THE MAKING OF MEDIEVAL PANJAB

This book seeks to reconstruct the past of undivided Panjab

during five medieval centuries. It opens with a narrative of the
efforts of Turkish warlords to achieve control in the face of
tribal resistance, internal dissensions and external invasions. It
examines the linkages of the ruling class with Zamindars and Sufis,
paving the way for canal irrigation and agrarian expansion, thus
strengthening the roots of the state in the region. While focusing
on the post-Timur phase, it tries to make sense of the new ways of
acquiring political power.
This work uncovers the perpetual attempts of Zamindars to
achieve local dominance, particularly in the context of declining
presence of the state in the countryside. In this ambitious
enterprise, they resorted to the support of their clans, adherence
to hallowed customs and recurrent use of violence, all applied
through a system of collective and participatory decision-making.
The volume traces the growth of Sufi lineages built on
training disciples, writing books, composing poetry and claiming
miraculous powers. Besides delving into the relations of the Sufis
with the state and different sections of the society, it offers an
account of the rituals at a prominent shrine. Paying equal attention
to the southeastern region, it deals with engagement of the Sabiris,
among other exemplars, with the Islamic spirituality. Inclusive in
approach and lucid in expression, the work relies on a wide range
of evidence from Persian chronicles, Sufi literature and folklore,
some of which have been used for the first time.

Surinder Singh has taught at the Department of History, Panjab

University, Chandigarh. His main interest is Medieval India.
In nearly 55 research papers, he has explored themes of state
formation, social structure, religious practices, Persian texts
and popular culture. His publications include Sufism in Panjab:
Mystics, Literature and Shrines (2009) and Popular Literature and
Pre-Modern Societies in South Asia (2008), both edited with I.D.
Gaur; Political Memoirs of an Indian Revolutionary: Naina Singh
Dhoot (2005).
The Making of Medieval Panjab
Politics, Society and Culture
c. 1000–c. 1500

SURINDER SINGH

MANOHAR
2019
First published 2020
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2020 Surinder Singh and Manohar Publishers & Distributors
The right of Surinder Singh to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent
to infringe.
Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh,
Pakistan or Bhutan)
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN: 978-0-367-43745-9 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-00542-1 (ebk)
Typeset in Minion Pro 11/13
by Ravi Shanker, Delhi 110 095
 Contents

Preface 7
1. Introduction 11
2. Warfare, Territory and Resistance 39
3. The Establishment of Sufi Orders 127
4. New Strategies of State Formation 221
5. Piety Submits to the State 297
6. Making and Breaking of Political Structures 369
7. Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 435
8. The World of the Zamindars 509
9. Conclusion 578
Bibliography 609
Index 623
 Preface

At the outset, I would try to trace the genesis of this book. A

decade ago, the Department of Punjab Historical Studies, Punjabi
University, Patiala, invited me to present the Presidential Address
(Medieval Section) at the fortieth session of the Punjab History
Conference. In the ensuing attempt, I analysed the major historical
developments in Panjab, with particular reference to its politics
and economy, focusing on the thirteenth and fourteenth century.
Subsequently, I availed the opportunities of presenting seminars on
this subject and related themes at New Delhi, Patna, Santiniketan,
Gandhinagar, Vadodara, Lahore and Prague (Czech Republic). I
also tested the viability of my understanding at Refresher Courses
and Extension Programmes at different venues. Apart from critical
appreciation, I received a number of constructive suggestions.
More significantly, a number of scholars advised me to develop
my thoughts into a book. Keeping in mind the suggestions as well
as my own rethinking, I began to explore the ideas originally laid
out in the Presidential Address in greater depth and wider scope.
The effort resulted in a few research papers, preparing the ground
for putting together a book. A number of factors have shaped this
endeavour. First, the approach to the historiography of medieval
India has undergone a sea change in the last half a century, so
that these advances demanded due consideration. Second, a long-
term view of historical evolution that straddled several centuries
promised the developing of a holistic perspective. Third, this study
tends to be flexible as regards its geographical scope because the
political currents and cultural traditions often crossed perceived
boundaries. Fourth, this attempt calls for evidence from Persian
chronicles, Sufi literature (biographies, discourses and poetry)
and Panjabi folklore.
8 Preface

It is my pleasant duty to express my gratitude to the staff at

the libraries where I worked. These institutions are: Department
of History and A.C. Joshi Library at the Panjab University,
Chandigarh; the Centre of Advanced Study in Medieval Indian
History and the Maulana Azad Library at the Aligarh Muslim
University, Aligarh; the Jamia Millia Islamia and the Institute
of Islamic Studies (Jamia Hamdard) at New Delhi; the Indian
Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla; Shri Natnagar Shodh
Samsthan, Sitamau, Madhya Pardesh; the Rampur Raza Library,
Rampur, Uttar Pardesh; Maulana Azad Arabic and Persian
Research Institute, Tonk, Rajasthan; Khuda Bakhsh Oriental
Public Library, Patna; the National Library and Asiatic Society of
Bengal at Kolkata; the Department of History and the Bhai Gurdas
Library at the Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar; the Punjabi
Reference Library at the Punjabi University, Patiala; and Gore
Meadows Community Centre at Brampton (Ontario, Canada).
I am indebted to a number of scholars, colleagues and friends
who helped me in my academic pursuits. The late Iqtidar Husain
Siddiqui took a keen interest in my studies and showered his
affection on me. Harbans Mukhia illumined a difficult path and
provided me with opportunities to learn. Navtej Singh shared
with me his deep concerns for Panjab. Subhash Parihar not only
offered hospitality but also allowed me to ransack his vast collec-
tion of books. Ishwar Dayal Gaur gave me insights into the growth
of Panjabi literature. The late Iqbal Sabir looked after me during
my visits to Aligarh and treated me as a member of his family.
Virinder Kalra brought books for me from Lahore. Priyatosh
Sharma, while feeling concerned about my welfare, has offered
valuable advice to me. Ashish Kumar lent his books to me with
grace. Mohan Singh, Senior Scientific Officer at the Centre of
Advanced Study in Geography, Panjab University, Chandigarh,
has prepared the map in accordance with the needs of this book.
Moral support came from S. Azizuddin Husain, Raj Kumar Hans,
Supriya Varma and S. Zaheer Husain Jafri. However, I alone am
responsible for the views expressed here.
On the home front, my dear ones – mother, sister, wife and
daughter – have been extending unconditional support to me
 Preface 9

over the decades. In particular, my daughter Jasmine ensured that

I continued to pursue my studies during my stay in Canada. My
nephew Lakhprit took charge of my responsibilities as and when I
was away from home. My son-in-law Pawan introduced me to the
libraries in Brampton (Ontario) and created conditions conducive
to my interests. In the neighbouring city of Markham, my friend
Balvinder S. Jassar set aside in his house a room for me where I
could work in peace. The completion of this book coincided with
the birth of my granddaughter Saisha, who brought unlimited joy
through her innocent ways.
I record my deep appreciation for Manohar Publishers &
Distributors, who decided to publish this book. Ramesh Jain took
a personal interest in the task with the aim of achieving a high
degree of perfection. Ajay Jain selected books of my interest and
passed them on, sparing me of numerous difficulties. I am grate-
ful to them.
Surinder Singh
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Panjab has played a crucial role in the history of South Asia.

Strategically placed, it often became a battleground of warlords
contending for larger areas. Its subjugation opened the gates
to territorial gains in different directions. It appears to have
assimilated the bulk of people, who migrated to the east in the
wake of the Mongol irruption in Central Asia. The new Turkish
rulers faced multiple challenges. After overcoming internal strife
and suppressing tribal resistance, the new ruling classes built
defenses against fresh invasions and developed mechanisms to
extract tributes. In view of the peculiarities of our evidence, the
local tribes appeared to resist the Turkish state with courage,
but their opposition was sporadic. Same was true of the smaller
potentates, zamindars, whose importance was recognized when
the state spread its tentacles into the countryside. The rivers and
streams, even if swollen in a part of the year, did not hamper
the movement of armies, caravans and pilgrims. The needs
of the growing Muslim communities, particularly in several
administrative centres, were met by the emergence of mosques
and services of preachers. The Sufis, whether associated with
orders (silsilahs) or worked individually, came to acquire great
influence among all sections of the society. The cultural landscape
underwent a gradual transformation with the emergence of new
forms of architecture, literature and folklore.

Trends in Historical Writing

The early interest in the history of medieval India may be traced
to the English translations of Tarikh-i Firishtah by Alexander
12 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Dow, Jonathan Scott, and John Briggs. A more serious interest

in the subject began with the publication of Elliot and Dowson’s
translations of extracts from Persian chronicles.1 Fortunately, the
Asiatic Society of Bengal (Calcutta) and Munshi Newal Kishore
(Lucknow) started bringing out texts of the Persian works.
Similar attempts were made from Delhi, Aligarh, and Baroda.
With the establishment of universities and colleges during the
colonial era, professional historians turned their energies to the
study of medieval India. Almost without exception, the early
writings focused on the ruling dynasties and kings. Full scale
studies appeared on the Mamluks, Khaljis, Tughluqs and Lodis.2
Relying on a close examination of Persian chronicles, they
exclusively dealt with the politics of the ruling class. Starting
with the circumstances in which a particular dynasty or king
assumed power, they narrated the military achievements in terms
of conquests, invasions, and rebellions. In some cases, there was
a brief reference to the administrative changes and patronage
of arts. As a departure from the strongly entrenched pattern,
attention was given to the political structures and governmental
departments, with reference to the functions of ministers and
officials. A concern with the extraction of land tax brought to
light the divisions in the rural society – chiefs, intermediaries and
peasantry.3 Broadly speaking, this was the state of historiography
in the first half of the twentieth century.
As the growing Indian middle classes responded to the with-
drawal of colonialism and the dissemination of Marxist ideas,
historiography did not remain immune from changing intellec-
tual currents. Themes shifted to the material conditions of the
people, with reference to the privileges of the nobility and features
of ordinary lives.4 Against the backdrop of the religious beliefs of
the Hindus on the eve of the Ghorid invasions, social change was
seen in terms of a rural and urban revolution, wherein the arti-
san groups in the towns as well as the peasant in the countryside
made substantive gains.5 Disagreeing with this formulation, Irfan
Habib argued that there was indeed an increase in craft produc-
tion, urbanization and commerce. However, these developments
did not bring about the liberation of any section of the society.
 Introduction 13

According to his understanding, the new economy involved the

use of slave labour, regressive agrarian taxation and parasitic
urban growth.6 Further investigation has revealed that the diffu-
sion of new technological devices, by increasing production and
lowering costs, benefited the artisans who had been accorded a low
social rank. The monotheistic (Bhakti) movement, by advocating
the rejection of caste prejudices, brought to the fore teachers from
artisan and lowly classes: Kabir was a weaver; Namdev, a calico
printer; Ravidas, a tanner; Sain, a barber; Dadu, a cotton carder,
and so on.7
A contributory volume on medieval Panjab, appearing from the
Punjabi University of Patiala, viewed an intolerant Muslim state
unleashing ruthless persecution on a vast majority of the people
(Hindus), who offered an unflinching resistance to the alien con-
querors and creed, and displayed dogged persistence in shunning
contact with them and maintaining their own exclusiveness.8 Such
an approach was quickly supplanted by a non-partisan methodol-
ogy that called for a critical use of contemporary documentation.
Besides a large volume sponsored by the Indian History Congress,
the writings of Nizami, Siddiqui, and Jackson gained wide accept-
ance.9 However, new questions kept on appearing on the schol-
arly horizon. Simon Digby has attributed the military superiority
of the Delhi Sultanate to its ability to control the supply of war-
horses and elephants and, at the same time, deprive its rival
kingdoms of such crucial military resources.10 Andre Wink has
proposed a merger of two societies – frontier world of nomadic
mobility and long distance trade on the one hand and settled
agriculture on the other – in the eleventh to thirteenth centu-
ries. In his view, such a fusion took place in the garrison towns
(khitta), which, in conjunction with the dependant areas (muza-
fat) and minor crown holdings (khalisa), constituted the Delhi
Sultanate.11 With the major intervention of Sunil Kumar, a deci-
sive shift has come about in our understanding of the early history
of the Delhi Sultanate. It showed that the internal structure of suc-
cessive dispensations remained fluid. After the death of Sultan
Muizzuddin, the select Turkish slaves transformed their appa-
nages into Sultanates which in turn were ultimately absorbed into
14 The Making of Medieval Panjab

a paramount unit under Shamsuddin Iltutmish. The careers of

Shamsi slaves were not governed by professional service regula-
tions but by the dyadic master-slave bonds. In the post-Iltutmish
period, changing political trends reflected the conflicting inter-
ests of Shamsi slaves who differed because of length of service
and rank. Drawing a distinction between core areas and outlying
provinces, the study uncovers patterns of state formation linked
in subtle ways to the theologians and mystics.12 However, Blain H.
Auer has revived the question of the real basis (religious or secu-
lar) of the Delhi Sultanate. A fresh reading of the works of three
major historians (Juzjani, Barani, and Afif) shows that, in order to
claim legitimacy for the state, they portrayed the Sultans in terms
of symbols derived from pre-Islamic traditions, Prophetic exam-
ple, and Quranic verses. This overpowering quest for legitimacy
became understandable in the context of the demise (1258) of the
Caliphate and looming threat of Mongol onslaught to a fledgling
Delhi Sultanate.13
Next only to Sind, Panjab had been the first region in South
Asia to receive Islam. If tradition is any indication, the earliest sign
of the new creed was traced to the times of Prophet Muhammad.
Islamic influences might have travelled up through Sind and
Multan, where the Qarmathian sect (an offshoot of the Ismaili
Shias) had been present for many centuries and created a syncretic
cultural environment. In strictly religious terms, the establish-
ment of the Ghaznavid rule in Panjab, complete with its army,
bureaucracy and dependants, meant the ‘rooting’ of the Islamic
religious institutions. One is on a more concrete ground regard-
ing the pioneer role of Shaikh Ali bin Usman Hujwiri (d. 1072)
who left an abiding legacy in the form of a mosque, a shrine and a
treatise on Sufism. Towards the middle of the thirteenth century,
Panjab witnessed the establishment of two Sufi orders, Chishtis
and Suhrawardis. In an early attempt to comprehend these his-
torical changes, Mohammad Habib has placed them in the larger
context of Islamic mysticism in west Asia, besides uncovering
the difficulties posed by spurious Chishti discourses (malfuzat).14
Avoiding use of these compilations, Khaliq Ahmad Nizami has
examined the growth of the Chishtis and Suhrawardis in Panjab
 Introduction 15

during the mid-thirteenth century. While exploring the manage-

ment of the Sufi establishments (khanqahs) and their attitudes to
the medieval state, Nizami underscored the fundamental differ-
ences between the two principal orders.15 In his attempt to widen
the scope of the study of Indian Sufism, Rizvi went beyond the
confines of major Sufi lineages of northwestern India and, in
the process, explored the Indian response to the philosophy of
unity of being (wahdat ul-wujud) and the interface between the
Sufis and Hindu mystic traditions.16 Shuja Alhaq has hailed the
Chishtis as forerunners in establishing the Unitarian world view
as the heart of Sufism in India, because the works of Ibn-i Arabi
and Jalaluddin Rumi were introduced here only by the latter half
of the fourteenth century.17 In an insightful work on the Chishti
order, which extends from its foundation to the colonial times,
Ernst and Lawrence have subjected the contemporary Sufi texts
to a penetrating analysis.18 Riazul Islam, departing from the bio-
graphical model of Sufi studies and discounting the boundaries
between Sufi orders, has discussed the attitude of principal Sufi
masters towards working for livelihood, receiving charity, mak-
ing families and expressing political concerns. Tanvir Anjum has
re-examined the relations between the Chishtis and the Sultans
of Delhi in terms of a contention over space.19 Raziuddin Aquil,
while rejecting the distinction between genuine and spurious Sufi
texts, shows that the Chishtis converted non-Muslims to Islam by
performing miracles that were a device to claim legitimacy.20
The Jat tribals, who offered a stiff resistance to the Ghaznavids
and Ghorids, assumed a considerable significance in medieval
Panjab. Irfan Habib, in a seminal study, traced their history
through a millennium from the seventh to the seventeenth cen-
tury, taking into account the geographical peculiarities of Panjab
and linguistic features of its subregions. Relying on the early
account of Hieun Tsang and Chachnama, it notices the presence
of the Jats in central Sind, where they were marked by a pastoral
economy and egalitarian social structure. By the eleventh century,
they had migrated to Multan and clashed with Sultan Mahmud
of Ghazni. By the end of the sixteenth century, they had migrated
beyond the Satluj and Jamuna. During this migration, they set-
16 The Making of Medieval Panjab

tled as sedentary cultivators with the help of the Persian wheel

and went on to acquire zamindari rights in a vast area. Motivated
by the urge for social equality as warranted by their newly gained
social position, they entered the widening ranks of Sikhism.21
Richard M. Eaton argued that the Jat clans were also slowly con-
verting to Islam owing to their association with the shrine of Baba
Farid at Pakpattan. The complex had grown as a popular centre of
devotion, because the spiritual charisma (baraka) of the saint was
believed to abide in his tomb as well as his descendants. Alongside
the institutionalization of a series of rituals, the place received
land grants from Muhammad bin Tughluq. As the spiritual head
(sajjadah nishin), who was known as the Diwan, developed agri-
culture in these lands, the Jat and Rajput clans settled as farmers,
benefiting from the availability of the Persian wheel. The clans,
owing to their integration in the devotional world of the shrine,
underwent the slow process of Islamization.22 At present, there is
nothing to suggest that other Sufi shrines in Panjab played a simi-
lar role with regard to the diverse pastoral-agricultural groups.
During the last decade and a half, the Suhrawardis have attracted
a considerable scholarly attention. As many as four major stud-
ies have altered the existing understanding on the subject. Qamar
ul-Huda has shown that the Suhrawardis of Multan could not be
seen in isolation from their counterparts in Baghdad. Moving
beyond the dichotomous model of ‘official’ versus ‘popular’ reli-
gion and delving into Shaikh Abu Hafs Umar Suhrawardi’s classic
Awarif ul-Maarif, he stresses the incorporation of the Prophetic
traditions and memorization of Quranic verses into its spiritual
path. While pointing to the destruction of Suhrawardi sources in
Multan owing to political turmoil, it underlines the significance
of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya’s works, Khulasat ul-Arifin and
Al-Aurad, in the making of the order in a specific political con-
text in the region.23 Amina M. Steinfels, in her biography of Syed
Jalaluddin Bokhari, emphasizes the role of Sufism in the mak-
ing of Indo-Islamic culture, which could not be cut off from the
Islamic traditions in the rest of the Islamic world. Relying on the
four compilations of the discourses of the saint, she focuses on
 Introduction 17

his education in Hejaz and affiliation to several Sufi orders. She

argues that the Shaikh, who combined in himself the dual role of
a Sufi and scholar, gave precedence to the knowledge of canoni-
cal law over acts of devotion.24 Hasan Ali Khan reveals the cryptic
metaphysical links between the Suhrawardis and Nizari Ismailis
(Satpanth) in the middle Indus region. Drawing on the icono-
graphy of the Suhrawardi monuments, the astronomical impli-
cations of Ali’s spiritual authority and a long existing religious
syncretism, he reveals the secret Shia inclination of the Suhrawardis
and, by implication, the Sufi garb of the Shias for dissimula-
tion.25 Anna Bigelow shows that the cult of another Suhrawardi
saint Shaikh Sadruddin (1434-1508) took on a different hue. She
explains the identity of Malerkotla as a shared sacred space due to
a collective memory comprising the piety of Shaikh Sadruddin,
the blessings of Guru Gobind Singh to the Nawab of the principal-
ity, and peace during partition riots.26
As modern scholarship on Sufism indicated, efforts have been
mainly directed to the Chishti lineage extending from Khwaja
Muinuddin Chishti to Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud. The pioneer-
ing work of the Sabiris, a branch of the Chishtis in the vast plains of
northern India, has remained largely concealed from view, owing
to the lack of contemporary evidence.27 The Sabiri hagiographical
literature, which appeared in the heyday of the Mughal empire,
was said to lack credibility and authenticity.28 This might be true
of the early history of the Sabiris, while the evidence was quite sat-
isfactory from the opening of the fifteenth century onwards. The
Sabiris acquired a considerable prominence on account of the dili-
gence of a line of modern exemplars – Haji Imdad Allah (d. 1899),
Ashraf Ali Thanvi (d. 1943), Zauqi Shah (d. 1953) and Captain
Wahid Bakhsh Siyal (d. 1955). In particular, Siyal has brought out
a number of Sabiri texts for the benefit of scholars and followers.
Ernst and Lawrence, in their influential work on the Chishtis, have
recognized the tremendous contribution of Sabiri masters in the
colonial and post-colonial periods. More recently, Moin Ahmad
Nizami has examined the same subject in greater depth. In these
circumstances, the early history of the Sabiris, which pertained to
18 The Making of Medieval Panjab

southeast Panjab, could no longer be marginalized, even if one

had to rely on later hagiographies of Allah Diya Chishti, Abdul
Rahman Chishti and Muhammad Akram Quddusi.
One would be curious to know the fate of Sufi cults that have
survived to the present. In a film (2012) entitled Milange Babey
Rattan De Mele Te (Let’s Meet at Baba Rattan’s Fair), Ajay
Bharadwaj has treated the cult of this saint as integral to the
popular culture of the post-partition Panjab. Over the medieval
centuries, the shrine at Bathinda has emerged as an important
sacred centre. In spite of the migration of Muslims to Pakistan in
1947, devotees belonging to all religious communities continued
to have faith in the charisma of the saint. On any festive day, steady
streams of devotees arrived in the midst of beating of drums. They
purchased a number of articles – embroidered sheets, mustard oil,
brooms, and sweets – to offer at the grave. They prayed for the
Baba’s intercession for the fulfilment of their wishes. While the
food was cooked in the open for the community meals (langar),
the Qawwals regaled the gathering with devotional lyrics steeped
in Islamic spirituality. Knowledgeable devotees understood the
oneness of God and diversity of paths leading to Him. Believing
that Prophet Muhammad was the beloved of God, they were also
conversant with the message of Bulle Shah and Waris Shah. They
also recognized the supreme sacrifices of legendary lovers like
Laila-Majnu, Hir-Ranjha, Sassi-Punnu and Sohni-Mahiwal. If
they knew the mystical verses of Daya Singh Arif, they also cher-
ished the poetry of Babu Rajab Ali, the famous balladeer (kavishar)
of the Malwa region, who paid rich tributes to Baba Haji Rattan
even after shifting to Pakistan. Older inhabitants of Bathinda pre-
served fond memories of the great fair held at the shrine before
1947, when Sufis and Qawwals arrived from distant places. At the
same time, they were nostalgic about their affectionate relations
with the local Muslims, who were forced to leave the place during
partition. It was amazing that the spirit of non-denominational
spirituality, which emanated from the Baba’s shrine at Bathinda,
remained unaffected by the phases of partition, terrorism and
polarization. As the film showed, this very spirit prevailed at the
 Introduction 19

mausoleum of Haidar Shaikh at Malerkotla and smaller shrines at

Atalan, Bhundari and Chhpaar.

Primary Sources
Though the Ghaznavids were intimately associated with Panjab for
nearly two centuries,29 contemporary evidence on this experience
remains inadequate. Abu Nasr Muhammad Utbi, who has penned
the Tarikh-i Yamini, served as a secretary at the court in Ghazni.
This work described the military expeditions of Sultan Subuktigin
and Sultan Mahmud up to 1020. Written in difficult Arabic and
unclear about dates and places, it took more interest in western
parts of the Ghaznavid empire than in India.30 However, later
writers like Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad and Muhammad Qasim
Hindu Shah Firishta have benefited from it. Far superior to Utbi
as a chronicler was Abul Fazl Baihaqi (d. 1077). He produced a
comprehensive account of the Ghaznavids in thirty volumes. Only
a small portion, Tarikh-i Masudi, which was devoted to the reign
of Sultan Masud (r. 1030-41), has survived.31 The author, having
served in the department of correspondence at the Ghaznavid
court, had access to official documents. An eyewitness to a
number of events, he observed the functioning of the polity from
close quarters.32 He has offered valuable evidence on the problems
of the Ghaznavid rule in Panjab. He has revealed the failure of
the bifurcation of administration under a civil officer and military
commander. He has provided details of the dominant thinking
at the royal court in Ghazni, which received regular reports from
Panjab through different sources. Besides the machinations of
Qazi Shirazi, he describes the revolts of Ali Aryaruq and Ahmad
Niyaltigin. Equally significant is his account of the success of a
Hindu general, Tilak, in quelling the disturbances in Panjab,
particularly in winning over the Jats from the side of the rebels.
The writer shows that positive results followed the appointment
of a single governor and the Sultan’s personal intervention in the
region. Abu Raihan Alberuni (973-1049), the author of the classic
Kitab ul-Hind, spent a major part of his life at Ghazni and lived
20 The Making of Medieval Panjab

for some time in parts of Panjab. Other than noting the latitudes
of some towns of the region and the diplomatic exchange between
the Hindushahis and Sultan Mahmud,33 he did not say anything
about the political changes in Ghaznavid Panjab. By inclination,
he was more interested in Indian astronomy, social structure and
religious practices.
The Taj ul-Maasir, which was the first chronicle written in the
Delhi Sultanate, came from the pen of Tajuddin Hasan Nizami.
A migrant from Nishapur to Delhi, he employed a highly ornate
language to narrate the military achievements (1191-1217) of the
new rulers.34 Besides describing the stiff opposition of the Jats and
Khokhars to the Turkish rule, it threw light on the functions of the
governor of Lahore, Prince Nasiruddin Mahmud. The Tabaqat-i
Nasiri of Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani describes the fortunes of the rul-
ers of the Delhi Sultanate from the Ghorid conquest to the twelfth
regnal year of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud. Keeping a close
watch on the internal strife in the new ruling class, he traced the
careers of twenty-five Shamsi nobles, among whom Ulugh Khan
(Ghiasuddin Balban) was accorded the maximum space. Ziauddin
Barani, in his celebrated Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, has recorded the
political history of nearly a century from the accession of Ghias-
uddin Balban to the sixth regnal year of Firoz Shah Tughluq. In
spite of his hostility to the low-born elements in the bureaucracy
and inclusion of some doubtful conversations between power-
ful individuals, Barani remains unique for his attention to state
policies affecting the peasantry. While pointing towards the ben-
efits of canal irrigation in southeast Panjab, he has highlighted
the growing influence of the Sufis, with reference to populariza-
tion of devotional practices and demand for Sufi literature. Amir
Khusrau has left a day-to-day poetic account of the march of
Ghazi Malik (Ghiasuddin Tughluq) from Dipalpur to Delhi and
his correspondence with the nobles posted in Panjab. In a chroni-
cle of the military campaigns of Alauddin Khalji, his references
to the Mongol invasions were high on rhetoric and low on facts.
Abdul Malik Isami has revealed the crucial role of the Khokhars
in bringing the Tughluqs to the seat of power, besides offering
some valuable information about the Mongol inroads. The family
 Introduction 21

of Shams-i Siraj Afif had intimate ties with the Tughluqs as well
as the town of Abohar. In his celebratory history of the reign of
Firoz Shah Tughluq, he has described a number of administrative
reforms revolving around the patronage of Sufi establishments,
provision of canal irrigation and founding of new urban centres.
He has also narrated the Sultan’s hunting expeditions in southeast
Panjab, when he appeared to have accompanied the royal entou-
rage.
Ain ul-Mulk Mahru, as the governor of Multan during the
mid-fourteenth century, has recorded accurate information on
the state attempts to revive the agrarian economy of the region.
In addition to the reorganization of land grants, it draws atten-
tion to the digging of canals with the support of local elements,
regulation of the prices of essential commodities and complaints
against subordinate officers.35 Sharfuddin Ali Yazdi, apparently
present in the army of Timur, offers a useful testimony on the
march of the invaders through several places in Panjab, Delhi and
northern hills. Not trying to conceal the enormity of destruction
and displacement, he has dutifully noted the contents of the rich
booty including grain, cattle and human captives. Yahya Ahmad
Sirhindi, in his useful account of the quarter of a century follow-
ing Timur’s departure, has exposed the unending warfare in the
different pockets of Panjab and, in the process, focused on the
revolts of district officials and varying attitudes of the local chiefs.
Abdullah and Shaikh Rizqullah Mushtaqi have described the man-
ner in which Bahlol Lodi developed the nucleus of Afghan power
in Sirhind and ultimately acquired sovereign status in Delhi.
Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad, in his ambitious project on the his-
tory of nine regions until their annexation under Akbar, has dealt
with the establishment of the Langah kingdom in Multan amidst
the failure of a Suhrawardi saint to hold on to the reins of the
government, while the Delhi Sultanate withdrew from the region.
Ali bin Usman Hujwiri, who was one of the earliest Sufis of
Panjab, produced a comprehensive work on the history and
philosophy of Islamic spirituality. Starting with the pious caliphs
and Prophet’s companions, he has traced the history of early Sufi
orders and biographies of prominent spiritual leaders. Equally
22 The Making of Medieval Panjab

significant was his discussions on the doctrines and practices of

Sufism, with particular emphasis on the multiplicity of interpreta-
tions and contentious debates in the Sufi circles. Baba Farid, who
was instrumental in establishing the Chishtis in Panjab and neigh-
bouring areas, composed several mystical verses (shaloks) in the
Lehandi dialect of Panjabi. These compositions have survived the
vicissitudes of time and, travelling across centuries, found a place in
the Sikh scripture. His close disciple, Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi,
wrote a short treatise in Arabic entitled Mulhimat (Inspirations),
wherein he explained the basic principles of Sufism. While exam-
ining the nature of seeker’s love for God, he drew attention to the
inner significance of Islamic rituals. Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya
prepared two manuals, Khulasat ul-Arifin and Al-Aurad, wherein
he formulated the content of spiritual exercises and supplica-
tions for the benefit of Suhrawardi aspirants. His close pupil and
son-in-law Shaikh Fakhruddin Iraqi, who developed his ideas on
divine love during a long stay in Multan, appeared to have given
them a formal shape in the Ushaqnama during 1282-4. Employing
a skilful combination of Masnavi and Ghazal, he has elaborated
the complexities of divine love in sensuous and passionate ways.36
To an extent, this very ground was covered in a long poem (mas-
navi) of Bu Ali Qalandar. This composition saw the presence of
God in all forms of creation and uncovered the numerous hues
of divine love. At the same time, it exposed the dangers of carnal
love as well as the doings of fake Sufis. Some strands of the mysti-
cism of Bu Ali Qalandar could also be gleaned from his advice to
the novice, as noted in the Akhbar ul-Akhyar of Shaikh Abdul Haq
Muhaddis Dehalvi.
The Fawaid ul-Fuad, which has preserved the sermons of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, is undoubtedly the finest specimen
in the genre of Sufi discourses (malfuzat). The Shaikh’s disciple
Amir Hasan Sijzi, who took on the onerous task of its compilation,
was famous as a poet. Along with Amir Khusrau, he displayed his
poetic talent for five years (1280-5) at the court of Prince Sultan
Muhammad in Multan. The work comprised an account of 188
assemblies held in five different phases from 1308 to 1322. Checked
closely by the Shaikh himself, it became a literary masterpiece and
 Introduction 23

a guiding spirit for the lovers of God. In general, it is an authentic

elaboration of the Chishti mode of Islamic spirituality. In parti-
cular, it is indispensible to reconstruct the life of Baba Farid as a
leading Chishti master. The narrator, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya,
visited Ajodhan three times and, during each sojourn spanning
several months, participated in the activities of the hospice. With
regard to Baba Farid, he has focused his attention on the training
of disciples, teaching of religious texts, performance of austeri-
ties, interest in musical sessions and distribution of amulets. He
has made significant observations on the popularity of Baba Farid
among the different sections of the society. The work provides
valuable evidence on the Suhrawardi exemplar Shaikh Bahauddin
Zakariya, whose spiritual path was seen as entirely different from
that of Baba Farid. In addition to a plethora of facts on numerous
Sufis of the period, the Fawaid ul-Fuad has a wide scope as it was
deeply rooted in the socio-cultural milieu of northwestern India.
It often turned to the concerns of the ordinary people in their daily
lives.37 It frequently quoted the mystical literature (Qut ul-Qulub,
Ruh ul-Arwah, Nawadir ul-Usul and Ihya Ulum ul-Din) pro-
duced outside South Asia. It contained anecdotes from the lives
of eminent Sufis like Bayazid Bistami, Ainu ul-Quzat, Saifuddin
Bakharzi, Abu Said Abul Khair, and Ahmad Ghazzali.
In the Khair ul-Majalis, Hamid Qalandar has recorded one
hundred conversations of Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud Chiragh-i
Delhi (d. 1356), who headed the Chishti order after the demise of
his mentor Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. The compiler began his
spiritual journey with the blessings of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
and, during his stay in the Deccan, attached himself to Shaikh
Burhanuddin Gharib. On returning to Delhi, he entered the tute-
lage of Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud and, with his consent, began
compiling a record of his assemblies held during a year (1353-4).
The Shaikh examined portions of the output and made editorial
changes to exclude improbable happenings. The final text has
included a dozen events from the life of Baba Farid. Some of them
revolve around the simple life of Baba Farid and his work of guid-
ing disciples. Some others describe his power of working miracles.
In one case, he ensured the restoration of an oil-seller’s wife; in
24 The Making of Medieval Panjab

another, he punished a revenue officer who oppressed his sons

and, in still another, he helped in the recovery of a missing falcon.
In an episode, Hamid Qalandar has narrated Baba Farid’s illness
owing to the evil designs of a magician and the ultimate diffusion
of the cause at the hands of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. In spite of
its limitations, the Khair ul-Majalis went on to acquire a degree of
credibility and its passages entered the writings of Burhanuddin
Gharib, Hamid bin Fazlullah Jamali, Amir Khurd and Abdul Haq
Muhaddis Dehalvi.38
Sometime in the penultimate decade of the fourteenth century,
Amir Khurd completed his Siyar ul-Auliya, a voluminous work
on the Chishtis. The author was eminently suited to undertake
this stupendous task. His grandfather Syed Muhammad Mahmud
Kirmani, a trader who frequently travelled from Kirman to Multan,
gave up his worldly pursuit and entered the hospice of Baba Farid
at Ajodhan. Amir Khurd and his elders – his grandfather, father
and uncles – shifted to Delhi and attached themselves to Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya.39 He was on intimate terms with the disci-
ples of both, Baba Farid and Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Against a
backdrop of tributes to Prophet Muhammad and the pious caliphs,
Siyar ul-Auliya notes the genealogical tree of the Chishtis. It was
rich in detail regarding the lives of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti,
Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki and Baba Farid. In writing the
Siyar ul-Auliya, the author was inspired by his loving devotion
to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and, therefore, a bulk of the work
revolved around the saint and his pupils. It is true that the author
has freely picked up material from the Fawaid ul-Fuad and has
inserted poetry at every conceivable place in his prose. But, Amir
Khurd had no dearth of facts. Besides his own reminiscences and
experiences of the members of his extended family, Amir Khurd
could always fall back upon his friendship with the inmates of the
Chishti establishments at Ajodhan, Hansi and Delhi. In this light,
the strength of the Siyar ul-Auliya outweighs its weakness.
Shaikh Hamid bin Fazlullah Kamboh Jamali (d. 1536) was a
disciple of Shaikh Samauddin (d. 1496), a leading Suhrawardi
saint of Delhi. Jamali was a traveller, poet, and historian.40 Apart
 Introduction 25

from Mecca and Madina, he had travelled across Egypt, Palestine,

Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Khurasan and even Ceylon. He availed
the opportunity of paying homage at the mausoleum of Shaikh
Bahauddin Zakariya in Multan and held discussions with Abdul
Rahman Jami in Herat. He earned the respect of Sikandar Lodi
(r. 1489-1517) and corrected his verses. The Mughal emperor
Humayun not only visited his prayer cell several times, but also
took him along on the military expedition to Gujarat. A profilic
poet, Jamali composed a large corpus of poetry, which included
the tragic love story of a prince of Badakhshan.41 In the Siyar ul-
Arifin, he has written the biographies of thirteen saints, most of
whom were associated with Panjab. Paying equal attention to the
Chishtis and Suhrawardis, he has begun his narrative with Khwaja
Muinuddin Chishti and concluded with Shaikh Samauddin. He
has depended heavily on the acclaimed Chishti works (Fawaid
ul-Fuad, Khair ul-Majalis and Siyar ul-Auliya). He was the only
writer to describe the dispute between Shaikh Sadruddin Arif
and Prince Sultan Muhammad, besides narrating a massive pub-
lic protest against the ban on music under Ghiasuddin Tughluq
(r. 1320-5). In his attempt to demonstrate the superiority of the
Suhrawardis, he often resorted to description of miracles. In the
words of Lawrence, ‘Jamali has sometimes been criticised for rely-
ing on oral evidence to supplement the sparse biographic data in
earlier literary sources, but Siyar ul-Arifin is a masterpiece. Not
only does its author make an objective assessment of saints from
both the silsilahs dominant in pre-Mughal India, but he writes
in a fluid style punctuated with humorous, often poetical anec-
dotes.’42
Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi (1551-1642) was one
of the finest scholars of his times. A staunch supporter of
Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani and the philosophy of Unity of Being
(wahdat ul-wujud), he headed a Qadiri hospice at Delhi. During
a stay (1588-91) in Mecca and Madina, he specialized in the study
of Prophetic traditions (hadis). Keeping aloof from the ideolog-
ical debates at the Mughal court, he wrote over sixty books on
different Islamic sciences. Though he was open to influences of
26 The Making of Medieval Panjab

several Sufi orders, he tried to reconcile canonical law with mysti-

cal discipline. In his celebrated biographical dictionary of Indian
Sufis, Akhbar ul-Akhyar, he tried to fill gaps in the knowledge
about them.43 For example, he unearthed a rare source (Maktubat)
of Bu Ali Qalandar’s advice to a novice regarding the spiritual
quest. While elaborating the teachings of Shaikh Sadruddin Arif
and Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh, he retrieved information
from their works no longer extant. Similarly, he stated that the
mausoleum of Shaikh Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir was found at
Kaliyar Sharif, that he was the son-in-law and spiritual successor
of Baba Farid, and that his lineage led to Shaikh Abdul Quddus
Gangohi. He was surprised that Amir Khurd had omitted any ref-
erence to him and wondered if he was the same person as one
Shaikh Sabir noted in the Siyar ul-Auliya. However, he was on
sure ground regarding two distinguished Sabiris, Shaikh Ahmad
Abdul Haq and Shaikh Abdul Quddus Gangohi. Having studied
Shaikh Gangohi’s work Anwar ul-Uyun, he has brought to light
his thoughts on various kinds of hunger.
From the middle of the seventeenth century, the Sabiris began
to figure in the Sufi hagiographies. Allah Diya Chishti, who
penned the Siyar ul-Aqtab, was a disciple of the Sabiri saint Shah
Aala (d. 1623). The author hailed from Kirana, a village near the
town of Karnal in southeastern Panjab. He took two decades
(1626-46) to complete the work, having spent the time in col-
lecting little known material. The author claimed a supernatural
aspect for his book on two counts. First, it did not absorb moisture
when it fell accidently into water. Second, the book received praise
from Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti, who appeared to the author in a
dream. Small in volume, it contained biographies of twenty-eight
saints from Prophet Muhammad onwards. Of the last twelve, nine
were Sabiris who lived from the mid-thirteenth to the early seven-
teenth century. Loaded with miraculous stories, it describes the
relations of Sabiris with Bu Ali Qalandar, the revival of the Chishti
seat of Hansi, and the procedure of nominating a spiritual succes-
sor. For unknown reasons, the work fails to record the lives of two
prominent Sabiris, Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq and Shaikh Abdul
Quddus Gangohi. This gap has been filled in Abdul Rahman
 Introduction 27

