penguin Books.
21.Marx and Engels, Selected Works, Vol. II.
22.Marx, Engels & Lenin V.I.(1972) On Historical Materialism; Moscow:
Progress Publishers.
23.May, Edel (1957) The Chiga of Western Uganda; New York: Oxford
University Press.
24.Ngorogoza, P. (1969) Kigezi and its People; Nairobi: East African
Literature Bureau.
25.Rodney, Walter (1976) How Europe Underdeveloped Africa; Dar-es-
Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House.
26.Roscoe, J. (1922) The Souls of Central Africa; London: Cassell and Com-
pany Ltd.
27.Throup, W. David (1988) Economic and Social Origins of Mau Mau
1945-53; London: Heinemann.

C: Theses, Articles and Monographs

1. Alson L. des Forges "The Drum is Greater than the Shout": The 1912
Rebellion in Northern Rwanda"; in Crumney D. Ed. (1986) Banditry
Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa. London: Heinemann.
2. Bamunoba, Y.K. & Welbourne, F.B. "Emandwa Initiation in Ankole";
Uganda Journal 29,1, 1965. pp. 13-25.
3. Bessell, M.J. "Nyabingi", Uganda Journal, Vol. 6, 1938.
4. Brazier, F.S. "The Incident at Nyakishenyi 1917", Uganda Journal, Vol.
32, 1968.
5. Campbell, Horace (1987) "Popular Resistance in Tanzania, Lessons
from Sungu Sungu"; Mawazo Workshop, Sept. 1987, M.U. (Unpub).
6. Carothers, J.C. (1954) Report entitled "The Psychology of Mau Mau"
Nairobi, Government Printer.
7. Chchachchi, Amrita, "The State, Religious Fundamentalism and
Women in South Asia"; Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXIV No.
11. Mar. 18, 1989.
8. Coote, J.M. "The Kivu Mission, 1909-10" Uganda Journal, 20, 1956.
156 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

9. Louis, Roger W. "The Diary of Kivu Mission" Uganda Journal,

24,1963.

10. Mamdani, M., Mkandawire T. & Wamba-dia-Wamba (1988) "Social

Movements, social Transformation And The Struggle For Democracy
in Africa"; CODESRIA Working Paper, Dakar.
11. Mukasa, Selestino (1912) "Olugendo Olw'Abakulu Abe Mbalala mu
Kigezi ne mu Rwanda." Journey of Feb. 8 - March 28. Kampala:
Munno, Dec. 1912.
12. "Report on the Work of the British Section of the Anglo-German-Bel
gian Boundary Commission, 1911," London: Darling & Son Ltd, 1912.
13. Philipps, E.J.T. "Mfumbiro, The Birunga Volcanoes in Kigezi-Rwanda-
Kivu"; Geographical Journal, Vol.61 April 1923.
14. Rwampigi, J.M. (1980) "The Philosophy of Kiga Religion," M.A. Thesis,
M.U. KAMPALA (unpub)
15. Sebalijja, Yoana (1911) "Olutalo Olwari Mu Lukiga e Rwanda", Munno,
Dec. 1911. Kampala.
16. Turyahikayo - Rugyema (1974) "A History of Rukiga in South Western
Uganda and Northern Rwanda 1500-1930"; PH.D. Thesis, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor.
17. Wilson, Richard "Machine Guns and Mountain Spirits, The Cultural
Effects of State Repression Among the Q'eqchi' of Guatemala",
Critique of Anthropology. London: Sage Publications; Vol. 11 No.1
1991.
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Abbreviations

A.C.S. - Assistant Chief Secretary.

A.D.C. - Assistant District Commissioner.
A.S.P. - Assistant Superintendent of Police.
Cap. - Captain.
C.M.S. - Church Missionary Society.
Co. - Company.
C.S. - Chief Secretary.
D.C. - District Commissioner. He was the Political Head
of the District.
D.M. - District Magistrate.
D\O - Daughter of.
G.E.A. - Germany East Africa.
H.M. - His/her Majesty.
K.A.R. - Kings African Rifles.
K.D. - Kigezi District.
K.D.A.R. - Kigezi District Annual Report.
Maj. - Major.
N.A. - National Archives.
O.C. - Officer in Charge.
P.C. - Provincial Commissioner.
P.C.W.P. - Provincial Commissioner, Western Province.
P.W.D. - Public Works Department.
R.I. - Rigorous Imprisonment.
Rs - Rupees was a currency which Colonialism
introduced at the beginning.
S.E. - South East.
U.N.A. - Uganda National Archives.
Unpub. - Unpublished.
U.P. - Uganda Protectorate.
W.C. Ord. Witch-craft Ordinance.
W.P. - Western Province.
W.P.A.R. - Western Province Annual Report.
158 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Glossary