Chishti’s Mirat ul-Asrar, which was prepared between 1635 and

1654. Substantially different from the Siyar ul-Aqtab in content
and object, it is a massive encyclopaedia of over 260 saints who
lived in the previous eleven centuries of Islam. Despite the chrono-
logical discrepancies, he drew attention to the pre-eminent Sufi
authority known as the Qutb (axis of the age). From the perspec-
tive of the author, the Qutb of each age, since the appearance of
Shaikh Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir had to be and had been a Sabiri
Chishti master. The Qutb of each generation was situated among
other Sufi masters, particularly those from the classical Persian
Sufism tradition.44
The story of Hir Ranjha, as versified in Panjabi by Damodar
Gulati, falls in a class of its own. For centuries this love tale has
been the most popular folktale in Panjab. It was assimilated into
the Sufi discourse from Shah Husain (1539-99) onwards. It entered
the compositions of Bhai Gurdas and Guru Gobind Singh. Up to
the middle of the twentieth century, nearly fifty renditions had
appeared in Panjabi. The version of the story, which was com-
posed by Waris Shah in 1766, surpassed all others in popularity.
However, Damodar was the first to versify it in Panjabi. Having
performed the task two centuries ahead of Waris Shah, he was
closer in time to the events described in it. However, Damodar
enjoyed another advantage, which somehow escaped the notice of
literary critics. He had a deep knowledge of the internal dynam-
ics of the rural society that flourished in western Panjab and,
what is even more important, he was ever keen to bring it into
sharp relief. More than the travails of the protagonists, Hir and
Ranjha, Damodar was interested in the social context in which
they struggled. He has thrown a flood of light on the powerful
zamindars, who survived in a highly competitive scenario with
the active support of their respective clans. It reveals their mode
of taking decisions in different situations, ranging from agrarian
entrepreneurship to undoing a wrong. It deals with the cherished
zamindari aim of local dominance, which explains the rationale
behind the pervasive violence and the remote presence of govern-
mental authority in the rural areas.
28 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Task in Hand
Panjab, for the purpose of the present study, comprises the area
enclosed between the Indus and Jamuna. At first look, it appears as
a monotonous and undifferentiated vast plain. In fact, it is marked
by diverse topographical features. On its east, a submontane tract
runs along the southern flanks of the lesser Himalayas from the
Jamuna to Jhelam. Varying from 100 to 200 miles in breadth, its
outlying hills either merge with the Himalayas or separate from
it by longitudinal valleys known as Duns.45 The plain itself may
be divided into two parts, Indo-Panjab Plain and Ghaggar Plain.
The former is shaped like a vast triangle, with the Siwaliks as its
base, and the Satluj and Indus as its sides. It was drained by the
waters of the Beas, Ravi, Chenab, and Jhelam. Its flatness induced
the rivers to flow slowly and thus fertilize the country with alluvial
deposits, and affording facilities for waterways and irrigation
channels. The plain, leaving the submontane tract and moving
southwest, slopes gradually so that the gradient seldom exceeds
two feet in a mile. As the snow melts at the onset of summer, the
rivers begin to swell and, during the monsoons, they are in flood
and heavily charged with silt. Narrow in the mountains, the valleys
widened out in the low country and carrying power of the rivers
wanes with the reduction in the velocity of the current.46 In the
Indo-Panjab plain, the rivers flow in wide and deep valleys that
are lower than the general level of the plain. The low plain, known
as the Khaddars, through which the rivers flow, are amenable to
annual floods, besides erosion and reformation. Distinct from the
Khaddars stand the central uplands, the Bars. Unaffected by the
inundations, they were extensive waste lands covered with grass
before the arrival of modern irrigation networks.47
On the southeast of the Panjab Plain lies the Ghaggar Plain. A
transition area between the Indus and Ganga plains, it is different
from both in its characteristics. In the northeast it is bordered by
the Siwaliks, while on the west it merged in the desert of Rajputana.
Along the Siwalik foothills it is 75 miles wide and gradually wid-
ens towards the west, so that it achieves a width of 230 miles
from Delhi to the Satluj. During the monsoons, the entire area is
 Introduction 29

inundated by a dozen torrents that bring large volumes of water

from the Siwaliks. More important of these are the Ghaggar,
Markanda and Saraswati. They lose their water to evaporation and
soakage before leaving the western border of the plain.48 On the
west of the Panjab Plain and the Jhelam, the Salt Range spreads
towards the Indus. In spite of erosion suffered during the past, its
western extremity rises to a height of 5,000 feet at Sakesar. Though
its aridity does not allow much vegetation, its jagged hills include
some fertile valleys. Tilla Balnath, famed for a monastery of the
Jogis, is perched on a projection of the range running towards
the northeast. North of the Salt Range is found the northwestern
upland, a tract comprising a wide range of features – ravines, val-
leys, and sandy beds of torrents. Varying from 1,000 to 2,000 feet
above the sea level, its chief hill ranges are Margalla, Kalachitta and
Khairimurat. Margalla pass, which is situated on the road from
Rawalpindi to Attock, commands a lot of strategic importance.49
The distinct sandy tract of Bahawalpur, stretching from Firozpur
to the border of Sind, includes the town of Uch. The annual rain-
fall in Panjab varied from place to place. During the early decades
of the twentieth century, Hissar received 16 inches and Karnal 30,
while Lahore got 21 inches, Sialkot 35 and Multan 7 only.50
Chapter 2 of this book covers a period of nearly three centuries,
extending from the Ghaznavid invasions to the stabilization of the
Delhi Sultanate. Though the roots of the Ghaznavid and Ghorid
power in Panjab were separated by a long span of time, their expe-
riences appeared to be largely the same. Here, an attempt is being
made to examine the challenges faced by the Ghaznavid rule in
the form of meeting local resistance, developing structures of gov-
ernance, and preparing conditions for further expansion towards
the east. Following an account of the opposition of the Jats and
Khokhars to the Ghorid occupation, it delves into the power
struggles among the slave officers of Sultan Muizzuddin. It seeks
to understand the objectives of the new government as laid out in
a royal order for Prince Nasiruddin Mahmud, who was posted in
Lahore as the governor. While dealing with the recurring rebel-
lions of the governors holding large territories (muqtis), it goes
into the complexities engendered by the dogged presence of new
30 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ethnic elements – Khwarizmians, Qarlughs, and Mongols. It gives

a particular attention to an important governor of Multan, whose
fight against the Mongols ended in a disaster, even though he was
portrayed as a martyr in the cause of Islam. It points to the efforts
to strengthen the frontier lines of defence, whereas their success
in the long-run was open to question, particularly during the first
decade of the fourteenth century.
Chapter 3 examines the growth of Islamic spirituality in a long
span of time, which, to an extent, coincides with the above polit-
ical developments. It begins with the cult of Baba Haji Rattan of
Bathinda, who has been linked with diverse religious traditions
through oral testimonies. Since little was known about Shaikh Ali
bin Usman Hujwiri (d. 1072) other than his travels and migra-
tion to Lahore, an attempt has been made to analyse his Kashf
ul-Mahjub in order to identify the basic postulates of Sufism, both
doctrinal and practical. What is disappointing, there is a big gap
of nearly 150 years in our evidence on the activities of Muslim
mystics. However, this chapter discusses the establishment of two
major Sufi orders, Chishtis and Suhrawardis, with reference to
the contribution of Baba Farid and Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya.
Besides looking at two diverse ways of spiritual endeavour, which
revolved around the interface between the mentors and their dis-
ciples, it seeks to analyse their writings, both in poetry and prose,
in order to have a clearer picture of their respective spiritual paths.
What is significant, the chapter traces the eventful career of Shaikh
Fakhruddin Iraqi in Multan and goes on to search for his mystical
ideas in his verses. The exercise promises to add a new dimen-
sion to the study of Sufism in general, and alter the image of the
Suhrawardis in particular.
Chapter 4 examines the new strategies of state formation adopted
in the Tughluq regime. In what constitutes a major departure from
the previous dispensations, the Tughluqs assimilated powerful
local elements into the political structure to consolidate the foun-
dations of their power. The change not only occurred gradually,
but happened in a specific context that did not obtain during the
thirteenth century. As this chapter shows, definite signs of change
became visible when Ghazi Malik served in western Panjab before
 Introduction 31

occupying the throne of Delhi. Evidence indicates that zamindars

and Sufis, having shed their earlier aloofness, reached out to the
state and made compromises in return for material gains. This
chapter explores the connection between Firoz Shah Tughluq’s
patronage of zamindars and Sufi shrines on the one hand and the
canal-based irrigation on the other. Further, relying exclusively
on the letters of Ain ul-Mulk Mahru, it highlights the agrarian
expansion in Multan based on the reorganization of land grants,
repopulation of deserted areas and excavation of canals. It would
be interesting to assess the role of village headmen and local ben-
eficiaries in this ambitious project. Here, we are in a position to
look at the lowest rungs of the administration, with reference to
the complaints against local functionaries, who came into direct
contact with the subjects. This chapter also takes into account
the observations of Ibn Battuta that revolve around the functions
of the provincial government, the state of urban centres, and the
influence of the eminent Sufi masters.
Chapter 5 traces the fortunes of the Chishtis and Suhrawardis
during the next phase of their evolution. Spanning nearly a hun-
dred years from the late thirteenth to the late fourteenth century,
it explores the new features in Sufism, as disseminated through
the bigger of the establishments. The incumbent spiritual heads
were seen facing a big challenge in continuing the legacy of their
illustrious founding fathers. It seeks to identify the different paths
adopted by the lineal descendants of Baba Farid, many of whom
shifted to Delhi and then migrated to the Deccan. As the shrine of
Baba Farid emerged as a leading centre of pilgrimage, it is impera-
tive to describe the profusion of rituals that were held on ordinary
days and festive occasions. The intimate relation of the shrine
with the surrounding milieu becomes clear from a table listing
marital alliances between the family of the Diwan (spiritual head)
and the clan chiefs. With regard to the Suhrawardis of Multan, the
testimonies of Akhbar ul-Akhyar and Siyar ul-Arifin have been
combined in order to present a fuller picture. This chapter draws
attention to the relations between the Suhrawardi saints and the
Delhi Sultans, with reference to close collaboration and bitter con-
frontation. Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari, owing to his alterations in the
32 The Making of Medieval Panjab

training of disciples and emphasis on Islamic jurisprudence added

a new dimension to the Suhrawardi path and, as a result of his
resounding success, raised the order to the pinnacle of prestige.
After this, the Sufi establishments in southwest Panjab began to
fade into oblivion until a Suhrawardi saint was temporarily raised
to the seat of power in Multan.
Chapter 6 concerns itself with the invasion of Timur and polit-
ical transitions during the subsequent century. Pursuing the trail
of the invader in three distinct zones – southwest Panjab, cis-
Satluj tract and the chain of northern hills – it exposes the wide-
spread plunder of wealth and dislocation of settlements. During
the following decades, the political structure of the Delhi Sultanate
began to crumble and Panjab witnessed unprecedented political
convulsions, as the revenue assignees (muqtis) revolted, the local
chiefs acquired autonomy, and foreign invaders occupied chunks
of territory. Old methods of attaining political power became
redundant and, therefore, new ways were put in practice with
varying degrees of success. Whereas Khizr Khan won over prom-
inent nobles holding assignments, Bahlol Lodi relied on the
assistance of the fellow Afghan migrants settled in and around
Sirhind. Jasrath Khokhar, who was seen as ravaging the plains of
Panjab and undermining the support base of the state, remained
content with sporadic gains and frequently changed his allies.
This chapter describes the political rise of two Suhrawardi saints,
Shaikh Haidar in Malerkotla and Shaikh Yusuf Qureshi in Multan.
Both were related to Bahlol Lodi through marriage. But their suc-
cess in holding on to power appeared to depend on the support of
powerful local chiefs.
Chapter 7 examines the various strands of Islamic spirituality
in southeast Panjab. Chronologically parallel to the better-known
developments in southwest Panjab, these shades were never
lighter than elsewhere. They possessed their own specificities
and challenges. The Chishti seat of Hansi grew under the care of
Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi and his lineal descendants. They nei-
ther succumbed to the pressure of the state nor lured by offers
of material benefits. Remaining true to the pristine Chishti ide-
als, they chalked an independent course for themselves, while
 Introduction 33

their better placed counterparts were gradually sucked into the

widening web of the state. This chapter examines the contents of
Shaikh Hansavi’s Mulhimat, which went a long way in meeting
the needs of spiritual aspirants. It discusses the mystical ideas of
Bu Ali Qalandar that were lying forgotten in the pages of his com-
positions. It brings to light the unbroken line of the Sabiri branch
of the Chishtis that worked from Kaliyar, Panipat, and Shahabad.
This effort is unhampered by the apparent lack of evidence in con-
temporary sources and profusion of miraculous stories in later
writings. What is worthy of note, the Sabiris were actively engaged
in propagating the teachings of the great Sufi masters and that too
at a time when the established Sufi establishments were slipping
into oblivion or getting entangled in organizational problems.
The Sabiris continued to gain momentum even during the tussle
between the Lodis and Mughals for control over north India.
Chapter 8 undertakes a detailed study of the role of zamindars
in the medieval society. It is exclusively based on Damodar’s nar-
rative of the love tale of Hir and Ranjha. Different sections of this
work are structured in a manner that they uncover the various
aspects of the life of zamindars. Inhabiting the tract on the banks
of the Chenab, the zamindars were rich, powerful and influential.
However, these possessions could be of use only if the zamin-
dars enjoyed the loyal support of the clans to which they belonged.
In the present case, the zamindars were Jats who hailed from dif-
ferent clans – Siyal, Ranjha, Waraich, Nahar, and Chaddar. Their
well-defined enclaves comprised agricultural lands and moors,
enabling them to cultivate crops and maintain herds of cattle. It
appears that the zamindars were obsessed with the desire of local
dominance, which was coupled with a strong sense of survival and
an avid fervour for honour. In practical terms, this amounted to
a perpetual urge for self-aggrandizement. Since a zamindar took
all decisions in consultation with his clansmen, he was backed to
the hilt by the latter. The prestige of the clan was uppermost in
his mind when he distributed alms during a marriage or offered
shelter to an individual in distress. In other words, any enquiry
into the actions of a zamindar, in fact, meant an enquiry into
the actions of his clan. Damodar’s narrative has also exposed the
34 The Making of Medieval Panjab

negative characteristics of the Jat clans, owing to their patriarchal

approach to love, marriage, and sexuality.

NOTES
1. For a strong criticism of the approach of H.M. Elliot in choosing extracts
from Persian sources, see Mohammad Habib, ‘An Introduction to the Study
of Medieval India (ad 1000-1400),’ in Politics and Society during the Early
Medieval Period: Collected Works of Professor Mohammad Habib, vol. I,
ed. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1974,
pp. 3-16.
2. These writings were associated with historians like Muhammad Nazim,
Mohammad Habib, Muhammad Aziz Ahmad, Agha Mahdi Husain,
Ishwari Prasad, Kishori Saran Lal, A.B.M. Habibullah, R.C. Jauhri, Awadh
Bihari Pandey, and Abdul Halim.
3. R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Allahabad: Central
Book Depot, rpt., 1974; W.H. Moreland, The Agrarian System of Moslem
India, New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 2nd edn., 1968;
Ishtiyaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Dehli,
New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, rpt., 1971. For a incisive
analysis of the rural society of northern India, see Tapan Raychaudhuri and
Irfan Habib, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I: (c. 1200 –
c. 1750), Hyderabad: Orient Longman, rpt., 1984, pp. 53-60.
4. Kanwar Muhammad Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan,
New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, Second edition, 1970; A. Rashid,
Society and Culture in Medieval India (1206 – 1556 AD), Calcutta: Firma
K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1969; Kishori Prasad Sahu, Some Aspects of North
Indian Social Life (1000-1526 AD), Calcutta: Punthi Pustak, 1973.
5. Mohammad Habib, ‘Introduction’ to Elliot and Dowson’s History of India,
vol. II, in Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period: Collected
Works of Professor Mohammad Habib, vol. I, pp. 69-94.
6. Irfan Habib, ‘Economic History of the Delhi Sultanate: An Essay in
Interpretation,’ The Indian Historical Review, vol. IV, no. 2, 1978, pp. 287-
303.
7. Irfan Habib, ‘Technological Changes and Society: 13th and 14th Centuries,’
Presidential Address, Section II, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress,
Varanasi, 1969; Irfan Habib, ‘Society and Economic Change: 1200-1500,’
Paper presented at Seminar on ‘Social and Economic Change in Northern
India’ (Typescript), University of Kurukshetra, Kurukshetra, 1981.
8. Fauja Singh, ed., History of the Punjab (ad 1000-1526), vol. III, Patiala:
Punjabi University, 1972, p. 208.
9. Mohammad Habib and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, ed., A Comprehensive
History of India, vol. V: The Delhi Sultanate (AD 1206-1526), rpt., New
 Introduction 35

Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1982; Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Religion

and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, New edition, New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002; Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate:
A Political and Military History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1999; Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Authority and Kingship under the Sultans of
Delhi, (Thirteenth – Fourteenth Centuries), New Delhi: Manohar, 2006.
10. Simon Digby, War Horse and Elephant in the Delhi Sultanate: A Study of
Military Supplies, Oxford: Oxford Monographs, 1971.
11. Andre Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, vol. II: The
Slave Kings and the Islamic Conquest, 11th-13th Centuries, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, rpt., 1999, pp. 121, 382.
12. Surinder Singh, ‘Book Review,’ Sunil Kumar, The Emergence of the Delhi
Sultanate, 1192-1286, Ranikhet: Permanent Black, 2007, The Medieval
History Journal, vol. 13, no. 1, April 2010, pp. 144-9.
13. In the words of the author, ‘Ultimately, we will never know if the Delhi
Sultanate was ninety percent image or action. Whatever the answer, there
is no doubt that historians played a major role in producing and sustaining
ideas about power, justice, and Islamic rule of the premodern empire.’ Blain
H. Auer, Symbols of Authority in Medieval Islam: History, Religion and
Muslim Legitimacy in the Delhi Sultanate, New Delhi: Viva Books, 2013,
p. 160.
14. Mohammad Habib, ‘Early Muslim Mysticism,’ and ‘Chishti Mystics
Records of the Sultanate Period,’ in Politics and Society during the Early
Medieval Period: Collected Works of Professor Mohammad Habib, vol. I,
pp. 251-90 and 385-433.
15. Nizami, Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century,
pp. 186-245.
16. Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, vol. I, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978.
17. Shuja Alhaq, A Forgotten Vision: A Study of Human Spirituality in the Light
of the Islamic Tradition, vol. I, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1997, p.
280.
18. Carl W. Ernst and Bruce B. Lawrence, The Chishti Order in South Asia and
Beyond, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
19. Tanvir Anjum, Chishti Sufis in the Sultanate of Delhi 1190-1400: From
Restrained Indifference to Calculated Defiance, Karachi: Oxford University
Press, 2011; a close examination of the discursive statements of Sultan
Alauddin Khalji and Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya points to a vigorous
competition between the two for moral right to authority. Sunil Kumar,
‘Assertions of Authority: A Study of the Discursive Statements of Two
Sultans of Delhi,’ in The Making of Indo-Persian Culture: Indian and
French Studies, eds., Muzaffar Alam, Francoise Nalini Delvoye and Marc
Gaborieau, New Delhi: Manohar, 2000, pp. 37-62.
36 The Making of Medieval Panjab

20. Raziuddin Aquil, ‘Conversion in Chishti Sufi Literature: 13th-14th Centuries,’

The Indian Historical Review, vol. XXIV, nos. 1-2, 1997-8; ‘Miracles,
Authority and Benevolence: Stories of Karamat in Sufi Literature of the
Delhi Sultanate,’ in Sufi Cults and the Evolution of Medieval Indian Culture,
ed., Anup Taneja, New Delhi: Indian Council of Historical Research &
Northern Book Centre, 2003.
21. Irfan Habib, ‘Jatts of Punjab and Sind,’ in Essays in Honour of Dr. Ganda
Singh, ed. Harbans Singh and N. Gerald Barrier, Patiala: Punjabi University,
1976, pp. 92-103.
22. Richard M. Eaton, ‘The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of
Baba Farid,’ in Essays on Islam and Indian History, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2000, pp. 203-24.
23. Qamar ul-Huda, Striving for Divine Union: Spiritual Exercises for Suhrawardi
Sufis, London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003.
24. Amina M. Steinfels, Knowledge before Action: Islamic Learning and Sufi
Practice in the Life of Sayyid Jalal al-Din Bukhari Makhdum-i Jahaniyan,
Columbia: University of California Press, 2012.
25. Hasan Ali Khan, Constructing Islam on the Indus: The Material History of the
Suhrawardi Sufi Order, 1200-1500 AD, New Delhi: Cambridge University
Press, 2016.
26. Anna Bigelow, Sharing the Sacred: Practicing Pluralism in Muslim North
India, New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.
27. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Tarikh-i Mashaikh-i Chisht, vol. I, Karachi: Oxford
University Press, rpt., 2007, pp. 251-2.
28. Anecdotes of saintly wrath and vindictive anger attributed to early
generation of the Sabiris figured in the seventeenth century works of
doubtful authenticity and these were uncritically copied by hagiographers
of the nineteenth century. However, such stories went against our
understanding of Chishti norms and attitudes. These harrowing accounts
might be attributed to the understandable zeal of the tazkira writers who,
by elaborating miraculous stories, tended to create the impression that
the Sabiris were endowed with miraculous powers and able to defeat the
spiritual power of their competitors or challengers. Moin Ahmad Nizami,
Reform and Renewal in South Asian Islam: The Chishti Sabris in 18th-19th
Century North India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2016, pp. 40-2.
29. Since the Persian chronicles of the Delhi Sultanate have already been
subjected to critical analyses, I have confined myself only to their relevance
for the present study. For details, see Peter Hardy, Historians of Medieval
India: Studies in Indo-Muslim Historical Writing, New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, rpt., 1983; Mohibbul Hasan, ed., Historians of Medieval
India, Meerut and New Delhi: Meenakshi Prakashan, rpt., 1983; Khaliq
Ahmad Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, New
Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983; Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Perso-
Arabic Sources of Information on the Life and Conditions in the Sultanate
 Introduction 37

of Delhi, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1992; idem, Indo-Persian

Historiography: Upto the Thirteenth Century, New Delhi: Primus, 2010.
30. Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The Later Ghaznavids: Splendour and Decay,
(The Dynasty in Afghanistan & Northern India 1040-1186), Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 1963, pp. 9-10.
31. H.M. Elliot and John Dowson, ed., The History of India as Told by its Own
Historians, vol. II, Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, rpt., n.d. p. 53.
32. In the words of a modern writer, ‘Baihaqi’s approach reveals his superiority
as a historian to the turgidity of Utbi and jejuneness of Gardizi; his mind
was balanced and judicious, he was able critically to weigh up conflicting
evidence, and his narrative is fresh because he was a personal witness of
many of the events he describes.’ Bosworth, op. cit., p. 10.
33. Abu Raihan Alberuni, Kitab ul-Hind, English translation (Alberuni’s India),
Edward C. Sachau, New Delhi: Rupa, 2002, pp. 308, 416.
34. For details, see Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India,
pp. 55-70; Siddiqui, Indo-Persian Historiography: Upto the Thirteenth
Century, pp. 40-52.
35. Surinder Singh, ‘Dynamics of Statecraft in the Delhi Sultanate: A
Reconstruction from the Letters of Ainul Mulk Mahru,’ Proceedings of the
Indian History Congress, 61st Session, Calcutta, 2001.
36. According to the editor of the compendium of his poetry, Iraqi’s verses
indicated the impact of the Qalandari path as well as the thoughts of Attar and
Sanai. Regarded as a source of instructions for the seekers, the Ushaqnama
acquired a high place in the literary history. It became a model for poets
like Auhaduddin Marghi, Ubaidullah Zakani, Imaduddin Kirmani, Ibn
Imad Shirazi, Humam Tabrezi Hangami, and Ruknuddin Saiyin Simnani.
Nasreen Muhtshim, ed., Kulliyat Fakhruddin Iraqi, (Introduction), Persian
Text, Tehran: Intsharat Zawwar, 1392 ah, pp. 51-3.
37. For more details on the characteristics of Fawaid ul-Fuad, particularly
with reference to contemporary evidence on various aspects of Islamic
spirituality, see the Introduction to the two English translations contributed
by Khaliq Ahmad Nizami and Ziya ul-Hasan Faruqi.
38. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, ‘Introduction,’ in Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-
Majalis, Persian text, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1959, pp. 10-18.
39. Amir Khurd, Siyar ul-Auliya, Persian text, Delhi: Matba-i Muhibb-i Hind,
1885, pp. 208-20.
40. Jamali lies buried in the Jamali-Kamali mosque and tomb, which was
situated on a hill, a short distance south of the Qutb Minar, near the
mausoleum of Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki. Built during the early years
of the Mughal rule, its exterior was decorated with fragments of coloured
tiles, while its interior was marked by the most perfect painted plaster. The
two graves belonged to Jamali and Kamali. Oral tradition held the second
person to be Jamali’s homosexual lover, while he was also identified as wife,
38 The Making of Medieval Panjab

a sister, a poet or disciple. Karen Chase, Jamali-Kamali: A Tale of Passion in

Mughal India, Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing House, 2011, pp. 8, 76.
41. Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, vol. I, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1978, pp. 287-8.
42. Bruce B. Lawrence, Notes From A Distant Flute: Sufi Literature in Pre-
Mughal India, Tehran: Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy, 1978,
p. 71; for a favourable assessment of the work, see Mohammad Habib,
‘Chishti Mystics Records of the Sultanate Period,’ in Politics and Society
during the Early Medieval Period: Collected Works of Professor Mohammad
Habib, vol. I, pp. 394-7.
43. For a brief discussion on the approach of the author to his work, see Khaliq
Ahmad Nizami, Hayat Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi, Delhi: Nudwat ul-
Musanifin, 1964, pp. 200-5.
44. ‘By this ingenious artifice the author of Mirat ul-Asrar accomplishes a
double purpose: He makes clear how vital the connection to a Persian Sufi
tradition was for all Sabiri Chishtis while at the same time conferring the
highest spiritual rank on a handful of obscure saints, most of whom lived
and toiled and died in northern India.’ Ernst and Bruce B. Lawrence, Sufi
Martyrs of Love: The Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond, p. 61.
45. Ibadur Rahman Khan, ‘Historical Geography of the Panjab and Sind,
Muslim University Journal, vol. I, no. 1, July 1931, p. 100.
46. For details of the changing course of rivers in Panjab, see H.G. Raverty,
‘The Mihran of Sind and its Tributaries,’ Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, vol. LXI, pt. 1, no. 3, 1897, pp. 478-508; Tapan Raychaudhuri and
Irfan Habib, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I: c. 1200–
c. 1750, Hyderabad: Orient Longman, rpt., 1982, pp. 2-3; Irfan Habib, Man
and Environment: The Ecological History of India, New Delhi: Tulika Books,
2010, pp. 77-8.
47. Ibadur Rahman Khan, op. cit., pp. 103-4.
48. Such a stream begins in the hills with a well-defined boulder-strewn bed,
which is never dry. Reaching the plains the bed of a cho becomes a wide
expanse of white sand, hardly below the level of the adjoining country, with
a thread of water passing down it in the cold weather. But from time to time
in the rainy season the channel is full from bank to bank and the waters
spill far and wide over the fields. Sudden spates sometimes sweep away men
and cattle before they can get across. James Douie, The Panjab, North-West
Frontier Province and Kashmir, Delhi: Low Price Publications, rpt., 1994,
pp. 47-8.
49. Ibid., p. 30.
50. Ibid., p. 360.
 CHAPTER 2

Warfare, Territory and Resistance

On the eve of Ghaznavid invasions, Panjab was politically frag-

mented. There were a number of kingdoms with varying territorial
resources, their political boundaries fluid and uncertain. The most
powerful of them, the Hindushahis, ruled over an area extending
from Lamghan to the Chenab and from the foothills of Kashmir
to Multan.1 They had kinship ties with the ruling dynasty of
Kashmir which, owing to its power and wealth, often intervened
in the politics of Panjab. To the south, stood the principalities
of Bhera, Lahore and Bathinda that appeared to be tributaries
of powerful neighbours. Multan, having separated from the
Habari kingdom of Sind, flourished under the rule of the Ismaili
Qaramthians, who owed allegiance to the Fatimid caliphate of
Egypt. Faced with the expansionist pressure of the Pratiharas in
the east, Multan found it expedient to tilt towards the Hindu-
shahis. The kingdom of Jalandhar, which could not withstand the
onslaught of Kashmir in the north and Pratiharas in the east, was
reduced to insignificance.2 Southeastern Panjab was ruled by the
Tomars who, as faithful vassals of the Pratiharas, struggled against
the Chauhans of Sakambari from the south and Ghaznavid
incursions from the northwest.3 Despite their vulnerability,
the Tomars displayed military vigour and diplomatic skill in
erasing the Ghaznavid strongholds and establishing their control
over major sacred centres. The northern Himalaya witnessed
the rise of autonomous states in Jammu, Chamba and Kullu
that remained aloof from the military conflicts in the plains of
Panjab.
40 The Making of Medieval Panjab

The Nature of the Ghaznavid Rule

During the last quarter of the tenth century, the Hindushahi
king Jaipal faced intrusion of the Ghaznavids from southern
Afghanistan. In order to relieve this pressure on his kingdom, he
joined hands with Abu Ali Lawik (a scion of the former ruling
family of Ghazni) and Shaikh Hamid Lawi, the ruler of Multan.
Subuktgin (r. 977-97), who had assumed power in Ghazni, turned
his attention to the Hindushahis. At the outset, he neutralized
the chief of Multan with an assurance that his territories would
remain intact. Jaipal, who had lost a number of forts to Subuktgin,
marched towards Ghazni to meet the challenge. Hostilities broke
out (987) near the hill of Ghuzak, which was situated between
Ghazni and Lamghan. The fight continued for several days. A
sudden snowstorm threw the Hindushahi forces into confusion,4
forcing Jaipal to sue for peace with an offer of ransom, elephants
and territory. Subuktgin, owing to his sympathy for his vassals,
gave his consent for a settlement. However, Mahmud’s insistence
on a complete victory prevented agreement. Jaipal, alluding to
the Rajput rite of jauhar, threatened to launch a fierce counter-
attack after burning his own possessions – property, women and
children. Subuktgin accepted terms of peace that bound Jaipal to
pay an indemnity of 10 lakh dirhams, and 50 elephants, besides the
surrender of some forts and towns on the frontier. As a guarantee
for the fulfilment of these conditions, he left behind a few kinsmen
as hostages. On reaching the safety of his kingdom, however, he
repudiated the agreement and imprisoned the Ghaznavid officers
who had been sent to take charge of their acquisitions.5 Apparently,
this action was designed to secure the release of his own kinsmen
in Ghaznavid custody.
As could be expected, Subuktgin took the offensive and, in
an act of revenge, ravaged the territories of the Hindushahis.
Advancing beyond Kabul, he reached Lamghan, famous for its
strength and wealth. All along the way, he plundered towns, killed
people, and carried away booty. For his part, Jaipal mobilized the
rulers of Delhi, Ajmer, Kalinjar, and Kanauj. Having mustered a
vast army of 1,00,000 troopers, he penetrated Afghanistan and
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 41

reached a place near Lamghan. Subuktgin took up his position

on a high peak and, preparing several detachments of 500 sol-
diers, sent them to attack in succession. They drove a wedge in
the Hindushahi ranks and made a concerted assault after uniting
the smaller contingents. The Hindushahis scattered and fled, leav-
ing behind all possessions – horses, elephants, weapons, property,
provisions and utensils. Jaipal surrendered a vast area extending
from Lamghan to Peshawar. Apart from paying a large tribute, he
surrendered wealth and 200 elephants to the victors. Subuktgin
placed Peshawar under a commander of 1,000 horsemen. He also
received the allegiance of Afghans and Khaljis who inhabited the
conquered tracts. In fact, thousands of them were recruited in the
Ghaznavid armed forces.
Jaipal compensated himself for his losses in trans-Indus lands
by making territorial gains in the east. In 991, the chief of Lahore,
Bharat, attacked the Hindushahi dominions with the aim of occu-
pying the districts of Nanadanah and Jhelam. Advancing at the
head of a formidable army, he crossed the Chenab that formed
the boundary between the two kingdoms. Jaipal’s son Anandpal
scattered the troops of Bharat and gained an entry into Lahore.
The notables of the town promised to pay a tribute and, thus,
secured the restoration of Bharat. Shortly after the withdrawal
of Anandpal, Bharat was deposed by his son Chandardat who
was hostile to Jaipal. In 999, Jaipal again deputed Anandpal to
punish the challenger. Chandardat made vigorous preparations
for defence and marched out of Lahore to meet the Hindushahi
commander. One day, on a hunt he rode far from his camp and
was captured in an ambush. The sons of Chandardat took refuge
with the neighbouring Raja of Jalandhar. Jaipal annexed the king-
dom of the vanquished that probably extended upto the Beas and
placed it under the governorship of Anandpal.6
During the first three decades of the eleventh century, the
petty principalities of Panjab were exposed to the formidable
Ghaznavid onslaught from the northwestern direction. In
the winter of 1001, Jaipal fought a fierce battle against Sultan
Mahmud near Peshawar. He not only lost nearly 5,000 soldiers
in the encounter, but he was also taken prisoner along with
42 The Making of Medieval Panjab

fifteen princes. He purchased his freedom by paying a huge ransom,

besides agreeing to send a grandson as hostage. Within two years,
he burnt himself to death, being unable to bear the humiliation.
His son and successor Anandpal made an attempt (April 1006)
to block the passage of the Ghaznavid troops that were bound for
Multan. Abul Fateh Daud, the Qarmathian ruler of Multan, who
had offended Sultan Mahmud by assisting the chief of Bhera, fled
to an island on the Indus. His garrison resisted the siege for seven
days before surrendering the fort to the invaders. The inhabitants
offered a fine of 20 lakh dirhams, but could not prevent the killing
of hundreds of Qarmathians, nor the destruction of their place
of worship.7 The next year (1006-7) Biji Rai, the ruler of Bhera,
emerging out of his fort, came out to fight the Ghaznavid aggres-
sion. He fought for three days in the open and then fortified his
position in the fort. When forced to leave the garrison, he escaped
to a forest and killed himself with a dagger. Sultan Mahmud occu-
pied Bhera and placed it under Sukhpal (the son of Anandpal),
who had converted to Islam in a gesture of loyalty. The arrange-
ment turned out to be fragile, as Sukhpal revolted against his new
masters and abjured his new faith. He was defeated and captured
(1007) by the Ghaznavids who imprisoned him for life. His father
Anandpal, in an attempt to secure the release of his son and to
reduce the Ghaznavid pressure on his kingdom, made an offer of
military assistance to his enemies who were then fighting against
Kashghar. He prepared to send 5,000 cavalry, 10,000 foot soldiers,
and 100 elephants with the possibility of doubling this number. It
appeared that the proposal was not pursued.8
By now, three principalities of Panjab – Waihind, Bhera and
Multan – had been severely weakened owing to the Ghaznavid
invasions, though they had provided some support to one
another in this crisis. Having learnt their lesson in real politic,
the Hindushahis now mobilized a large number of Indian states
–Delhi, Ajmer, Kanauj, Kalinjar, Gwalior and Ujjain – in order to
meet a common threat. In addition to 30,000 Gakkhars and other
tribes, the Hindu women gave their ornaments as a contribution
to the war effort. In the battle fought (1009) near Peshawar, the
Gakkhars penetrated the Ghaznavid ranks with their bare hands
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 43

and feet, accounting for the deaths of nearly 5,000 enemy troop-
ers. But the sudden withdrawal of Anandpal’s elephant, owing to
the effect of naphtha balls, caused a panic among the Indian army.
In the course of its disorderly flight, nearly 20,000 soldiers were
killed.9 Sultan Mahmud followed up his success by effecting the
final subjugation of Multan. In this attack (1010), thousands of
Qarmathians were either killed or taken as prisoners to different
forts. As the resistance of western and central Panjab was wiped
out, the principalities of Kangra and Thanesar, which included
two prominent sacred centres famed for the wealth of their tem-
ples, were exposed to Ghaznavid incursions. In fact, Kangra could
offer little opposition as its troops had not yet returned from
Peshawar. The Brahmins, having withstood a siege for seven days,
surrendered the fort to the Ghaznavids, who acquired thousands
of maunds of precious metals from its ancient shrine.10 After
two years, when Sultan Mahmud marched towards Thanesar, he
benefited from an agreement with the Hindushahis. Anandpal
not only provided safe passage to the Ghaznavid troops as well
as material supplies, but also sent his brother with a contingent
of 2,000 horsemen. However, his offer of an annual tribute of
50 elephants and jewels in return for the safety of the temple of
Thanesar, was rejected. The Hindus, owing to their devotion to
the idol of Chakraswami, had the same veneration for the place
as the Muslims had for Mecca. During the course of its advance
towards Thanesar, the Ghaznavid army overcame stiff resistance
put up by the chief of Dera on the Satluj near the hills.11 The invad-
ers entered Thanesar unopposed and, as the local Rai had fled,
they plundered the town and carried away the idol as a trophy.12
With the accession of Trilochanpal (r. 1013-21), the Hindu-
shahis amended their relation with the Ghaznavids. Owing to
the assertive intervention of prince Bhimpal, they adopted an
aggressive stance towards the Ghaznavids and turned towards
Kashmir for mutual support. In the winter of 1013, Sultan
Mahmud marched to Nandanah, a strong fort at the junction of
two hills in the Salt Range, where Bhimpal had entrenched him-
self. After several days of fighting, the invaders drew Bhimpal out
and, neutralizing a line of elephants and laying mines under the
44 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ramparts, occupied the fort. Sultan Mahmud sealed his victory by

placing a garrison in the citadel.13 Trilochanpal, who met with a
major reverse in the upper reaches of the Jhelam even with the
military aid from Kashmir, withdrew eastwards to seek shelter
in the hills. Sultan Mahmud, having swept away the defences of
all the principalities in Panjab, penetrated the rich lands beyond
the Jamuna. He could dispatch plundering expeditions into these
areas only if he could exercise a firm control over Panjab, which
lay between Afghanistan and the Gangetic plains. The political
situation in northern India favoured the realization of this object.
Trilochanpal, who had formed alliances with the chiefs of Sherwa
and Kalinjar, failed to withstand the Ghaznavid expansion and
died after the battle of Rahib, while his son Bhimpal took shelter in
Ajmer. Therefore, Sultan Mahmud annexed (1021) Panjab to the
Ghaznavid empire. In order to establish a regular administration
in the region, he posted a governor in Lahore, appointed officers
in other places, and assigned garrisons for military strongholds.14
The city of Lahore was entrusted to the care of Sultan’s favourite
Malik Ayaz, who rebuilt the fort and beautified the urban space. In
the newly struck coins, the following Kufic inscription renamed
Lahore as Mahmudpur.15
Al Qadir
There is no god but God and Muhammad the Prophet of God
The right hand of the state and asylum of faith Mahmud
In the name of God this dirham was struck at Mahmudpur in 418 ah

Such measures formalized the extinction of the Hindushahis,

who earned a respectful tribute from Alberuni: ‘The Hindu
Shahiya dynasty is now extinct, and of the whole house there is
no longer the slightest remnant in existence. We must say that,
in all their grandeur, they never slackened in the ardent desire of
doing that which is good and right, that they were men of noble
sentiment and noble bearing.’ Alberuni’s admiration was based
on Anandpal’s offer of military assistance to Sultan Mahmud,
even while the relations between them were strained,16 so that
the Ghaznavid ruler could stand up against his Turkish rivals in
Khurasan.
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 45

The new Ghaznavid rulers of Panjab, after enjoying five years

of peace, faced opposition from the Jats of Multan, who had
harassed the Ghaznavid army returning from Somnath laden with
a rich booty. Since their country was intersected by several rivers
and they were known for their expertise in river warfare,17 Sultan
Mahmud made adequate preparations for a punitive expedition.
On approaching the Indus, he ordered the construction of 1,400
boats, each of which was provided with six iron spikes on the prows
and sides, so as to prevent the enemy from boarding. Each boat
was manned by twenty archers and five men, armed with naphtha
balls. The Jats, having received the intelligence of the Ghaznavid
mobilization, equipped themselves for the impending confronta-
tion. They sent their wives, children and goods to the safety of
distant islands in the Indus and launched as many as 4,000 boats
that were properly manned and armed. Sultan Mahmud blocked
the upper course of the Indus with a flotilla of boats and placed
two detachments of cavalry, supported by elephants, to guard the
banks.18 As the two fleets met, a terrible conflict followed. The Jats
fought with courage, but their boats were overturned owing to
the impact of projecting spikes. Not only this, they were mowed
down by showers of arrows. Some of their boats caught fire, while
others sank into the water. The Jats tried to escape by land, but
their path was blocked by enemy detachments and, as a result,
they were pushed back to the river. A majority of them were killed,
while the remaining were either captured or managed to escape.
Their families, which had been sheltered in the islands, fell into
the hands of the victors along with the spoils of war.
Identifying the factors underlying Sultan Mahmud’s Indian
invasions, Mohammad Habib observed, ‘His real aim was the
establishment of a Turko-Persian empire and the Indian expedi-
tions were a means to that end.’ First, they gave him the prestige
of a holy warrior that enabled him to outclass a large number of
Ajami princes. Second, the wealth of Indian temples secured the
financial position of his kingdom and enabled him to raise a vast
army, which could not be resisted by minor rivals. Moreover, he
understood that the conquest of Indian territories was not possi-
ble without the support of a native Muslim population. He carried
46 The Making of Medieval Panjab

away all that centuries of Indian industries had accumulated,

leaving the Indians to rebuild as best as they could ‘the ruined
fortifications of their cities and the fallen altars of their gods’. In
Habib’s view, the annexation of Panjab to the Ghaznavid empire
as late as 1021-2 proved his non-territorial ambitions. In the
beginning of his military enterprise in India, he expected that his
alliance with Anandpal would enable him to penetrate the Indo-
Gangetic plain. Since the alliance failed owing to Anadpal’s death,
he felt the necessity of a foothold elsewhere. Though Panjab could
be the only such region, Sultan Mahmud appeared to have looked
at Lahore and Multan simply as robber’s perches, from where he
could plunge into Hindustan and Gujarat at will. In contrast, his
campaigns in Central Asia revealed evidence of a different policy,
as they always led to annexations, followed by the establishment
of his government over conquered territories, very often under his
personal supervision.19 However, as it unfolded, Ghaznavid rule
over Panjab across the century and a half, showed that the cities
of the region turned out to be much more than robber’s perches, a
situation that could not have been anticipated even by the genius
of Sultan Mahmud.
During the early Ghaznavid period, there was no permanent
civil administration in India. Incomes of the state, both plunder
and tribute, were irregular and often extacted by force. The pay-
ment usually stipulated in peace treaties between Sultan Mahmud
and the princes, assumed the form of elephants and indigo, besides
cash. Towards the end of his reign, the Sultan tried to establish
a more permanent control over Panjab.20 Keeping in view the
unique geographical position of the region, the administrative
functions were bifurcated to prevent concentration of power in
a single hand. The civil administration, including financial mat-
ters, was entrusted to a Persian officer, Qazi Shirazi. Essentially
manned by Turkish slave captains, the army, was placed under
the command of a distinguished general, Aryaruq. The two offic-
ers were made independent of each other, so that they directly
reported to Ghazni. Bul Qasim Hakim was appointed the chief
news writer (sahib barid) to keep the central government informed
about important happenings and, thus, to act as a check on the
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 47

two officers. However, the arrangement did not work. Qazi Shirazi
and Aryaruq could not agree on the demarcation of their respec-
tive jurisdictions and each felt free to encroach on the authority
of the other. From the perspective of the Sultan, Aryaruq had not
only become disobedient and arrogant, he had also shed innocent
blood. The news writers did not dare to report his oppressive acts,
as they feared losing their own lives. Since he had taken possession
of the roads, no one could pass without his permission. He did not
report to Ghazni even when he had been summoned by the Sultan.
When any coercive measure was taken against him, he reacted by
creating a great disturbance. The kingdom’s wazir Khwaja Hasan
Maimandi managed to allure Aryaruq back to Balkh where he
was arrested and thrown (1031) into prison. His property was
confiscated, and it took three days to make an inventory of his
possessions. His slaves of the first grade were imprisoned, while
those of the second grade were distributed among other com-
manders. Special auditors were dispatched to Panjab to bring his
reputed stock of wealth.21
Sultan Masud (r. 1030-41) held detailed discussions with
Maimandi on choosing a suitable successor to Aryaruq. Hindustan
could not be left without a governor, as the office carried import-
ance and honour. Since Aryaruq had maintained a great retinue
and commanded much prestige, his successor had to be a trained
and experienced general. The Sultan proposed the name of Ahmad
Niyaltigin. Though this man had not trained under generals, he
had served Sultan Mahmud as a treasurer and, having accompa-
nied him in all his journeys, knew the ways of the late king. The
Wazir had no choice but to give his consent, though he had reser-
vations about Niyaltigin, as he had failed to submit his accounts
for several years and had been slapped with a fine. Accordingly, it
was felt that Niyaltigin must give a promise on oath and leave his
son at Ghazni as a surety. Equally important, he had to understand
the circumstances in which he was being deputed to Panjab. Qazi
Shirazi, who regarded himself as self sufficient, wished the gener-
als to be under his command. Since he dealt with a weak man like
Abdullah Karatigin, he managed to monopolize all authority. He
was unnerved at the arrival of a tough officer like Aryaruq. He
48 The Making of Medieval Panjab

requested Ghazni to depute a revenue collector and accountant

general to Lahore. In response, Ghazni sent a team of Abul Fateh,
Damghani and Abul Farj Kirmani, but they could not cope with
Aryaruq. For his part, Aryaruq paid the price for conducting offi-
cial matters for his personal benefit.22
The new officer was given instructions about his new role,
which was different from that of Shirazi, who wore a soldier’s
uniform without being a commander. Panjab needed a general,
a man of renown and dignity, to lead the army and exact trib-
ute. The functions of Shirazi were confined to oversee civil affairs
and collect revenue. But the general was required to make war,
take tribute, seize elephants, and chastise refractory elements.
Once Niyaltigin had understood the demands of his office, he was
granted a robe of honour which was more magnificent than the
one given to Aryaruq. It comprised a golden girdle and a cap with
two points, besides kettledrums, flags, and other symbols given
to generals of the army. He was handed two documents, viz., the
letter of appointment and a solemn oath that was duly signed by
him. He was directed to avoid any interference in political and
revenue matters, and to confine himself to military work, so that
he did not provide any excuse to Shirazi for pulling him down. He
must have been aware that Bul Qasim Hakim, the superintendent
of the newswriters, reported all occurrences in due time and all
royal orders were routed through him. What ever Niyaltigin had
to report to Ghazni, he was expected to do so in detail, so that a
categorical response could be sent to him. His retinue included
three distinct elements – some Dailami chiefs, who being stran-
gers, had to be kept away from the court; nobles about whom
there were some apprehensions; and slaves who had been con-
victed of misconduct, but had been freed for their rehabilitation.
These slaves were to be treated with kindness, but none of them
could go beyond the Chenab without permission or the orders of
the Sultan. They had to be taken along on any military expedition,
but could not be allowed to mingle with the army of Lahore, nor
allowed to drink wine or play polo (chaughan).
Niyaltigin was directed to deploy spies and observers to keep a
watch over them. He was to treat this duty as essential, not to be
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 49

neglected in any case. He would receive the assistance of the chief

news writer Bul Qasim Hakim in the discharge of his functions.
On reaching his post, he was asked to report all events, including
the response of his subordinates to royal orders. He was allowed
to take along with him his wife and children. His son was left at
home under the care of a tutor, a friend, and a confidential per-
son. This arrangement, it was hoped, would prevent the son from
associating with bodyguards, and provide a lot of liberty to his
father. On the occasion of Niyaltigin’s departure for Panjab, his
large retinue – military captains, Dailamis and 130 slaves – was
inspected by the Sultan. The contingent of slaves, who marched
under three officers of the Sultan, had three flags with the device
of lions and spears according to the fashion of royal slaves. They
were followed by the general’s kettledrums and banners that were
made of red cloth and had gilded balls on their tops. This section
was accompanied by seventy-five slaves and richly caparisoned
camels and dromedaries.23
Armed with the support and advice of Sultan Masud and Wazir
Maimandi, Niyaltigin arrived in Lahore and began to function as
the army commander of Hindustan. He maintained his troops,
including a detachment of sturdy slaves, in an impressive state.
He discharged his official duties with conspicuous boldness and
pride, but did not yield any space to his civilian counterpart,
Shirazi. Not surprisingly, differences surfaced between the two
officers regarding command of the army. Shirazi declared that
the command belonged to Abdullah Karatigin as laid in the royal
decree. But Niyaltigin rejected this because the office had been
conferred on him by the Sultan and he was superior to Abdullah
Karatigin in every respect. Every soldier, including the person
in reference, had to march under his banner. Since the army of
Lahore and the warriors were solidly behind Niyaltigin, he did
not hesitate to irritate Shirazi and planned a military expedition
to a distant place. Shirazi lost no time in preparing a complaint,
which was delivered by his messengers to Sultan Masud at Bust on
the route to Herat and Nishapur. In consultation with the Wazir,
the Sultan examined the complaint and sent a stern response,
reiterating the demarcation between civil and military affairs in
50 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Panjab. The job of Shirazi was to manage revenue affairs and he

had nothing to do with the command of the army. At the same
time, Niyaltigin was advised to undertake military expeditions, to
extract tribute from the Thakurs and, thus, to bring large sums into
the treasury. In support of the official position, the letter quoted a
proverb, ‘There must be no contention between the door and the
house.’ Niyaltigin marched out of Lahore and, crossing the Ganga,
reached as far as Benares. All along the route, he extracted tribute
from the Thakurs. The troops plundered the markets of drapers,
perfumers and jewellers. The soldiers grabbed gold, silver, jewels
and perfume for themselves.24
Shirazi, driven by sheer jealousy, sent his messengers to
Nishapur with the report that Niyaltigin had obtained immense
wealth and, having concealed a bulk of it, had sent only a small
portion to the court. He claimed to have prepared this report based
on the information collected by his agents (including accountants
and the chief of couriers) who secretly accompanied the army.
In addition to this, Shirazi levelled a number of other allegations
against Niyaltigin. The general was said to have secretly dispatched
his men to Turkistan to procure Turkish slaves for him. He had
acquired seventy slaves by then and more were expected to arrive.
He had also developed friendly relations with the Turkomans
who were disloyal towards the Ghaznavid state. Since he called
himself the son of Sultan Mahmud, there were doubts about his
intentions. The mind of Sultan Masud was poisoned against the
general, while the news of the gains of the Benares campaign failed
to neutralize the false suspicions. In fact, the Sultan learnt from
fresh letters that Niyaltigin had reached Lahore and a large num-
ber of turbulent men of all classes, including the Turkomans, had
flocked around him. Since his power and dignity were increasing
by the day, the central government was asked to intervene before
the situation went out of hand. The Sultan convened a meeting of
his commanders to discuss the means of suppressing the rebellion
of Niyaltigin. Most of them were reluctant to march to Lahore in
the hot weather, even though a strong body of troops was present
in the city.25
In these circumstances, Tilak volunteered for the task,
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 51

because he wished to make some return for the favours he had

received from the Ghaznavid regime. Moreover, being a native
of Hindustan, he would not be troubled by the hot weather and
could travel across Panjab with ease. Those present regarded Tilak
as fit for the job, a famous man who could wield the sword and
possessed both men and material. Sultan Masud readily accepted
Tilak’s offer which, in his view, had shamed numerous grandees
who themselves would not do anything. He promised to provide
a strong army, ample finances and other necessities to Tilak, so
that he could put an end to the rebellion in Panjab. He also vowed
to raise his rank in the official hierarchy, despite the opposition
of other nobles. Tilak drew up a plan of his military expedition,
which was promptly approved by the Sultan. He was also author-
ized to take all steps that were needed to secure the allegiance of
the Hindu soldiers. The secretary of state, who drafted the offi-
cial documents in Persian, prepared the papers regarding Tilak’s
appointment, authority and privileges.26
It would be appropriate to trace the career of this remarkable
man. The son of a barber, Tilak was handsome in appearance and
eloquent in speech. He wrote an excellent hand, both in Hindi and
Persian. He had lived for a long time in Kashmir where he acquired
proficiency in disguise, eroticism and witchcraft. He entered the
service of Qazi Shirazi but, owing to differences with him, wished
to leave him. He was assisted by Wazir Maimandi to present him-
self before Sultan Mahmud and also heard his complaint against
Shirazi. He became a confidant of the Wazir, who employed
him as his secretary and interpreter in dealings with Hindus. He
acquired a considerable importance in the Wazir’s office where he
exchanged messages and handled difficult matters. Even after the
temporary eclipse of his master, he remained in the good books of
Sultan Mahmud, who attached him as an interpreter with Prince
Bahram. During the reign of Sultan Masud (r. 1030-41), he brought
Hindu chiefs under the Ghaznavid rule. He was promoted as the
commander of an army and was granted a gold embroidered robe
and a jeweled necklace, besides a tent and umbrella. Kettledrums
were beaten at his abode in accordance with the custom of Hindu
chiefs, while his banners were ornamented with gilded tops. Being
52 The Making of Medieval Panjab

elevated to a high position, he sat amidst nobles in the privy coun-

cil and was assigned administrative duties. Baihaqi has argued that
Tilak did not suffer any setback on account of his being the son of
a barber. If with his character and wisdom, he had been gifted with
a good social background, he would have risen still further in the
bureaucratic structure. After all, the nobility of birth was of no use
without learning, propriety and spirit.27
The conflict between Tilak and Niyaltigin in the heart of
Panjab assumed significance owing to two factors – the crucial
role of the Jats, and regular correspondence between Lahore
and Ghazni. In the middle of 1033, it was learnt that Niyaltigin
had returned from Benares to Lahore at the head of his troops.
Along with his counsellors and followers, Shirazi took shelter in
the fort of Mandkakur. Owing to the perpetual fighting between
the combatants, the entire neighbourhood was in a state of tur-
moil. When Sultan Masud was preoccupied with celebrations of
Id, he received a dispatch from Lahore, informing that Niyaltigin
had occupied the fort. It was also reported that Tilak had mus-
tered a powerful army from every quarter and, advancing to the
site of the military action, reached within a distance of 2 kos of
the rebel force. The Sultan sent a letter to Tilak directing him to
proceed with all speed. Adding a postscript with his own hand
in his characteristic style, he gave fresh instructions to Tilak that
were concealed even from his confidential secretary.28 The Sultan
ordered Tilak to expedite the operations against Niyaltigin, who
should be driven out of Lahore. Shirazi was asked to leave the fort,
but continue his exertions so that the Sultan’s anxiety about the
rebellion was relieved. In September 1034, the Sultan received
letters from three independent sources – Tilak, Shirazi, and his
secret service – informing him that Niyaltigin had been slain, his
son had been taken prisoner, and his Turkoman followers had
been subdued. The letters provided the following details of the
punitive measures.
As soon as Tilak arrived at Lahore, he assumed the offensive.
He captured several Muslims who were followers of Niyaltigin.
He ordered their hands to be cut off. This draconian step sent a
wave of terror among Niyaltigin’s men, who deserted their master
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 53

and appealed for mercy. In a follow up measure, Tilak organized

matters relating to revenue and police. He sent a big detach-
ment, comprising largely of Hindus, to pursue the rebels. During
the course of the pursuit, a number of skirmishes took place.
Niyaltigin, having suffered numerous reverses, took to flight and,
in the process, suffered from desertions. The Turkomans left him
in a body and, pleading for forgiveness, managed to save their
lives. Tilak sent letters to the Jats, who had earlier joined the ranks
of the rebels, to give up a lost cause. He announced a reward of
50,000 dirhams to any person who would bring the rebellious
governor or his head. The announcement had the desired effect.
The Jats abandoned their recent alliance with Niyaltigin and,
joined by every kind of malcontent, merged with the pursuers. The
situation came to such a pass that Niyaltigin was left with only 300
followers, including his personal attendants. One day he arrived
on the bank of a river and intended to cross it on his elephants. He
was accompanied by 200 men, while 2,000 or 3,000 mounted Jats
closed in upon him. As he plunged into the water, the Jats attacked
him from two or three sides, largely with the object of seizing his
money and possessions. Reduced to dire straits, Niyaltigin tried
to kill his son with his own hands. The Jats prevented him from
doing so and, in a swift move, carried away the son who was riding
an elephant. Not only this, they fell upon Niyaltigin with arrows,
swords and spears. Though Niyaltigin defended himself with
exemplary valour, he was killed and his head was cut off. His fol-
lowers were slain or made captive, while a huge amount of wealth
fell into the hands of the Jats.
The Jat chief sent his messengers to Tilak, who was present
close by, and conveyed the news of the occurrence. Tilak was
delighted and sent some men to demand the head of Niyaltigin
and the custody of his son. However, the Jats asked for the reward
of 50,000 dirhams as agreed upon. Tilak wanted the Jats to give up
their demand, as they had already acquired a huge stock of wealth
belonging to Niyaltigin. The two sides negotiated through their
messengers, who twice went forward and backward. Ultimately,
Tilak agreed to send a sum of 10,000 dirhams to the Jats. The stipu-
lated amount of money was delivered to the Jats, who handed over
54 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Niyaltigin’s head and his son to the victors. Tilak, having achieved
his object, returned to Lahore and took measures to settle the
country after the recent turmoil. Sultan Masud sent congratula-
tory letters to Tilak and his associates, who were asked to come to
the Ghaznavid court along with the trophies of war.29
The Ghaznavid regime, having learnt a lesson from the recent
disturbances, undertook two steps: the abolition of dual govern-
ment, and occupation of the fort of Hansi – to consolidate its rule
in Panjab. The practice of bifurcating the administrative func-
tions between a military commander and a revenue officer was
given up, as it had led to dissension and rebellion. Sultan Masud
appointed (September 1036) his son Prince Majdud as the gover-
nor of Panjab, with supreme authority over both military and civil
affairs. The new governor was to be assisted by three chamberlains
– Mansur as his secretary, Sarhang Muhammad as the paymaster
of the troops, and Sad Salman (the father of the poet Masud Sad
Salman) as accountant and treasurer. As the symbols of his exalted
office, Prince Majdud was honoured with a standard, kettledrum,
elephant and seat. He also received a dress from the Sultan while
taking the permission to join his duties. On his way to Panjab, he
took along Rashid (the son of Khwarizm Shah), so that he could be
kept under his surveillance in the city of Lahore.30 Equipped with
an impressive entourage of officers and soldiers personally loyal
to him,31 Prince Majdud aimed at building a power base for him-
self. He held the governorship for nearly five years till his death
(11 August 1041), though he visited Ghazni a number of times.
A year before his demise, he led a force of 2,000 soldiers to secure
Multan.
In 1037 Sultan Masud marched to Panjab in order to occupy
the fort of Hansi. His leading ministers did not favour the cam-
paign owing to the disturbed state of Khurasan, Ray and Jubbal.
They felt that if the Turkomans conquered a province or even a
village, then this loss could not be compensated even by ten vic-
tories over Hansi. However, the Sultan rejected the unanimous
advice of his counsellors on the ground that he had taken a vow
to occupy Hansi and, therefore, he was bound to accomplish this
task in all circumstances. Travelling via Kabul (mid November
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 55

1037), he camped at Dinarkotah on the banks of the Jhelam. He

stayed there for two weeks due to sickness. During this period, he
abstained from the consumption of alcohol and ordered the entire
stock of wine to be thrown in the Jhelam, besides the destruc-
tion of all other instruments of pleasure. A detachment was sent
to capture the fort of Chakki Hindu, the exact location of which
was uncertain. After marching for three weeks, the Sultan reached
Hansi and, setting up camp at the foot of the fort, laid a siege.
The two sides engaged in frequent armed encounters that were
quite intense in severity. The garrison made desperate attempts to
defend its position without relaxing any effort. On the other hand,
slaves of the Ghaznavid royal household displayed conspicuous
gallantry. Ultimately the invaders planted mines at five spots and
thus brought down the boundary wall. They stormed into the fort
wielding their swords. The Brahmins and other notables were
slain, while women and children were made captives. Treasure
was distributed among the soldiers. The occupation of the fort
of Hansi – reputed in Hindustan as the ‘The Virgin’ because no
one had succeeded in occupying it32 – opened the path of the
Ghaznavids into the neighbouring principalities. Placing the fort
under a trusted captain, Sultan Masud marched against Sonepat.
Since the local chief Dipal Hari fled into the jungle, his treasure
fell into the hands of the invaders. Dipal Hari managed to escape
with his life, but most of his retinue was taken prisoner. The
Sultan proceeded against another chief, Ram Rai, who sent a large
ransom of gold and elephants, but excused himself from personal
appearance on account of old age.33 As a result of these military
gains, the eastern boundary of the Ghaznavid empire reached as
far as the Jamuna, while the position of Prince Majdud in Lahore
was significantly strengthened.
Unnerved by the Ghaznavid defeat at Dandanqan and the rise
of the Saljuqids in Khurasan, Sultan Masud failed to stay put in
Ghazni. Towards the close of 1040, he decided to leave for India
along with his family and treasure. He intended to spend the
winter at a number of places, Waihind, Marminara, Peshawar
and Giri, and return in the spring after mobilizing a fresh army.
His ministers tried to dissuade him because his Indian soldiers
56 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and slave troops could not be relied upon for the safe transport
of the royal family and valuable cargo. The Sultan remained ada-
mant and, loading his wealth and goods on hundreds of camels,
marched towards Panjab. When a part of the cavalcade crossed
the Indus, a section of the army comprising the palace slaves and
led by the Turkish commander Anushtigin Balkhi, broke into a
mutiny. The rebels plundered the royal treasure and overpowered
the loyalists in an armed encounter at Marigalah. They captured
Sultan Masud and sent him to the fort of Giri, where he was put
to death (17 January 1041) within a month.34 Muhammad, the
brother of the deceased, was proclaimed ruler, but he could retain
his position only for a short time during which his son exercised
the real power.
Sultan Maudud (r. 1041-9), the son of Sultan Masud, returned
from Tukharistan to Ghazni and initiated a movement of revenge.
In a battle (19 March 1041) fought at Nangrahar, Prince Maudud
overwhelmed the forces of the new regime. He captured all his
rivals – Muhammad, his sons and military commanders – and
punished them with death. Prince Maudud assumed the reins
of the government in his hands, but his writ was challenged in
Panjab by Prince Majdud, who ruled over a vast area extending
eastwards upto Thanesar and Hansi. Sultan Maudud marched
to Lahore to contend with his brother who, however, died
(14 August 1041) before the eruption of hostilities. Ayaz, the chief
advisor of Prince Majdud, also expired soon after. Faqih Saliti, the
new governor of Lahore, was joined by the local garrison and the
Ghaznavid troops. The combined force suppressed a rebellion
of the erstwhile Qarmathian rulers and retrieved Multan for the
Ghaznavids. Appointing Muhammad Halimi as the governor of
Multan, Faqih Saliti returned to Lahore and, on the way, chastised
the Jats and other local elements on the middle Indus.35
In spite of these gains, the Ghaznavid hold on Panjab remained
weak. The local chiefs, taking advantage of the dissensions in the
Ghaznavid ruling family, made a resolute attempt to recover their
principalities and power. The ruler of Delhi, having garnered
the support of other chiefs, ousted the Ghaznavid officers from
Thanesar and Hansi. The united force followed up this success
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 57

and, penetrating into the hills, besieged the fort of Nagarkot,

held by a Ghaznavid garrison. During a blockade of four months,
the defenders suffered from a scarcity of provisions and lack of
reinforcements from Lahore, and were forced to capitulate. The
ruler of Nagarkot recovered his sovereignty and, installing a new
idol at the famous temple, revived the traditional pilgrimage of
the Hindus. As the next logical step, the confederacy of three
rulers mustered an army of 10,000 horsemen and innumerable
foot soldiers. They placed the city of Lahore under a siege which
continued for seven months. Since the boundary wall had been
pulled down, the defenders exerted themselves to protect the
townships and streets. According to Ibn-i Asir, the defenders
succeeded in sowing the seeds of discord among the besiegers.
One of the chiefs returned to Ghaznavid allegiance, the second
was besieged in a fortress until he surrendered, and the third was
slain in battle along with 5,000 of his men.36 In this manner, the
Ghaznavid regime overpowered the combined military strength
of the local chiefs and managed to survive in the western and cen-
tral parts of Panjab.
A historian of the early seventeenth century has attributed the
recovery of Nagarkot by the local rulers to the clever manipulation
of Hindu religious sentiments. According to this narrative, the
Raja of Delhi, encouraged by the decline of the Ghaznavid state
and instigation of a Brahmin advisor, cooked up a fantastic story.
Having summoned his nobles and officers, he related a vision
in which he saw the idol of Nagarkot. The idol told him that it
had been staying in Ghazni where it succeeded in weakening the
Muslims; its present aim was to return to its original home and
assist the Hindus in ousting the Muslims from there. The Raja’s
speech had the desired effect among the gathering who celebrated
the news like a major festival. He ordered the sculptors to carve an
idol similar to the one belonging to Nagarkot. Equipped with this
idol, he went to Hansi and Thanesar and, accompanied by other
Hindu rulers, reached Nagarkot. The cunning Brahmin advisor
installed the new idol in a garden and, through the gardeners,
the news spread about the return of the idol. People began to pay
obeisance to the idol and made offerings of precious metals and
58 The Making of Medieval Panjab

jewels, as if the troubled soul of Sultan Mahmud had come all the
way from Ghazni. The Brahmin whispered to every devotee that
the idol had ordered the Hindus to expel the Muslims from the
fort, its sacred abode. Thus inspired, the Hindus redoubled their
efforts at the siege. The long enduring Muslims, failing to get any
aid from Lahore, relinquished the fort. The temple, which had
been pulled down by Sultan Mahmud, was repaired and the idol
was installed in it. A wave of religious fervour spread in all direc-
tions, attracting Hindu pilgrims in droves. So strong was the faith
of the Hindus in the idol that they did not start any work without
its permission. Following suit, ignorant Muslims also made offer-
ings to the idol and saw it as the agency for fulfilling their desires.37
The death (18 December 1049) of Sultan Maudud inaugurated
a phase of political instability when, owing to palace intrigues, four
Sultans ascended the throne of Ghazni in ten years. Emboldened
by this crisis in the royal household, a prominent military com-
mander Ali bin Rabia gave shape to his ambitious designs on
Panjab. He plundered the treasury and, carrying as much gold and
jewels as he could, collected a band of household troops and also
won over a number of petty chiefs. Leading this armed brigade, he
marched to Peshawar where numerous local inhabitants joined
him, so that he was able to raise a sizeable army. He entered the
vast plains of Panjab and attacked the Afghans, who had ravaged
Multan and Sind, besides assuming autonomy in other areas. The
chastisement of the Afghans enabled Ali bin Rabia to establish
his own rule in these two provinces till the accession of Sultan
Abdul Rashid (r. 1049-52). When the Sultan was securely placed
on the throne, he persuaded Ali bin Rabia to return to Ghazni and
reiterate his former allegiance. In his place, the Sultan deputed
Anushtigin Hajib to administer the territories lying on the east
of the Indus. This governor, being equipped with an armed
force, arrived at Lahore. Soon after, he marched to Nagarkot and
besieged the fort. On the sixth day, he scaled the walls and, gaining
entry, occupied the place by assault. The governor displayed his
strength, both political and military, by successfully intervening
in the politics of the royal court at Ghazni, as indicated by the
following development.
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 59

At this time, Sultan Abdul Rashid and nine members of the

royal family were killed by Tughril Hajib, who had been sent to
occupy Sistan. The usurper not only ascended the throne, but also
forcibly married a princess who was the daughter of Sultan Masud.
He wrote a letter to Anushtigin Hajib, seeking his allegiance to
his authority. But Anushtigin Hajib rejected the proposal out-
right and, instead, developed contacts with all the people – nobles
and the daughter of Sultan Masud – who were loyal to the ruling
family and urged them to avenge the murder of the late Sultan.
In response to the appeal, the partisans of the previous regime
formulated a plan which led to the assassination of Tughril Hajib
after a rule of just forty days. Anushtigin Hajib returned to Ghazni
with his troops. Owing to his efforts, a meeting of the nobles was
convened. Three princes from the line of Subuktgin were released
from a prison and one of them Farrukhzad was enthroned.
Anushtigin Hajib, who was promoted as the head of the admin-
istration, won important victories against the Saljuqids and thus
stabilized the Ghaznavid empire.38
Sultan Ibrahim (r. 1059-99), who enjoyed a long reign of
four decades, personally led a military expedition to Panjab and
targeted three places. In the summer of 1079, he besieged the
fortress of Ajodhan, a town which later on acquired fame as the
ferry of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar. Located at a distance of
120 farsakhs from Lahore, it was well fortified and inaccessible.
It was large in size and boasted of 10,000 warriors who offered
a prolonged resistance from the base of the fortress. The Sultan
led several sharp attacks on the defenders who were forced to
surrender (13 August 1079) the fortress. Thereafter, the Sultan
advanced towards the outlying regions of India and reached the
fortress of Rubal. Situated on the summit of a lofty hill, it had a
jungle below it and a river behind it. It could be attacked only
through a narrow defile, defended by war elephants. The fortress
was garrisoned by several thousand warriors. The invaders cut
their way through the jungle and imposed a blockade. Since the
citadel stood on a soft rock, miners built passages under the walls
and thus brought them down. The Sultan, having exerted pres-
sure through all methods of warfare, captured the fortress and
60 The Making of Medieval Panjab

brought out the defenders. After this victory, he proceeded to the

neighbouring town of Darrah, which was inhabited by people of
Khwarizmian origin and whose ancestors had been banished here
by Afrasiyab, the Turk. The fortress had a lake with a circumfer-
ence of a mile (half a farsakh) and a depth beyond measure. Its
water, which fulfilled the needs of the inhabitants and cattle, did
not diminish in any weather. The invaders could not approach the
place for three months on account of heavy rains and, as a result,
faced great hardship. At the end of this period, the Sultan took the
town by assault amidst intense fighting and heavy casualties. In
addition to a large quantity of valuables, the Sultan carried away
innumerable captives as slaves.39
Masud Sad Salman (1046-1121), the distinguished poet, was
intimately associated with Panjab as well as the Ghaznavid rul-
ing elite. His father Sad Salman came to Lahore as an accountant
(mustaufi) in the staff of Prince Majdud, who had been sent as the
governor of Panjab by Sultan Masud in 1935-6. He was reputed to
have served the Ghaznavid regime for over fifty years and to have
acquired a landed estate through hard work. Masud Sad Salman,
during his long and chequered career, served as a panegyrist to his
first patron Prince Mahmud and five Ghaznavid rulers – Ibrahim,
Masud III, Shirzad, Arsalan Shah and Bahram Shah. During
two phases, he fell from favour and, as a consequence, suffered
long terms of exile and imprisonment. It was difficult to identify
the causes of his punishment. It appeared that, during a visit to
Ghazni, he managed to rouse the jealousy of the poet Rashidi,
whose partisans started a slanderous campaign against him.
Prince Mahmud, being influenced by this propaganda, ordered
punitive action against Salman. His house was pulled down, while
his property and belongings were confiscated. He was denied the
permission to leave for Haj, as it was seen as an excuse to defect
to the court of the Saljuqids in Khurasan. The beleaguered poet
travelled all the way to Ghazni and, appealing to Sultan Ibrahim,
sought redressal for the injustice inflicted by Prince Mahmud.
His appeal was rejected by the Sultan, who ordered him to be
thrown in prison. He spent the next ten years (1088-98) in three
Ghaznavid fortresses – Dahak, Su, and Nay. He was released only
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 61

at the death of Sultan Ibrahim. On returning to Panjab, he entered

the service of Prince Shirzad, the new governor of Hindustan. He
was favoured by the deputy governor Abu Nasr Parsi, who facili-
tated his appointment as the administrator of Jalandhar. He held
this post for a short time. He was condemned to imprisonment
along with the dependants of Abu Nasr Parsi, who had been dis-
missed from his office. Salman spent the next seven years (until
1107) in the prison of Maranj. Following his release he served four
Ghaznavid rulers as a panegyrist and librarian. Thus, he spent
the last fifteen years of his life at Ghazni, enjoying the fruit of his
restoration to office and dignity.40
The nostalgia of Salman for the two Ghaznavid cities, Lahore
and Ghazni, was relative, owing to the instability of time and space.
When he was in Lahore, he longed to be in Ghazni. But when he
was posted in Jalandhar, he felt attracted to Lahore. During his
short stay at Jalandhar, he composed an ode (masnavi) describing
a courtly gathering of his patron Prince Shirzad, the governor of
Hindustan from 1099 to 1114. Comparing this assembly with para-
dise, he underscored its opulence and liveliness. While lamenting
his own absence from the scene, he hoped to lessen his sadness by
coming to Lahore and witnessing the boisterous assembly of his
master.41 Notwithstanding his love for Lahore, he was not sati-
sfied with his life at the provincial court and, therefore, nursed
an ambition of shifting to the central court at Ghazni. This was
possible as he was conscious of his superiority over the poets of
Ghazni and he could merely follow his master to that city in the
wake of his enthronement. He was willing to suffer the hazards
of the journey from Lahore to Ghazni for the sake of joining his
master, who was seen as a beloved.42 In one of his most poign-
ant poems, composed in prison, he visualized Lahore as a mother
who had been separated from her child. He could not understand
how such a city could exist without its bright sun and beautiful
flowers.43 In another prison poem, Salman imagined Lahore as
his beloved who alone was capable of understanding his painful
ordeal. When incarcerated in the darkness of prison in distant
lands, he expressed his longing for this city.44
During the reign of Sultan Masud III (r. 1099-1115), the gover-
62 The Making of Medieval Panjab

norship of Hindustan was bestowed on Hajib Tughantigin. This

officer advanced from Lahore and, crossing the Ganga, plundered
the cities that had been targeted by Sultan Mahmud a century
ago.45 After the demise of the Sultan, his three sons were locked
in a power struggle and, in the process, facilitated the interven-
tion of the Saljuqids and the rise of the Ghorids. Malik Arsalan (r.
1116-17), who replaced his brother Shirzad on the throne, failed
to prevent the Saljuqid expansion and, therefore, retreated to
Lahore.46 He mobilized troops from the region and succeeded in
recovering Ghazni. He was defeated by the Saljuqids and killed by
his brother Bahram Shah. The new ruler Bahram Shah (r. 1117-
57), having received the assistance of the Saljuqids, accepted their
overlordship.47 But his writ did not run in Panjab, because the
Ghaznavid governor Muhammad Bahalim (who had supported
Malik Arsalan in the power struggle) refused to recognize his
accession to the throne. The Sultan was forced to suppress two
rebellions of this officer. Early in his reign, Bahram Shah marched
to Panjab and captured (11 January 1119) Bahalim after a decisive
battle. However, he reinstated the governor in view of his bright
reputation as a military commander and his unrivalled experience
of conditions in India.48 However, this submission turned out to
be short lived. Rising up in revolt, Bahalim transferred his treasure
to Nagaur in the Siwaliks and gathered an army of Arabs, Persians,
Afghans and Khaljis. He also garnered support from numerous
Indian chiefs, so that he managed to collect 70,000 men including
Hindus and Muslims. He took position in a marshy tract, which
was created by flooding, somewhere on the confluence of rivers
near Multan. The Sultan expressed his willingness to confirm
Bahalim in his office in view of the faithful service of his family
to the Ghaznavids, provided he returned to obedience. Since the
Sultan did not receive any response to his overture, he prepared
to give battle. He crossed the Indus on long boats and, clashing
with the rival force in a marshy terrain, killed Bahalim along with
a number of his sons. The Sultan appointed Salar Hasan Alavi as
the new governor and returned to Ghazni.49 The son of this officer
succeeded his father in the same position and commanded the
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 63

Indian contingent which was summoned by Bahram Shah to fight

(1149) against the Ghorid, Saifuddin Suri.
It might be recalled that Bahram Shah himself took shelter
(1135) in Lahore, while temporarily shaking off the suzerainty of
the Saljuqids. Following the sack (1149) of Ghazni at the hands of
Alauddin Husain, he again withdrew to Panjab. He stayed here for
a year and returned only when Alauddin Husain had been defeated
by Sultan Sanjar. At his death (1157), he was succeeded by his son
Khusrau Shah. Fresh attacks from Alauddin Husain deprived the
Ghaznavids of Ghazni, Bust, Zamindawar and Tiginabad. The
Ghuzz tribesmen, after annexing Khurasan from the Saljuqids
and killing (1157) Sultan Sanjar, marched on Ghazni. Unable
to resist the Ghuzz onslaught, Khusrau Shah retired to Lahore
where he died (1160) after ruling for seven years.50 His son and
successor Khusrau Malik (r. 1160-1186) turned out to be the last
Ghaznavid ruler. Early in his reign, he failed to consolidate his
hold over Ghazni and was forced to remain content with parts of
Panjab. According to Juzjani, the affairs of the government had
fallen into disorder, because the governors and officials, who had
been posted in the provinces and districts, had begun to exercise
independent power. This negative judgement did not find favour
with Bosworth on the grounds that Khusrau Malik gave ample
proof of his political abilities. The Sultan enjoyed a long reign of
twenty-six years, had a firm grip over the Ghaznavid territories in
Panjab and led a military campaign against the Gahadvala king-
dom in the Gangetic plain. He also extended his authority to the
hills of northern Panjab and fringes of Kashmir, where he allied
with the Khokhars against the principality of Jammu.51 His strug-
gle against the Ghorids for control over Panjab formed a part of
the discussion on the beginning of Ghorid conquests in Panjab.

Jat and Khokhar Resistance to the Ghorids

Sultan Muizzuddin’s military expeditions,52 which resulted in the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, were spread across a period
of three decades (1175-1206). The advance was slow, and marked
64 The Making of Medieval Panjab

by alterations in military strategy and chosen targets. In 1175 the

Sultan gained a foothold in southwestern Panjab by occupying
Multan and Uch,53 as he did not encounter much resistance from
the Qarmathians. He placed the conquered territories under Ali
Karmakh, indicating a long term interest in the region. In 1178
he marched across western Rajasthan and suffered a humiliating
defeat at the hands of the Chalukyas of Anhilwara.54 This reverse
induced him to focus on the Ghaznavid kingdom of Panjab, with
its capital at Lahore. He managed to achieve his aim in stages that
lasted six years (1181-6). As a first step, he descended through
the Khaibar Pass and occupied Peshawar (1179), a Ghaznavid
possession. After two years, he led an assault on Lahore. Khusrau
Malik, the last Ghaznavid ruler, did not put up a fight and opened
negotiations for peace. He also sent one of his sons to the rival
camp as a guarantee of his sincere intent. Sultan Muizzuddin,
being satisfied with this limited gain, postponed further hostilities
and returned to Ghazni. The next year (1182), he marched against
the Sumra kingdom of Sind and occupied the entire area upto the
port of Debal. The stage was set for the final showdown between
the Shansbanis and Yaminis for control over central Panjab.
Khusrau Malik formed an alliance with the Khokhars of Koh-i
Jud, while Sultan Muizzuddin secured the promise of support
from the chief of Jammu. In 1185, the Ghorids laid siege to the fort
of Lahore and, failing to break the defence, ravaged the environs
of the city. Sultan Muizzuddin occupied the fort of Sialkot and,
placing it under Husain bin Kharmil, returned to Ghazni. Khusrau
Malik made an attempt to retrieve the fort, with the help of the
Khokhars, but failed.
In 1186 Sultan Muizzuddin again appeared in Panjab and laid
siege to Lahore.55 Since he did not anticipate an early success,
he sought to trap his opponent in a web of deception. He sent a
proposal to Khusrau Malik, asking him to surrender and include
the name of Sultan Ghiasuddin in the Friday sermon (khutba). In
return, it was offered that his family and treasure would be secured,
that he would be given suitable iqtas for his maintenance, and that
his son would be married to a daughter of Sultan Muizzuddin.
Khusrau Malik, owing to his weakening military and political
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 65

resources, accepted the terms of the proposal. Sultan Muizzuddin,

acting in violation of the agreement, took Khusrau Malik and his
son Bahram Shah into custody, sending them away to Firozkoh.
The prisoners, who were kept in the forts of Balaram and Saifrud
respectively, were put to death in 1191 when hostilities erupted
between the Shansbanis and Khwarizmians. Sultan Muizzuddin
acquired control over all the military posts from Sialkot to Debal
and from Peshawar to Lahore. In other words, the Ghorids suc-
ceeded in consolidating their rule in large parts of Panjab and
Sind. For the purpose of administering this vast area, the military
and executive functions were given to Ali Karmakh (who was ear-
lier posted in Multan and Uch), while the judicial administration
was entrusted to Maulana Sirajuddin, the father of the historian
Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani.
The next object of Sultan Muizzuddin was to annexe the
cis-Satluj tract extending up to Delhi. In pursuit of this aim,
he occupied the citadel of Bathinda and placed it under Malik
Ziauddin Tulaki. A band of 1,200 horsemen, who had been
selected from the forces of Ghazni and Hindustan, joined this
garrison. Tulaki was directed to hold the citadel for eight months
until the arrival of Sultan Muizzuddin from Ghazni. Prithviraj
Chauhan,56 the ruler of Ajmer, perceived this as a serious threat
to his kingdom. Supported by a number of feudatory chiefs and
a vast army (comprising 200,000 horsemen and 30,000 elephants
according to Firishta), he marched north to dislodge the Ghorids
from their strategic positions. On hearing the news, Sultan
Muizzuddin turned back to meet the challenge. The two armies
clashed at Tarain situated between Bathinda and Sarsuti. The
Ghorid commanders on the left and right wings fled, while the
vanguard comprising Afghans and Khaljis were found absent.
Sultan Muizzuddin rejected a proposal for withdrawing to Lahore
and, displaying exemplary courage, inflicted a severe wound on
Gobind Rai’s face with a lance. In a counter attack by his rival,
Sultan Muizzuddin was dislodged from his horse in the midst of a
total rout of his troops. His life was saved on account of the pres-
ence of mind of a Khalji soldier, but his temporary absence caused
a panic and lamentation among his rank and file. Once he was
66 The Making of Medieval Panjab

recognized, the nobles and troopers gathered around him and,

improvising a litter and stretcher by breaking their spears, carried
him to safety. As a consequence of this setback, the invading army
retreated to Ghazni. As a saving grace, Tulaki succeeded in hold-
ing the fort of Bathinda for thirteen months before surrendering it
to Prithviraj Chauhan.57
After a gap of a year spent in vigorous military preparations
Sultan Muizzuddin marched to Tarain to avenge his defeat. On
this occasion (1192), he relied on numbers and tactics. His vast
army, which included 120,000 horsemen in defensive armour,
was positioned with care. The central division – baggage, ban-
ners, canopy and elephants – was left several miles in the rear.
The light armed and unencumbered horsemen were divided into
four companies so as to attack from the four directions. A special
detachment of 10,000 mounted archers was instructed to engage
the opposing force in battle, keeping a distance of a horse’s course
ahead of them.58 Once their opponents were exhausted in defend-
ing themselves, the four companies of cavalry were to fall on them
from different sides.
On the other hand, Prithviraj Chauhan had mobilized an army
of 300,000 men and enjoyed the support of 150 feudatory chiefs.
The Sultan launched the attack at dawn when the Rajputs were
not ready for battle. The Turks enacted the ruse of retreat from the
battlefield. As soon as the Rajputs rushed out in pursuit, the Turks
turned back to attack with full force. In a final assault, which was
delivered by 120,000 men armed with swords and spears, the
Rajputs scattered.59 Gobind Rai of Delhi was killed in action,
while Prithviraj Chauhan fled from Tarain only to be captured
near Sarsuti. As a result of this victory, the Sultan occupied an
area lying between the Satluj and the Jamuna and such important
places as Hansi and Sarsuti. He assigned the districts of Kuhram
and Samana to Qutbuddin Aibak. By doing so, the Sultan aimed at
restoring peace and order in the region. According to the author
of Taj ul-Maasir, he was guided by the principle, ‘Provide means
of prosperity in the areas which have been robbed.’60
The Jats of Hansi did not accept the newly established Turkish
rule, which was manifested in the appointment of administrative
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 67

officers in the conquered areas and posting of garrisons in the

local forts. According to Tajuddin Hasan Nizami, satanic pride
had filled the head of the accursed Jat chief, who had put on the
cap of insubordination and independent suzerainty. The object of
the Jat resistance was to oust Nusratuddin, who had been placed
in the fort of Hansi along with an armed contingent. The Jats were
reported to be engaged in fierce fighting at the foot of the fort.
Swarms of soldiers of opposing sides converged in the country-
side.61 Aibak, who was then engaged in hunting somewhere near
Kuhram, rushed to Hansi so that the Turkish garrison could be
relieved. He covered a distance of 12 farsangs during the night and
reached the scene of action by daybreak. When the Jat chief learnt
about the arrival of the Turkish force, he raised the siege and fled
southwards to the dry tract of Bagar. Aibak rushed after the Jats
in hot pursuit and managed to attack their rear. The two armies
encountered each other in the vicinity of Bagar. Amidst the loud
clamour of battle cries and the beating of drums, the two armies
became locked in a bloody conflict. Aibak succeeded in over-
whelming the resistance and, it has been claimed, he perpetrated
so much carnage that blood tinged hoofs of his horse became red
like the rubies of Badakhshan and he scattered on the ground the
heads of his rival commanders like balls hit by a polo stick.62 He
forced the Jat chief to surrender and put him to death. The Turkish
soldiers acquired an enormous booty. Aibak turned back to Hansi
and, after staying for a few days to supervise the reconstruction
of the fort, went back to his post at Kuhram. He regarded his suc-
cess against the Jats as an embroidery on his previous conquests,
an ornament on the body of the bride of the empire and a gift of
divine grace and heavenly felicity. In view of the significance of
this event, letters of victory were dispatched to Ghazni as well as
the cities of Hind and Sind, whether near and far.63
The news of the defeat of Sultan Muizzuddin and his subsequent
retreat from Khwarizm was a rude shock to the Ghorid dominion
in Panjab. The author of Taj ul-Maasir has alleged that Qutbuddin
Aibak made use of the opportunity to chalk out an independent
course for himself and, in doing so, forcibly occupied Multan and
murdered its administrator Amirdad Hasan. The Khokhars, who
68 The Making of Medieval Panjab

had earlier supported Khusrau Malik in his attempt to recover the

fort of Sialkot from Sultan Muizzuddin, revived their opposition
to the Ghorid regime. Led by the sons of Khokhar Bhikan and
Sarki, they planned to annex Lahore. They occupied the territory
between the Jhelam and Chenab, devastated villages, and drove out
the cattle belonging to the inhabitants. Bahauddin Muhammad,
the governor of Sehwan, along with his brothers who had fiefs in
the vicinity of Multan, undertook punitive measures to quell the
Khokhar uprising. Tajuddin Hasan Nizami would have us believe
that the troops of the Khokhars were as numerous as the leaves
of a tree and had been receiving innumerable reinforcements.64
The Khokhars outnumbered the opposing army under Sulaiman,
who was forced to flee to Ghazni. The Khokhar ascendancy
posed a serious threat to the fledgling Ghorid kingdom. Sultan
Muizzuddin himself marched from Ghazni to Koh-i Jud and, at
his summons, Aibak also started from Delhi to the scene of con-
frontation. The Ghorid generals met on the bank of the Jhelam
and formulated a strategy for the impending conflict. The two
armies were arrayed at a ferry on the Jhelam. Impressed with
the turnout of the Khokhars in the battlefield, Tajuddin Hasan
Nizami expressed himself in the following words:65
Against the army of Islam, there stood like a mountain a hard stone, the
troops of Hindus of incredible strength, so numerous that they could not
be computed. Their centre and sides were in correct position. In the wide
battlefield they were something like the waves in the ocean. Each one of
them held a shield like the sky and drew his sword from the scabbard.
They had put their fiery arrows on the bow for the fight and kept their
serpent like lassos ready for the conflict. They were holding dragon like
spears with the poison of hatred. Mounted on swift horses, they were
ready for the engagement. They were all attention to hear the order to
start the conflict.
In a battle fought on the ferry of the Jhelam, the three Ghorid
commanders – Sultan Muizzuddin, Qutbuddin Aibak and Shams-
uddin Iltutmish – performed exemplary deeds of valour. The
Khokhars suffered massive casualties. The heaps of corpses turned
the level ground into a hill and the blood of the wounded flowed
on the dead like the water of logwood. Waves of blood rose from
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 69

the Jhelam to the great sky. The heads of the Khokhar command-
ers hung on the spears of Khatt like flags. All the people of the
city were killed, so that there was not a single soul left in a house
to kindle the fire. One of the sons of the Khokhar chief, after fail-
ing to withstand the Ghorid onslaught, jumped into the river
and thereafter took shelter in the fort of Nandanah. Besides the
large number of their soldiers, the Khokhars had depended on the
impregnability of the fort, ‘the peak of which was higher than the
battlements of the palace of the moon and the top of the zodiacal
sign of the sun and the bottom of whose moat touched the back of
the bull and the fish on which the earth rests’. It was asserted that
the battlements of its rampart touched the girdle of the Gemini.
The top of its tower was so high that it placed its feet on the heads
of the sign of Leo and the star Farqad. It was an impregnable
edifice, the strength and inaccessibility of its walls could claim
equality with the mountains of Judi and Shahlan. Its moat was
as deep and unfathomable as the depth of the ocean. Neither the
swift moving northern and southern winds could catch the fringe
of its skirt, nor were the eastern breeze and western wind capable
of crossing its threshold.66
In spite of their defeat at the ferry the Khokhars were not demor-
alized. They closed their ranks, prepared themselves to defend the
citadel and, if the situation demanded, to lay down their lives in
the effort. The state of their minds at this critical hour has been
captured by Tajuddin Hasan Nizami:
The Hindu warriors drew into battle array. All of them were singing like
the nightingales on the rose tree of valour. Like a woodpigeon they were
playing a Rud on the bough of bravery. They were happy like a pheasant
on the verdure of sharp swords and daggers. Like a Francoline, they were
taking pride in the tulips of sharp javelins and spears. In the garden of
the battlefield they were displaying their elegance like peacocks. Like a
dove, they were singing in the mansion of name and fame. On the rocks
of manliness, they were strutting like a partridge on the tulips of lance
and spear. They were blowing pipes like turtledoves in the meadow
of wisdom. In the market of plunder and war, they were displaying
eloquence of a parrot. They were violent like an eagle in the air of combat
with spears and swords. They were cautious and scared at the time of
70 The Making of Medieval Panjab

fleeing. When fighting they were alert and circumspect like a crane. On
the day of battle and skirmish, they could be dependable guides like
Qata (a bird of the tetra ride or grouse family, flying in large flocks, and
knowing where water is to be found at a great distance). They could find
their way in the dark night like a bat. In drawing the bow of treachery
and attacking from ambush each was as farsighted as a vulture. In the
battlefield, they appeared wise like an intelligent raven. They shared the
nature of owl in desire for ruins and evil. They were a compeer of a cock
ever keen to fight and subdue. Resembling an ugly looking crow, they
were as quick as a falcon when attacking, and were well informed.67
The Ghorids followed up their success on the ferry of the Jhelam
by besieging the fort of Nandanah and destroying its ramparts. The
defenders rushed out of the bastion and engaged in close combat.
The Khokhar chief realized the futility of further resistance, sought
a peaceful settlement and offered to accept the position of a vassal.
‘He put on the robe of Brahmins, kissed the surface of the ground
like a slave and placed his head at the hoof of the swift steed of the
king.’ His life was spared, but he was forced to surrender the fort
and part with an enormous booty consisting of horses, slaves and
arms. The defeat was a severe blow to Khokhar pride. Refusing
to accept the outcome of the battle, they hatched a conspiracy to
kill Sultan Muizzuddin. A group of Khokhar assassins entered the
royal tent at night, killed a few guards and murdered the Ghorid
ruler in his sleep.