Abafumu (Sing. Omufumu): Traditional doctors or healers. It also

embraces witch doctors.
Abagirwa (Sing. Omugirwa): Priests or priestesses
Abahaniki : Rain makers.
Abahuuku : Slaves.
AbairukazI : Women slaves. It also refers to women.
Abambari : Priests or priestesses.
Abaraguzi : People who claimed to see beyond in the
past, present and future and prophesy.
Abarangi : priestesses/priests of a new religious
Movement that has emerged in Kigezi.
Abashumba : Slaves.
Abazaana : Female slaves. It also refers to women.
Amateeka : Public rallies/address. The word gradually
meant laws or rules.
Askari (Omusirikari) : means soldier.
Bakopi : Peasants.
Bakuru B'emiryango : Lineage Leaders.
Baraza : From Swahili means Monday. In colonial
context, it mean the day of public address,
which was Monday.
Batwa/Watwa : Short people, living in forests in Kigezi, the
Congo, Rwanda.
Ba Nyinamaka (sing. Nyineeka): heads of households.
Boma : where administration was situated.
Duka : a shop or business premises.
Ebitooma Bya Muhumuza: site of Muhumuza's homestead.
Emandwa/Imandwa: a religion mainly for the status quo. It was
also a state religion.
Emihunda : sharp-pointed metallic staves.
Endaaro : a shrine or huts for local religions.
Endiga : a sword.
Enganda (Sing. oruganda): a combination of various lineages sharing
historical origins, totems, symbols, taboos
etc.
Entaara : trays for winnowing pulses, cereals etc.
Enteeko/Karubanda : Councils or courts in pre-colonial times.
Enturire : a very intoxicating drink brewed by
fermenting sorghum beer and honey.
159

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

Esente : means money.

Ezekibeere : referred to cows brought by force for free milk
contribution.
Kahukeiguru : one of the pre-colonial religions.
Kashanju : Forced paid labour.
Kubagana : sharing property or inheriting.
Kukaraba : a practice of atonement after a person had killed
another accidentally.
Kuhindiza : invoking spirits or gods to punish someone.
Kuzimura : the act of paying back the bride price after
separation or divorce.
Kuhonga : giving in something for appeasement.
Kuhoora : Revenging.
Kusinda : respecting elders by not pronouncing their names.
Matama : swahili name for sorhum.
Mugasya : one of the pre-colonial religions.
Mukaaka : a religious movement that emerged in 1970. It was
a precursor to Abarangi Movement.
Muzeire Kasente: the name that Nyabingi acquired in the 1927-1928
resistance. It came to be known as Muzeire Kasente
as Nyabingi required money for the struggle.
Nyabingi : a militant revolutionary religion. Its other names
were Biheeko, Rutatiina Mireego, Nyinekyaro,
Omukama and Muzeire Kasente.
Omukazi : means woman.
Okucwa : Ostracising or excommunicating rebellious
children by fathers and elders.
Okutendera : Working for a man with daughters and whose pay
is in form of a bride.
Okutweija : offerings and sacrifices to Nyabingi.
Okuterekyerera : offering sacrifices to Nyabingi.
Okuzira : the malpractise by men to reject food or entering a
house of certain wives in case of conflict.
Omukama : King or ruler. In Kigezi's context, this referred to
Nyabingi.
Omukyimbo : tributes or payment paid to Abaraguza or to
doctors for their services.
Potoro : Patrol to net defaulters of taxes.
Ruharo : forced labour.
Rukiko : Council or meeting of chiefs.
160 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

Rutatiina Mireego: was another name for Nyabingi because of its

militant and courageous character. It literary
means one who can never be scared by bows and
arrows.
Ruvaivuro : a religious movement that emerged among the
converts of the Protestant Church in late 1930s.

N.B.