Triangular Contest
During his active political career, Sultan Muizzuddin chose his
elite Turkish military officers (bandgan-i khas) to administer the
newly conquered territories in the Indo-Gangetic plain.68 He did
not formalize any fragmentation of his territorial possessions,
which would function after his death. Therefore, his demise
triggered a major conflict among the three of them, Qutbuddin
Aibak, Nasiruddin Qubacha and Tajuddin Yaldoz – each seeking
to establish his control over Panjab. It must be understood that
the late Sultan had entrusted small places to them as revenue
assignments (iqtas), but they were left free to bring much larger
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 71

areas under their respective jurisdictions. Aibak was assigned

Kuhram and Samana, but exercised his authority over central and
south-eastern Panjab, Delhi, eastern Rajasthan and the Gangetic
plain. Qubacha was given Uch, but he established his sway over
Multan and Sind. Yaldoz was conferred Karman and Sanquran,
but was allowed to govern a large part of central Afghanistan
including Ghazni. It was interesting to note that these three
Turkish military officers were related to one another by marriage.
At the instance of the late Sultan, the two daughters of Yaldoz
were married to Aibak and Qubacha. The two daughters of Aibak
were married, one after the other, to Qubacha. Even otherwise, the
contestants were evenly placed in terms of their military resources,
legal claims, and personal capabilities. Thus, the stage was set for a
triangular contest to decide Sultan Muizzuddin’s political heir in
northwestern India.
Anticipating the situation, Aibak shifted (25 June 1206) his
headquarters from Delhi to Lahore. A large number of local inhab-
itants – Syeds, Sufis, judges, preachers, revenue collectors, soldiers,
elite and ordinary, rich and poor – welcomed him and assured
their support to him. He welded diverse ethnic groups, Turks,
Ghorids, Khurasanis, Khaljis and Hindustanis, into a unified and
disciplined army, so that none could deprive the commoners of
their possessions. As a first administrative step, he ordered the
confirmation of land grants (imlak) to the old beneficiaries and
forbade the collection of one fifth of the produce, which was being
levied like the land tax (kharaj). Instead, he imposed the ushr in
some places and half of it in other places, dispatching written
orders about this to different places. By undertaking this measure,
he abolished a practice that was not permitted by the Shariat.69
As a result, he won the goodwill of the Muslim religious classes
and, thus, earned legitimacy for the new regime. Having con-
solidated his position, Aibak turned his attention to Yaldoz who,
having suffered a loss of authority in Ghazni due to the intrusion
of Khwarizm Shah, marched across the Indus and entered Panjab.
In a quick and vigorous response, Aibak forced Yaldoz to flee to
Kohistan. Aibak followed up his success by marching beyond the
Indus and even occupying Ghazni. However, he could not con-
72 The Making of Medieval Panjab

solidate his hold over the city, owing to the lack of support from
the local inhabitants. Yaldoz succeeded in recovering his position
in Ghazni within two months. Aibak retreated from Afghanistan
and, having entrenched himself in Lahore,70 took effective steps to
consolidate his authority in central Panjab.
The triangular contest continued even after the death (4 Nov-
ember 1210) of Aibak, as his place was taken by his son-in-law
Shamsuddin Iltutmish. At this stage, our attention turns to
Qubacha who, taking advantage of the tussle between Iltutmish
and Aram Shah, had occupied Lahore. Yaldoz, who had been wor-
sted by the Khwarizmians, moved eastwards and snatched Lahore
from the hands of Qubacha. Having gained a fresh foothold in
Panjab, Yaldoz occupied the area extending up to Thanesar. Not
only this, he sent a message to Iltutmish asserting his claim over
the territories of Sultan Muizzuddin and, as such, demanded
a complete submission to his authority. Rejecting these asser-
tions on the ground that the days of hereditary descent were
over, Iltutmish defeated (25 January 1216) Yaldoz at Tarain and
later on had him executed.71 Taking advantage of this outcome,
Qubacha recovered Lahore, so that his domain extended to the
Arabian Sea and the Indus Delta in the south,72 to Nanadanah and
Peshawar in the northwest and Bathinda, Kuhram and Sarsuti in
the east. Iltutmish realized that Qubacha, who had acquired a for-
midable position in Panjab and Sind, could not be permitted any
further aggrandizement. He marched west and, in a battle (1217)
at Mansura on the Chenab,73 inflicted a big defeat on Qubacha.
He thus recovered Lahore and placed it under the charge of his
son Nasiruddin Mahmud. Subsequently, Iltutmish was con-
strained to divert his attention to a new political storm that blew
from Central Asia and Afghanistan. The changed circumstances
enabled Qubacha to survive in the troubled waters of Panjab and
Sind for another ten years.
In a brief digression, we would consider the royal order (far-
man) issued to Nasiruddin Mahmud, the son of Iltutmish, on his
appointment in Panjab. Notwithstanding its ornate prose and
emphasis on the ideal,74 it laid the priorities of the new ruling class
in the early stage of state formation. It stated that in the year 1217,
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 73

the governorship of Lahore (including its remote and well known

parts, along with its famous forts and mansions), the capital of
renowned kings and seat of triumphant Sultans, was entrusted
to Nasiruddin Mahmud after deliberations and the customary
divination. He was lauded as a benefactor of humanity, king of the
world, a celebrated champion and warrior of the world. He was in
front of the army of Islam, a supporter of the troops of faith, a fore-
arm of religion and empire. He was the arm of the kingdom and
nation. He was the light of the eyes of saints and fire in the heart of
the enemies. He was the signet ring of the sweetheart of kingship,
ruby of the mine of success and cornelian of the crown of sover-
eignty. He was the middle pearl of the necklace of gallantry and
a precious gem in the girdle of fame. He was the turquoise in the
crown of eminence and a pearl in the oyster of mental qualities.
He was like a gem in the ocean of bounty and firm like a mountain
in war. From his childhood and boyhood, the fragrance of king-
ship had been diffused by his charming nature and magnanimous
temperament. While he was still a raw youth, he displayed the
potential for conquering territories and capturing enemies. The
star of victory rose from his auspicious countenance and good
fortune. His kingly disposition provided enough evidence that
he would be a great conqueror. His numerous talents convinced
every one that he possessed the signs of becoming a fortunate and
invincible hero.
By conferring the governorship on the prince, Iltutmish acted
according to the text, ‘God has ordered us to place everyone in the
rank one is worthy of.’ The governor must deal with important
affairs pertaining to religion and state. It was an office of eminence
and dignity that God bestowed and it was the highest rank and
position for any man to reach. A royal mandate was issued to the
prince enjoining him to honour the commands of the Creator and
follow the religious law as his primary duty. Next, he was advised
to show respect and honour the Syeds, the descendants of the
Prophet, who were the leaves and fruits of the sweet smelling tree
of Prophethood and flowers of the bright garden of apostleship.
He was called upon to honour this arrangement in the necklace of
the family of Muhammad. They should be treated as the founda-
74 The Making of Medieval Panjab

tions of faith and the bases of Islam. He should think it necessary

to look after the Imams and oversee the adulation of students, who
would rise from the position of seekers of knowledge to the status
of teachers. They learnt the subtleties of what was lawful and what
was unlawful, besides grasping the true implications of religious
laws. They had protected the path of the Shariat and drinking
place of tradition from blemishes of aberration and heresy. They
had adorned the hearts and minds of the people with expositions
of esoteric doctrines and axioms. By their charming intonations
and lucid explanations, they had performed the miracle of Jesus,
i.e. resuscitation of the dead. They had displayed wonderful skill
in explaining the sayings of apostles and expounding the doctrines
of various religions. They had entered the sanctuary of trusteeship
and the sacred enclosure of the belief according to the dictum,
‘The learned man is the trustee of God on earth’ with genuine sin-
cerity. Their inner charm and perfect piety had lent eloquence and
splendour to the personality of each one of them.
The new governor was directed to bear in mind the neces-
sity of extending unstinted bounty and liberal generosity to his
servants and attendants according to rank and position. He was
expected to unite the hearts of all men, high and low, in their love
for the great empire, which would last as long as the heavens and
earth lasted. He was required to do his level best to provide lei-
sure and comfort to the helpers of the dominion and supporters
of the empire. He had to bear in mind that the banners of faith
and flags of Islam could not be raised without unsheathed swords,
nor would victory and conquest be gained without spears and
arrows. The safety of highways and the defence of the dominions
were not possible without horsemen and foot soldiers. In the bat-
tle, their stone piercing arrows and rock smashing maces forced
stationary earth to move like the sky. As regards men of letters,
the governor was expected to provide each one of them with all
opportunities to live happily, keeping in mind their rank and posi-
tion. To them, the knowledge of all secret affairs of the dominions
was as clear as the day. When they wrote with the tongues of their
pens, it appeared as if they were scattering rare pearls on the leaf of
silver. In the matter of making speech, they had excelled sahban
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 75

vail e wail in eloquence. In the domain of writing epistles, they

had shown precedence over Sahib and Sabi.
The new governor was advised to protect the peasants and
people of lower rank from calamities. He was expected to make
their lives brighter and more cheerful by fulfilling their needs
through his kindness and compassion. If he conferred a variety
of gifts and favours on free men, he could convert them into his
slaves and, by employing the same trick, he could make his slaves
feel that they were free men. He was instructed to make a number
of virtues – forbearance, modesty and sedateness – his inner and
outer garments as well as adornment of his life. When free from
work, he had to move fast like the fast moving mill of the sky.
But at the time of being firm, he had to be inflexible and steadfast
like the firm footed pole star. He was urged to turn all his efforts
to renew charitable foundations and observance of prayers. He
was expected to remove idols from the idol temples wherever they
were to be found in Hindustan. He should think it obligatory to
publicize his good works and take steps to spread his reputation
as was done by rulers in the past. Thus, he should leave behind in
the world a good name with fragrant praise. When the pillars of
kingship were firmly strengthened and foundations of governance
were consolidated by means of equity and uninterrupted adminis-
tration of justice, then the tree of justice and equity would become
fresh and bear fruit during the regime of the king (Iltutmish).
Owing to the fear of punishment, all types of mischief and distur-
bance would be banished. Owing to the impact of royal wrath, all
forms of tyranny would sink into concealment. By remaining con-
sistently righteous and kind to the people, he would earn happiness
in this world and the next. In all circumstances, he was required to
follow charming and noble manners that characterized the nature
of kings. He was called upon to tread the straight path that rested
on the words and actions of the emperor (Iltutmish), as he must
have observed with his own eyes.75
The entry of three political entities – Khokhars, Khwarizmians,
and Mongols – added considerable complexity to the power
struggle in Panjab. This development could be traced to Alauddin
76 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Muhammad bin Tekish, the ruler of Khwarizm, who had seized

much of Afghanistan from the feeble hands of the Ghorids. He
assigned a large chunk of territory, Ghor, Bamiyan, Ghazni, Bust,
Tiginabad and Zamindawar, to his son Jalaluddin Mangbarni
who was represented at these places by a number of lieutenants.
Pushing eastwards, he extended his sway upto the Indus, includ-
ing Peshawar. The extensive Khwarizmian empire, however,
crumbled before the rising tide of the Mongol onslaught. Chingez
Khan routed (November 1221) the Khwarizmians on the banks
of the Indus, forcing Mangbarni to flee across the river. He man-
aged to elude a Mongol detachment of 20,000 soldiers led by
Dorbei Doqshin, which had been sent in pursuit of the fugitive.
Rana Shatra, the Khokhar chief of the Salt Range, resisted the
Khwarizmian advance with a force of 6,000 men but was defeated
and killed. Mangbarni’s retinue swelled to 3,000 or 4,000 with the
arrival of fresh contingents. The presence of the Khwarizmians
filled the local rulers with awe. Qubacha’s lieutenant at Nanadanah,
Qamruddin Kurramani, sent gifts to Mangbarni with the object
of purchasing immunity from attack. Qubacha, on his part, also
made conciliatory gestures. He sent under escort a lady (the
daughter of Amin Malik, the Khwarizmian governor of Herat)
who was related to Mangbarni and had taken shelter in Qubacha’s
territory after her father’s death in the battle on the Indus. The
friendly relations between the two potentates did not last long.
The Khwarizmians were alienated at the violent death of two
important members of their entourage, the son of Amin Malik
and Mangbarni’s wazir Shaihabuddin Alp Sarakhsi, in Qubacha’s
domain.76
In these circumstances, Mangbarni formed an alliance with the
Khokhar chief Rai Sangin (an enemy of Qubacha) and received
his daughter in marriage. Thus strengthened, he pushed for-
ward into Panjab and, reaching a few days journey from Delhi,
sought asylum from Iltutmish and proposed an alliance against
the Mongols. Iltutmish refused to provide any assistance to the
fugitive, because he could neither endanger the Delhi Sultanate,
nor give offence to the Mongols. Giving a clear indication of his
stance, he ordered the Khwarizmian emissary Ain ul-Mulk to be
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 77

put to death. In fact, he marched towards Lahore with the object of

fighting against Mangbarni. The latter retreated to the Salt Range
where he was joined from all sides by refugees escaping from the
Mongols and thus mustered an army of 10,000 soldiers.77 Chingez
Khan, who toyed with the idea of returning to Mongolia through
the Himalayan foothills of Qarachal and Kamrup, sent envoys to
Iltutmish seeking permission to march through his territories.
The outcome of this diplomatic exchange was not known, though
Chingez Khan abandoned this plan in view of unfavorable augu-
ries.78 It was quite possible that the Mongol delegation ensured
that the Khwarizmians did not receive any help from the Delhi
Sultanate.79
Finding his passage towards Delhi effectively closed, Mangbarni
carved out his own dominion at the expense of Qubacha. Assisted
by a Khokhar contingent, he led a military expedition to Uch.
His commander Uzbeg Tai, who headed a force of 7,000 soldiers,
made a surprise attack at night. The rival camp of 20,000 men was
scattered and Qubacha was forced to flee to Bhakkar and then to
Multan. Mangbarni sent an envoy to Qubacha and demanded
the return of some important adherents as well as the payment
of a large indemnity. Qubacha fulfilled these demands forthwith
and requested that his territories not be encroached. Mangbarni
retreated to his abode in the Salt Range and, on the way, occupied
the fortress of Pasrur.80 Not long after, he received the news of the
arrival of a Mongol army in his pursuit. He retraced his steps to
Multan and, sending an emissary to Qubacha, notified the pas-
sage of his troops and demanded what had been termed as the
Shoe Money. Qubacha refused to meet the fresh demands and
came out to fight. Mangbarni left for Uch after a brief encoun-
ter. Since he met with resistance from the local inhabitants, he set
fire to the town and proceeded to Sehwan. This place was held
by Fakhruddin Salari on behalf of Qubacha. Mangbarni’s com-
mander Orkhan besieged the fort of Sehwan and succeeded in
killing his counterpart Lachain. Mangbarni received the submis-
sion of Salari and confirmed him as the governor. After a sojourn
of one month, Mangbarni proceeded to Debal and Damrila, forc-
ing its ruler Sinanuddin Chatisar to escape into the sea. He also
78 The Making of Medieval Panjab

sent a predatory expedition to Anhilwara and, having acquired

a large booty of camels, left Indian soil on way to Persia through
Makran.81
With the final retreat (1224) of Mangbarni from the Indian
subcontinent, Iltutmish and Qubacha were free to contend for
supremacy over western Panjab. The contest turned out to be un-
equal. By this time, Iltutmish had already established his authority
over Sarsuti, Bathinda, and Lahore.82 On the other hand, Qubacha
had suffered the depletion of his military and financial resources
at the hands of Mangbarni. Iltutmish, anticipating the decisive
nature of the conflict, roped in the services of the senior officers of
the realm – Nasiruddin Aitmur (the governor of Lahore), Tajuddin
Sanjar Gazlak Khan (the governor of Bathinda), Nizamul Mulk
Muhammad Junaidi (the wazir) and Izzuddin Muhammad Salari
(the amir-i hajib). At the commencement of military operations,
Nasiruddin Aitmur marched from Lahore and besieged Multan.
Iltutmish reached the walls of the fort of Uch. Qubacha, who had
pitched his camp before the gate of Ahrawat, placed his baggage
and followers on a fleet of boats that were stationed in the river.
He did not offer any resistance and, carrying his treasure from
Uch, left for Bhakkar. Iltutmish deputed Junaidi and other nobles
to Bhakkar in pursuit of Qubacha. He himself supervised the
siege of Uch that continued for nearly three months. On 4 May
1228, the garrison capitulated, inducing Qubacha (then stationed
at Bhakkar) to send his son Alauddin Bahram Shah to negotiate
the terms of peace. Overcome by frustration and fear, Qubacha
jumped from the ramparts of the fort of Bhakkar into the river
below. Iltutmish took charge of the treasure and followers of
the deceased. Having appointed governors for Multan and Uch,
he extended his sway up to the coast of Sind, as the local ruler
Sinanuddin Chatisar accepted his authority.83 With the success
of Iltutmish, a curtain was drawn on the power struggle, which
defined the politics of Panjab for more than two decades.

The Disaffection of Provincial Officers

In the wake of the Ghorid conquest, Panjab witnessed the emer-
gence of several garrison towns and this marked a preliminary
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 79

stage in the process of state formation. They were situated in a

number of distinct geographical zones in the region. Nadanah
and Sialkot were located in the northwestern zone; Lahore,
Dipalpur and Bathinda in the central zone; Multan and Uch in
the southwestern zone; Sunam, Samana and Kuhram in the cis-
Sutlej zone and Sarsuti and Hansi in the southeastern zone. The
Sultans of Delhi sought to impose their authority in the region
by posting military commanders (muqtis) at these stations.
These officers made their headquarters in the fortresses whose
structure had been in existence for several centuries. They were
required to maintain armed contingents of horsemen and, to
meet their expenditure, extract tribute from the local chiefs of
the hinterlands. Sometimes they could be placed over two or
even three of these commands. The presence of hostile forces –
Mongols, Khwarizmians and Qarlughs – raised the importance
of the garrison towns of Lahore, Dipalpur, Bathinda, Multan and
Uch. Constrained by circumstances, the Sultans of Delhi assigned
these commands to senior nobles with leadership qualities and
entrusted them with vast military resources. The Sultans were not
in a position to keep an eye on the governor’s retinue and finances.
Nor did they have any mechanism that could ensure the loyalty
and efficiency of these military commanders. In this nascent stage
of state formation, the powers of the Sultans and nobles were
ill-defined. The raw passion for grabbing high positions and
lucrative assignments (iqtas) generated acute factionalism among
the nobles.84 In these circumstances, it was not surprising if some
of them nurtured the ambition of occupying the throne at the right
opportunity. Instances of disaffection of the provincial officers
provide insights into the historical developments in Panjab during
the thirteenth century.
The death of Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutmish (30 April 1236)
marked the beginning of a series of revolts by the military com-
manders (muqtis) posted in different parts of Panjab. The
seven-month rule of Ruknuddin Firoz Shah was not accepted by
a number of prominent nobles, a majority of whom were associ-
ated with the revenue assignments in the region. His mother Shah
Turkan, by exercising supreme authority, caused a number of
negative consequences – maltreatment of members of the royal
80 The Making of Medieval Panjab

household including Princess Raziya, death of Prince Qutbuddin

in Delhi and rebellion of Prince Ghiasuddin Muhammad Shah in
Awadh. These developments provided an opportunity to three
military commanders – Alauddin Jani of Lahore, Saifuddin Kuchi
of Hansi, and Kabir Khan Ayaz of Sunam – to rise in revolt and
grapple with the Delhi army for a long time. Soon after, they were
joined by Izzuddin Muhammad Salari, the muqti of Badaun,
and Nizam ul-Mulk Junaidi, the wazir. The Sultan marched to
Kuhram to quell the revolt. In the neighbourhood of Mansurpur
and Tarain, the Turkish nobles and slaves of the household, who
constituted the central contingents of the army, massacred a
number of Tazik officers.85 As a result, the revolt of the military
commanders, which had remained unattended, spilled over into
the next reign.
Sultan Raziya (r. 1236-40) tackled a difficult situation with under-
standing and tact. Having won over Ayaz, she defeated Jani and
Kuchi, both of whom were captured and put to death. Ayaz was
rewarded with the territory of Lahore and its suburbs. However,
his loyalty continued to be suspect. In 1238, Sultan Raziya marched
towards Lahore in order to punish him.86 He fled out of the city
and reached Sodhra. It was impossible for him to move any fur-
ther, because the territories beyond the Chenab were under the
control of the Mongols and he was apprehensive about their atti-
tude towards disaffected officers of the Delhi Sultanate. Therefore,
he sought forgiveness from the Sultan. Raziya, who had earlier
punished two officers of Panjab – Jani and Kuchi – with death,
merely transferred Ayaz from Lahore to Multan. Ayaz served here
only for two years. Taking advantage of a major Mongol invasion
(1241) of Lahore, Ayaz assumed the symbols of royalty and began
to rule over Multan, Uch, and Sind. After his death (1242), his
son Tajuddin Abu Bakr Ayaz succeeded him.87 The shortlived
Ayazi dynasty exercised sovereign power over southwest Panjab
and Sind just like Nasiruddin Qubacha in the first quarter of the
thirteenth century. The Ayazi rulers were responsible for blocking
the eastward expansion of the Qarlugh kingdom towards Multan
and, viewed in this sense, played a role similar to that of Qubacha
who had stood up against the Khwarizmians.
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 81

Precisely at this time, another officer posted in Panjab revolted.

This was Akhtiaruddin Altuniya, the governor of Bathinda.
Originally a slave of Iltutmish, he had served as a wine-keeper and
canopy bearer. During the reign of Raziya, he was first given the
assignment (iqta) of Baran and later on Bathinda. He was one of
those Turkish nobles who were unhappy with Raziya owing to the
rise of Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian, as the superintendent of
royal stables (amir-i akhur). Altuniya entered into a conspiracy
with the most prominent noble at Delhi, Akhtiaruddin Aitigin,
who held the office of royal chamberlain (amir-i hajib). Altuniya
took advantage of Raziya’s punitive expedition against Ayaz and
began to make preparations for revolt in the fort of Bathinda.
On learning of this development, Raziya marched from Delhi
(3 April 1240) to Bathinda at the head of the central army (hashm-
i qalb). When she reached the fort of Bathinda, the Turkish nobles
broke into rebellion and, in accordance with a premeditated plan,
murdered Yaqut and imprisoned Raziya in the fort. Meanwhile, a
new political dispensation was put in place in Delhi. Muizzuddin
Bahram Shah was crowned as the Sultan, and Aitigin was ap-
pointed deputy of the government (naib-i mamlikat). Within a
month, the Sultan engineered the murder of Aitigin. Altuniya,
having failed to get any reward for his role in the conspiracy,
repudiated the new arrangement and chalked out an independ-
ent course of action. He married Raziya, secured the support of
two Turkish nobles, Akhtiaruddin Qaraqash and Izzuddin Salari,
and went on to mobilize 10,000 men from the local population.
Altuniya and Raziya were defeated by an army from Delhi. They
fell back on Kaithal where they were killed (14 October 1240) by
some local people.88
Disaffection continued unabated into the middle of the thir-
teenth century. This was amply illustrated by the conduct of
Izzuddin Balban Kishlu Khan and Sher Khan. The former was
given the command of Nagaur during the reign of Sultan Alauddin
Masud Shah (r. 1242-46).89 In 1246, he was given charge of Multan
as a reward for assisting the Sultan in defending Uch against
the Mongols. Following the accession of Nasiruddin Mahmud
(r. 1246-66), he was permitted to add Uch to his charge, provided
82 The Making of Medieval Panjab

he relinquish his claim over Nagaur. The Sultan marched to

Nagaur and forced the recalcitrant officer to surrender the place.
Kishlu Khan learnt to be satisfied with the administration of
Multan and Uch. In 1249 Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh marched to
Multan. Kishlu Khan rushed from Uch to Multan, overpowered
the invaders and gained an entry into the fort. Kishlu Khan was
forced to open negotiations with the besiegers and, surrender-
ing the fort, retreated to Uch. When he learnt that the Qarlugh
chief had been killed, he repented his withdrawal from the fort.90
The focus shifted to Sher Khan who, then holding the charge
of Bathinda and Lahore, ousted the Qarlughs from Multan and
placed it under the charge of Akhtiaruddin Kurez. This action
marked the beginning of a conflict between Sher Khan and Kishlu
Khan for the possession of Multan. The former not only succeeded
in retaining Multan, but also snatched Uch from the latter. Sultan
Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah did not approve the usurpations by
Sher Khan.91 He marched towards western Panjab, fought against
the armed retinue of Sher Khan and re-established control over
Bathinda, Multan and Uch. Soon after, he restored Multan and
Uch to Kishlu Khan. Since Sher Khan did not see any future for
himself in the Delhi Sultanate, he left for Turkistan with the inten-
tion of seeking asylum at the court of the Mongol chief Mangu
Khan.92
Though Kishlu Khan managed to regain the charge of Multan
and Uch, he began to feel insecure owing to the presence of his
archrival Sher Khan in the Mongol camp and the unprecedented
ascendancy of Ulugh Khan (Ghiasuddin Balban) at Delhi. While
grappling with these fears, Kishlu Khan adopted a two-pronged
strategy. On the one hand, he sent his son and Malik Shamsuddin
Kurt Ghori to the court of the Mongol ruler Halaku, with a view
to seek assistance in times of need. On the other, he joined hands
with the rebel Qutlugh Khan and marched to Delhi at the head of
the armed contingents of Multan and Uch, with the intention of
displacing the political dispensation headed by Sultan Nasiruddin
Mahmud and Ulugh Khan. Kishlu Khan’s plan did not materialize
as his accomplices (theologians and scholars) in the capital had
been banished and his own armed retinue which he had brought
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 83

from Multan and Uch, defected to the opposite side. Since his life
was in danger, he mustered 200-300 horsemen and fled to Uch.
Continuing his flight, he travelled to Khurasan and Iraq, ulti-
mately presenting himself at the court of Halaku. Kishlu Khan
secured the promise of support in return for agreeing to maintain
a Mongol resident (shahna) in his territories. From then onwards
(1259), he began to rule independently over Multan and Uch,
which had come under the protection of the Mongols.93
Kishlu Khan and Sher Khan were not the only members of the
ruling class who had defected to the Mongols. Jalaluddin Masud,
the brother of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, had also placed him-
self in this category. In 1248 he was appointed to the provinces of
Sambhal and Badaun. For unknown reasons, he marched through
the Sirmur hills and entered Lahore, then under the Mongol
sphere of influence. He travelled through the frontier zone and
reached Mangu Khan’s court at a time when two officers of the
Delhi Sultanate, Sher Khan and Qutlugh Khan, were already pre-
sent there. Mangu Khan not only treated Jalaluddin Masud with
honour, but also directed the Mongol commander Sali Bahadur
to provide military assistance to the princely visitor. During the
course of their eastward march, they were joined by the Mongol
feudatory Nasiruddin Muhammad Qarlugh, who ruled over a
kingdom that included Binban and Salt Range. They drove away
the officers posted by the Delhi Sultanate at Lahore and Jalandhar,
installing Jalaluddin Masud in their place. The latter assumed the
title of Sultan Jalaluddin Masud Shah and began to rule (1254) over
a vast region comprising the trans-Satluj areas as a Mongol vas-
sal.94 Sher Khan, at the instance of the Mongols, joined Jalaluddin
Masud at Lahore. However, he fell out with Jalaluddin Masud
and captured the latter’s retinue. He also snatched the charge
of Bathinda from Tajuddin Arsalan Khan. As a result of Delhi’s
intervention, Tajuddin Arsalan Khan was transferred to Awadh
and Sher Khan was restored to Bathinda and other territories as
before.95 Thereafter began Sher Khan’s conflict with Kishlu Khan.
At this juncture, a showdown appeared imminent between the
two warring factions of nobles – the disaffected faction led by Ulugh
Khan and the ruling faction led by Imaduddin Raihan, Qutlugh
84 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Khan and Kishlu Khan. In his desperate search for allies, Ullugh
Khan managed to win over Jalaluddin Masud and Sher Khan,
who marched from Lahore to negotiate for political gains. Ulugh
Khan’s clique adopted Jalaluddin Masud as a rival candidate for
the throne, while the armies of the partisans started arriving from
different places in Panjab – Bathinda, Sunam, Kuhram, Kaithal
and Hansi. Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud struck a deal with Ulugh
Khan, as a result of which he and his supporters were retained in
their previous posts.96 Jalaluddin Masud, disgusted at the betrayal,
returned to Lahore and continued to rule from there until the end
(1266) of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud’s reign. Benefiting from the
restoration of Ulugh Khan in the capital, Sher Khan was given the
command of Bathinda. In order to prevent a revival of his con-
flict with Kishlu Khan and Jalaluddin Masud, he was transferred
(1258) from Bathinda and given the charge of extensive territories
in Kol, Biana, Balaram, Jalesar, Mehar, Mahaban and Gwalior.97
While the Delhi Sultanate acquired a semblance of political stabil-
ity, its northwestern boundary remained fixed at the Satluj and no
attempt was made to recover the trans-Satluj areas, which were
firmly in the grasp of the Mongols or their vassals.

Mongols, Khwarizmians and Qarlughs

While Jalaluddin Mangbarni finally retreated from the Indian sub-
continent through Sind, a Mongol commander Dorbei Doqshin
reached (1224) Panjab and, entering the Salt Range, sacked
Nandanah that was held by a lieutenant of the Khwarizmians. He
advanced south and invested the fort of Multan. During a siege of
forty days, he quarried material for projectiles along the river and
transported it to the site of confrontation on rafts.98 Nasiruddin
Qubacha not only defended the city with courage and ability, but
also spent liberal amounts from his treasury and provided several
benefits to the inhabitants.99 The Mongols abandoned the siege
owing to the onset of hot weather but, during their withdrawal,
they ravaged the territories of Multan and Lahore.100 Within two
years of this episode, the rising Mongol pressure in Afghanistan
induced a few nobles of Ghor to travel to Panjab, where they
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 85

received shelter from Qubacha. This forced a body of Khalji

tribesmen, who possibly constituted a part of the Khwarizmian
forces under Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh, to entrench themselves at
Mansurah in Siwistan. Qubacha marched in that direction and,
after killing the captain Malik Khan Khalji, cleared the region of
intruders.101
The legacy of Mangbarni survived in Panjab in the form of
the Qarlugh kingdom. On the occasion of his departure (1224)
for Persia, he placed his acquisitions under the charge of two
lieutenants. Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh was appointed to govern
areas lying to the west of the Indus – Nangrahar, Kurraman and
Peshawar. Uzbeg Tai was posted at Nandanah in the Salt Range
to control the area including Binban.102 This development was a
matter of deep concern for Iltutmish, who had made major gains
in Panjab in the wake of Qubacha’s death (1228). But with the
removal of the buffer of Qubacha’s domain, he was required to
deal directly with the political successors of the Khwarizmians, the
Qarlughs. In 1229, he marched to northwestern Panjab and drove
out Uzbeg Tai from his stronghold in the Salt Range. However, he
received the allegiance of Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh and allowed
him to rule beyond the Indus. In 1234, a Mongol general Hoqutar,
after a successful raid on Kashmir, attacked the Qarlugh princi-
pality and forced its ruler to accept the suzerainty of the Mongol
potentate Ogetai (r. 1229-41). As the Mongol troops moved into
Kabul, Ghazni and Zabulistan, Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh was con-
strained to accept a Mongol resident (shahnah) in his domain. This
prompted Iltutmish to advance towards Binban but, owing to his
death (1236), he could not chastise Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh.103
Qarlugh assumed a royal title and began to issue coins, includ-
ing the ‘bull and horseman’ type with a Devanagari legend. This
move, according to Siddiqui, reflected his good relations with the
Hindu chiefs of Koh-i Jud, who had accepted him as their over-
lord instead of the Sultan of Delhi after the death of Iltutmish.104
The rising power Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh did not impress
his Mongol masters. In 1238-9, two Mongol commanders Anban
and Negudar led a sudden attack on Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh,
who was expelled from his possessions in Ghazni, Kurraman
86 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and Binban.105 In a bid to compensate himself for these losses, he

turned to southwestern Panjab. Marching at the head of a strong
body of troops, he attacked Uch. Malik Saifuddin Aibak, who
held the place on behalf of the Delhi Sultanate, emerged out of
the fort in battle array and, following a brilliant victory, forced the
invaders to flee.106 Motivated by the instinct of survival, Saifuddin
Hasan Qarlugh, tried to secure the assistance of the Delhi Sultanate
against the Mongols and, thus, followed in the footsteps of his
master Mangbarni. He sent his son Muhammad to the court of
Raziya, who received him with honour and conferred the fief of
Baran on him. After a short time, he left the place without the
permission of Raziya and joined his father.107 The reason for this
secret departure lay in Raziya’s possible refusal to join hands with
the Qarlugh chief against the Mongols. Underscoring the buildup
of the Mongol military power in Turkistan and Afghanistan as
well as the increasing Mongol pressure towards the Indus, Peter
Jackson observed, ‘The Mongol campaign against Hasan Qarlugh
brought them to the frontiers of the Delhi Sultanate, and they now
occupied the territories which had served as the springboard for
the Ghorid invasions of India two generations earlier.’108
While advancing his designs on southwestern Panjab, Saifuddin
Hasan Qarlugh subdued the chiefs of the Salt Range and secured
their allegiance. He also accepted a Mongol resident at his court
and, from 1241 onwards, joined the Mongol raids on the bor-
ders of India. On two occasions (1245 and 1249), he succeeded
in snatching Multan from the hands of Delhi-appointed gover-
nors, but could not retain it. His son and successor Nasiruddin
Muhammad maintained diplomatic ties with the Mongols and
pragmatic compromise with the Delhi Sultanate. Avoiding armed
conflict with both the powers, he promoted agriculture and trade
as testified in the abundance of his coins found in the Salt Range. In
view of his subordination to the Mongols, he collaborated with the
disgrunutled elements in the Delhi Sultanate – Prince Jalaluddin
Masud in Lahore and Izzuddin Balban Kishlu Khan in Multan and
Sind – who had accepted (1254) the overlordship of the Mongol
emperor Mongke. The Qarlugh ruler, who had acted as a media-
tor between the Mongols and Delhi, fell from power sometime
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 87

after 1266, when Balban recovered large parts of western Panjab

and eliminated the pro-Mongol warlords. The Qarlugh ruler, who
was suspected of complicity by the Mongols, lost the confidence of
Halaku. Balban did not extend any support to the Qarlugh king-
dom, which was erased by the Mongols with the annexation of
Binban and Salt Range to the Chaghtai Khanate.109
More than two decades earlier (1241), Tair Bahadur, who held
the charge of Herat and Baghdiz, along with several Mongol com-
manders who controlled Ghor, Ghazni, Garmsir and Turkistan,
crossed the Indus. It appeared that the vigorous preparations
for defence made by Kabir Khan Ayaz, the governor of Multan,
induced them to turn instead to Lahore. They besieged the fort,
placed catapults (manjniqs) around it and destroyed the ramparts.
Akhtiaruddin Qaraqash, the governor of Lahore, who offered stiff
resistance at the gates of the city, fought to the limits of his capacity.
But he was demoralized on account of a combination of factors.110
First, the military garrison posted in the fort was unprepared
to meet the challenge, because it did not have the required war
materials and provisions. Second, a sizeable number of the inhab-
itants were merchants who had already travelled across Khurasan
and Turkistan which were under the Mongol rule. During these
journeys, they had acquired security letters promising safe pas-
sage from the Mongols and, therefore, they had little reason to
fear the presence of the invaders. What was more probable, they
did not wish to alienate the Mongols in view of their commercial
interests in Central Asia and, therefore, did not cooperate with the
administration in defending the place. Third, the notables of the
city including the judge (qazi), who were appointed to guard the
boundary walls, were guilty of negligence. Fourth, there was no
hope of assistance from Delhi, as the Turkish and Ghorid nobles
had fallen out with Sultan Muizuddin Bahram Shah (r. 21 April
1240-10 May 1242).111
Unnerved by all this, Qaraqash planned his flight from
Lahore. On the pretext of making a night attack, he emerged
(22 December 1241) from the fort with his followers and, pierc-
ing the Mongol cordon, rushed towards Delhi. The flight caused
much confusion and loss. Several women of his household were
88 The Making of Medieval Panjab

separated, but managed to hide from the enemy. A number of

fugitives were killed. Still others, taking advantage of the dark-
ness, concealed themselves in the graveyard and ruins. When the
citizens of Lahore and the defenders of the fort learnt about the
flight of Qaraqash, their hearts were broken. The Mongols were
emboldened to capture the city and begin a massacre in every
quarter. At this stage, the remaining local officers mobilized their
resources and organized a desperate resistance. Two groups of
people performed incredible deeds of valour and sacrificed their
lives in the effort. One group was led by Aqsanqar, the police chief
(kotwal) of Lahore and his dependants who, according to Juzjani,
surpassed the legendary Rustam in bravery by a thousand times.
The other group was led by Dindar Muhammad, the master of
stables (amir-i akhur) and his followers, who fought as if they had
been blessed by Ali Murtaza and other prophets.112
The Mongols were reported to have massacred the entire popu-
lation of Lahore and the survivors, if any, were made captive. But
the Mongols too suffered heavy casualties. It was estimated that
30,000 to 40,000 Mongols were killed along with 80,000 horses.
Several Mongol commanders, including Tair Bahadur, lost their
lives. In fact,there was not a single Mongol who had not received
a wound from the spear, sword or arrow. As a result of this set-
back, the invaders were forced to retreat. But the collapse of the
civil administration provided an opportunity to the Khokhars
and other tribals to pour into the city, which was subjected to a
second round of plunder. Qaraqash, who had returned from the
Beas to his post by then, found no difficulty in inflicting a severe
punishment on the intruders. During the course of his flight from
Lahore, his servants (wardrobe keepers or jamadars) had hidden
gold and other valuables in a marked spot under the water of the
Ravi. The governor managed to recover the wealth as it had not
fallen into the hands of the Mongols.113 The resolute defence of
the city by the remainder of the garrison and the massive Mongol
casualties could not have been possible without the active support
of the faceless citizenry of Lahore. It might be suggested, then, that
Qaraqash’s assessment of the situation was wrong and, if he had
led the soldiers and people like his distinguished subordinates, it
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 89

would have been possible to save the city from a genocide at the
hands of Mongols.
During the reign of Sultan Alauddin Masud Shah (r. 1242-6),
the Delhi Sultanate had a precarious hold in western Panjab.
While Lahore continued to be in a state of desolation, Multan
had been wrested by Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh after the death of
Tajuddin Abu Bakr and Uch was held by Hindu Khan and his
deputy Khwaja Salih. In 1245, the Mongol general Mangutah (who
on entering Iran had established his base in Taliqan, Kunduz and
Walwalij) penetrated into Sind and advanced towards Multan and
Uch. On hearing the arrival of the Mongols up to the banks of the
Indus, the Qarlugh warlord evacuated the fort of Multan and, hav-
ing abandoned the city to its fate, embarked on a vessel and fled to
Debal and Siwistan. Meanwhile, Mangutah reached the boundary
wall of the fort of Uch and, placing it under a blockade, ravaged
the environs of the town. The people of the fort not only made
utmost efforts to defend the citadel, but also killed a large num-
ber of the invaders. Though the besiegers succeeded in making a
breach in the rampart, they could not gain an entry through the
fortification. The Mongol captains were worried by the delay in
bringing the siege to a logical end. One of them, who reproached
Mangutah for the failure of his tactics, volunteered to take the fort
in a single assault. He planned to make a surprise attack during
the third watch of the night, while the guards took rest and the
inmates were asleep. The defenders had mixed a vast quantity of
water with clay at the rear of the breach, thus preparing a large
pit of mud as deep as a spear’s length. When the Mongol cap-
tain placed his foot on the breach, which was thought to be firm
ground, he fell into the quagmire and sank into it. The defenders,
who were roused from their slumber, raised a shout of joy and,
bringing out burning torches and grabbing their weapons, they
came out to fight. The Mongol troops retreated to the base camp.
Next morning, they requested the defenders to release their cap-
tain who was thought to have been made a prisoner and, in return,
promised to raise the siege and depart. They were shocked to learn
that their captain was not a captive, but had actually drowned in
the muddy water.114
90 The Making of Medieval Panjab

However, the final retreat (15 January 1246) of the Mongols

from Uch was brought about by the news of the arrival of the
Delhi army under the command of the Sultan Alauddin Masud
Shah and Ulugh Khan. Juzjani, who was a member of the retinue,
has attributed the Mongol retreat to the leadership and planning
of Ulugh Khan. It was he who mobilized the troops for this mili-
tary expedition, while other nobles showed indecision about the
enterprise. He sent guides in advance so that the line of the route
could be cleared beforehand. At every stage, he declared the inten-
tion of covering a distance of 8 kurohs, but actually covered 12. By
employing this mode of movement, the army crossed the Beas and
reached the banks of the Ravi. The withdrawal of the Mongols was
triggered by a clever move of Ulugh Khan. A number of letters
were drafted for the garrison of Uch, announcing the arrival of
a vast army, including a sizeable cavalry and an impressive fleet
of elephants, besides stressing the high morale of the soldiers.
A detachment was placed in front to serve as a reconnoitering
force and advance guard. The couriers carried the letters to the
garrison, while some of these fell into the hands of the Mongols.
As the defenders beat drums in joy, the Mongols were unnerved
and decided to raise the siege. Mangutah was forced to take this
decision when he learnt that the Delhi army was marching along
the skirts of the hills on way to the Beas, owing to the numerous
islands on the banks of the river and, thus, opted for a longer route
instead of the shorter one via Sarsuti and Marut. On the one hand,
he was worried about the vast size of the Delhi army and, on the
other, he feared that his line of retreat might be cut off. Though he
divided his troops into three divisions, they were routed and forced
to flee. They released a number of their captives, both Muslim and
Hindu. Ulugh Khan followed up this success by advancing upto
the Chenab (March 1246) and thus asserted the authority of the
Delhi Sultanate upto Sodhra.115
The aggressive action of the Delhi Sultanate could not deter the
Mongols from another invasion soon after. In 1246, Sali Bahadur
and Shamsuddin Kurt Ghori (a feudatory of the Mongols in Herat)
laid siege to Multan that was held by Jankar Khan, who had been
a slave of Iltutmish. On the fourteenth day of the siege, Jankar
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 91

Khan sent the Suhrawardi saint Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya to

Shamsuddin Kurt Ghori to negotiate the terms of peace in return
for an indemnity. The Mongols accepted the proposal and, having
raised the siege, accepted a sum of 100,000 dinars, thirty ass-loads
of soft goods and one hundred captives.116 Sali Bahadur marched
northwards to Lahore and extracted a similar contribution from
the governor, who even agreed to be a vassal of the Mongols.117
It appeared that the Delhi Sultanate could not take suitable
retaliatory measures, as the ruling class was involved in setting up
a new political dispensation. As soon as Nasiruddin Mahmud was
elevated as the Sultan, Ulugh Khan convinced him of the need to
send a military expedition to northwestern Panjab. Accordingly,
he marched (12 November 1246) out of the capital and, travel-
ling through the different parts of Panjab, reached Sodhra on the
Chenab. He and some prominent nobles separated from the main
army and entered the Koh-i Jud in order to punish the Khokhar
chief Jaspal Sehra, who had acted as the guide of the Mongols in
the previous year. They ravaged the entire countryside extending
from the Jhelam to the Indus. They plundered the Khokhar tribes-
men – families, children and dependents – in such a manner that
they were forced to flee. A body of the Mongols, which observed
the Delhi army from the bank of the Jhelam, was filled with awe
on seeing the vast number of soldiers as well the abundance of
weapons and war materials. During the winter of 1246, Ulugh
Khan led his troops through the mountains, ravines and forests.
By showing exemplary vigour and military organization, Ulugh
Khan occupied several forts and subdued the inhabitants. The
stories of his exploits, if Juzjani was trusted, spread as far as the
land of Turkistan. Since the entire tract suffered from lack of cul-
tivation and fields, the supply of provisions was not possible. This
difficulty forced the Delhi army to return from the Salt Range.118
The increasing factional conflict among the nobles, which
defined the political developments in the middle of the thirteenth
century, enabled the Mongols to recast their strategies in Panjab.
Instead of fitting out frequent predatory campaigns in the region,
they began to support disgruntled nobles who travelled long dis-
tances to seek asylum in their courts. Such notables – Jalaluddin
92 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Masud (brother of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud), Kishlu Khan,

Sher Khan and Qutlugh Khan – insecure in the unprecedented
ascendancy of Ulugh Khan, thought it prudent to transfer a part
of their loyalty to the principal enemy of their first patron. In fact,
they used their new homage to the Mongols to make political bar-
gains with the Delhi Sultanate. Their loyalty could not be taken
for granted, as they were free to tilt to any side keeping in mind
their political interest at any given point of time. When Jalaluddin
Masud was installed in Lahore as a vassal of the Mongols, he
received the support of Sali Bahadur on the one hand and Sher
Khan on the other. Both Jalaluddin Masud and Sher Khan were
sponsored by the Mongols, but they did not hesitate to compro-
mise with Ulugh Khan for a short time in their search for greater
gains. Realizing that they had been merely used by Ulugh Khan as
a pawn in a political game, they were quick to distance themselves
from Ulugh Khan. Not only this, they also fell apart and chalked
out separate political courses for themselves. Jalaluddin Masud,
despite these reverses, managed to carve out a petty kingdom in
Panjab that included Lahore, Sodhra and Kujah.119 If the Delhi
Sultanate did not interfere with him, it was because he continued
to enjoy the protection of the Mongols until his death in 1260.
The case of Kishlu Khan was somewhat different. Being frus-
trated at his failure to dislodge Ulugh Khan from his dominant
position and a nagging conflict with Sher Khan over Multan and
Uch, he felt induced to turn to the Mongols. As noted above, he had
sent Shamsuddin Kurt Ghori as his emissary to Halaku, the prince
of Turkistan.120 During a personal appearance at Halaku’s court,
he agreed to accept a Mongol resident in his domain of Sind and
sent his grandson as a hostage in Mongol custody. On returning to
Uch, he sent his agents and the Mongol resident of Sind to Delhi.
Evidently, he took this step to explain his link with the Mongols
and thereby preempt any punitive action against himself.121 At
the same time, he displayed his continued loyalty to the Mongols.
When the Mongol commander Sali Bahadur led a predatory raid
(1257-8) on Sind, Kishlu Khan was forced to join the invaders
owing to the presence of the Mongol resident in the region. When
the Mongols dismantled the fortifications of Multan, Kishlu Khan
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 93

remained a silent spectator and, in this manner, maintained a fine

balance between his two warring overlords and also paid a price
for serving two masters. Juzjani, as seen above, showed that the
arrival of the Delhi army forced the Mongols to retreat on this
occasion.122
But Isami’s account was somewhat different, as he has described
two military expeditions (1258) of Nasiruddin Mahmud to
Multan. In the first one, the Mongols were routed in an ambush
and the victory was followed by the revival of agriculture. Since
the Sultan had a great liking for Kishlu Khan, he was left in charge
of Multan.123 The second military campaign, which was led by
Ulugh Khan, was directed against Kishlu Khan who had revolted
and fled. The fort of Multan was besieged and the garrison was
reduced to distress. Muhammad, the son of Kishlu Khan, sued
for peace and received an amicable treatment. The Multan troops
defected to the Delhi army, while Kishlu Khan took refuge at
Binban in the Qarlugh kingdom. Isami has accused Kishlu Khan
of twice bringing the Mongols to Multan, though they failed to
capture the place.124
In the long run, the Delhi Sultanate could not ignore the grow-
ing affinity between its provincial governors (muqtis) posted in
western Panjab and the Mongols (or their clients). The trend
posed a serious threat to the very existence of the Delhi Sultanate
and deprived it of large chunks of territory beyond the Beas. The
remedy lay in exercising a more effective control over highrank-
ing officers holding commands (iqtas) in these areas as well as
fighting out the Mongols and their satellites from there. Given the
circumstances in which it was placed, the Delhi Sultanate could
not apply any of these measures. Still there was one option i.e.
opening negotiations with the Mongols so as to block their expan-
sion across central and eastern Panjab. With these ideas in mind,
Ulugh Khan decided to use the services of the Qarlugh chief – the
Mongol vassal whose kingdom lay between the Delhi Sultanate
and the Mongol Empire – as a conduit. This move was facilitated
by a strategic marriage between the son of Ulugh Khan and the
daughter of Nasirudin Muhammad Qarlugh.125 Ulugh Khan de-
puted Jamaluddin Ali Khalji to carry his letters for Halaku. This
94 The Making of Medieval Panjab

emissary, while travelling through Panjab, secured exemption

from the demands of tax collectors on the ground of his diplo-
matic status. When he entered the territory (Sind) of Kishlu Khan,
the latter became suspicious and desired to know the contents
of the letters. Jamaluddin Ali Khalji took advantage of the pres-
ence of Mongol agents and, claiming diplomatic immunity and
declaring his aim of appearing before the Qarlugh chief, refused
to divulge the official correspondence. Kishlu Khan, realizing his
helplessness, permitted the emissary to go ahead. When he arrived
at Binban, the Mongol officers and other people came to know
about the mission from Delhi. The Qarlugh chief, who was obliged
to facilitate the journey of the emissary to Halaku’s court through
Iraq and Azarbaijan, provided his own escorts, letters and gifts.126
The manner in which Jamaluddin Ali Khalji secured a safe
passage through vast territories, which were ruled by potentates
hostile to one another, indicated the depth of Mongol hegemony
in Panjab, Afghanistan and Central Asia. When the emissary met
Halaku at Tabrez, he was pleasantly surprised to find that Ulugh
Khan, in contrast to other nobles of Hindustan and Sind, was held
in high esteem as an autonomous ruler. As the emissary embarked
on his return journey, Halaku ordered the Mongol resident at
Baniyan to escort the visitor. The Mongol ruler also issued a stern
order for his military commander Sari Nuyin, ‘If the hoof of a
horse of your troops enters the dominion of Sultan Nasiruddin
Mahmud, you are instructed to cut off the four legs of the horse.’
Evidently, the diplomatic contact between the two powers culmi-
nated in an agreement to uphold peace on the Indian frontier. Not
long after, Halaku dispatched a delegation from his army, which
had been stationed in Khurasan and Turkistan, to Delhi where
it was given (March 1260) a warm reception.127 In this manner,
the Delhi Sultanate sought to minimize the Mongol threat and
the recalcitrance of the pro-Mongol Panjab officers. Ulugh Khan
found it easier to deal with the longstanding enemy of the Delhi
Sultanate than its own ambitious and restless officers.128
Sultan Ghiasuddin Balban (r. 1266-86), who had held import-
ant positions in the Delhi Sultanate during a career of two
decades as a distinguished noble (Ulugh Khan), developed his
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 95

own approach towards problems on the northwestern frontier. He

believed that the glory of state depended on war animals, horses
and elephants. He did not rely on the lands ruled by the Mongols
for the supply of horses. He had assigned the region of Sind to his
elder son Sultan Muhammad, who facilitated the supply of a large
number of Tatari and Bharaichi horses to Delhi. Selected horses of
Indian breeds were raised in large numbers in the various places
of Panjab: Sunam, Samana, Bathinda, Thanesar and the Siwaliks.
The Sultan found it easy to secure an adequate number of horses
at low prices from these places in order to meet the needs of his
army.129 Once he had suppressed the rebellious elements of Mewat
and Doab, he led a military expedition to the Koh-i Jud, the strong-
hold of the Khokhars. While the mountainous tract was ravaged,
his troops acquired innumerable horses from the retainers of hill
men (Khokhars). Owing to the ample availability of horses among
the troops, their prices fell as low as 30-40 tankas.130 Two years
after this success, Balban marched to Lahore and initiated several
measures for its rehabilitation. The fortification (hissar) of the
city, which had been pulled down by the Mongols, was rebuilt.
Concrete steps were taken to revive normal life in all those places
– the city of Lahore along with its towns and villages – which
had suffered devastation at the hands of the Mongols. The Sultan
appointed superintendents and builders (gumashtgan wa maima-
ran) for the task of resettlement and reconstruction.131 However,
beyond the recovery of Lahore, no attempt was made to secure
large parts of Panjab that were in the firm grip of the Mongols.
In fact, their presence in the region was such a potent threat that
the Delhi Sultanate could not contemplate any territorial expan-
sion in other directions. In response to a specific question on this
subject, Balban underscored the enormity of the Mongol threat.
His response was as follows:
The Mongol armies had established themselves on the borders
of the Delhi Sultanate. They were firmly settled in Ghazni, Tirmiz,
and Mawra ul-Nahr. Halaku, who was ruling from Baghdad, had
occupied Iraq. Since the Mongols were aware of the wealth and
prosperity of Hindustan, they had always intended to plunder it.
Lahore, which formed the border of the kingdom, had often been
96 The Making of Medieval Panjab

attacked and destroyed by them. Not a year passed when they did
not enter the country or failed to plunder the habitations of the
Khokhars. As soon as they would hear the departure of the Sultan
from Delhi, they would surely destroy the capital city, ravage the
towns and plunder the Doab. The previous Sultans failed to block
the entry of the Mongols, who felt free to attack any part of the
kingdom and loot its wealth. In contrast, Balban claimed to spend
the revenue from provinces on raising a strong army. Instead of
leaving his capital, he looked forward to confronting the Mongols.
If there had been no fear of the Mongol inroads and the Sultan was
not burdened with the safety of India’s towns, he would have led
military campaigns to distant kingdoms and brought back unlim-
ited treasures, elephants and horses.132
In 1270 Sher Khan, who had played a significant role in the
politics of Panjab for several decades, died. His death became an
occasion for Barani to pay a rich tribute to this veteran noble with
reference to the situation on the northwestern frontier. According
to the historian, Sher Khan had stood as a wall of Gog and Magog
between the Mongols and Delhi Sultanate for thirty years since the
death of Iltutmish. He was one of the forty Turki slave officers of
this Sultan and, attaining the rank of Khan, held a high position
among them. Since the accession of Nasiruddin Mahmud, he held
the revenue assignments of Lahore, Dipalpur, Sunam and other
places that were located in the direction of the Mongols. Besides
raising the citadel of Bathinda, he had constructed a fort and
high dome at Bhatner. He had mustered a crack force of several
thousand horsemen and, in his repeated campaigns against the
Monglos, inflicted crushing defeats on them. He had even suc-
ceeded in getting the Friday sermon (khutba) read in the name of
Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud in Ghazni. Owing to the large size of
his armed contingent and his personal qualities (alertness, intre-
pidity, power and pomp) the Mongols did not dare to approach
the borders of Hindustan. He had also forced the warlike tribes
of Panjab – Jats, Khokhars, Bhattis, Minas, Mandahars and oth-
ers – to withdraw into their strongholds. However, he did not visit
Delhi, as the Shamsi slaves were being murdered on one pretext
or the other. He maintained this posture even when his cousin
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 97

Ghiasuddin Balban ascended the throne. Unfortunately, he was

poisoned by the Sultan through a cupbearer (fuqai).133
After Sher Khan’s death, the iqtas of Samana and Sunam were
assigned to Tamar Khan who was also one of the Shamsi Turkish
slaves. Other iqtas in his charge were assigned to other officers. But
his successors could not come upto his stature and failed to fight
the Mongols or suppress the tribes. In fact, none of them could
achieve what Sher Khan had achieved in just thirty years. Keeping
this factor in mind, Sultan Ghiasuddin Balban nominated his son
Sultan Muhammad, who was given the title of Qaan-i Malik and
was popularly known as Khan-i Shahid, as his heir apparent and
entrusted to him all the territories of Sind and its dependencies.
He was sent to Multan along with several highranking nobles and
dignitaries.134 Every year the prince arrived from Multan laden
with treasures, horses and gifts. He returned after staying in Delhi
for a few days.135
When Balban deputed Sultan Muhammad to Multan with the
task of defending the northwestern frontier against the Mongols,
he also created a second line of defence by assigning the iqtas
of Sunam, Samana, and neighbouring places to his younger son
Bughra Khan. Since Bughra Khan lacked the intelligence and
ability of his elder brother, the Sultan issued special instructions
to him, so that he could acquit himself in a satisfactory manner.
The prince was required to understand that the iqta of Samana
was extensive, while numerous experienced soldiers and offic-
ers were already serving there. He was asked to keep the army of
Samana properly equipped and trained under the supervision of
an experienced commander, so that it was always ready to fight
against the Mongols. He was directed to increase the salaries of the
old servants of the state. He was instructed to undertake a fresh
recruitment drive, so that the number of soldiers and officers
was doubled. He was advised to patronize sincere and loyal well
wishers of the state, who ought to be appointed as nobles (amirs)
and granted suitable revenue assignments. He was expected to
avoid rash decisions, but to consult confidants who had adequate
knowledge of state affairs. He was urged to seek the advice of the
Sultan in complicated administrative matters. He was warned
98 The Making of Medieval Panjab

to keep away from excessive drinking and wasteful activities, as

these bad habits would adversely affect the administration of his
extensive iqta. If this happened, he would be dismissed from his
post and also deprived of his iqta, his future would be jeopardized
as he would not be given any other iqta and he would be pushed
to the rank of the unemployed. The Sultan’s concerns were quite
understandable as, during those days, the Mongols had become
so audacious as to often cross the Beas. On these occasions,
the Sultan dispatched three armies – Sultan Muhammad from
Multan, Bughra Khan from Samana and Malik Barbak Bektars
from Delhi – each of which comprised 17,000-18,000 horse-
men. These commanders marched to the Beas and, taking up the
offensive against the Mongols, secured many victories.136 Barani’s
statement indicates that in spite of the numerous measures taken
by Balban, the Beas was treated as the northwestern boundary of
the Delhi Sultanate, the Mongol inroads occurred quite frequently
and the Bari Doab up to Multan became a zone of contestation
between the two powers. It might be added that, with the transfer
of Bughra Khan to Lakhnauti after the suppression of the Bengal
revolt, his administrative responsibilities in Panjab were handed
over to Sultan Muhammad.

Life and Death of a Governor

Sultan Muhammad, who administered several areas in western
Panjab, deserved a closer look for a variety of reasons. Impressed
with his colourful personality, prominent nobles who had been
Shamsi slaves, named their sons as Muhammad after him. The
prince was known among his contemporaries for his learning,
affability and sophistication. While attending to administrative
matters, he sat on his knees an entire day and night without
shifting his posture. He always conducted himself with great
dignity. A moderate drinker, he did not get inebriated, nor did he
utter a bad word.137 His assemblies were crowded with people who
were skilled in wisdom and arts. His companions recited poetry
from the Shahnama of Firdausi, the Khamsa of Nizami Ganjavi
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 99

and the Diwans of Sanai and Khaqani. They also discussed the
aesthetic features of the verses of these poets. His court was a
veritable galaxy of the finest literati in the Indian subcontinent. He
extended patronage to Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan Sijzi who
spent five years at the governor’s court in Multan. In his convivial
parties, Sultan Muhammad discerned their extraordinary literary
talent, both in poetry and prose. He not only treated them as his
confidants, but also favoured them with lavish salaries and awards.
In fact, he made two attempts to invite Saadi Shirazi to join his
court in Multan. On both the occasions, he sent an emissary
to the great Persian poet at Shiraz along with suitable expenses
for the journey. He wished to build a hospice (khanqah) for the
guest in Multan and endow it with the revenue of a few villages.
Shirazi declined the invitations because of his old age and, while
expressing his regret for his inability to come, he sent a collection
of his sonnets (ghazals) which had been transcribed in his own
hand.138
Besides literature and poetry, Sultan Muhammad had a pas-
sionate interest in Islamic mysticism and musical sessions
(sama). Once an eminent saint Shaikh Usman Marwandi arrived
in Multan.139 The prince received him with great devotion and
presented him a large offering (ba-ifrat tawazo kard wa futuh
basiyar dasht wa basiyar jehd kard). Since he wished the distin-
guished visitor to permanently settle in Multan, he constructed
a hospice (khanqah) and granted a few villages in maintenance.
The Shaikh, owing to unknown reasons, did not settle in the city.
However, he attended a musical session along with Shaikh Qudwa
and some other Sufis. During the proceedings, devotional verses
in Arabic (ghazal-ha-i arabi) were sung, as a result of which the
Sufis began to dance in ecstasy. As long as the saints engaged in
song and dance, Sultan Muhammad kept on standing with folded
hands and wept profusely (ta aan zaman keh darveshan dar sama
wa raqs budand dast bastah istadah bud wa zarzar megreest). He
also displayed a deep emotional involvement in secular assem-
blies. When his companions recited devotional verses, which were
imbued with advice and admonition (waaz wa nasaih), he aban-
100 The Making of Medieval Panjab

doned all other tasks and, while listening with utmost devotion,
broke into soulful weeping. The gathering was astonished at his
intelligence and sensitivity.140
Sultan Muhammad, who was endowed with stellar personal
excellences, could not face the Mongol invasions in a satisfactory
manner. In fact, his troops met with humiliating defeats on two
occasions. When he had spent a fairly long time in Multan, two
Mongol contingents penetrated the boundary of the city and rav-
aged the exposed areas. On hearing the report of this incursion, he
ordered his commanders to march out of Multan and to break the
ranks of the intruders. This army marched towards Hind Kandhali
on receiving a report about the presence of the Mongols. As the
battle went underway, a terrific noise rose up. A Mongol detach-
ment moved fiercely and, drowning the beat of the indigenous
drums of war, fell upon their adversaries. In the initial stages, the
Indian soldiers offered some resistance, but they were soon out-
numbered and put to flight. The Indian commanders, while being
aggressively pursued by their opponents, reached as far the envi-
rons of Sind. Any fugitive, who lagged behind, fell as a prisoner
in the Mongol hands. While the victorious columns withdrew to
the camp, the Indian commanders returned to Multan. As soon as
Sultan Muhammad learnt the details of their miserable defeat, he
fell into a terrible rage and even wanted to kill them. On second
thoughts, he decided to issue a strong rebuke and impose a fine for
their slackness, so that they did not accept defeat in the future and
staked their lives in the battlefield. Accordingly, he served a notice
of fine to each one of them. When the officers read the embarrass-
ing order, they appealed for the substitution of ‘fine’ by another
word, so that their reputation was not sullied for all times. Taking
a lenient, Sultan Muhammad replaced the word ‘fine’ by ‘offering
and presentation’, thus saving his army commanders from dis-
grace.141
Sultan Muhammad, in order to crush the revolt of the Sumras,
marched to Sind and encamped in the vicinity of Jatral. During
the course of punitive operations, he learnt through a written
message that a force of 30,000 Mongol horsemen (under Tamar,
according to Barani) had arrived at distance of a few miles
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 101

(3 farsangs) from his camp. Since the Indians had been taken by
surprise, the army commanders advised Sultan Muhammad to
leave for Multan, as it would not be proper for him to lead the
fight against the Mongols in person and, owing to the uncertainty
of the result on the battlefield, his life was extremely valuable,
particularly for the ageing Sultan in Delhi. Sultan Muhammad,
refusing to be demoralized by the sheer size of the Mongol contin-
gents, rejected the advice and vowed to die like a hero in the thick
of battle. Next day, his troops emerged from their camp and took
up positions to fight, so that the atmosphere was filled with dust.
The Mongols moved in from every side and fell upon the Indian
ranks. Sultan Muhammad firmly established himself and guided
a resolute resistance, which was coupled with offensive tactics. As
the soldiers of the two adversaries grappled in a central place, all
types of weapons were deployed. Though the fierce engagement
raged from morning until afternoon, no side could overpower the
other. The Mongols managed to trace a weak link (a Ghuzz chief
named Mangli) among their opponents and, in a fierce attack,
scattered his retinue. As the Mongols gained the upper hand, the
Indian troops fell into a state of panic and fled in all directions.
Some Indian soldiers stuck to their places and made a desperate
use of all arms one after the other – arrows, swords, fists and teeth.
But all their captains, who held different positions on the ground,
were crushed. A terrible scene like the day of resurrection (qiya-
mat) was enacted.142
Sultan Muhammad, who had been left alone in the battle-
field, drove his horse towards a rivulet. But he was killed by a
sharp arrow fired by a Qaraunah. With his main artery pierced
by the shot, he rolled down from his saddle and fell in the mud.
The Qaraunah, who was unmindful of the identity of the fallen
adversary, seized his equipment – horse, sword, bow and quiver
– and joined his companions. One of the Indian prisoners (who
belonged to the party of the prince’s musicians), having recognized
his master’s horse and quiver, started wailing while throwing dust
on his head, pulling his hair and scratching his face. As soon as
the Mongols heard the name of Sultan Muhammad, they forced
the Qaraunah to reveal the source of his valuable booty. Cornered
102 The Making of Medieval Panjab

thus, the Qaraunah led his companions to the site on the bank
of the rivulet. They were astonished to see the stout physique
and broad shoulders of the deceased, now lying dead in a pool
of blood. They carried the body, along with the horse and arma-
ments, to their commander. He ordered the body to be placed
in a coffin and intended to send it to their own country. At this
juncture, Rai Kalu, the father-in-law of Sultan Muhammad, heard
the tragic news. He rushed to the scene and broke into mournful
lamentations. He paid a sizeable amount of money from his iqta
to the Mongols and redeemed the body of his son-in-law,143 who
was not only the governor of a large territory, but also the son of
the reigning Sultan and heir apparent to the throne of the Delhi
Sultanate. Barani has failed to provide any detail of the battle on
the frontier, except that the military engagement took place some-
where between Lahore and Dipalpur. But he did mention that the
death of Sultan Muhammad caused such a commotion in Multan
that there was mourning in every house; all inhabitants of the city
wore blue clothes and the noise of their lamentations reached the
sky. Since that date, Sultan Muhammad, the governor of Multan,
came to be known as Khan-i Shahid.144
Amir Khusrau, who was present in Multan during the tragic
occurrence and even suffered captivity of the Mongols, has des-
cribed the military conflict in his own way. According to him,
as soon as Sultan Muhammad received the news of enemy’s
approach, he donned the helmet and hoisted the flag. He marched
out with whatever troops were in readiness and did not wait for
any reinforcements, as Rustam did not seek the aid of an army. It
was inauspicious hour when he commenced on his journey from
Multan and, in one swift move, reached Lahore. He was furious at
the Mongols for the audacity of raising their head when he, like
a lion, had reduced thousands of his foes to dust every year. He
stated, ‘So much of their blood have I caused to flow like water
that the vultures swim in it as the duck does in the river. This year
the ground shall be dyed so red with their blood that the twilight
will borrow its red tinge from the earth.’ On the eve of Muharram,
he entered the battlefield like Husain of Karbala before the com-
ing of Ashura and thrust his spear down the throats of his foes.145
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 103

At an unhappy hour, horde upon horde of the Mongols crossed

the Ravi and drew close to the Prince’s army. As his charger
clouded the sky with dust, the Mongols scattered like chaff in a
storm. The earth trembled with the swift rush of horsemen, while
the sky resounded with the shouts of warriors, neighing of horses
and rumbling of drums. But the Prince thought only of fighting
like a man and urging his men to fight. The bright day changed
into a dusky evening, but the combatants were still involved in a
fierce contest. As the dead lay on the field like the figures woven
into a green tapestry, the wounded struggled in agony with blood
gushing out of their throats. The Prince’s sword did not rest for a
single moment from its slaughter of the foes. Riding on his glo-
rious charger, he moved from place to place, arranging his men
and giving them instructions. As victory appeared in his sight and
Mongols awaited the opportunity to escape, the scales suddenly
changed and the Prince lost his life. If Husain trod a waterless path
in Karbala, the Prince was drowned in the river owing to the guile
of the demons. The severed heads of the dead were strewn over
the field, looking like Indian nuts chased with bright vermilion.
‘Each year the Prince had to deal with the Mongols for the sake
of Islam, and behold how at last he has given away his life also in
that cause.’146
Amir Khusrau has described his experience as a prisoner in
the custody of the Mongols against the backdrop of this calam-
ity. It was difficult for him to narrate the heroic deeds of Sultan
Muhammad which were similar to the valour of Hazrat Ali
against the Khaibaris.147 The terrible outcome of the battle was a
divine decree which issued from God and therefore could not be
averted. The blood of the martyrs drenched the soil like water,
while cords tied the faces of prisoners like flowers in a wreath.
Their heads jostled in the knots of the saddle straps and their
throats choked in the nooses of the reins. Though Amir Khusrau
was spared of this painful treatment yet, being a prisoner, the fear
of death did not leave any blood in his thin and feeble body. He
had to run headlong like a torrent, while the long trek caused a
thousand blisters on his feet like bubbles and the skin of his feet
was rent. On account of these hardships, life appeared hard like
104 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the hilt of a sword and his body became dry like wood in the
handle of an axe. Like an autumn tree, his body was naked and
torn into a thousand shreds by the painful lacerations of thorny
bushes. Tears dropped from his eyes as pearls fell from the necks
of brides. The despicable Mongol captor, who drove him in front
of him, sat on his horse like a leopard on a hill. A foul stench
came from his mouth and filthy moustaches hung from his chin.
When the hapless prisoner was forced to slow down his pace due
to exhaustion, he was threatened with death. Heaving sighs of
despair, he felt that he would never be able to escape alive from
his ordeal. He offered a thousand thanks to God for delivering
him from an inhuman affliction, without his heart being pierced
by any arrow and body unscathed by any sword. His release came
at the end of a difficult journey through a desert heaped with lay-
ers of sand, where his brain boiled like a cauldron with intense
heat. When they reached a stream of water, the Mongol captor
and his horse drank water until they were satiated and, as a result,
died instantly. Amir Khusrau, who just moistened his lips and
refreshed his body, managed to save his life.148
On returning to Multan, Amir Khusrau was shocked to find
the state of inhabitants, who were sunk in a sea of mourning. They
expressed grief at the death of the Prince and their relatives who
had fallen round him. In his words,
Even the sun and the moon wept for his handsome face, and the night
and the day mourned his brief life. As the birds and the fish had also been
in peace during his reign, the air and the water were full of moanings
on his death. The inhabitants of Multan on all sides, in every alley and
in each quarter, wept, rending their clothes and tearing their hair. With
the loud cries of mourning and the beating of the drums, nobody could
sleep that night, for in every house there was some dead to be wept for.
The darkness of the Hindu and the whiteness of the Turk have both
disappeared, for the two are alike dressed in deep blue. The fair ones no
longer require indigo and rouge, for with slapping their cheeks are red
and their eyebrows blue.
Whenever any captive secured his release from bondage and
returned to the city, the people looked at his face and wept bitterly
because the survivor was not the one they looked for. Though
Amir Khusrau was relieved at his providential escape, yet he was
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 105

extremely sad at the absence of his numerous friends who had lost
their lives in the violent catastrophe. At the age of thirty-four, he
could expect to live for several decades. But his long life could not
bring any joy, as his friends were no longer there to add happiness
to his existence.149
In view of the above bitter experience and sense of loss, it was
understandable if Amir Khusrau has left behind a prejudiced por-
trait of the Mongols. According to him, the Mongols wore quiltted
vests as under armour and cotton garments on their bodies. They
were fire faced, flat nosed, narrow eyed, foul mouthed and dog
tongued. Known for devouring dogs and pigs, they gave out a
dirty stench from their armpits. They emitted sounds of ‘Qarbu
Qarbu’ like monkeys. In battle, they were headstrong and fierce.
They wore plumes of feathers on their heads, which were shorn
and looked like eggs. Their caps were made of sheepskin. Their
azure coloured eyes were so narrow and piercing that they looked
like two crevices bored in a large brazen vessel. The stench com-
ing out of them was worse than that from a rotten carcass. Their
skin was crumpled and wrinkled like the soft leather of a bottle.
Their nose extended from cheek to cheek. The hair of their nos-
trils, which represented an oven full of stinking water, extended as
far as their lips. They had scanty beard on their sunken cheeks, as
no vegetation grew on the surface of ice. Their moustaches were
of inordinate length. Owing to the excess of lice on their clothes,
their breasts had turned black and white like the mustard growing
over barren soil. Whereas other people got oil from the bod-
ies of the Tartars, the bodies of the Mongols were covered with
rough untanned hide, which could be used for the soles of shoes.
Eating dogs and pigs with their nasty teeth, they pilfered morsels
of food like dogs. There was a constant flow of watery substance
from their drain like nostrils. They emitted such a foul smell that
nobody dared to sit near them.150

Winning over Opponents

Jalaluddin Khalji, who ascended the throne of Delhi on 13 June
1296 in the wake of political changes at the highest levels of the
state, had served in Panjab for several years and possessed the
106 The Making of Medieval Panjab

experience of fighting against the Mongols. Sometime during

the reign of Ghiasuddin Balban, he was appointed the chief of
royal bodyguard (sar-i jandar), besides being entrusted with the
administration of Samana and Kaithal. His connection with these
two places has been recorded by Barani. Maulana Sirajuddin Savi,
a poet of Samana, on being oppressed by local officers for land tax,
complained to the governor Jalaluddin Khalji. When his complaint
went unheeded, he wrote the Khalji Nama in which the governor
was subjected to satirical criticism. As the muqti of Kaithal,
Jalaluddin Khalji plundered a village of the Mandahars and, in an
armed clash, he received deep wounds on his face by the sword
of a Mandahar.151 While holding military commands in Panjab,
Jalaluddin Khalji led punitive expeditions against the Mongols as
well as the frontier tribes. In fact, while exercising his authority as
the Sultan and dealing with the revolt of Malik Chajju, he recalled
with pride his military exploits in different areas. His fame as a
military general was well known, as his conquests had reached
distant places like Ghazni, Kirman, Barjand and Darband. He had
converted his enemies into worms with his Kirmani sword. He
had filled his cup with the blood of the Mongols and had stuck
their inverted skulls on the top of his standards. He had wounded
the Afghans with his spears, so that the mountains echoed with
their lamentations. He had made the blood of the Janjuas flow in
such large quantities that boats could glide through it in the Koh-i
Jud. The local populace could not imagine how he filled hell to the
brim with the dead.152
In addition to the appointment of his son Arkali Khan as the
governor of Multan, the Sultan’s intimate connection with the
military campaigns against the Mongols was indicated by two
pieces of evidence. In a discussion with Ahmad Chap, he offered
to renounce the kingship and retire to Multan, so that he could,
like Sher Khan, wage a war against the Mongols and prevent them
from entering the territories of the Delhi Sultanate.153 On another
occasion, he wished his name to be recited in the Friday sermon
(khutbah) as a crusader on the path of God (al-mujahid fi sabil
allah), as he had been fighting against the Mongols for several
years. At his suggestion, his wife Malika-i Jahan asked the leading
theologians of Delhi to make a formal proposal on this issue to
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 107

the Sultan. However, the Sultan changed his mind on the plea that
his wars against the Mongols were aimed at exhibiting his bravery
and gaining fame. He admitted that these battles had not been
fought in the true spirit of a crusade (jihad), which was exclusively
undertaken in the way of God and implied a keen desire for mar-
tyrdom.154
In 1292 Abdullah, the grandson of Halaku, invaded India at the
head of over one lakh soldiers. Jalaluddin Khalji led his troops out
of the capital Kilogarhi and, resorting to forced marches, reached
Barram. Here the two armies stood facing each other, being sepa-
rated by a river. As preparations were being made for a pitched
battle, there were skirmishes between the advance guards of the
adversaries. In these clashes, a number of Mongols were killed and
some were taken as prisoners. The two sides exchanged emissaries
and decided to stop further hostilities. A meeting was arranged
between the Sultan and Abdullah. They addressed each other as
son and father respectively, while the troops were withdrawn from
the battlefield. Alaghu, a grandson of Chingez Khan, entered the
service of the Sultan along with some commanders of 1,000 and
100 troopers.155 The Sultan also gave his daughter in marriage to
Alaghu. The Mongols embraced Islam by reciting the confession
of faith. Alaghu and his associates, who were accompanied by
their women and children, came to settle in Delhi. They received
salaries for a period of one or two years. They built their houses
near Kilogarhi, Ghiaspur, Indarpat, and Tiloka. The area of their
settlement acquired the name of Mughalpur.156 The climate of the
country and residence in the neighbourhood of the city did not
suit the immigrants. Most of them returned to their own country
along with their families. Some of the leading men among them
continued to stay back in the land of their domicile. They con-
tinued to receive villages and allowances and, having contracted
marriages with the local Muslims, became popularly known as
neo-Muslims.157

Last Phase of the Mongol Incursions

The first half of Alauddin Khalji’s reign witnessed a manifold
increase of Mongol pressure on Panjab. During a span of ten
108 The Making of Medieval Panjab

years (1296-1306), there were as many as six invasions and, on

two occasions, the invaders besieged the city of Delhi. In 1296
Dava Khan, the Mongol ruler of Mawra ul-Nahr, sent Kadar at
the head of a large army. This Mongol horde ravaged the Koh-i
Jud and destroyed the habitations (talwarah) of the Khokhars. It
crossed the rivers of Panjab (Jhelam, Beas, and Satluj) and, turning
towards the town of Qasur, demolished its buildings. The Sultan
sent Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan at the head of an extensive force,
which included several Jalali and Alai nobles. These troops swam
across the Satluj and overwhelmed the invaders at Jaran Manjur
(Jalandhar). In a bloody battle (9 February 1298), nearly 20,000
Mongols were killed and the survivors were sent to Delhi in
chains. In the capital, the occasion was celebrated with the beating
of drums and recitation of the victory letters (fatehnamas).158 In
1299 when the Delhi army was engaged in the subjugation of
Gujarat, Zafar Khan was directed to march to Siwistan, which
had been occupied by a Mongol retinue led by Saldi. Zafar Khan
besieged the invaders in the local fort, but did not employ any
of the technical devices – siege engines (manjniq), ballistas
(arradah), covered passages (sabat), ladders (pasheb), and movable
scaffoldings (gargaj). In spite of a relentless barrage of arrows
from the besieged, Zafar Khan succeeded in taking the fort. A
large number of Mongol prisoners – including Saldi, his brother,
women and children – were dispatched to Delhi in chains.159 Zafar
Khan, who was assigned the fief of Samana, remained posted in
this town in order to keep a watch on the frontier. In view of his
bravery and intrepidity, Zafar Khan was seen as a second Rustam
who had been born in India. In fact, he acquired such a formidable
reputation that even the Sultan became jealous of him and began
to consider ways of eliminating him.160
In the wake of his victory in Siwistan, Zafar Khan sent a mes-
senger to the unnamed Mongol ruler and, in a angry message,
asserted the territorial claims of the Delhi Sultanate upto the
Indus. To demoralize this opponent, he sent a gift comprising a
scarf, a veil, powder, and collyrium. The Mongols appeared to
have accepted this challenge, as Qutlugh Khwaja brought (1299)
in an army of two lakh soldiers, including women riding on horse-
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 109

backs. The successive bands of invaders crossed the Indus, but

they refrained from pillaging the plains of Panjab as their prime
target was Delhi.161 A wave of fear swept across the military strong-
holds in different parts of Panjab, though defensive arrangements
had been put in place. The officers and soldiers, who had been
serving in the province of Multan, fortified themselves in every
citadel. Reputed for their alacrity and nimbleness, they emerged
out of their fortresses in the darkness of the night and fell upon
the assailants. Besides killing anyone who was encountered, they
plundered the Turki horses in such number that a hundred of
them could be purchased for a coin (shadbashi). Since they were
not inclined to fight a pitched battle, they withdrew to the safety of
their respective towns in the province of Multan.
The Mongols, in spite of their reverses, pushed to the east
beyond Bathinda. Zafar Khan, who was present at Kuhram, en-
camped outside the local fort in order to contend with the invad-
ers. Introducing himself as the slayer of lions and the captor of
demons, he sent a message to Qutlugh Khwaja and challenged him
to a battle. The Mongol commander did not accept the challenge,
as he intended to fight against his equal, the Sultan of Delhi. As
the invaders reached the vicinity of the capital, panic spread in all
directions. People of surrounding areas rushed into the city and
occupied all vacant spaces in streets, bazaars and mosques. Distress
became general as the merchants failed to transport essential com-
modities. The Sultan summoned military commanders from the
provinces and, marching out of the camp at Siri, arranged the
troops in battle array at Kili. Zafar Khan commanded the right
wing with a detachment of seasoned Hindu warriors (probably
drawn from the tribes of Panjab). What was surprising, the Sultan
acceded to the request of Qutlugh Khwaja and permitted his four
representatives to inspect his military columns as well as record
the names of high ranking officers.162
As the battle commenced, Diler Khan (the son of Zafar Khan)
made a fierce attack on the invaders, who were forced to contem-
plate withdrawing from the battlefield. On his part, Zafar Khan
neutralized a resolute assault by Hajlak. Though he felt that he
had gained an upper hand, yet he was worried at the Sultan’s fail-
110 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ure to deliver a formal order for a final offensive. ‘Since a man of

action could not afford to rely on the Sultan’s word at this criti-
cal moment,’ Zafar Khan took the initiative in his own hands and
routed the left wing of the Mongols. Unable to resist this sharp
onslaught, the Mongols released the Indian captives and fled from
the battlefield. Zafar Khan pursued the fugitives for 18 kurohs, but
did not press for an engagement because the retreating enemy
could rally for a counter offensive. Ulugh Khan, who was com-
manding the left wing and had numerous troops in his retinue,
did not go to reinforce Zafar Khan owing to personal hostility.
Taking advantage of this situation, a Mongol detachment of 10,000
strong under Targhi, which was waiting for an ambush in a low
lying hollow, surrounded Zafar Khan. Qutlugh Khwaja, through
a message, invited Zafar Khan to switch over to the Mongols and
offered a position higher than the one offered by the Sultan of
Delhi. Zafar Khan not only refused to swallow the Mongol bait, but
also rejected the proposal of his companions who were in favour
of a retreat. He had only 1,000 soldiers at his command, but he
was pitted against ten times this number. In a fierce engagement,
he decimated nearly half of the enemy force and himself died
fighting to the last man.163 In spite of this success, the Mongols
retreated through Panjab without any further incident. They bore
the imprint of Zafar Khan’s terror for several years. When their
horses refused to drink water, they asked if they had seen the face
of Zafar Khan.164 Though Alauddin Khalji was aggrieved at los-
ing a Rustam-like warrior, he blamed him for exceeding the royal
mandate and rushing headlong into the danger zone.165
When another Mongol commander Targhi marched in 1301
through Panjab at the head of a vast army, the officers holding
military commands in the region did not offer resistance. The
invaders laid siege to Delhi, where the inhabitants faced scarcity
of basic goods, grain, fodder, fuel and even water. Two factors
had undermined the defence preparedness. No strong army had
been stationed at Multan, Samana, or Dipalpur that could fight
the Mongols and join the troops at the royal camp in Siri. The
detachments from Hindustan were held up at Kol and Baran,
being unable to advance to Delhi as all the roads and fords on
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 111