Unless mentioned in this paper, the P.C. refers to Provincial

Commissioner, Western Province; D.C. refers to District Commissioner,
Kigezi; A.D.C. refers to Assistant District Commissioner, Kigezi; and
Governor refers to Governor of Uganda.
Due to pre-literacy of Kigezi prior to Colonialism, there was no alphabet.
We acknowledge the contribution of Colonialism and its train for putting
these local languages in alphabet for the first time, regardless of their imperial
motives. Out of this objective limitation, names were spelled differently as
they sounded to the colonialists. In this study, therefore, the following names
should not be taken to refer to different personalities or places.

1. Basebya - Basebja - Basebia.

2. Chinchizi - Kinkizi.
3. Kaigirirwa - Kaigirwa.
4. Katuregye - Katulegye - Katuleghi - Katulegi.
5. Muhumuza - Nyamuhumuza - Muhumusa - Mumusa & Mamusa.
6. Ndochibiri - Ntochibiri - Ndochi-biri - Ndochi-mbiri - N'docki-bili –
Knochibilillis - Ndochikembiri- Bichubirenga.
7. Ndungutsi - Ndungutzi - Ndunugutzi - Ndungusi - Ndunguse.
8. Nyabingi - Nabingi - Nya-Bingi - Nya Bingi.
161

Nyabingi Movement CBR Working No.18

CBR Working Papers

1. Conditions of Labour on Commercial Dairy Farms in Kabale District by Murindwa

Rutanga; 56p. 1989.
2. Social Movements and Constitutionalism in the African Context by Mahmood
Mamdani; 19p. 1989.
3. Capital and Conditions of Fisher-Labourers of Lakes Kyoga and Victoria Canoe
Fisheries by Asowa-Okwe; 69p. 1989.
4. Popular Forms and the Question of Democracy: The Case of Resistance Councils in
Uganda, by Ddungu Expedit; 65p. 1989.
5. Uganda Contradictions of the IMF Programme and Perspective by Mahmood
Mamdani; 39p. 1989.
6. Artisinal Production of Salt in Lake Katwe by Syahuka Muhindo; 47p. 1989.
7. The Conditions of Migrant Labour in Masaka District 1900-1962; The Case of Coffee
Shamba Labourers, by Simon Rutabajuka; 45p. 1989.
8. The State and Social Differentiation in Kakindo Village, Masindi District by
Nyangabyaki Bazaara; 43p. 1991.
9. Electoral Mechanisms and the Democratic Process: The 1989 RC-NRC Election by
Expedit Ddungu and Arnest A. Wabwire; 53p.1989.
10. Constitutionalism in Uganda: Report on a Survey and Workshop of Organised
Groups, by Joe Oloka-Onyango and Sam Tindifa; 44p. 1991.
11. A Review of the MISR-Wisconsin Land Tenure Centre Study On Land Tenure
Agricultural Development in Uganda, by Expedit Ddungu; 25p. 1991.
12. Armed Conflict, Political Violence and the Human Rights Monitoring of Uganda:
1971 to 1990, by Joe Oloka-Onyango; 39p. 1991.
13. Appropriate Technology, Productivity and Employment in Agriculture in Uganda:
The Case Study of the Kibimba and Doho Rice Schemes, by Gariyo Zie; 82p. 1991.
14. Uganda National Congress and the Struggle for Democracy: 1952-1962, by Sallie
Simba Kayunga; 206p. 1991.
15. The Rwenzururu Movement and the Democratic Struggle, by Syahuka-Muhindo A;
89p. 1991.
16. Worker Struggles, the Labour Process and the Question of Control: The Case of
United Garments Industry Limited, by Ahikire Josephine; 63p. 1991.
17. Workers and the Law in Uganda, by John-Jean Barya; 79p. 1991.
18. Nyabingi Movement: People's Anti-Colonial Struggles in Kigezi 1910-1930, by
Murindwa Rutanga; 153p. 1991.
162 Nyabingi Movement CBR Working Paper No.18

About the Author

Murindwa Rutanga (Ph.D) is a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Basic
Research (CBR) and Head, Department of Political Science and Public
Administration, Makerere University.

Mission of the Centre for Basic Research

To generate and disseminate knowledge by conducting basic and applied

research of social, economic and political significance to Uganda in particular
and Africa in general, so as to influence policy, raise consciousness and
improve quality of life.