the Jamuna were occupied by the Mongols. Alauddin Khalji

assembled the available troops at Siri and fortified his position by
building entrenchments. The Mongols carried out raids in some
localities (Chabutra-i Sultani, Hauz-i Sultani, Mauri and Hudhi),
but could not penetrate the defences. Following a stalemate of two
months, the Mongols withdrew with some booty.166
After a few years in 1305, Ali Beg and Tartaq entered Panjab
at the head of 50,000 soldiers and, as they took to plunder,
smoke arose from towns and inhabitants fled from their houses.
Alauddin Khalji nominated Malik Kafur to lead the military
operations against the invaders. In addition to Ghazi Malik, he
was assisted by captains like Bahram Kabra, Mahmud Sartabe,
Takli, Qarmash, Tulak and Qatla. A pitched battle was fought near
Hansi and Sarsuti. As the trumpets blared and swords clinked,
the twang of bowstrings echoed in the sky. Malik Kafur’s resolute
attack trampled the centre of the Mongols who were scattered. As
Mongol blood flowed in streams, two of their captains were taken
prisoner along with 10,000 followers. Besides 30,000 horses the
victors grabbed booty comprising slaves, maids, tents, saddles,
and bridles. These vast spoils, along with cartloads of heads of
the enemy killed in battle, were brought to Delhi.167 A spectacle
was organized at Chabutra-i Subhani, where the Sultan presided
over the proceedings. Troops were stationed on two sides of the
road leading from the royal palace to Indrapat. A vast multitude
of people converged at the site, where a cup of water was sold
for 20 jitals. The prisoners were first paraded in chains and then
trampled under the feet of elephants. A tower of severed heads
was raised outside the ramparts of the fort. The two Mongol com-
manders, who were honoured on the occasion, were allowed to
live for a short time and then put to death.168
During the same year (1305), Kabak led a massive horde of one
lakh soldiers across the Indus. Contemporary writers differ on
the route taken by the invaders and location of the final military
engagement. According to Amir Khusrau, the Mongols raised
dust on the border of Sind, forcing the inhabitants to throw away
their property and disperse like autumnal leaves. Since they failed
to cause a similar damage in Kuhram and Samana, they descended
112 The Making of Medieval Panjab

southwards across the Siwaliks and reached Nagaur, overpower-

ing the populace of the area. It was on the banks of the Ab-i Ali
that they were defeated by Malik Kafur.169 In a somewhat similar
account, Barani has recorded that four Mongol commanders with
20,000-30,000 cavalry ravaged the Siwaliks and, traversing a long
route, encamped on the bank of a river. Malik Kafur, who was
already waiting at the site, routed the Mongols and brought the
prisoners to the fort of Naraina, which was situated on the east of
Nagaur near the Sambar Lake. The men were put to death, while
women and children were carried to Delhi to be sold as slaves.170
According Isami’s more detailed account, a courier from
Multan reported that Kabak had invaded with one lakh cavalry-
men, that the frontier guards had withdrawn into their fortresses
out of fear and that there was panic all over Hindustan. At the
express orders of the Sultan, Malik Kafur held a military review
outside the capital and enlisted 10,000 adept horsemen from all
parts of the country. A fresh muster roll was submitted to the
Sultan, who sanctioned an advance salary of one year for each
soldier. In addition to leading nobles like Ghazi Malik and Malik
Alam, the recipients included Hindu notables who were renowned
warriors. As the imperial troops marched towards Multan, it
camped at Hindali Wahan for a week. Ghazi Malik,171 who was
deputed to report the movements of the Mongols and who was
forced to spend a night in the enemy camp, conveyed the crucial
information to Malik Kafur. During the course of a battle, Kabak
made several attempts to drive a wedge through the centre of the
Delhi army and then to fall upon the ranks. Nevertheless, Malik
Kafur offered a stubborn resistance and, assuming the offensive,
captured Kabak and dispersed his followers. The Mongol captives
stooped before every victorious soldier just as people (peasants)
bowed before the Hindu landed chief (chaudhuri). The victorious
commanders, on reaching Delhi, received awards from the Sultan
and paraded the prisoners, including Kabak, one by one.172
Shortly thereafter Iqbalmand and Taibu led another Mongol
army in to Panjab. Our sources offer little information on the mat-
ter. Isami is silent, Amir Khusrau is vague and Barani is miserly.
Nothing is known about the location of the areas that were
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 113

attacked, the generals who confronted the invaders and details

of the military encounters. Amir Khusrau’s account, marked by
literary flourishes, indicates that the right wing of the Indian army
overwhelmed the Mongols, who fled across the Indus along the
route they came. The victorious troops pursued the fugitives and,
having caught up with them, removed their heads. According to
a official chronicle, they enacted scenes of resurrection on innu-
merable bodies, so that it appeared as if the day of judgement had
arrived and angels of the Lord were collecting the corpses of the
stonehearted infidels to light the fire of hell. Those captured alive
were put in chains and brought to Delhi for review. Some of them
were hung from the ramparts with inverted heads. Others were
thrown in the air by elephants and beaten into loosened wool.
Their physical remains were mixed with building material and
pushed into the foundations of the towers of the fort.173 According
to Barani, the battle was fought at Tanbara-i Amir Ali and Wahan.
As the Indian army emerged victorious, Iqbalmand was killed
and thousands of Mongols were put to the sword. The high rank-
ing nobles, amiran-i hazara and amiran-i sadah, were captured
and brought to Delhi, where they were crushed under the feet of
elephants.174
The increased frequency of the Mongol invasions and rising
threat to the capital of the Delhi Sultanate forced the ruling class
to devote its attention to the matter. Before the battle against
Qutlugh Khwaja and death of Zafar Khan, the Sultan had been
holding discussions with his leading advisors on the means to fight
the Mongol menace. However, it was after the invasion of Targhi
that the Sultan discarded his indifference and implemented a slew
of measures which were designed to strengthen the military infra-
structure in Panjab.175 At the outset, he raised the fortifications of
Delhi and constructed the palace of Siri, which was recognized
as the capital of the realm and therefore suitably populated. All
the forts that were situated on the route of the Mongols and had
been in a state disrepair, were to be rebuilt. Wherever the need for
a new fort was felt it was to be constructed. In the forts that lay
in the direction of the Mongols, prominent and efficient superin-
tendents (kotwals) were appointed. These officers were directed
114 The Making of Medieval Panjab

to manufacture a large number of siege engines (manjniqs and

arradahs), besides recruiting skilled artisans and stocking every
kind of weapon. They were ordered to store copious quantities
of grain and hay. A sizeable number of selected soldiers were
to be recruited in Samana and Dipalpur. They were expected to
remain ready for any exigency. Revenue assignments that lay in
the direction of the Mongols were granted to senior nobles, while
experienced governors and renowned commanders were posted
in the area. After undertaking these measures, the Sultan sum-
moned his counsellors and discussed the reorganization of the
army. After considerable deliberations, it was decided to raise a
large army that should be adept in archery and equipped with all
types of armaments as well as a fine cavalry. In pursuance of these
objectives, markets were regulated and prices were controlled. At
the same time, the salary of a soldier was fixed at 234 tankas, while
a trooper with two horses was paid an additional allowance of 78
tankas. The entire force appeared before the army minister (arz-i
mamalik) for a test in archery. Those who were found skilled and
possessed the necessary weapons were duly enrolled. Their horses
were branded in accordance with their prices.176
Such measures, in the view of Barani at least, produced the
desired results. Having suffered repeated defeats, the Mongols
were so terrified of the armies of the Delhi Sultanate that they gave
up the intention of attacking India. To the end of the rule of Sultan
Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji (r. 1316-20), they did not even bring
the name of Hindustan on their tongue. Nor could they rest in
peace because, even in their dreams, they imagined the swords of
the Delhi Sultanate hanging over their heads. In contrast, the fear
of the Mongols was removed from the city of Delhi and complete
peace was established in other parts of the kingdom. The people,
who inhabited the territories lying on the routes of the Mongol
inroads, got engaged in the cultivation of land with absolute peace
of mind. What was significant, Ghiasuddin Tughluq, who was
then known as Ghazi Malik, acquired immense fame in Khurasan
and Hindustan. Till the end of the reign of Sultan Qutbuddin
Mubarak Khalji, he remained firmly entrenched in the revenue
assignments of Lahore and Dipalpur, where he stood as a Chinese
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 115

wall against the Mongols. In this role, he was seen as a worthy

substitute of Sher Khan. Every winter, he marched out at the head
of his troops from Dipalpur and carried out attacks on the borders
of the Mongols. As a result, they did not dare to walk up to their
own borders. In India, the fear of the Mongols was erased in such
a manner that no one brought their name on his tongue.177
Towards the end, Barani (like all other religious minded people
who were concerned about the future) did not attribute the great
military achievements of the Khalji regime and corresponding
public welfare to the genius of Alauddin Khalji. This was so because
the Sultan was not only guilty of unpardonable sins – murder,
oppression, cruelty and bloodshed – but he was singularly lacking
in spirituality and piety (kashf wa karamat). In fact, the achieve-
ments of his reign and the contentment of the people were due to
the blessings of Shaikh ul-Islam Nizamuddin Ghiaspuri (Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya). Since the Shaikh remained absorbed in
prayers and received the showers of divine kindness, he ensured
that the Delhi armies always returned victorious and the desires of
the people were always fulfilled.178

NOTES
1. With its core around Attock, it supported a minimum of agriculture and
derived its income from the movement of pastoralists and trading caravans.
Romila Thapar, The Penguin History of Early India, New Delhi: Penguin,
rpt., 2002, p. 417.
2. Gurbux Singh, ‘Punjab on the Eve of Muslim Invasions,’ in History of the
Punjab, vol. III (ad 1000-1526), ed. Fauja Singh, Patiala: Punjabi University,
1972, p. 54.
3. Dashratha Sharma, ‘The Political Condition of Northern India in 985,’ in
A Comprehensive History of India, vol. IV, pt. I, (AD 985-1206), ed. R.S.
Sharma and K.M. Shrimali, New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1992,
p. 316.
4. According to a popular tale, a ravine enclosed a lake of pure fountain water
of the dimensions required for purification under the Hanafite law. If any
filth were thrown in it, there followed dreadful consequences – black clouds
collected, whirlwind arose, hilltops turned black, rain fell and the area was
filled with cold blasts until death supervened. As soon as a dirty substance
was actually thrown in, there was a terrible hailstorm that uprooted
trees, caused invisibility, and destroyed food. Abu Nasr Muhammad bin
116 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Muhammad al-Jabbar al-Utbi, Tarikh-i Yamini, English translation in

History of India as Told by its own Historians, ed. H.M. Elliot and John
Dowson, Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, n.d., rpt., vol. II, p. 20; Muhammad
Qasim Hindu Shah Firishta, Tarikh-i Firishta, Urdu translation, Abdul
Rahman and Abdul Hayy Khwaja, Lahore: Al-Mizan, 2004, vol. I, p. 52.
(hereafter cited as Firishta).
5. Abu Nasr Muhammad bin Muhammad al-Jabbar al-Utbi, Tarikh-i Yamini,
pp. 20-1; Firishta, I, pp. 52-3.
6. Fakhr-i Mudabbir, Adab ul-Muluk wa Kifayat ul-Muluk, pp. 486-93, quoted
in Muhammad Nazim, The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna,
New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 2nd edn., 1971, pp. 195-96.
7. Muhammad Nazim, The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna,
p. 97; Mohammad Habib, Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin, New Delhi, S. Chand
& Co., 2nd edn., 1967, p. 25.
8. Abu Raihan Alberuni, Kitab ul-Hind, English Translation, Edward C.
Sachau, entitled Alberuni’s India, New Delhi: Rupa, rpt., 2002, p. 416.
9. Firishta, I, p. 66.
10. Ibid., p. 67.
11. Nazim, op. cit., pp. 103-4.
12. Firishta, I, pp. 67-8.
13. Nazim, op. cit., pp. 91-3.
14. Mohammad Habib, Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin, p. 47.
15. Syad Muhammad Latif, History of the Punjab: From the Remotest Antiquity
to the Present Time, New Delhi: Eurasia Publishing House, rpt., 1964,
pp. 84-5; Edward Thomas, The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi,
New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, rpt., 1967, pp. 47-8.
16. Alberuni, II, p. 416.
17. Long before the Ghaznavid invasions, the Jats were settled in central Sind
on both sides of the Indus. Having no social inequalities, they were engaged
in pastoralism, besides pursuing the occupations of soldiers, and boatmen.
They owed allegiance to Buddhist shramans, but suffered harsh restrictions
imposed by the Brahmana dynasty. By the early eleventh century, they
had migrated north to Multan and Bhatiya by the Indus, as noted by the
Ghaznavid historians. On the basis of his experience of Lahore, Alberuni
referred to them as cattle owners and low Shudra people. Irfan Habib, ‘Jatts
of Punjab and Sind,’ Essays in Honour of Dr. Ganda Singh, ed. Harbans
Singh and N. Gerald Barrier, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1976, pp. 94-5.
18. Nazim, op. cit., p. 122.
19. Habib, Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin, pp. 76-7.
20. Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The Later Ghaznavids: Splendour and Decay
(The Dynasty in Afghanistan and Northern India 1040-1186), Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 1963, pp. 75-6.
21. Abul Fazl Baihaqi, Tarikh-i Subuktgin, English translation, in The History
of India as Told by Its Own Historians, H.M. Elliot and John Dowson,
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 117

Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, vol. II, rpt., n.d., pp. 112-13 (hereafter cited as
Baihaqi).
22. Baihaqi, pp. 116-19.
23. Ibid., pp. 120-1.
24. Ibid., pp. 122-4.
25. Ibid., pp. 124-5.
26. Ibid., pp. 127-9.
27. Ibid., pp. 127-9.
28. At this time, a Ghaznavid army under Ahmad Ali Noshtigin was defeated
at Kirman and forced to retreat to Nishapur. The Hindu soldiers had
turned their backs and, fleeing to Sistan, returned to Ghazni. In a series of
strict actions, the Sultan dismissed them from service. Six of their officers
committed suicide with their daggers. The Sultan felt that they should have
used their daggers at Kirman and, treating them severely, forgave them in
the end. Baihaqi, pp. 130-1.
29. Baihaqi, pp. 132-4.
30. Baihaqi, p. 134; in spite of this change, Panjab remained in a state of turmoil
and disorder. In the words of Habib, ‘Ghaznavide garrisons held the towns:
Hinduism and freedom reigned supreme in the countryside. Nothing else
was possible when the government was so incompatible with the spirit of
the people.’ Habib, op. cit, p. 98.
31. Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan
and Eastern Iran 994-1040, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963,
p. 30.
32. Baihaqi, pp. 137-40.
33. Firishta, I, pp. 103-4.
34. Baihaqi, pp. 149-53; Firishta, I, pp. 106-7.
35. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran
994-1040, pp. 30-1.
36. Ibid., pp. 32-3.
37. Firishta, I, pp. 110-11.
38. Ibid., pp. 109-11.
39. Ibn-i Asir, al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, quoted in Bosworth, The Ghaznavids:
Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994-1040, pp. 62-63; Firishta,
I, pp. 120-1.
40. Sunil Sharma, Persian Poetry at the Indian Frontier: Masud Sad Salman of
Lahore, New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2000, pp. 18-25.
41. Ibid., pp. 56-8.
42. Ibid., pp. 59-62.
43. Ibid., p. 63.
44. Ibid., p. 65.
45. Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani, Tabaqat-i Nasiri, English translation, H.G. Raverty,
New Delhi: Oriental Books, rpt., 1970, vol. I, pp. 106-7 (hereafter cited
as Juzjani); it was this military achievement that appears to have been
118 The Making of Medieval Panjab

celebrated in the poetic eulogies of Usman Mikhtari, Masud Sad Salman

and Abul Farj Runi. For details, see, Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their
Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994-1040, pp. 84-6.
46 Juzjani, I, p. 109.
47 Saljuqids (1083-1194), who had been enlisted by the Ghaznavids to defend
Khurasan, rose to establish their domination over Transoxiana, Iran, Iraq
and Anatolia. Their rule marked the restoration of Sunni supremacy, the
development of institutional and architectural model of Madrasa for the
teaching of religion and jurisprudence, besides the innovative organization
of Sufis into the Tariqat path. Francoise Aubin, ‘The Turco-Mongol Period,’
in History of Humanity, vol. IV: From the Seventh to the Sixteenth Century,
ed. M.A. Al-Bakhit et al., Paris: Unesco & London: Routledge, 2000,
pp. 286-7.
48. Bosworth, op. cit., p. 102.
49 Juzjani, I, p. 110; Firishta, I, p. 126; Bosworth, op. cit., 103.
50. Juzjani, I, pp. 111-12; Firishta, I, p. 130.
51. Bosworth, op. cit., pp. 125-6.
52. Sultan Muizzuddin was a descendant of the Shansbanis who ruled over
Ghor, which was situated to the west of Kabul and Ghazni. Serving for
long as a buffer between the Ghaznavids and Saljuqids, Ghor managed to
survive under the shadow of the two archrivals. In the early twelfth century,
it was fragmented among the seven sons of Izzuddin Husain (1110-46). The
youngest son Alauddin Husain sacked Ghazni and forced the Ghaznavid
ruler Bahram Shah to leave for Panjab. As the Ghorid fortunes were on
the ascendant, the two nephews of Alauddin Husain, Ghiasuddin and
Shihabuddin, rose to prominence. Shahabuddin (later known as Sultan
Muizzuddin) snatched Ghazni from the Ghuzz Turks and, with the support
of his brother, embarked on the conquest of northwestern India.
53. During his siege of Uch, the Sultan was said to have developed a secret
contact with the queen of the local Bhatti Rajput ruler and promised to
marry her. She poisoned her husband to death and delivered the fort to the
Ghorids. The Sultan married the princess, but sent the queen to Ghazni as
he did not trust her. This story (Firishta, I, p. 143) has not been found in any
contemporary source. Uch, at this juncture, was under the Qarmathians and
not Bhatti Rajputs. A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in
India, Allahabad: Central Book Depot, revd. edn., 1976, p. 28; Mohammad
Habib and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, eds., A Comprehensive History of India,
vol. V: The Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526), New Delhi: People’s Publishing
House, rpt., 1982, p. 156, n.2.
54. Juzjani, I, pp. 449-51.
55. Ibid., pp. 453-5.
56. The Chauhans of Sambhar began their political career as feudatories of
Pratiharas and carved an autonomous principality in Ajmer during the late
tenth century. By 1164, they occupied northeastern Rajasthan and eastern
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 119

Panjab. They extended their northern boundary to the Himalayas and

formed a barrier between Ghaznavid Panjab and Rajasthan. Their power
reached its zenith under Prithiviraj III (1180-1192), who vanquished local
rivals and contended against Gahadvalas and Chandels in the east and
Chalukyas in the west. Habib and Nizami, eds., A Comprehensive History of
India, op. cit., pp. 821-2.
57. Juzjani, I, pp. 458-64; Firishta, I, pp. 144-45.
58. Juzjani, I, pp. 465-8.
59. Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-i Akbari, English translation, B. De,
Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1973, vol. I, pp. 38-9; Firishta, I, pp. 147-8.
60. Tajuddin Hasan Nizami, Taj ul-Maasir, English translation, Bhagwat
Saroop, Delhi: Ibn Saud Dehalvi, 1998, pp. 72-3.
61. Ibid., p. 84.
62. Ibid., pp. 92-4.
63. Ibid., pp. 97-100.
64. Ibid., pp. 253-4.
65. Ibid., pp. 260-1.
66. Ibid., pp. 264-6, 269.
67. Ibid., p. 266; the author’s praise for the Khokhars (with reference to their
fort, numbers and bravery) appeared to have been designed to imply the
military superiority of the Turkish military organization, which ultimately
overpowered the Khokhars. By employing the same idiom, he has praised
the bravery of the Ghorid army and its commanders like Sultan Muizzuddin,
Qutbuddin Aibak and Shamsuddin Iltutmish.
68. Following the Shansbanid tradition of coparcenary inheritance as practiced
in Ghor, Sultan Muizzuddin appanaged the conquered areas in north
India among his slave military commanders, who emerged as rulers of
autonomous principalities –‘they were given dominions, the prerogative
to raise armies, wage war, construct alliances, collect tribute, disburse
funds, embellish their capitals, and patronize commerce.’ Sunil Kumar, The
Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate, Ranikhet: Permanent Black, 2007, p. 117.
69. Fakhr-i Mudabbir, Tarikh-i Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah, Persian text, ed.,
E. Denison Ross, London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1927, pp. 30-2.
70. Juzjani, I, pp. 525-8.
71. Ibid., 505-6, 607-8.
72. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 30.
73. Tajuddin Hasan Nizami has devoted a considerable space to describe
the great folly of Qubacha in raising the standard of revolt, the march of
Iltutmish from Delhi to Lahore, a battle on the bank of the river, the valour
displayed by the forces of Iltutmish, the flight of Amir Aqsanqar Kitta and
the retreat of Qubacha to Uch. The account was loaded with rhetoric, but
did not yield substantive facts. Tajuddin Hasan Nizami, Taj ul-Maasir,
pp. 323-30.
120 The Making of Medieval Panjab

74. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Indo-Persian Historiography up to the Thirteenth

Century, New Delhi: Primus, 2010, p. 41.
75. Tajuddin Hasan Nizami, Taj ul-Maasir, pp. 332-7; for a comparison with
similar royal orders, see Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Perso-Arabic Sources of
Information on the Life and Conditions in the Sultanate of Delhi, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1992, pp. 167-87; .
76. This discussion is based on a seminal study by Peter Jackson, who has relied
on a minute analysis of the works by Nasawi and Juwaini, besides Juzjani.
Peter Jackson, ‘Jalal al-Din, the Mongols and the Khwarizmian Conquest of
Panjab and Sind,’ in Studies on the Mongol Empire and Early Muslim India,
Farnham: Ashgate, 2009, pp. 6-12.
77. Alauddin Ata Malik Juvaini, Tarikh-i Jahan Gusha, English translation, John
Andrew Boyle, entiled The History of the World Conqueror, Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 1958, vol. II, pp. 413-14.
78. Juzjani, II, pp. 1045-7.
79. Habib and Nizami, eds., op. cit., p. 216.
80. Alauddin Ata Malik Juvaini, Tarikh-i Jahan Gusha, vol. II, pp. 414-15.
81. Ibid., pp. 415-17.
82. Habib and Nizami, eds., op. cit., p. 219.
83. Juzjani, I, pp. 612-15.
84. According to an important study, the Turkish bureaucracy was divided
into three groups – provincial governors, army oficers and household
dignitaries. Each tried to dominate the Sultan and monopolize political
power. The Sultan could survive only by preventing a conjunction of any
two groups and playing upon their mutual rivalries. A group that was
outmanoeuvred rose in revolt. These groups combined when there was a
common danger from non-Turkish elements. Otherwise, every one pulled
in his own direction, so that a triangular conflict became a permanent
feature of the political life in the thirteenth century. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami,
Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, New Edition, 2002, p. 141; also see, S.B.P. Nigam,
Nobility under the Sultans of Delhi, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
1968, pp. 29-30.
85. Juzjani, I, pp. 632-5.
86. The problem in the ruling class was no longer seen as a racial conflict
between the Turks and non-Turks. The acute differences have been
attributed to the aspirations of junior Turkish slave officers, whose interests
clashed with their senior counterparts and those regarded as outsiders
including free Turkish nobles. Recently it has been argued that the middling
Shamsi slave officers (as opposed to the high-ranking seniors and lowly
placed domestics), who performed intermediary tasks and aspired for
higher positions, often mutinied against the Sultan. Peter Jackson, The
Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, p. 70; Sunil Kumar, The
Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate, pp. 241-3.
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 121

87. Juzjani, II, pp. 725-7.

88. Juzjani, I, pp. 645-8; II, p. 749.
89. Izzuddin Balban Kishlu Khan, a Turk of the Qipchaq tribe, had been
puchased by Iltutmish from a trader at Mandor. After serving as a bartender
in the royal household, he was promoted as the muqti of Barhamu and
then Baran. An extremely ambitious man, he participated in the revolt
against Ruknuddin Firoz and appeared as a strong partisan of Raziya.
Having played a major role in the dethronement of Muizzuddin Bahram,
he declared himself as the Sultan in a sensational move. The vigorous
opposition of his peers forced him to retract. Juzjani, II, pp. 775-80; for an
analysis of his failure to secure the throne, see Nizami, op. cit., pp. 147-8;
S.B.P. Nigam, op. cit., p. 35.
90. Juzjani, II, pp. 781-2.
91. It was not clear if Sher Khan undertook this military action at the behest
of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud and Ulugh Khan, to whose faction he
belonged. It was possible that the Sultan and his principal advisor, after
having used the services of a confederate for an unpleasant task, had
second thoughts about their original decision. This change appeared to
have been hastened by the visit of Kishlu Khan to Delhi, where he might
have removed doubts regarding his conduct at the siege of Multan and his
loyalty to the regime in power.
92. Juzjani, II, pp. 783-4, 791-2.
93. Ibid., pp. 784-6.
94. Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jami ut-Tawarikh, MS, Punjab University, Lahore,
f. 38a, quoted in Agha Hussain Hamadani, The Frontier Policy of the
Sultans of Delhi, Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural
Research, 1989, p. 91.
95. Juzjani, II, p. 793.
96. Juzjani, I, pp. 699-700; II, pp. 829-33.
97. Juzjani, II, pp. 793-4.
98. Peter Jackson, ‘Jalal al-Din, the Mongols and the Khwarizmian Conquest
of the Panjab and Sind,’ in Studies on the Mongol Empire and Early Muslim
India, p. 17.
99. Juzjani, I, pp. 534-9.
100. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, p. 174.
101. Juzjani, I, pp. 539-41.
102. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, ‘The Qarlugh Kingdom in the Thirteenth Century:
Liaison Between Mongols and Indian Rulers,’ in Medieval India: Essays in
Diplomacy and Culture, New Delhi: Adam Publishers & Distributors, 2009,
p. 34.
103. Juzjani, I, p. 623.
104. Siddiqui, op. cit., 35.
105. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, p. 105.
122 The Making of Medieval Panjab

106. This success, in the eyes of Juzjani, was significant as, after the death of
Iltutmish, the authority of the Delhi Sultanate had been undermined
and its numerous enemies nurtured the vain desire of appropriating its
territories. Juzjani, II, pp. 730-1.
107. Juzjani, II, pp. 1129-30.
108. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, p. 105.
109. Andre Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, vol. II: The
Slave Kings and the Islamic Conquest (11th–13th Centuries), New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, rpt., 1999, pp. 200-1.
110. Juzjani, II, p. 1133.
111. It was in a state of intense conflict among the nobility that Sultan
Muizzuddin Bahram Shah sent an army from Delhi to fight against
the Mongols. When this army reached the Beas, the wazir Khwaja
Muhazzabuddin misinformed the Sultan regading the disloyalty of nobles
and Turks and sought an order for their execution. The Sultan fell in the
wazir’s trap and sent the required order. When the wazir showed this order
to the nobles, the latter retraced their steps to dislodge the Sultan. Juzjani,
I, pp. 657-8.
112. Juzjani, II, 1134-5.
113. Ibid., pp. 1135-6.
114. Ibid., pp. 1153-6.
115. Ibid., pp. 809-14.
116. Saif bin Muhammad Yaqub Haravi, Tarikhnama-i Herat, ed. M.Z. Siddiqui,
Calcutta, 1944, pp. 157-8, quoted in Agha Husain Hamadani, The Frontier
Policy of the Sultans of Delhi, p. 86; Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Religion and
Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, p. 272.
117. Habibullah, op. cit., p. 178.
118. Juzjani, II, pp. 814-15.
119. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, p. 111.
120. Halaku (r. 1256-65), a grandson of Chingez Khan, founded the Il-Khanate.
One of the four divisions of the Mongol Empire, it covered a vast area
comprising Persia, Iraq and Anatolia. It benefited from an intimate relation
with the Great Khanate of Qublai Khan, but faced vigorous opposition
from the Golden Horde of the Jochids. Adhering to religious tolerance, it
encouraged non-Muslim traditions. It patronized science and scholarship.
Nasiruddin Tusi founded an astronomical observatory at Maragheh,
while Ata Malik Juwaini and Rashiduddin produced major works of
history in Persian. Shagdaryn Bira, ‘The Mongol Empire,’ in History of
Humanity: Scientific and Cultural Development, vol. IV, From the Seventh
to the Sixteenth Century, ed. M.A. Al-Bakhit et al., pp. 476-7; Thomas T.
Allsen, Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2001, pp. 17-23.
121. Juzjani, II, pp. 784-6.
122. Juzjani, I, p. 711; II, pp. 844-6.
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 123

123. Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh us-Salatin, English translation (Shahnama-i

Hind of Isami), Agha Mahdi Husain, Bombay: Asia Publishing House,
1976, vol. II, pp. 269-73 (hereafter cited as Isami).
124 Ibid., pp. 276-80.
125. As a faithful admirer of Ulugh Khan, Juzjani would have us believe that the
initiative for the alliance was taken by Nasiruddin Muhammad Qarlugh
because, by virtue of the union, he hoped that his power would increase
and his prestige among his peers would rise. He wrote a confidential letter
to a confidant of Ulugh Khan, so as to know the fate of his intention. Ulugh
Khan accepted the proposal, because the Qarlugh chief was a renowned
grandee of the times. Juzjani, II, pp. 859-63.
126. Ibid., pp. 859-61.
127 Ibid., pp. 861-3.
128. In addition to the vulnerability of the Delhi Sultanate, the internal conflict
in the Mongol principalities also contributed to this conciliation. In view
of the impending struggle for succession on Mongke’s death, both Halaku
and his cousin Berke made overtures to Delhi and established diplomatic
contacts with it. This possibility remained a matter of conjecture. More
probably, Halaku called a halt to campaigning in India, just as in Syria,
prior to moving into Azerbaijan and waiting upon events. Attack on a
gravely weakened Delhi Sultanate could be revived in a short time. But
within three years, Halaku lost control over the Indian border lands. Peter
Jackson, ‘The Dissolution of the Mongol Empire,’ in Studies on the Mongol
Empire and Early Muslim India, 2009, p. 241.
129. Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, Persian text, ed. Sir Syed Ahmad,
Aligarh: Sir Syed Academy, Aligarh Muslim University, rpt., 2005, p. 53.
(hereafter cited as Barani).
130. Ibid., pp. 59-60.
131. Ibid., p. 61.
132. Ibid., p. 51.
133. Ibid., p. 65.
134. Ibid., p. 66.
135. Ibid., p. 69.
136. Ibid., pp. 48-9.
137. The addiction of the Prince to alcohol was resented by his beautiful wife,
who was a daughter of Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz. Owing to his short temper
and fickle mind, he divorced her through three verbal pronouncements.
On saner thoughts, he resolved to have her back. This could be done if she
was married to someone else and divorced again. Through a mediator, she
was married to Shaikh Sadruddin Arif, the Suhrawardi saint of Multan.
However, she refused to be separated from the Shaikh. The Prince intended
to punish the Shaikh with death, but died in a battle against the Mongols.
Hamid bin Fazlullah Jamali, Siyar ul-Arifin, Persian Text, Delhi: Rizvi
Press, 1893, pp. 134-6.
124 The Making of Medieval Panjab

138. Barani, pp. 66-8.

139. Syed Usman Marwandi (d. 1274), who was famous as Lal Shahbaz Qalandar,
was born at Marwand near Tabrez. His spiritual genealogy has been
traced to diverse sources – Ismail bin Jafar (the sixth Shia Imam), Shaikh
Bahauddin Zakariya of Multan and even Raja Bharthari of the Nathpanthi
order. Opposed to institutional Sufi orders and indifferent to the Shariat,
he adhered to the Qalandari path based on wandering, renunciation and
antinomianism. His shrine at Sehwan Sharif attracted vast multitudes of
devotees, who took a special interest in the ecstatic dance (dhamal). Michel
Boivin, Artefacts of Devotion: A Sufi Repertoire of the Qalandariyya in
Sehwan Sharif, Sind, Pakistan, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011,
pp. 15-19; also see, Jurgen Wasim Frembgen, At the Shrine of the Red Sufi:
Five Days and Nights on Pilgrimage in Pakistan, Karachi: Oxford University
Press, 2011, pp. 63-141.
140. Barani, p. 68.
141. Isami, II, pp. 299-301.
142. Ibid., pp. 304-8.
143. Ibid., pp. 309-11.
144. Barani, p. 109.
145. A younger grandson of Prophet Muhammad, Husain was born to Hazrat
Ali and Fatima. After the assassination of his father and abdication of his
elder brother Hasan, Husain was invited by the Shias of Kufa to claim his
rightful position as the caliph. As such, he led a revolt against Yazid, the son
of Muawiyah. In the battle of Karbala, which was fought on 10 Muharram
AH 680, he was killed along with his kin and followers. Seen as a supreme
martyr in the cause of righteousness and a symbol of resistance against
tyranny, his death has been commemorated in the form of passionate ritual
mourning during the first ten days of Muharram by the Shias.
146. Amir Khusrau, Wast ul-Hayat, Adapted from the English translation in
Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Delhi:
Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, rpt., 1974, pp. 56-9.
147. Cousin and son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad, Ali bin Abi Talib was first
male convert to Islam. He participated in most expeditions in the Prophet’s
lifetime. Seen in diverse roles, he was a distinguished judge, pious believer
and brave warrior. He was the first Imam of the Shias and fourth caliph
of the Sunnis. He served as a paradigm for political activism aimed at
redressal of social and political injustices. John L. Esposito, The Dictionary
of Islam, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005, p. 15.
148. Amir Khusrau, Wast ul-Hayat, pp. 61-2.
149. Mohammad Wahid Mirza, op. cit., pp. 62-4; also see, Sunil Sharma, Amir
Khusrau: The Poet of Sultans and Sufis, Oxford: One World, rpt., 2009,
p. 22.
150. Amir Khusrau, Wast ul-Hayat, quoted in S.H. Askari, ‘Wit and Humour in
 Warfare, Territory and Resistance 125

the Works of Amir Khusrau,’ in Life, Times and Works of Amir Khusrau,
ed. Zoe Ansari, New Delhi: National Amir Khusrau Society, n.d., p. 153.
151. When these two persons appeared at the court to receive punishment for
their crimes, the Sultan showed kindness to them and treated them with
honour. He bestowed on Savi two villages along with a robe and a horse.
The royal order to this effect was drawn up and sent to his sons in Samana.
He praised the Mandahar for his bravery and, enrolling him in the army,
fixed his salary at one lakh jitals. He ordered the Mandahar to be paraded
in the court with his weapons along with the retinue of his new commander
Malik Khurram. Barani, pp. 194-6.
152. Amir Khusrau, Miftah ul-Futuh, Persian text, ed. Shaikh Abdul Rashid,
Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1954, p. 8.
153. Barani, p. 187.
154. Ibid., p. 196.
155. Jalaluddin Khalji was not the first to patronize the Mongols. Ghiasuddin
Balban appeared to have welcomed a number of Mongol notables who,
following internal upheavals in the Mongol territory after 1260, had taken
refuge in the Delhi Sultanate. During Balban’s reign, a whole quarter of the
capital was named Chengizi after them. Under Balban and his successors,
nobles of unmistakable Mongol names figured in the sources e.g.
Bayanchar, Ulughchi, Turumtai and Juarchi. The Mongol officers formed
a part of the coalition that raised Kaiqubad to the throne. Most of them
were executed or exiled by Malik Nizamuddin. Peter Jackson, The Delhi
Sultanate: A Political and Military History, pp. 80-1.
156. A son of Yugrush, Jalaluddin Khalji was the Mongol commander (shahna)
of Binban, just west of the Indus. His military exploits, which were directed
against the refractory Mongol and Afghan tribes of the Salt Range, might
have occurred before he joined service under the Sultans of Delhi. He
might have visited Delhi with a Mongol embassy in 1260. Sunil Kumar,
‘Trans-regional Contacts and Relationships: Turks, Mongols and the
Delhi Sultanate in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,’ in Turks in
the Indian Subcontinent, Central and West Asia: The Turkish Presence in
the Islamic World, ed. Ismail K. Poonawala, New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2017, pp. p. 176.
157. Barani, pp. 218-19.
158. Amir Khusrau, Khazain ul-Futuh, English translation, in Politics and
Society during the Early Medieval Period: Collected Works of Professor
Mohammad Habib, ed. K.A. Nizami, New Delhi: People’s Publishing
House, 1981, vol. II, pp. 168-9; Barani, p. 250.
159. Barani, pp. 253; Isami, II, pp. 421-2; Firishta, I, p. 243.
160. The Sultan considered two ways of dealing with Zafar Khan. Either he
could be dispatched at the head of a few thousand horsemen to Lakhnauti,
so as to conquer new territories, besides sending elephants and tribute to
126 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Delhi. Alternatively, he could be removed from the presence of the Sultan

by administering poison or by blinding. Barani, p. 254.
161. Barani, p. 254.
162. Barani, p. 260; Isami, II, pp. 426-33.
163. Barani, pp. 260-61; Isami, II, 434-44.
164. Barani, p. 261.
165. Isami, II, pp. 441-2.
166. Barani, pp. 300-01; Isami, II, pp. 460-1; according to another version, Targhi
besieged the fort of Baran which was in the fief of Malik Fakhruddin, the
Amir-i Dad. In response to Sultan’s order, Malik Tughluq (Ghazi Malik)
marched to Baran with a big force. The two commanders joined hands
and defeated the Mongols in a night attack. Malik Tughluq carried Targhi
to Delhi as a prisoner. Yahya bin Ahmad bin Abdullah Sirhindi, Tarikh-i
Mubarak Shahi, Persian text, ed. M. Hidayat Husain, Calcutta: Asiatic
Society of Bengal, 1931, p. 73 (hereafter cited as Sirhindi).
167. Amir Khusrau, Khazain ul-Futuh, pp. 169-70; Isami, pp. 478-82.
168. Barani, pp. 320-1.
169. Amir Khusrau, Khazain ul-Futuh, pp. 171-2.
170. Barani, p. 322.
171. Isami’s account was singular on two counts. Firstly, it noted the presence
of Hindu notables as renowned warriors among the troops mustered by
Malik Kafur. Secondly, it introduced Ghazi Malik as a man of intelligence
and determination, as an experienced warrior who was assigned the iqta
of Dipalpur and as one who considered fighting a pastime and enjoyed the
title of Shahna-i Bargah. Isami, II, p. 497.
172. Isami, II, pp. 495-500.
173. Amir Khusrau, Khazain ul-Futuh, pp. 172-4.
174. Barani, p. 322.
175. Ibid., pp. 269, 302.
176. Ibid., pp. 302-3.
177. Ibid., pp. 322-3.
178. Ibid., p. 325.
 CHAPTER 3

The Establishment of Sufi Orders

Tracing Links of a Cult to the Prophet

Baba Haji Rattan, whose shrine was situated in Bathinda, appears
to have been the earliest Muslim saint we know of in Panjab. He
did not figure in the standard biographical compendia of Sufis.
Ibn Hajar, an Arab scholar of the sixteenth century, has compiled
a number of stories about him. These stories were in active cir-
culation across the entire Islamic world straddling Central and
West Asia. They recorded the experiences of religious scholars
who travelled to Bathinda in order to collect the sayings (hadis)
of Prophet Muhammad from Baba Rattan, an exceedingly old
man who was reputed to have met the Prophet in Arabia. There
were some differences in these accounts, but they converge on the
essential points. Baba Rattan, as a young man, travelled to Arabia
along with his father, a long-distance trader. When he reached the
valleys of Mecca, rain fell in torrents. A local boy, who was tending
camels, was separated from his animals by a flowing channel.
Baba Rattan saw the predicament of the boy and, picking him up,
waded across the water. The boy, while expressing his gratitude,
blessed his benefactor. Baba Rattan returned to Bathinda and lived
an uneventful life until he saw a miracle involving the splitting of
moon into two and joining again. On inquiry, he learnt that the
miracle had been performed by a man of the Hashim clan as the
proof of his Prophethood. Baba Rattan travelled again to Mecca
and met the Prophet, who recognized the person who had helped
him decades earlier. The Prophet, having inspired the visitor to
convert to Islam, blessed him to live for 700 years. According
128 The Making of Medieval Panjab

to some versions, Baba Rattan performed military service for

the Prophet in the battle of Trench and also participated in the
wedding procession of the Prophet’s daughter Fatima. Baba
Rattan retraced his steps to Bathinda and made his abode in a large
basket suspended from a tree. In this strange abode, he received
visitors who learnt from him anecdotes about the Prophet.
Musa bin Mujalla, a Sufi, was said to have recorded as many as
forty traditions of the Prophet on the authority of Baba Rattan.
However, the role of Baba Rattan as a purveyor of the Prophetic
traditions was challenged by Shamsuddin Zahbi (d. 1382), who
even wrote a booklet in support of his contentions.1
According to the Nath version of the life of Baba Rattan, he was
born in the fifth or sixth century at Dang, on the present Indo-Nepal
border. He was the son of a local ruler Raja Manbiya Parikshak.
During the course of a hunting expedition, he met the great spir-
itual teacher Gorakhnath who had matted hair, an ash-smeared
body and large earrings. Gorakhnath advised the prince to destroy
his own ego instead of killing animals. The prince became a disci-
ple of Gorakhnath and adopted the path of the Nath Yogis. This
association led to the construction of a big temple at Rattanpura,
which grew into a prominent centre of the Nath Yogis known as
Shaktipeeth Devipatan. It boasted of a historical connection with
the famous shrine of Gorakhnath at Gorakhpur, while small Nath
centres in different parts of Nepal were associated with the mon-
astery of Rattan Nath at Dang. Meanwhile, Baba Rattan acquired
mastery in yogic sciences and, at the advice of Gorakhnath, trav-
elled as far as Afghanistan. His miraculous power impressed the
ruler of Kabul, who not only conferred a land grant on him, but
also permitted him to build a temple and establish a sacred fire
pit (dhoona) in his palace. On his return, he intended to cross the
Indus at Attock. Since he had no money, the boatmen refused to
take him across the river. Enraged, he turned them into stone.
During his stay at Bathinda, he learnt about the Prophethood of
Muhammad and travelled to Mecca. He stayed with the Prophet
for three years and, on coming back to Bathinda, continued to
preach the yogic path till the age of 700 years. The Nath tradition
claimed that Baba Rattan assisted Sultan Shihabuddin of Ghor
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 129

in his war against Prithviraj Chauhan, having provided water to

the Turkish army through a miracle. When the Sultan sought the
blessings of the saint, the latter predicted that he would occupy
Bathinda after the martyrdom of two Syed soldiers. The prophecy
turned out to be correct. A variant account has named the Turkish
conqueror as Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni. As asserted by the Nath
tradition, Baba Rattan produced a number of religious works. Two
of them, The First Sufi Path (Awwal-i Suluk) and The Wisdom of
the Unbeliever (Kafir Bodh), contained esoteric explanations of
Yoga in the light of Islamic teachings. Two of his verses, focusing
on the role of the spiritual mentor, were found in the Gorakhbani
which has been composed by Gorakhnath himself. The Nath tra-
dition has sought to show that Baba Rattan had disseminated the
Yogic doctrines in such distant lands as Afghanistan and Arabia.2
Apart from Islam and Yogic asceticism, Baba Rattan also fig-
ures in the legend of Guga. According to a legend retrieved by
R.C. Temple, Guga killed his twin cousins (sons of mother’s sister)
during a quarrel in the jungle and, as a penitence, was directed
by his grieving mother Queen Bachhal to go to Ajmer and adopt
Islam at the hands of Baba Rattan, who was portrayed as a vener-
able Muslim saint in the same category as Khwaja Khizr. Guga,3
who was then a follower of Gorakhnath, abided by the wishes of
his mother and converted to Islam after meeting Baba Rattan.
According to a legend current in Kashmir, Baba Rattan was a suc-
cessor of Raja Ven. This ruler, having lost a battle against Sultan
Zainul Abidin,4 was asked to embrace Islam by the victor. A true
worshipper of Shiva, he refused. He went on a pilgrimage to Lake
Gagribal, and threw a letter of Prophet Muhammad into a well.
However, Baba Rattan expressed his willingness to become a
Muslim. Since he did not know the way to proceed in the matter,
he sought the advice of Sultan Zainul Abidin. Owing to the Sultan’s
prayer, a Muslim saint Bulbul Shah flew over from Baghdad and
converted Baba Rattan to Islam along with his subjects.5
The present attendants of Baba Rattan’s shrine narrate a new
tale regarding the antecedents of the saint: he was born into a
Brahmin family and his original name was Pandit Rattan Lal. He
rose to become a master astrologer and one of the nine jewels in
130 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the court of the legendary Raja Bhoj of Ujjain. This part of the
story was followed by the miracle of splitting of the moon into
two parts, the visit of the Pandit to Mecca, his meeting with the
Prophet and conversion to Islam. He was said to have received
from Abu Bakr (the Prophet’s father-in-law) a female camel on
which he rode back to India.6
The massive structure of a gurdwara, which was built in the
midst of the sacred complex at Bathinda, stood next to the small
shrine of Baba Rattan. The local Sikh devotees of the saint con-
nected him with the Sikh gurus. They believed that Guru Nanak
paid a visit to the place in order to wean Baba Rattan, a Muslim,
from his evil ways. Baba Rattan, who was a practitioner of black
magic, converted two large stones into horses and made them
rush at the visitor. With the protection of God, Guru Nanak raised
his hand and stopped the horses in their tracks. The Guru admon-
ished Baba Rattan for his ego, so that he repented and lived the
rest of his life as a good Muslim. Guru Gobind Singh, also said to
have visited the place, underwent the same experience and deliv-
ered Baba Rattan from the cycle of rebirth. A massive stone lay
there as a relic of the missile which was hurled at the Sikh gurus.7
At present the shrine complex comprises the tomb of Baba
Haji Rattan, a small mosque, a cell (hujra) and a number of recent
structures. The tomb is a moderate sized square building with
slightly sloping walls. An archway in its southern wall gives access
to the interior containing the main grave along with four others.
The western wall of the interior originally had a niche (mihrab)
indicating the direction of Mecca, the contours of which were bor-
dered by a text (verse 17 of Chapter 3) of the Quran, being further
framed by the Throne verse (Ayat al-Kursi). Each corner of the
interior had a squinch, converting the square of the room into
an octagon that supported a domed ceiling. On the exterior, each
corner of the building at parapet level was marked by a turret,
which was in fact a small replica of the tomb. In the centre arose
a hemispherical dome sitting on a tapering circular drum and
crowned it with a nipple shaped canopy. Near the western wall
of the tomb was a recent grave shaped like a sitting camel, which
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 131

was said to have been gifted by Prophet Muhammad to Baba Haji

Rattan. If the tomb was built, as reasonably suggested, in 1234-5,
it ranks as the earliest surviving monument of the Sultanate not
only of east Panjab, but also of the entire Delhi Sultanate. Four
Persian and Arabic inscriptions, still extant on the eastern wall of
the building, record the repairs undertaken by state officials, both
Muslim and Hindu, in the heyday of the Mughal empire. In the
south west of the tomb was found a mosque, the interior of which
was divided into a nave and two aisles. It was believed to have been
built by Sultan Raziya (r. 1236-40), though the structure, in view
of its features, could have come up much later. The cell (hujra)
associated with Baba Farid is a small chamber with a dome, the
outer surface of which bore heavy moulded flutings. Around the
main tomb were found five smaller tombs that were built of bricks
and had lines of Arabic worked into the stucco relief. Of these
smaller tombs, one was the burial site of Pir Shah Chand, who
ascended the spiritual seat in the fifteenth century.8

Fundamentals of Sufism
During the Ghaznavid rule in Panjab, a number of scholars and
mystics migrated to Lahore and made it the centre of their activities.
Abul Hasan Ali bin Usman Hujwiri (d. 1072), who was popularly
known as Data Ganj Bakhsh, was one such immigrant who pro-
pagated Islamic spirituality in the city. As a Syed, his ancestry was
traced to Hazrat Ali through Imam Hasan.9 In order to acquire
mystical knowledge, he travelled extensively across Turkistan,
Persia, Syria, Iraq and Azerbaijan. He visited Samarqand, Uzkand,
Maihana, Merv, Tus, Nishapur, Kish, Ramla, Bistam, Damascus
and Baghdad. During these journeys, he met prominent mystics
and paid homage at sacred tombs, besides witnessing miracles
and suffering misadventures.10 A seeker of spiritual knowledge,
he trained under Abul Fazl bin Muhammad Khattali. He also
benefited from the scholarship of Abul Qasim Gurgani, Khwaja
Muzzafar and Abul Abbas Ahmad Ashqani. According to Dara
Shukoh, Hujwiri became a follower of the school of sobriety
132 The Making of Medieval Panjab

(sahv) founded by Junaid Baghdadi, but remained an adherent of

the Hanafi school of Muslim jurisprudence.11
Why and in what circumstances did Hujwiri shift from Ghazni
to Lahore? A categorical answer cannot be given.12 According to
a common view, it was Khattali who advised Hujwiri to go to and
settle in Lahore. Hujwiri expressed his reluctance to follow the
advice, as a senior disciple of Khattali (Shaikh Husain Zinjani),
was already working there. However, at the insistence of Khattali,
Hujwiri travelled to Lahore and witnessed a coincidence. When he
entered the city, he saw the coffin of Zinjani being carried out for
burial.13 This view has not been supported by Hujwiri’s own testi-
mony. It indicates that he was brought to Lahore under duress,
that he had been forced to leave his books in Ghazni and that
he found himself captive among uncongenial people (darmian-i
na-jinsan) in Lahore.14 During his sojourn there, he undertook
two long journeys through the Islamic lands beyond Afghanistan.
He constructed a mosque in Lahore and, in the process, demon-
strated his miraculous power. Unlike similar buildings, its niche
(mihrab) tilted slightly towards the south. The theologians of the
city raised objections on this count. Hujwiri did not respond to
the complaints and, soon after the completion of construction,
invited the people to the inaugural congregational prayer. After
having led the prayer, he reminded the gathering of the contro-
versy and asked it to point towards the Kaaba. As soon as the
assembly looked at the niche, they were amazed to see disappear-
ance of all physical obstacles and a clear vision of the Kaaba itself.
As the fame of Hujwiri spread in all directions, he was commonly
accepted as the Qutb ul-Aqtab.15
In addition to being an ardent Sufi and a tireless traveller,
Hujwiri was a prolific writer. He had written as many as eight
books on various dimensions of Islamic spirituality, besides
a compendium of poetry. These books are not available, but
his name has been immortalized by one extant work, Kashf
ul-Mahjub (Revelation of the Veiled), a major treatise on theo-
retical and practical aspects of Sufism. This work was a literary
response of the author to the issues raised by a person named Abu
Saeed Hujwiri. These revolved around the meaning of the path
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 133

of Sufism, nature of stations, doctrines and sayings of the Sufis,

mystical allegories of the spiritual adepts, nature of the divine love
and its manifestation in the human heart, inadequacy of intellect
to reach the essence and withdrawal of the soul from the reality. In
particular, the questioner wanted to be enlightened on the practi-
cal aspects of Sufism connected with these theories.16 Hujwiri was
constrained to frequently insert his own name in the discussion,
because clever plagiarists had misappropriated two of his earlier
works.17 In its structure, the treatise has four parts. The first part,
forms a background, and seeks to define Sufism and examines the
issues of poverty, blame, and dress. The second part, constitut-
ing a fourth of the book, contains short biographical sketches
of numerous historical figures, who practised Sufism in differ-
ent ways. The third part, which also forms a fourth of the work,
explains the principles of several Sufi orders: Muhasibis, Qassaris,
Taifuris, Junaidis, Nuris, Sahlis, Hakimis, Kharrazis, Khalifis,
Sayyaris and Hululis. The fourth part, crucial to the following
discussion, uncovers theoretical and practical aspects of Sufism in
eleven chapters (veils).18 This treatise received liberal praise from
Dara Shukoh in the seventeenth century. In his assessment, he has
stated that none had cast any doubt about the authenticity and
comprehensiveness of the work, that it commanded the status of a
perfect guide among all books on Sufism and that a work of such
high merit had never been written in the Persian language.19
Hujwiri wrote his study on the foundations of three major
works already written by Abul Qasim Qushairi, Abu Nasr Sarraj,
and Abu Abdul Rahman Sulami. It covered both the tabaqat and
manual genres. His chapters on rituals, regarded as the pillars
of Islam, were followed by the customs and practices specific to
Sufism, creating an impression that the latter were based on the
former foundational principles. While defining the content of a
ritual, he ended up offering its mystical interpretation and expla-
nation. An innovative study, it elaborated subjects not taken up
elsewhere in the same level of detail. An important feature of the
work was a constant aim to highlight divergent views on every
issue. By accommodating numerous contentious discourses,
Hujwiri has extended the boundaries of acceptability in Sufism.
134 The Making of Medieval Panjab

On occasion, he appeared indecisive and incoherent, yet he

remained consistent in his underlying object.20
Hujwiri felt deeply anguished at the general ignorance and
flawed knowledge of Sufism. In fact, the discipline of Sufism had
become obsolete, particularly in the Indian subcontinent. Its
people had discarded the path of contentment. Theologians and
the learned had formed a conception of Sufism quite contrary
to its fundamental principles. Disciples, having neglected their
ascetic practices, indulged in idle thoughts that were mistakenly
designated as contemplation. High and low were content with
dubious claims, while blind conformity had taken the place of
spiritual enthusiasm. The vulgar claimed to know God, while
the elect treated their desire for spiritual progress as ardent love.
Hujwiri himself had written several books on Sufism that did not
serve any purpose. Some false pretenders picked up a few passages
at random to deceive the public, erasing and destroying the rest.
Others did not mutilate the books, but did not read them. Still
others read them, but did not understand their meaning. Others
copied the text and, committing it to memory, prepared to dis-
course on the mystical science.21 Negative pursuits – arrogance,
hypocrisy, anger, wrangling, fanciful vision, sensuous urges,
heresy, disbelief, and neglect of the Prophet’s law – were mis-
interpreted as positive ingredients of the spiritual path. In his own
words, ‘In time past the works of eminent Sufis, falling into the
hands of those who could not appreciate them, have been used to
make lining for caps or binding for the poems of Abu Nuwas and
pleasantries of Jahiz.’22 It appeared that Hujwiri took up his pen
to dispel general indifference and imperfect knowledge regarding
Sufism, besides satisfying the curiosity of individuals.
It was incumbent on the seeker to comprehend the definition
of Sufism. Several books had been written on the subject, but
they had merely led to contention and confusion. This situation
was traceable to some factors. On the one hand, God himself had
veiled most people from Sufism and its votaries, having concealed
its mysteries from their hearts. On the other hand, Sufism itself
had undergone a decline during its evolution. In earlier times, it
was a reality without a name but later acquired a name without
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 135

reality.23 The etymological roots of Sufism were traced to diverse

features – the woolen garment (jama-i suf), the quality of purity
(safa), being first in rank (saf-i awwal) and companions of the
verandah (ashab-i suffa). The very name Sufi, argued Hujwiri,
had no derivation that could meet etymological requirements, as
Sufism was too exalted to have any genus from which it might
have been derived. Confronted with this state, Hujwiri has
quoted the definitions of Sufism as advanced by eminent mysti-
cal thinkers – Zu ul-Nun Misri, Abul Hasan Nuri, Abu Amr
Dimashqi, Abu Bakr Shibli, Abu Muhammad Murtaish, Junaid
Baghdadi and Muhammad bin Ahmad Muqri – who focused
on different aspects of Sufism. For example, a Sufi was seen as
one whose speech reflected his spiritual state. He did not have
worldly possessions, nor was he possessed by anything. He saw
nothing but God in the two worlds. His body and soul were in
the same place. The presence of Sufism was an attribute of God
and involved a destruction of human traits. It meant guarding the
heart from anything other than God and keeping in concord with
the Beloved. It involved behaving with propriety in every place,
time and circumstance. It comprised a good nature towards God,
others and self. It demanded freedom from desire and conceit of
generosity. It required detachment from the phenomenal world
and purification from carnal taints. It was imitation of the idea of
purity, which was more splendid and conspicuous than others.24
At the beginning of his spiritual journey, a seeker needed to
possess the knowledge of God (marifat allah). Emphasized by
both the Quran and Prophetic traditions (hadis), it was of two
kinds, cognitive (ilmi) and emotional (hali). It was seen as the life
of the heart through God and removed one’s innermost thoughts
from everything other than God. The worth of a seeker was in
proportion to his knowledge of God. The theologians and lawyers
assigned the name of gnosis to the right cognition (ilm) of God,
but the Sufis applied this name to the right feeling (hal) towards
God. The Sufis held gnosis (marifat) as more exalted than cogni-
tion, because the right feeling was the result of right cognition.
In other words, a person who did not have cognition of God was
not a gnostic (arif), but one could have cognition of God without
136 The Making of Medieval Panjab

being a gnostic.25 Hujwiri subjected various modes of acquir-

ing knowledge of God – reason, demonstration, inspiration and
intuition – to critical examination, and rejected all of them as inef-
fective and futile. Instead, he held that knowledge of God could be
acquired only through His will and favour. He stated, ‘God causes
man to know Him through Himself with a knowledge that is not
linked to any faculty, a knowledge in which the existence of man
is merely metaphorical.’26 He argued that the knowledge of God
depended entirely on information and eternal guidance of the
Truth. If God so willed, He made His actions a guide that showed
the path leading to Himself. On recognizing the perfection of
God’s attributes one experienced a state of amazement regarding
the divine reality and one’s own being.27
A seeker not only asserted the unification of God (tauhid), but
also had perfect knowledge of this unity. In His essence, God does
not have any partner or substitute. God is incapable of union and
separation, does not occupy space, exists without a similar entity,
does not become immanent in things, is free from imperfections,
is unchangeable in His qualities, is endowed with perfection and
does not procreate. Pointing towards God’s outstanding traits,
Hujwiri noted that He is living, knowing, forgiving, merciful,
willing, powerful, seeing, speaking and subsistent. His knowledge
encompasses all objects of cognition and all entities are depend-
ent on Him. He does what He wills; He wills what he knows. His
decree being an absolute fact, He is the sole predestinator of good
and evil. He alone gives judgement that is all wisdom. None can
behold Him face to face, though His saints enjoyed contemplating
Him in this world. The Sunnis envisioned God as a single artifi-
cer who originated all forms of creation in the universe. Dualists,
who held the opposite view, were refuted by Hujwiri in Al-Riayat
li-huquq Allah. Considering the stance of the Sufis, it has found
that Junaid Baghdadi drew a distinction between the eternal and
phenomenal, while Husain bin Masur ascribed unification to
none other than God. Thus, unification of God required denial of
partnership (with God) and phenomenality. Any thought other
than God raised a veil between the seeker and God. Knowledge of
unification could be acquired by denying personal initiative and
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 137

surrendering the will of man, whose body was a repository for the
mysteries of God. The seeker could not reach God through his
intellect, but could behold Him with his spiritual eyes, without
comprehending His infinity. Hujwiri asserted that unification was
a mystery revealed by God to His servants and that it could not be
expressed in language at all, much less high sounding phrases.28
A seeker understood that faith was employed with reference to
one’s belief in God, His angels and His revealed books. Some Sufis
held that faith was verbal profession, verification and practice.
Others believed that it was just verbal profession and verifica-
tion. Hujwiri argued that the difference between them was one
of expression and not substance. The former applied the name of
faith to obedience, which alone provided a man with security from
punishment. On the other hand, the latter asserted that gnosis and,
not obedience, was the cause of security. God is known by one of
His three attributes – beauty (jamal), majesty (jalal) and perfec-
tion (kamal). Those who saw evidence of gnosis in the beauty of
God nurtured a longing for vision, which was an effect of love.
Therefore, faith and gnosis were love, while obedience was a sign
of love. Anyone who denied it neglected the command of God and
betrayed his ignorance of gnosis. Some thinkers believed that faith
came entirely from God, while others held that it sprang entirely
from man. Hujwiri perceived faith as absorption of all human
attributes in the search of God. When gnosis was established in
the heart of the seeker, all forms of skepticism was destroyed and
he remained in the circle of its authority. In simple words, faith
was absolute trust in God, which flowed from the knowledge
bestowed by God.29
In their spiritual quest, the seekers laid a considerable empha-
sis on prayer, which ordinarily meant remembrance of God and
submission to Him enabled them to find the entire way leading to
God and revealed their spiritual states. All Muslims were bound to
offer five daily prayers after meeting preliminary conditions relat-
ing to purification, garments, place, direction, posture, intention,
recitation, prostration and salutation. However, a seeker dis-
cerned spiritual meanings in these conditions – purification
in place of repentence, dependence on a mentor in place of the
138 The Making of Medieval Panjab

direction (qibla), standing for prayer in place of self-mortification,

reciting the Quran in place of inward meditation, bowing the head
in place of humility, prostration in place of self-knowledge, profes-
sion of faith in place of intimacy, salutation in place of detachment
from the world and escape from bondage of stations.30 According
to Hujwiri, prayer was a divine command, and not a means to
obtain presence with or absence from God. Seekers engaged in
self-mortification or who had attained steadfastness, were advised
to perform four hundred bowings in prayer day and night, so that
their bodies became habituated to devotion. In case of seekers
who had achieved the spiritual states, their prayers corresponded
to the stations of union, so that they became united in their con-
dition of ecstasy. However, when the condition of ecstasy was
withdrawn, their prayers corresponded to the station of separa-
tion. The former Sufis, who were united in their prayers, prayed
day and night, besides adding supererogatory prayers to the oblig-
atory ones. The latter Sufis, who were separated, performed only
the prayers needed by them. Some Sufis performed obligatory acts
of devotion openly, while they concealed the supererogatory ones
to escape the charge of ostentation. Others performed both types
of devotion openly, as they held ostentation as unreal and piety as
real.31
The role of poverty in the pursuit of spirituality was often dis-
cussed in Sufi circles. Both the Quran and Prophetic traditions
accorded unconditional approval to poverty.32 It was a mark of
distinction for the poor to have renounced all external and inter-
nal possessions in order to turn entirely to God. For them, poverty
had become their pride so that they lamented its departure and
rejoiced its arrival. Its form was seen in destitution and indigence,
while its essence was located in fortune and free choice. Those
who focused on the essence withdrew from worldly objects and,
while seeing only the Supreme Being, hastened towards fullness
of eternal life. For a poor man, the two conditions, being wealthy
or indigent, were similar. In fact, higher the degree of his poverty,
more was the expanse of his spiritual state. Poverty was meritori-
ous in the sense that it insulated his body from sinful acts and
heart from evil thoughts, as his exterior was absorbed in bless-
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 139

ings of God and his interior was protected by invisible grace.

Some mystics treated wealth as superior to poverty, ascribing
former to God and latter to man. But God’s wealth was not only
marked by independence and omnipotence, but it was also eter-
nal. In contrast, man’s wealth was subject to decay. According to
another view, there was no difference between wealth and poverty
as both were divine gifts. Both could be corrupted, the former by
forgetfulness and latter by covetousness. If the seeker’s heart was
cleansed of everything except God, the difference between wealth
and poverty vanished.33 Similar to the question relating to this
binary, mystics encountered a dispute on the relative merits of
poverty (faqr) and purity (safwat) which, in turn, was associated
with subsistence (baqa) and annihilation (fana) respectively. In
Hujwiri’s view, there could be no reason for superiority so long
as one dealt with ideas as such; but a choice had to be made when
names were given to them. This was why some mystics used the
term poverty and others the term purity to express the same idea.34
Most Sufis seemed to prefer a distinct outward appearance by
wearing a patched frock (muraqqa).The practice had been sancti-
fied by Prophet Muhammad and pious caliphs.35 Made of coarse
wool and repaired with patches, the garment conformed to the
Sufic principles of detachment, poverty and humility. Yet dif-
ferent views persisted through the ages. There were vulgar Sufis
who wore a patched frock to gain public honour and spiritual
reputation, but they lacked inner purity that was the hallmark
of spirituality. Others felt that wearing a patched frock was un-
necessary as God knew that the person was one of the elect. If the
aim was to show to the people his proximity to God, then he was
guilty of ostentation. In spite of these doubts, the Sufis advised
their disciples to wear a patched frock so that, being marked out,
they were exposed to public reprobation on committing any
transgression. The garment not only provided a feeling of ease,
its damaged portions were covered with a patch. Some held that
the patch could be sewn at random. Others stood for neat and
accurate stitches, as a sound practice indicated sound principles.
The most common colour of the garment was blue, as it was not
easily soiled and also symbolized mourning that emerged from
140 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the state of the world. Spiritual men bestowed a patched frock on

a disciple who had completed an education of three years. The
parts of a patched frock were seen as allegories for virtues required
from a Sufi – collar as patience, two sleeves as fear and hope, two
gussets as contraction and dilation, belt as self-abnegation, hem
as soundness of faith and fringe as sincerity. If a Sufi was forced
by worldly powers to tear this apparel, he was excused. If he did it
deliberately, he was not permitted to wear it again. Normally, he
changed his dress when graduating from one stage of the spiritual
journey to the other. But a patched frock comprised all stages in
the spiritual path and, therefore, discarding it meant the abandon-
ment of the path itself.36
The Quran, Prophetic traditions (hadis), and Prophetic prac-
tice (sunna) enjoined the Muslims to adopt matrimony. Some
mystics held marriage as desirable as a means to quell lust and
free the mind from anxiety, while others felt that its object was
procreation.37 If man and wife were suited to each other, mar-
riage provided companionship that was unmatched in reverence
and security. However, if the two were not suited to each, an un-
congenial wife brought unlimited torment and anxiety. A dervish
was advised to weigh the relative evils associated with both mar-
riage and celibacy. In themselves, marriage and celibacy could not
ruin a man, because the mischief lay in asserting one’s will and
yielding to one’s desires. Once a man entered into matrimony,
he was expected to provide his wife with lawful food and dowry
out of lawful property. But he could indulge in sensual pleasure
only after fulfilling his obligations towards God. After adopting a
moderate stance, Hujwiri held women to be responsible for past
calamities and therefore declared celibacy as the foundation of
Sufism. The problem of lust could be solved by means other than
marriage. Lust could be effectively suppressed by two methods, by
starving oneself or by pursuing true love that divested all senses
of their sensual quality. Hujwiri recommended celibacy because,
according to him, it was not possible to have a suitable wife, whose
wants were limited and whose demands were reasonable.38
In Hujwiri’s view, the seeker was bound to regulate his religious
and temporal life on the basis of rules of discipline (adab). These
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 141

rules were of three kinds and covered the seeker’s attitude to God,
himself and others. These were not separate from one another.
Further, these rules comprised three categories – observing
Prophetic practice, good manners and loving conduct – that were
similarly interconnected.39 In addition to the rules of discipline,
the seeker was required to understand the role of companionship
in the path of Sufism.40 The believers cultivated companionship
only for the sake of God, not for gratifying the lower self or selfish
interests. If one was unable to derive any religious benefit from
a friend, then he had to shun his company. He was free to asso-
ciate with both a superior and inferior. He derived benefit from
the former, while the benefit was mutual in the latter case. But it
was advisable to abandon a friend who needed to be flattered or
from whom one had to seek forgiveness for a fault. The existence
of unworthy friends did not warrant a withdrawal from society,
because solitude was fatal for a seeker. A principle in compan-
ionship was to treat others in accordance with their degree (age,
status and experience) i.e. old men with respect like fathers, of
the same age with agreeable familiarity like brothers and young
men with affection like sons. It was proper to renounce hate, envy
and malice, but equally befitting to use sincere admonition when
needed. The biggest enemy of companionship was selfishness.41
Hujwiri divided Sufis into two classes, residents (muqiman)
and travellers (musafiran), each treating the other as superior. The
travelling ones regarded the resident ones as superior, because they
themselves had adopted mobility in their own interest, while the
resident ones had settled down in the service of God. The former
stage was a sign of search, while the latter was a token of attain-
ment. In a similar vein, the resident ones regarded the travelling
ones as superior, because they themselves were burdened with
worldly cares, while the travelling ones were detached from the
world.42 Interestingly, the resident dervishes had clear obligations
towards the travelling ones. Acting as decent hosts, they were
expected to treat the traveller as an honoured guest, who was met
with joy and respect. They had to place before him whatever food
they had. They could not enquire as to where he came from or
where he was going or what was his name. They had to accept that
142 The Making of Medieval Panjab

he had come from God, that he was going to God and his name
was the servant of God. They had to ascertain whether he desired
to be alone or in company. In former case, they were expected to
lodge him in an empty room. In the latter case, they had to inter-
act with him in a friendly and social manner. When the traveller
prepared to sleep for the night, the resident Sufi could offer to
wash his feet, but act only in accordance with his wishes. Next
morning, he took him to the cleanest bath available and, while
waiting upon him, rubbed away stains from different parts of his
body. If he had the means, he could provide a new set of clothes.
During the course of his stay, he could not be invited to visit a
saintly figure against his wishes. He could not be escorted to meet
worldly men and their functions. In no case was he taken from
house to house for begging.43
A travelling Sufi, on his part, was guided by a set of rules. He
could travel only for the sake of God, not for pleasure. The object
of his mobility was pilgrimage or war (against infidels) or to seek
knowledge or to visit a venerable person or to pay homage at a
tomb or holy site. During the journey, he observed his devotions,
remained in a state of purity and kept away from sensual affec-
tions. He carried a number of articles – patched frock, prayer rug,
bucket rope, shoes, clogs and staff. In keeping with the Prophetic
custom, he carried such items of daily use like a comb, nail scissors,
a needle and a box of antimony. The number of goods carried by
the travelling Sufi varied with the spiritual station he had achieved.
A firmly grounded adept could carry all the above articles, while
for a novice every article was like a shackle, a stumbling block and
a veil that merely showed conceit. When a travelling Sufi reached
the house of a resident counterpart, he could not interfere with
the host and should not make unreasonable demands. He was
required to occupy himself with religious duties incumbent on
Sufis. In no case could he speak of hardships suffered on the way
or narrate idle anecdotes. Since all Sufis, travelling or resident,
were engaged in the larger endeavour to please God, they made
every effort to trust one another and never spoke ill of others.44
In Hujwiri’s understanding, the subject of audition (sama) was
intimately connected with the phenomena of the sense of hearing,
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 143

role of poetry and impact of music. The sense of hearing enabled

humans to comprehend the nature of God, sermons of prophets
and logic of religious injunctions. Numerous examples showed
that listening to the recitation of the Quran was most delightful
to the ear and beneficial for the mind. Though the Quran was
revealed to Prophet Muhammad, yet he was fond of hearing it
being recited. The listener was more perfect in state than the reciter,
for the latter might recite with or without feeling, while the former
experienced the true feeling. This was so because speech denoted
pride and, in contrast, hearing reflected a sort of humility.45 Sufi
masters followed the Prophet in listening to non-religious poetry,
provided the words communicated lawful thoughts, which were
more important than the form of expression.46 Hujwiri was certain
that both humans and animals felt the joyful impact of melodies.
Traditions of the Prophet listening to songs were collected in
Kitab-i Sama by Abu Abdul Rehman al-Sulami. Theologians also
permitted the playing of musical instruments, provided they were
not used for diversion and did not turn the mind towards wicked
actions. The legality of audition was determined by the nature of
circumstances and impact of the event. Zu ul-Nun Misri argued
that those who listened spiritually attained God, while those who
listened sensually fell into heresy. Audition was not required by
spiritual adepts who had reached the end of their journey. But
it was employed by beginners to obtain concentration when
distracted by forgetfulness. Audition affected its practitioners
in accordance with their grade. It augmented the remorse of the
repentent, increased the longing for vision of lovers, confirmed
the certainty of those having faith, clarified complex matters for
novices, impelled lovers to snap worldly connections and discov-
ered hope for the spiritually poor.47
It was necessary to understand the nature of three emotional
states – wajd, wujud and tawajud – that directly flowed out of audi-
tion. The real sense of wajd was pain felt at the loss of the Beloved
and failure to gain the object of desire. The real sense of wujud was
removing grief from the heart and obtaining the object of desire.
Inaccessible through investigation, it was a grace bestowed by
the Beloved on the lover. Wajd was characteristic of the gnostics
144 The Making of Medieval Panjab

(arifan), while wujud was associated with novices (muridan). The

spiritual status of gnostics being higher than that of the novices, it
followed that wajd was more perfect than wujud. A person, who
was overwhelmed by wajd, lost his sense of discrimination, but
he was exempted from any punishment for any bad action. He
was able to overpower his wajd by asserting the strength of his
knowledge (ilm) and thus remained within the confines of divine
commands. The pain, which was undertaken to produce wajd, was
known tawajud and it was done by instilling in mind the bounties
and evidences of God.48 The musical sessions, owing to a variety of
reasons, came to be associated with controversial acts of dancing
and rending garments. Confusion arose when the ecstatic move-
ments of those who tried to induce ecstasy resembled dancing and
led frivolous imitators to excessive indulgence. Participation in an
audition could lead to a condition where the heart throbbed with
exhilaration, rapture became intense, ecstasy was manifested and
conventional forms disappeared. But this agitation was a dissolu-
tion of the soul and could not be called dancing. A participant, who
tore his clothes after losing his senses in an audition, was excused.
The torn garment was bestowed on the singer or its pieces were
distributed among the listeners who affixed these on their patched
frocks as a blessing.49
Concluding his discussion on musical sessions, Hujwiri has
enumerated the rules that needed to be followed. Attending an
audition could not be made a frequent habit, lest one should erode
the reverence for it. Such a gathering was presided over by a spir-
itual mentor, while the singer had to be a respectable person. The
performance was attended only by those who were initiated into
the discipine of Sufism, while the uninitiated and beginners were
kept away. The heart of the listener had to be cleansed of worldly
thoughts and his disposition could not tilt towards amusement.
The listener allowed himself to be moved by the power of the
audition in a natural way. He was required to feel agitated or calm
in conformity with the spirit of the audition. He could not try to
generate any artificial feelings in his mind. He needed to be per-
ceptive enough to receive divine influence and doing justice to it.
He could not permit anyone to interfere with his state. Nor could
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 145

he himself interfere with the state of other listeners. He could not

try to assess the musical abilities of the singer. He was expected to
involve himself in his own time (waqt), so that he duly received
blessings from it. Hujwiri warned that musical concerts could be
dangerous and corrupting, as women looked at the listeners from
roofs and other places.50
Hujwiri took a keen interest in a hallowed debate between the
Taufuris and Junaidis on the validity of two states – intoxication
(sukr) and sobriety (sahw) – and threw his weight behind the lat-
ter. Bayazid Bistami and his followers, who advocated a rapturous
longing for God,51 believed that sobriety involved fixity and equi-
librium of human attributes, which became a veil between God and
man. In contrast, intoxication involved the destruction of human
attributes, leading to the survival of faculties that did not belong
to human genus and were the most perfect. Junaid Baghdadi and
his followers,52 who stood for sobriety in relation to God, held that
intoxication reflected a disturbance of one’s normal state and loss
of sanity and self control. The seekers sought to know the princi-
ple of things through annihilation or subsistence, but the principle
of verification could not be attained unless they were sane. With
the eye of subsistence, they perceived the universe as imperfect,
while with the eye of annihilation they perceived the creation as
non-existent. In both cases, he turned away from created things.
Therefore, one was advised to pray to God (like the Prophet) so
that He would show the things as they were, because whoever
saw the things as such was rewarded with equanimity. However,
such a vision could be obtained only in a state of sobriety. Musa,
being intoxicated, failed to endure a single epiphany and fell into
a swoon. But the Prophet, being sober, beheld the same glory con-
tinuously with increasing consciousness, all the way from Mecca
to a space of just two bows from the Divine presence.53
Hujwiri recalled that his Shaikh, who was a follower of Junaid
Baghdadi, often stated that intoxication was a playground of
children, while sobriety was the death field of men. In line with
this understanding, Hujwiri observed that the perfect state of an
intoxicated man was sobriety, that the lowest stage of sobriety lay
in accepting the powerlessness of humanity and that a sobriety
146 The Making of Medieval Panjab

which appeared to be an evil was better than intoxication that was

really evil. In developing his approach towards Mansur al-Hal-
laj,54 Hujwiri drew support from the position of Junaid Baghdadi.
According to Hujwiri, Junaid Baghdadi’s mystical doctrine, which
was based on sobriety, became the most celebrated of all doctrines
and therefore it was adopted by all the Shaikhs despite the differ-
ences in their sayings on the ethics of Sufism. Junaid Baghdadi
not only rejected the request of Hallaj for association, but also
denounced his ideas on sobriety and intoxication. The former
denoted the soundness of one’s spiritual state in relation to God,
while the latter denoted excess of longing and extremes of love
that could not be acquired by human effort. Junaid Baghdadi went
to the extent of declaring that he saw much foolishness and non-
sense in the words of Hallaj.55
In the above context, the judgement of Hujwiri on Hallaj
assumed significance. He found that some Sufis accepted Hallaj’s
controversial expressions, while others rejected them. There were
some who accused Hallaj of magic, trickery and heresy. But few
denied the purity of his spiritual states and the abundance of his
ascetic practices. He was criticized not for his mystical principles,
but for his outward conduct. Hujwiri, who had examined fifty
works of Hallaj in different places – Baghdad and neighbouring
districts besides Khuzistan, Fars and Khurasan – adjudged all
his sayings like the first visions of novices, though some of them
were weaker or stronger. It appeared that if a spiritualist described
a vision with the power of ecstasy and help of divine grace, his
words were obscure, particularly if said in haste and self-praise.
These words were repugnant to the imagination and incompre-
hensible to the minds of the listeners. If people of true spirituality
and insight had a vision, they did not try to describe it, nor felt
concerned with praise or censure. However, Hallaj could not be
accused of magic as his life was based on piety, prayers, fasting,
praise of God and sublime sayings on unification. His actions, that
were misunderstood as magic, were in fact miracles and these were
vouchsafed only to a true saint. A person, who was overcome by
intoxication, did not have the ability to express himself correctly.
Since the expression was difficult to comprehend, the real inten-
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 147

tion was overlooked. The sayings of Hallaj could not be taken as a

model as, being an ecstatic, he was not firmly settled and therefore
his sayings could not be regarded as authoritative.56
In the final analysis of Hujwiri, the path devised by Hallaj was
not established on any sound principle, his spiritual state was not
fixed in any position and his experiences were largely mingled
with error. Hujwiri, during the course of his own visions, derived
support from the ideas of Hallaj by way of evidences. At this early
stage, he even wrote a book explaining the sayings of Hallaj and
demonstrated their sublimity with proofs and arguments. In
another work entitled Minhaj al-Din, Hujwiri had reconstructed
the entire life of Hallaj. Since his own understanding of Sufism
had evolved over a period of time, he revised his thinking on the
doctrines of Hallaj. After all, it was futile to express the reality in
words.57
After the death of Hujwiri (1072), his tomb became a centre
of pilgrimage. During his lifetime, Rai Raju, who was the deputy
governor of Panjab, became a disciple of the saint and converted
to Islam.58 Since then his descendants served as attendants (kha-
dim wa mujawir) of the shrine. The records available with this
institution have enabled Nur Ahmad Chishti to prepare a long
genealogical table of the attendants, besides identifying their
income from land grants, cash stipends and offerings of the devo-
tees. Chishti has also delved into the process that raised Hujwiri
to be the patron saint of Lahore. According to a belief prevalent
among the Muslims, the spiritual jurisdiction of every kingdom
and city was invariably bestowed on an eminent Sufi, though the
ordinary governance was in the hands of administrators. It was
through this Sufi that the decrees of God and the orders of the
worldly rulers were implemented. It was with the permission of
this Sufi that the new saints could settle in any part of Hind and
Panjab. Accordingly, Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti, before settling
in Ajmer, broke his journey at Lahore and performed austeri-
ties for forty days (chillah) at the grave of Hujwiri.59 This action
became a precedent for the subsequent Sufis of the region. Baba
Farid and Miyan Mir undertook meditation at this shrine. While
Shah Husain (1539-99) actually lived in its premises, Sultan Bahu
148 The Making of Medieval Panjab

(1631-91) and Bulleh Shah (1680-1752) mentioned Hujwiri in

their mystical verses.60 Dara Shukoh, writing in the middle of the
seventeenth century, drew attention to the popularity of Hujwiri
in the city of Lahore, the like of which was not found anywhere
on the face of the earth. According to him, the tomb of Hujwiri
was situated in the western fort. On every Thursday, thousands
of people came here to pay obeisance to the Sufi. It was believed
that a person, who undertook a complete circumambulation of
the shrine for forty consecutive Thursdays, had all his wishes
fulfilled.61 Sujan Rai Bhandari, who has described the prominent
monuments of Lahore existing at the end of the seventeenth
century,62 noted the presence of the mausoleum of Hujwiri.63 He
remembered Hujwiri as the crown among the Sufis and one who,
in addition to being a saint, was perfect in his knowledge and
learning. Allama Iqbal, the distinguished poet and philosopher,
has paid the following tribute to Hujwiri:64
The saint of Hujwir was venerated by the peoples
And Pir-i Sanjar visited his tomb as a pilgrim.
With ease he broke down the mountain-barriers
And sowed the seed of Islam in India.
The age of Omar was restored by his godliness.
The fame of the Truth was exalted by his words.
He was the guardian of the honour of the Quran.
The house of falsehood fell in ruins at his gaze.
The dust of the Panjab was brought to life by his breath.
Our dawn was made splendid by his sun.
He was a lover, and, withal, a courier of Love.
The secrets of Love shone forth from his brow.
I will tell a story of his perfection
And enclose a whole rose-bed in a single bed.

The Chishti Path of Austerities

Shaikh Fariduddin Masud Ganj-i Shakar, who was popular in
Panjab as Baba Farid, laid the foundation of the Chishti order in
the region. His long life (1175-1265) coincided with major political
changes including the decline of the Ghaznavid rule, military
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 149

campaigns of the Ghorids, establishment of the Delhi Sultanate,

internal conflict in the ruling class, Mongol inroads and migration
of refugees from the western lands. His grandfather, Qazi Shuaib,
a prominent citizen of Kabul, migrated to Lahore in the middle
of the twelfth century and settled as a judge (qazi) in Kahtwal
near Multan. As a teenager, Baba Farid adopted the mystical path
under the inspiration of his mother. His sincere devotion attracted
the attention of the eminent mystic Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrezi
who was on his way to Delhi. During the course of his education
in Multan, he became a disciple of Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiar
Kaki, who had attached himself to Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti
of Ajmer. Baba Farid travelled to Delhi and, entering the hospice
of his mentor, began his advanced mystical training in the right
earnest. Here he had the good fortune of receiving the blessings
of Khwaja Muinuddinn Chishti. He undertook hard spiritual
exercises that included fasting for three consecutive days and
practising inverted devotion (chilla-i makus). After completing
his training under Khwaja Kaki, Baba Farid moved to Hansi, a
town on the Delhi-Multan trade route, and established here a
hospice. On his departure, he was nominated as the principal
successor of Khwaja Kaki. However, he received the insignia of
his exalted office – cloak (khirqa), turban (dastar), and wooden
sandals (nalain-i chaubin) – when he visited Delhi on the demise
of his mentor. He returned to Hansi in response to the demand of
his followers. His reputation increased manifold when he received
fulsome praise from Maulana Nur Turk, who was delivering a
sermon at Hansi. During his stay of two decades, he earned the
unconditional love of a disciple Jamaluddin Hansavi.65 Around
1236, he came to Ajodhan and spent here the remaining twenty
years of his life, though he also toyed with the idea of settling in
Lahore.66
Baba Farid did not permanently settle in Delhi and Hansi,
because large crowds of devotees did not allow him to follow his
schedule of prayers. He pined for a peaceful place where he could
delve into his devotional pursuits without the distraction of visi-
tors. He finally chose Ajodhan even though it had disadvantages.
It did not boast of much cultivation owing to scanty rainfall. The
150 The Making of Medieval Panjab

local inhabitants were somewhat uncouth and did not have much
faith in dervishes. Yet it afforded a peaceful environment needed
for a life of spiritual engagement, the most suitable sites being
a mosque in the town and a jungle of kareel outside the town.67
During the season of kareel and delahs, a disciple was deputed to
collect fruit. The inmates of the hospice ate it to their fill and felt as
happy as on Id. When it was not available, the disciples were sent
to the neighbouring localities with the begging bowls to collect
food (chun waqt delah wa kareel nabudi zanbil me gardanidand).68
Unlike a fellow mystic Shaikh Badruddin Ghaznavi, who attended
frequent banquets at Delhi, Baba Farid asked himself, ‘O Masud!
You are fattening your stomach by eating oily and sweet bread.
How will you meet your obligations to God?’69
Having established a hospice (khanqah) at Ajodhan, Baba Farid
laid the principles for its communal living and multifarious func-
tions. Besides providing residence to him and his family, it served
as a school for grooming disciples and an open house for a variety
of visitors. The hospice comprised a large hall (jamaat khana),
which was little more than a roof standing on a number of pil-
lars. At the foot of each pillar, a disciple resided with his bedding,
books, and rosary. The disciples slept, prayed and studied on the
floor, there being no discrimination on the grounds of seniority
or piety. If food was available, it was shared among all and, if not,
they jointly suffered hunger. Responsibilities were distributed
equally, as no work was seen as undignified. The personal needs
of the Shaikh were met by Syed Nuruddin Kirmani, Iqbal and
Isa. Badruddin Ishaq brought wood from the forest, Jamaluddin
Hansavi plucked delah and kareel from the trees, Husamuddin
fetched water and cleaned the utensils, Nizamuddin Auliya
cooked, and Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir managed the common
kitchen.70 A large amount of unasked charity (futuh) was received,
but it was distributed among visitors and nothing was kept for the
next day. In times of financial stress, Baba Farid did not permit
taking loans, but introduced the practice of circulating the beg-
ging bowl (zanbil) in the neighbourhood, something which could
be done twice a day. He normally broke his fast with the bread
of this bowl. The inmates ate what was collected during the day
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 151

and the remaining food was consumed at night.71 The hospice

offered free access to all classes of people – rulers, nobles, soldiers,
merchants, and commoners from the countryside – who sought
answers to their existential and spiritual needs, besides simple
blessings. Different types of roving mendicants, particularly Jogis
and Qalandars, also registered their presence. The doors of the
hospice remained open until midnight and food was always ready.
Every visitor was offered whatever was available.72
Baba Farid did not easily enrol a person as disciple. He assessed
the sincerity of a candidate to traverse the spiritual path and, after
satisfying himself, directed him to undergo the first step of shav-
ing his head. Having thus admitted a person under his tutelage, he
made sure that he did not deviate from the single-minded pursuit
of his spiritual aim. Khwaja Wahiduddin, a grandson of Khwaja
Muinuddin Chishti, met Baba Farid and expressed his desire to be
enrolled as a disciple and permitted to shave his head. Baba Farid
expressed his reluctance to acceed to the request as he had him-
self taken an oath of allegiance at the hands of the Chishti saint
of Ajmer. Khwaja Wahiduddin remained firm in his resolve, so
that Baba Farid agreed to initiate him into his circle of disciples
and gave directions for shaving his head. However, in the case
of another candidate, the situation took an unfavourable turn.
A student named Nasir, who wished to adopt the avocation of
trade, became a disciple of Baba Farid and, in accordance with
the Sufi practice, had his head shaved. One day he got in touch
with a visiting Jogi and sought to learn from him the method of
growing long hair. Nizamudin Auliya could not understand how
a person who had registered his allegiance to a distinguished Sufi,
could behave in such an objectionable manner. Since the purpose
of removing one’s hair was to erase all traces of arrogance and
vanity, there was no point in wanting long hair again.73 In normal
circumstances, a disciple took the oath of allegiance to his mentor
only once. However, if he so desired, he could repeat the act. In
case the mentor was not present, he could place his (mentor’s)
garment before him and, placing his hand on it, renew the oath
of allegiance. Baba Farid himself did this several times and also
allowed his disciples to do so. The practice of renewal was traced
152 The Making of Medieval Panjab

to the oath of benediction (bait ul-rizwan) which was conducted

by Prophet Muhammad before embarking on a punitive expedi-
tion against the Meccans.74
The spiritual progress of a disciple depended on his capacity
to absorb the lessons imparted by his mentor. That this capac-
ity varied among the disciples was indicated by the experience of
Baba Farid. One of his disciples, Yusuf, complained to the Shaikh
that he had been under his tutelage for several years, that all oth-
ers had gained something from the Shaikh’s beneficence and that
he himself deserved to be honoured before the others. Baba Farid
explained, ‘There has been no shortcoming on my part. There
must be preparedness and capability on your part. I do all that
I can. But if God does not give the required capacity, what can
anyone else do.’ In order to elaborate his point, he took recourse
to a practical example. He asked a lad to bring three bricks one
after the other and place them before three persons present. The
boy brought in full sized bricks to place before Baba Farid and
his friend, but he placed half a brick before Yusuf. The Shaikh,
while decoding the spectacle, said that he played no role in the
distribution of bricks. Being fair, he had given the same direction
three times. Since the disciple continued to have the same capacity
that day as he had before, there was nothing left for him to do and
he could not be held accountable for the outcome.75 He was acute
enough to note that disciples were not alike, as their attitudes
varied from time to time. There was one disciple who professed
allegiance to him but, after leaving his presence, changed. Another
disciple, took his leave, but remained loyal for a fairly long period;
ultimately he too changed. The third one, Nizamuddin, fell in a
different category, as his disposition remained the same through-
out without changing even a bit. When this disciple recalled his
association with Baba Farid, he was filled with emotion and his
eyes welled up with tears. Four decades after the demise of Baba
Farid, he was constant in his love for his mentor and, in fact, his
love for him increased with every passing day.76
As soon as a novice grasped the hand of a spiritual preceptor
and made a pledge of loyalty to him, it amounted to making a
compact with God. He was bound to remain firm in his commit-
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 153

ment and, if he deviated from his resolve, he could not retrace his
steps to the path of piety. In this context, Nizamuddin recalled
his own experience after taking the oath of allegiance (bait) to
Baba Farid. During the course of his journey from Ajodhan, he
felt thirsty on the way as the air was hot and water was not avail-
able. By chance, he met an Alavi named Syed Imad, who offered
his own flask to drink from. Nizamuddin refused to consume the
contents of the flask, which was either wine or hemp juice. Syed
Imad persisted in his offer, as he had brought the liquid to beat the
thirst in a dry terrain and there was no water for a long distance
to come. He warned that the newly enrolled disciple would die, if
he did not drink the stuff available. Remaining firm on his refusal,
Nizamuddin declared that he would die if he drank from the flask.
Since he had pledged his allegiance and bound himself by oath to
Baba Farid, he could in no case touch such a thing. He hurriedly
departed from the place and, in a short time, reached a spot where
water was available.77
None of the disciples of Baba Farid could match Nizamuddin
in their commitment to the oath of allegiance. A disciple named
Arif, who had completed his training under Baba Farid, was given
the letter of succession. He was sent to Siwistan and adjacent areas
with the permission to admit disciples of his own. A ruler in the
area of Multan and Uch appointed Arif as a prayer leader (imam)
or he was assigned an equivalent official position. This ruler sent a
sum of 100 tankas for Baba Farid through Arif. Arif went to Baba
Farid and, giving him only half of the amount, kept the remain-
ing with himself. Baba Farid remarked that he had made the
division on a brotherly basis, i.e. each receiving half of the whole.
Arif was ashamed and handed over the balance of the offering to
Baba Farid. He not only asked for forgiveness, but also requested
for the renewal of the oath of allegiance. Baba Farid acceded to
the request and re-admitted Arif into his circle of initiates. Arif
renewed his vows by getting his head shaved. After sometime, he
showed his firmness in the principles of spirituality, so that Baba
Farid once again granted him the permission to enrol disciples
and asked him to leave for Siwistan.78
During the course of their tutelage, most disciples stayed with
154 The Making of Medieval Panjab

their mentor for varying periods. Others paid visits to the mentor,
the frequency being determined by their respective circumstances.
Nizamuddin visited Baba Farid three times, keeping a gap of
one year between each visit. After the demise of Baba Farid, he
visited his tomb six or seven times, so that the total number of his
visits to Ajodhan turned out to be ten. Jamaluddin Hansavi paid
seven visits to Baba Farid, while Najibuddin Mutawakkil did so
nineteen times.79 Whenever Muhammad Shah Ghori, a disciple
of Baba Farid who served as a soldier in the army, wished to see
the Shaikh, he visualized him in a dream. Wherever he wanted to
go, Baba Farid would appear to him from that direction. Once he
resolved to leave for Hindustan, but instead travelled to Ajodhan,
because he saw Baba Farid in a dream going towards that town.
This change turned out to be beneficial, as he experienced a lot
of comfort and pleasure.80 Owing to the reverence of the disciples
towards their mentor, they offered prayers to God for his recovery
whenever he fell ill. However, the results were not always positive.
On one such occasion when Baba Farid became sick, he asked a few
disciples including Nizamuddin to pray at the graves of martyrs.
On their return, Baba Farid remarked that their visit had failed to
improve his condition. Though Nizamuddin was speechless, his
friend Ali Bihari reasoned that their Shaikh was perfect, while they
were deficient; prayers of the deficient could not produce an effect
on the perfect one. The Shaikh replied that he had asked God to
provide whatever they sought from Him. Handing over his staff to
Nizamuddin, he directed him and Badruddin Ishaq to retire to a
particular cell and engage themselves in remembering God. Both
of them reached the place and spent the entire night in the task.
Next morning, they appeared before the Shaikh and learnt that
he was better. Only a prayer offered in the appropriate manner
produced fruitful results.81
A disciple of Baba Farid embarked on a journey only after tak-
ing his leave of the Shaikh. When he returned, he paid his respects
to the Shaikh. If the journey was put off due to some reason, he met
the mentor and explained the reason for a change in the schedule.
The protocol was repeated as many times as the alterations in the
travel plans. Such a situation had developed in the case of a dis-
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 155

ciple of Baba Farid named Ali Makki. However, the uncertainty

came to an end when Baba Farid sent two loaves of bread to him.82
Such was the intensity of the disciple’s reverence for his mentor
that it was not terminated by the latter’s death. The bereaved dis-
ciple continued his association with the mentor through his tomb.
When Nizamuddin was overpowered by a strong urge to go on
the Haj, he travelled to Ajodhan to visit the tomb of his mentor.
When he paid his homage at the grave, his desire for going to the
holy cities was fulfilled and nothing remained to be done. When
he felt the same desire again, he again went to Ajodhan and expe-
rienced the same feeling. For him, visiting the tomb of his mentor
was as meritorious as the pilgrimage to Mecca.83Another disciple
Khwaja Hamid, who had been instructed to settle in Indrapat after
the completion of his training, faced a similar situation. But he
changed his mind and, having joined a group of friends who were
leaving for Mecca, came back to Baba Farid and secured his per-
mission for this change in his travel plans.84
Baba Farid was an erudite scholar and a diligent teacher. He
was also unsurpassed in eloquence. His curriculum included the
study of the Quran, Shihabuddin Suhrawardy’s Awarif ul-Maarif
and Abu Shakur Salimi’s Tamhid ul-Muhtadi. He taught three
books to Nizamuddin. He read one of these books as the pupil lis-
tened, while the other two were read together by them. He heard
Nizamuddin recite the Quran in his presence every day from the
noon prayer to the late afternoon prayer. In this manner, he heard
the recitation of six portions (siparahs) of the Quran. He detected
that his pupil could not pronounce the alphabet (zad) in the correct
manner in spite of several attempts. Nizamuddin admitted that
no one could pronounce this particular alphabet as his teacher.
Baba Farid explained that this alphabet was revealed to Prophet
Muhammad and, therefore, it was not accessible to others.85 He
also taught five chapters of Awarif ul-Maarif to Nizamuddin and,
in the process, offered insights that were beyond the erudition
of any other scholar. His expositions generated such an intense
passion for God that listeners wished to die at that moment and
regarded such a death as propitious. It appeared that he spoke
from a high mystical station that had been graced by divine light.
156 The Making of Medieval Panjab

When he received a copy of Awarif ul-Maarif, he was blessed with

a son who was named Shihabuddin after its famed author.86
In the above context, the case of Maulana Badruddin Ishaq
offered interesting evidence. This young man, who belonged to
Delhi, had studied Islamic sciences from the leading scholars of
the city. Endowed with an insatiable hunger for knowledge, he
aimed at achieving the highest level of academic progress. He
encountered a few complex themes that could not be clarified by
the scholars of Delhi. Therefore, he decided to travel all the way
to Bokhara in order to seek answers to his questions. During the
course of his journey through Panjab, he stopped at Ajodhan.
At this time, the fame of Baba Farid’s spiritual attainments had
spread in all directions, so that people from different lands came to
benefit from his perfections. On the insistence of a friend, he met
Baba Farid and came under the spell of his personality – vigour of
spirituality, power of oratory, breadth of vision and purity of heart
– that provided insights into the future. The doubts of Maulana
Ishaq were removed owing to the Shaikh’s wide erudition and
communicative skills. He was amazed at a Sufi, who did not keep a
book in front of him and sat with a sheet wrapped around him, but
spoke through divine inspiration. In his perception, the Shaikh’s
knowledge was not acquired by his effort but had been bestowed
by God. He felt that he had gained a hundred times more than
what he would have brought from Bokhara. Abandoning the idea
of going to that city, he enrolled as a disciple of Baba Farid. In due
course, he distinguished himself in the service of the Shaikh. He
not only received the spiritual successorship of his mentor, but
also became his son-in-law.87
Though Baba Farid was perfect in his knowledge, yet he could
loose his temper, if a pupil behaved with indiscretion. Once he
was teaching Awarif ul-Maarif from a faint and defective manu-
script. Nizamuddin, in his innocence, remarked that a better copy
of the book was in the possession of Najibuddin Mutawakkil. Baba
Farid fell into a rage and asked if he did not have the ability to
correct a defective manuscript. Nizamuddin realized his mistake
and asked for forgiveness, but the Shaikh’s anger did not subside.
Nizamuddin, owing to shame and confusion, wished to commit
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 157

suicide. Baba Farid relented only when his son Shihabuddin inter-
ceded on behalf of the erring pupil. The Shaikh clarified that his
action was aimed at perfecting his spiritual state and, in this sense,
a mentor was a beautician (dresser of brides) for the disciple. In
order to console a repentant Nizamuddin, the Shaikh bestowed on
him a robe of honour and special clothes.88
Baba Farid issued a certificate of succession (khilafatnama)
to a disciple on the occasion of the completion of his training.
Drafted in Arabic, it mentioned the abilities of the disciple with
reference to the books studied by him under his supervision. It
also highlighted his qualities as a person and advised him on his
conduct as a Sufi in his own right. In such a document, which
was issued to Nizamuddin, Baba Farid underlined the importance
of the Prophetic traditions (hadis), which was a difficult subject.
The Shaikh had taught the best book on the theme, Tamhid ul-
Muhtadi by Abu Shakur Salimi, to Nizamuddin. This disciple was
not only an adornment among scholars, he was also meritorious
and virtuous as a student. He was authorized to teach this book
to his students, provided he avoided mistakes in teaching, writing
and elaborating it, besides devoting his energy and knowledge in
correcting the manuscripts and purifying the language. He was
also permitted to teach what he had learnt from his mentor, hav-
ing collected and preserved the same. He was advised to adopt
isolation in a mosque where prayers were held in congregation.
He was urged to embrace seclusion as laid in the Prophetic trad-
ition, provided he controlled cravings of the flesh and abjured
worldly temptations. In case he felt fatigued by the struggle, he
could resort to devotion or sleep, but had to abstain from idle
seclusion. Finally, Baba Farid declared Nizamuddin as his bona-
fide successor in both religious and worldly matters, but urged
others to show him obedience and respect.89
Baba Farid was on intimate terms with Nizamuddin. The day
he enrolled as a disciple, he decided to record the words uttered by
his mentor. After attending the Shaikh’s discourse he would write
down in proper order all he had heard. He kept up with this prac-
tice and informed the Shaikh of his activity. Whenever the Shaikh
narrated an anecdote or explained a principle, he would check if
158 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the writer was present. In case he was found absent, the Shaikh
repeated the sermon. This showed that Baba Farid approved
the task that Nizamuddin had taken upon himself. At that time,
Nizamuddin received from a stranger some sheets of white paper
that were bound in a volume. He accepted the gift and began to
record the sermons of Baba Farid. At the top of each page, he
inscribed, ‘Glory be to God. Praise be to God. There is no god but
God. God is great. There is no might nor power but with God the
Magnificent, the Sublime.’ Thereafter, he recorded the discourses
of the Shaikh as he heard and till that day (30 March 1309) the
compilation was still with him.90 If a disciple received any gift
from his mentor, he treated it with great care and preserved it
in all circumstances, even if he had to pay a price. Nizamuddin
received from Baba Farid a cloak (khirqah) which was made of a
blanket of coarse wool and cut according to the design peculiar to
the Chishtis. While travelling with a companion from Ajodhan to
Delhi, he reached a place where a dangerous fork had been cre-
ated by heavy rain. As they took shelter under a tree, a gang of
robbers approached them. Nizamuddin felt so concerned about
the cloak that he decided to prevent the robbers from snatching
it. However, if he failed in his effort, he resolved to remain in the
wilderness and never return to the city. Fortunately, the robbers
dispersed in different directions without harming anyone.91
Baba Farid was the first Sufi to articulate his mystical ideas in
the form of poetry composed in Punjabi. He did not wish to con-
fine himself to a limited number of disciples, who studied their
courses in Persian and Arabic.92 Instead, he aimed at popularizing
the teachings of the Chishti discipline to a larger circle of devotees
who did not have access to learned languages that were mastered
only through formal education. His poetry was originally col-
lected by Guru Nanak and later on included in the final version
of the Sikh scripture by Guru Arjan Dev in 1604.93 At one time,
some scholars like Macauliffe and Nizami doubted the attribu-
tion of this poetry to Baba Farid. Carl W. Ernst, basing himself on
Zainuddin Shirazi’s discourses (Hidayat ul-Qulub), which were
compiled only a hundred years after the demise of Baba Farid, has
put the controversy to rest. In his words, ‘This evidence favours the
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 159

strength of the oral tradition of the Punjabi poetry, and the con-
tinuity of the Sikh Farid material with the older poems of the Sufi
tradition.’94 Significantly, Baba Farid located Islamic spirituality in
the context of local imagery, which encompassed not only rivers
and boats, but also animals, birds, crops and plants. He explained
the nuances of divine love in terms of physical intimacy between
man and wife. Conscious of wide social disparities between the
ruling elite and underprivileged poor, he emphasized the physical
decay caused by age and the reality of death. Composed in the
Lehandi dialect of Panjabi, his verses faithfully elucidate his teach-
ings.
The seeker understood that the search for God, who is bound-
less and unreachable, nourished humankind.95 God is sweeter
than such eatables as jaggery, sugar, honey and creamy milk.96
But this search for God was fraught with difficulties. On the one
hand, the seeker carried a worldly baggage and, on the other, his
understanding was so inadequate that the world appeared as a
mysterious fire to him. Since he was led by the Satan, it was not
possible for him to turn his mind (chit) towards God. If he longed
for the lord (sayin) and wished to enter His door, he had to be as
humble as the grass that was trampled under the feet. True love
could not exist with greed, just as a crumbling thatch (chhappar)
could not withstand rain. It was futile to wander from forest to
forest, as God lived in one’s heart.97 Therefore, it was desirable to
search for God in the wide ocean, rather than putting one’s hand
in the mud of the ponds.98 This search did not exempt him from
the observance of basic Islamic obligations. A seeker who ignored
his prayers was no better than a dog. It was not a good practice to
shirk going to the mosque five times a day (panje wakht masit).
The seeker was directed to get up, perform ablutions and offer
the morning prayer. This was the most essential opportunity for
registering submission to God. A head that did not bow before
God, deserved to be cut off and burnt under the pot in place of
firewood (balan).99 In view of these injunctions, it was possible
only for rare individuals to traverse the spiritual path in the tradi-
tion of saints (darvesi reet).100 The journey of the seeker was long,
as his destination was hundreds of miles away. Endowed with
160 The Making of Medieval Panjab

short legs, the seeker walked through the long night over hills and
plains, so that his body began to suffer pain.101 Sainthood was akin
to a hazardous journey, as it caused the body to burn like an oven
and bones to smoulder like firewood. It involved walking on one’s
head when the feet suffered fatigue.102
A seeker was expected to cultivate numerous qualities of head
and heart. If he was endowed with a sharp understanding (aql
latif), he should not slander the deeds of others. Instead he should
examine his own inner self (girevan). He should not seek revenge
from his opponents, but treat them with respect.103 If he met evil
with good, his body would be free from disease and he would
achieve his aims. He should minimize his basic needs. He should
satisfy his hunger with dry bread (rukhi sukhi) and cold water.
He should not show any greed for the buttered bread of others, as
those who ate dainty foods were destined to suffer in the end.104
He should avoid futile actions, so that he did not feel ashamed
in the court of God (sayin de darbar). He should serve (chakri)
the Lord quietly, as the saints were required to have the patience
(jirand) of trees.105 He should not merely wear the black garb of
saints to attract public attention. He should rather pay attention to
the purification of his inner self.106 He should develop his sense of
discrimination like the swans, who dipped their beaks in the pond,
but did not drink salt water and who landed in a field of millets
(kodra) but did not eat the grain.107 He should keep his mind on
an even keel and overcome the ups and downs (toye tibbe) in his
path, so that he was not harmed by the fire of hell.108 He should
not surrender himself to sound sleep, lest he should fail to get his
share of musk (kathuri) which was distributed only at night.109 He
should spend his time in wakeful meditation, as he would get flow-
ers at first watch of the night and fruit at the last watch, whereas
his rising at dawn promised gifts from God. These gifts depended
entirely on God’s will. Some seekers, who were awake, failed to get
them. Some others, who were asleep, were awakened to receive
them.110 A seeker should shun arrogance in spite of his merits. He
should be innocent even if knowledgeable and powerless (nitana)
even if powerful. He should share even if he had nothing on him.
Only then he would become a true devotee (bhagat).111
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 161

The path of the seeker was extremely difficult. It was as nar-

row and sharp as the edge of a dagger. The seeker was expected
to commence his journey in the early hours of the morning.112 He
should be as humble as grass that grew in his path. Though it was
trampled under everyone’s feet, yet it led to the court of God. This
attribute of humility was akin to the role of earth in human life.
People saw the earth as something lowly. In reality, nothing was as
sublime, because it remained below the feet of the living and cov-
ered the dead from above.113 The seeker was advised to develop the
quality of patience (sabr) because, like a bow and arrows, it acted
as a weapon against the obstacles in the spiritual path. It enabled
the seeker to discipline his body in a manner that he continuously
got closer to God, but did not reveal his secret to anyone. If his
patience increased, he acquired the qualities of a river and, if it
decreased, he was lost in the wilderness like a rivulet.114 A seeker
should not hurt others by using harsh words, because God resided
in every human being, each of whom was as precious as a gem. If
he desired the love of God, he could not harm others in any way.115
The ideal course for him was to follow the guidance of his mentor,
as it would enable him to separate truth from falsehood. The role
of his mentor was similar to that of a boatman who, owing to his
alertness, warned the passenger about the presence of whirlpools
in the long river, which washed away its own banks.116
The seeker desired a state of perpetual union with the divine
beloved God. When this desire remained unfulfilled, the seeker
suffered from physical ailments. Employing sexual imagery, Baba
Farid perceived the seeker as wife and God as husband. When she
failed to enjoy sexual union with her husband (kant), her bodily
organs were twisted. Only a deserted wife (duhagan) understood
the misery of spending the night in loneliness. A wife was unfor-
tunate if she did not receive support in her husband’s house. She
was blessed if she was married (suhagan) in the true sense.117 But
if she was unable to experience the bliss of marriage during her
youth, she lamented her marital inability even in the grave.118 If
her search for her Beloved did not bear fruit, her body smouldered
like a slow fire. In view of the ever present demands of her body,
she was forced to suppress her senses. Though such delicious
162 The Making of Medieval Panjab

foods as dates and honey were available, each passing day reduced
the span of her life.119 As the seasons changed, she searched the
four corners for her Beloved. She had torn away her silken apparel
(patola) and adopted the lowly blanket (kambalri), a garb which
was likely to unite her with her Lord.120 In order to control her
husband, a wife wore the dress of three parts – the word of humil-
ity, the quality of tolerance and the charm of sweet tongue.121
While suffering from the pangs of separation, she wrung her
hands as if driven to insanity. She wished to know her fault that
had alienated her husband. She had become desperate as her youth
was leaving. If she knew that her divine groom was innocent like a
child, she would have shed her ego. If she had foreseen separation
from her Beloved, she would have tied the bridal knot tightly.122
Her husband had become rude because she was no longer physi-
cally attractive. She knew that there would be no milk in her
breasts in the absence of sexual union with her husband.123 Her
condition was like that of the black cuckoo who had burnt in the
fire of separation. She found herself at the frightening well without
a friend or companion. In her frustration, she looked forward to
God’s grace which could enable her to unite with her beloved.124
So strong was her passion to meet her beloved that she would not
be deterred by physical obstacles like heavy rain, muddy street and
wet blanket.125 What was common, a wife bathed and dressed to
meet her husband. When he did not turn up, her body lost its
fragrance of musk and acquired the pungent smell of asafoetida.
She did not fear the departure of her youth, provided the love of
her husband remained firm. Instead of the joy of her bedstead,
she was destined to see her sorrows as strings, pain as mattress
and separation as coverings. Ultimately, she realized that love was
inseparable from separation (birha). In fact, a body that did not
nurture the affliction of separation was as dead as the cremation
pit (masan).126
Baba Farid appreciated the difference between the rich and
poor, both of whom were subject to death and destruction. Some
people had plenty of flour, while others did not even have salt. But
it was only after death that one would know who was ultimately
punished. The members of the ruling elite travelled in large pro-
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 163

cessions exuding splendour and pomp. Ornamental parasols were

carried over their heads. Trumpets and drums were played, while
the minstrels sang their praises. When their lives ended, they went
to the graveyards and slept like orphans. During the course of
their life, they constructed palaces, mansions and towers (kothe,
mandap, marhiyan). They entered into false transactions (koorha
sauda) and fell into their graves. The angel of death occupied their
forts, plundered their wealth and extinguished their lamps. It
appeared that all human beings stood in a queue, waiting for their
turn to be claimed by death one after the other. This inexorable
law applied equally to the spiritual preceptors (sekh masaikh).
Some of them displayed all marks of piety like the prayer mat and
woollen cloak. In reality, they were hypocrites and impostors.
Outwardly they emitted light, but their inside was dark. They had
jaggery in their mouths, but carried a dagger (kati) in their hearts.
Those who were guilty of evil actions (mande amal) received the
deserved punishment. There were a plenty of goods – cotton,
sugar cane, sesame, paper, pots and coal – serving useful purposes,
but even they could not escape from a harsh treatment and a final
extinction.127 Baba Farid’s lesson was that one should not attach
one’s mind to worldly possessions like buildings and wealth.
When one was buried under layers of earth, no one turned out
as a friend (mit). Therefore, one was advised to keep in mind the
powerful death as well as one’s ultimate destination after death.128
Since everything on earth was in a flux, the trees shed their
leaves with the change of seasons and caravans departed for their
next station with the beating of drums.129 Baba Farid, despite his
exalted spiritual status and immense popularity, did not hesitate
to apply the principle of change to himself. In his times, he held
the position of a Shaikh and the society recognized him as a mystic
teacher. But this position had been held by several others before
him. Like them he would also leave one day. He had only played
the role assigned to him and, therefore, had no intention of per-
petuating himself. He had seen cranes in autumn, forest fires in
summer and lightning in monsoons. Not surprisingly, the earth
and sky could count on the number of spiritual guides (khewat)
164 The Making of Medieval Panjab

who had gone away and were lying decomposed in their graves. In
fact, their conduct had inflicted pain on the society.130
God had allotted a limited life span to every person. As a person
grew from childhood to youth and then to old age, his body expe-
rienced important changes. When he was young, his limbs were
strong and the faculties were sharp. At this stage, he got involved
in worldly pursuits and physical gratification. He did not pay any
attention to the spiritual dimension of his life, i.e. the loving sub-
mission to the Supreme Being. The span of life allotted to him was
not unlimited. It was progressively reduced, as he inched closer
to death with every passing day. In addition, his body began to
show signs of degeneration. The hair turned gray, the eyes and
ears became weak, having become tired of seeing and hearing. The
eyes that charmed the world failed to attract any longer. During
the youth, they were so delicate that they could not bear a line
of kohl (kajal). But with the passage of time, these eyes had been
forced to accommodate a nest of birds. As the skin started wither-
ing, it began to lose its radiant complexion. What tasted sweet like
sugar became bitter like poison. The misery was compounded by
one’s negligence towards God. A person, who had not shown any
love towards God during youth, would hardly do so during old
age. Man had not attuned himself for the spiritual engagement.
But he had rendered himself incapable of any spiritual advance-
ment. He realized that he could not relate his pain (vedan) to
anyone other than God (sayin).131 His state was like a boat, which
had not been anchored at the proper time, so that it could not stay
afloat in a rough sea.132
Arguing in the same vein, Baba Farid held that man wasted
four watches in wandering and another four in sleeping. He was
required to submit an account to God for the work done by him.
He feared impending punishment for his guilt of negligence, par-
ticularly when the innocent gong (ghariyal) was beaten every half
hour for no fault. His state was like that of a bride, who could not
unite with her husband in youth and, in the wake of her death and
burial in the grave, repented her failure before her lord. Even in
old age, man was engaged in futile activities.133 Time lost could not
be retrieved, just as rotted crop did not sprout again and a married
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 165

woman could not become a virgin again.134 Different organs of the

body did not function, while the entire physique was permeated
by pain.135 As the end drew near, the body dried up into a skeleton,
so that the crows pecked at the palms and soles. His love was not
confined to life on this earth, but went beyond death. Imagining
crows pecking at his corpse, he urged them not to touch his eyes as
he still hoped to see his Beloved. He asked the crows not to nibble
at his body as his Lord still dwelt in it.136 Here, Baba Farid’s lesson
was loud and clear. A person was expected to remain attached to
God throughout his life, i.e. from the time he developed higher
consciousness up to the time of his death. If this was not done,
he would be overwhelmed in old age by guilt and repentance that
could do little to retrieve the lost opportunity.
Baba Farid exerted himself to create awareness about the in-
evitability of death and reflected on the state of the corpse in the
grave. In his view, there was nothing strange about death, as it
was a common experience. Every person saw people dying one
after the other.137 There was no certainty about human life. A
living person was as vulnerable as a tree on the river bank and
unbaked earthen pots (kachhe bhande).138 Employing another
metaphor, Baba Farid envisioned the human seeker as a bride,
angel of death as a bridegroom and marriage as death. On the
occasion of her engagement, the day of her marriage was fixed
and, on the appointed day, the angel of death revealed his face and
carried away his bride in marriage. In other words, he took away
her life and, while her bones crackled, she was helpless. She cried
at the thought of crossing the bridge between life and death (pur-
salat), which was thinner than hair.139 In spite of the inevitability
of death, one was troubled by its horrors and its aftermath. In fact,
the boundary between life and death was similar to a river bank,
as on the other side, one could hear the shrieks of pain emerging
from burning hell (dojak tapeya). Some people understood that
their actions (amal) on this side would bear witness in God’s court
(dargah), while others wandered without care. Death was seen as
a terrible event because it could strike with suddenness. Just as a
hawk (baj) swooped on a swan (bagla) sporting happily on the
river bank, God’s hawk struck without prior indication in a man-
166 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ner that all games were forgotten and an unforeseen calamity was
inflicted by God. A man, who came to this world, fed on food and
water and, in due course, acquired an impressive physique weigh-
ing three and a half maunds and nurtured high ambitions. When
the angel of death (malik ul-maut) came breaking all doors,140 the
dear brothers bound him up and sent him away on four shoul-
ders. His actions in this world would serve him in God’s court
(dargah).141 As his colourful body collapsed, the chain of breath
was snapped. None could identify the person who would be vis-
ited by the guest named the angel of death (ajrail faresta).142 Even
those who took pride in their rich possessions – youth, power and
wealth – were subject to death. They suffered in this world and
found no peace in the hereafter, because they were distant from
God.143 While buried in the grave, they spent ages lying on one
side, with a brick under their head and worms eating into their
flesh.144
In Chishti circles, the devotional aspect of spirituality com-
prised prayer and recitation. Regarding prayers, the seeker was
guided by three ways of the Prophet – first determined by time,
second by a specific cause, and third by neither of the two. Imam
Ghazzali observed that a supererogatory prayer linked to time was
repeated, i.e. once a day or once a week or once a month or even
once a year. After the five obligatory prayers, the sixth was the late
morning prayer (chasht), the seventh was twenty genuflections
(rakats) after the evening prayer and the eighth prayer (tahajjud)
was performed throughout the day and night. A weekly prayer
began on Sunday and, continuing across the week, concluded on
Saturday. A monthly prayer was like the twenty prostrations of
the Prophet offered at the appearance of the new moon. The four
yearly prayers included two prayers for the two Ids, the prayer
of rest (tarawih) and prayer of fourteenth Shaban (shab-i barat).
All these prayers depended on an appropriate time. Prayers asso-
ciated with a just cause included the supplication beseeching
rain (istiqsa) and connected with solar and lunar eclipse (kusuf
wa khusuf). Prayers related neither to time nor cause (namaz-i
tasbih) were laudatory prayers and included the greeting ‘Peace
(be upon you)’. As for supererogatory prayers, Baba Farid held
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 167

these in congregation, as on the eve of fourteenth Shaban. Prayers

were said while leaving one’s house and re-entering it. Aimed
at protecting oneself from affliction, they comprised two pros-
trations. Alternatively, one could recite the Throne Verse (ayat
al-kursi) and recite four times ‘Glory be to God and Praise be to
God. There is no god but God. God is great. There is no protec-
tion nor power save with God the Sublime, the Almighty.’ This
could be repeated if one entered a mosque when the canonical
prayer could not be offered.145 Baba Farid intended to popular-
ize the recitation of Surah-i Fatiha not only among his disciples
but also outside this exclusive circle. Accordingly, he directed his
disciples and their friends to recite it a thousand times and urged
the friends to ask their friends to do the same. The disciples did
as he commanded. Everyone recited Surah-i Fatiha as many times
as he could – one 5,000, another 4,000 and some more or less.
Nizamuddin recited it 10,000 times intoning it 1,000 or more each
day. Not being directed towards any purpose, these recitations
were hoped to enable the reciters to attain what they wished from
God.146
During his days as a disciple, Baba Farid sought the permis-
sion of Shaikh Kaki to perform the inverted forty-day retreat
(chilla makus). At first, the mentor felt it was not needed as it
became the cause of fame, but later allowed his disciple to go
ahead with it. Since Baba Farid was ignorant about its detail, he
gained its knowledge from his mentor through a colleague Shaikh
Badruddin Ghaznavi. The aspirant was suspended upside down
into a well, with his feet tied with a rope. The venue preferably
had to be a well in the precincts of a mosque, where a neighbour-
ing tree had spread its branches over the mouth of the well. Baba
Farid began to look for such a spot, but tried to make sure that no
one came to know about it. His search at Delhi and Hansi proved
futile. Ultimately, he discovered a suitable site at the Masjid Taj
in Uch. Fortunately, he knew the muezzin Khwaja Rashiduddin
Minai, who originally belonged to Hansi. He took Minai into his
confidence and made sure that he would not reveal the purpose
of his visit. At the time of the night prayer (isha), he performed
the ablution and, with the help of Minai, lowered himself upside
168 The Making of Medieval Panjab

down into the well. In this arduous posture, he remained engaged

in prayer throughout the night. At dawn, Minai pulled him out
of the well. He sat down facing Mecca and immersed himself in
contemplation. He observed this routine for forty days and, by
doing so, abided by the instructions of his mentor and did not let
anyone know about his round of austerities. His advice enabled
Minai to graduate as a sermonizer (waiz) despite his illiteracy and,
with the newly gained prosperity, cared for a family comprising
many daughters. Masjid Taj, owing to its association with Baba
Farid, acquired a sacred character and attracted streams of devo-
tees, who prayed for the fulfilment of their wishes.147
The life of Baba Farid was marked by simplicity of the highest
order. After finishing his morning prayer, he remained engrossed
in remembering God. With his head prostrate on the ground, he
remained in this posture for a long time. Even in severe winter, he
did not have any attendant by his side, though the inmates of the
hospice spread a fur garment on his body.148 After his breakfast, he
again busied himself in remembering God and offering devotion
till the night prayer. During this long interval, his disciple Shams
Dabir prepared some food and Baba Farid broke his fast along
with two or three associates.149 He usually broke his fast with a
bowl of flavoured beverage (sharbat), which had some raisins in
it. It was further diluted with water in a jug. Two thirds of it was
distributed among those present. He kept the remaining one-third
for himself, though it was often shared among select persons who
considered the gesture as auspicious. In between the breaking of
fast and offering prayers, two loaves of bread weighing less than
2 pounds (1 ser) and spread over with a layer of fat were brought.
He broke one loaf into pieces that were distributed among others.
He kept the other loaf for himself, though some of it was offered
to select persons. From the time of sunset prayer, he immersed
himself in God till dinner. For dinner, Baba Farid did not eat any-
thing till the moment of breaking the fast next evening. Towards
the end of his life, he was afflicted with a disease of the bowels that
ultimately led to his death. At this juncture, he was forced to lie
on a cot (khat). A rug was spread over the cot and, during the day,
he used to sit on it. Since the rug was too small, it did not cover
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 169

that part of the cot where his feet rested. A patch of cloth was
improvised to cover the lower portion of the cot. When he pulled
it up during the night, the lower portion of the cot again remained
uncovered. He rested his head on a staff that he had received from
his mentor Shaikh Kaki. Many times, he reached up to touch it
and kiss it.150 When he died (15 October 1265), it was not possible
to meet the expenses of his burial. Therefore, the door of his house
was pulled down, so as to extract the unburnt bricks that were
used for constructing his grave.151
Baba Farid took a lot of delight in musical sessions (sama). Since
the Qawwals were aware of the Shaikh’s passion, they often visited
his hospice. On one occasion, he desired to hear it, but there was
no Qawwal. He asked a disciple Badruddin Ishaq to bring a letter
written by Qazi Hamiduddin Nagauri. Badruddin Ishaq retrieved
it from the bag containing letters and, as instructed by the Shaikh,
began to read it. It began with the line, ‘This humble, weak and
worthless beggar Muhammad Ata, who is the slave of dervishes
from head to toe, is as lowly as the dust of their feet.’ As soon as
Baba Farid heard these words, he was transported to a state of
spiritual ecstasy and a closeness to God was manifested in him.
Not surprisingly, he recalled a quatrain which was inscribed in
this letter. He himself composed verses on the theme of mystical
love. The following one was noted in a letter, which was received
by Shaikh Badruddin Ghaznavi:152
Farid has been, for faith and the faithful, a mighty friend.
That he spend his life bestowing wonders has been my prayer.
But how I wish that my own heart could have been more composed,
For I’d have laid before him pearls of praise, layer upon layer.
A judge (qazi) of Ajodhan, who was always picking a quarrel
with Baba Farid, went to Multan and met the local theologians. He
complained that a man sat in a mosque, listened to musical per-
formances (sama) and sometimes even broke into dance.153 The
theologians wished to know the name of the person concerned.
As soon as they heard the name of Baba Farid, they refused to
say anything about him. Nizamuddin, while referring to his own
experience of a musical performance, ascribed all virtues and dis-
170 The Making of Medieval Panjab

positions to Baba Farid that were depicted by the performer. Once

Nizamuddin heard a Qawwal render a verse, ‘Stroll not so grace-
fully as this, lest from the evil eye you are made distressed.’
On hearing these lines, he at once recalled the laudable virtues
of Baba Farid – his perfect saintliness, his extraordinary piety and
his surpassing grace – and felt overwhelmed to an extent that he
(Nizamuddin) was unable to describe the state of his own mind.154
Baba Farid, by nature, was inclined towards poetry. His mind was
often occupied by specific verses. Once he was powerfully attracted
towards the following couplet, which was on his lips throughout
the day, evening and upto the dawn next day. It was impossible
to know what was going on in his mind and what induced him to
recite this couplet over and over again:155
Oh Nizami, what secrets are these, revealed from your heart?
His secrets no one knows, bridle your tongue, bridle your tongue.
Often locked in the privacy of his cell, Baba Farid recited Persian
mystical verses on the theme of loving submission to God and the
desire to live and die for Him. While humming the following piece
of poetry, he walked in the direction of the Kaaba and, jubilant in
his ecstasy (tawajjud), turned back and bowed his head in the pos-
ture of surrender. So happy was he at this moment that he blessed
Nizamuddin with constancy (istiqamat) in his spiritual pursuits.
For many years after this episode, the disciple regretted his failure
to ask for death in a state ecstasy induced by a musical session.
While admitting the significance of such gatherings, he clarified
that if someone indulged in feverish leaping every moment, this
bodily movement did not constitute dance (raqs aan nabuwad keh
har zamaan bar khezi).156
Khwahm keh hamesha dar hawai tu ziyam
Khaki shawam wa bazer pai tu ziyam
Maqsud man bandah ze kaunain tui
Az behar tu miram az barai tu ziyam
I always wish to live pining for you,
And to live like the dust of your feet.
Aim of this slave is to look for you in this life and hereafter,
And to live for you and die for you.
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 171

As seen above, Baba Farid abandoned the urban centres of

Delhi and Hansi, preferring the quiet wilderness of Ajodhan, so
that he could focus on his spiritual quest. By doing so, he chose the
bread of dervishes and the fruit of the jungles, feeling content in
using rough wood as his tooth brush.157 When Sultan Nasiruddin
Mahmud passed through Ajodhan on his way to Multan, Ulugh
Khan (the future Sultan Ghiasuddin Balban) came to pay his
respects to Baba Farid. He brought an offering of cash and a land
grant of four villages – the money for the benefit of dervishes and
land grant for the Shaikh. Baba Farid agreed to accept the money,
which would be instantly distributed among the dervishes. But,
he refused to accept the land grant, which could be given to those
who longed for it.158 He could not pull on with Sher Khan, who
held the fiefs of Multan and Uch. This prominent noble, owing
to unknown reasons, did not have faith in the saintly qualities
of the Shaikh. Baba Farid felt that Sher Khan was unaware of his
credentials and that he would repent when he learnt the truth
about him (Shaikh). In his observation, Nizamudin has implied
that if Sher Khan had been considerate towards Baba Farid, then
the northwestern frontier would have remained safe from the
Mongol invasions.159 Baba Farid was not surprised at the woes of
his brother Najibuddin Mutawakkil, who received lavish financial
assistance – prayer leadership of a newly built mosque, a house
and 1 lakh jitals on the marriage of his daughter – from a Turkish
noble and then deprived of it in a whimsical act.160 To meet the
humble needs of his hospice, Baba Farid accepted unasked charity
(futuh) in gold, silver and goods, but spent it on others, keep-
ing nothing for himself. Once a visitor told him that there was a
contemporary Shaikh who possessed extensive wealth, but who
claimed that he had not been granted the divine consent to spend
it. Baba Farid rightly identified this Shaikh as Bahauddin Zakariya
and argued that he had made a lame excuse for not spending. He
asserted that if Shaikh Zakariya authorized him to expend the
wealth on his behalf, he would empty his treasury in two or three
days, yet he would not give away the smallest coin without divine
consent.161
It was not as if Baba Farid had entirely insulated himself from
172 The Making of Medieval Panjab

all political matters. Going by the claims of Chishti documenta-

tion, he went out of his way to help people in distress and, while
doing so, he did not hesitate to confront the representatives of
the state. It was another matter that he was reputed to have used
his supernatural powers to achieve laudable objectives.162 Let us
consider the following instances.
An oil-seller (raughan farosh) lived in a village, which fell under
the jurisdiction of Ajodhan. The local governor (muqti) attacked
the village and imprisoned all the inhabitants. In the confusion,
the oil-seller’s wife went missing and was feared to have been
abducted. The husband passionately loved his wife, who was
extremely beautiful. He searched her in all directions, but failed to
find her. Crying profusely, he went to Baba Farid and narrated his
tale. Food was offered to him, but he could not swallow a morsel.
Baba Farid persuaded him to stay at the hospice for three days.
On the third day, a clerk (nawisindah), who was being carried
as a prisoner to Ajodhan, appeared on the scene. This function-
ary was posted in a town that was in the administrative control
of the above governor. He was summoned for investigation into
his accounts (muqti falan qasbah barai muhasiba talbidah ast).
Fearful of his fate, he requested Baba Farid to pray for his release.
The Shaikh assured that his superior would not only be generous
to him, but would also confer on him several awards including a
robe. However, he placed a condition that he would give a part
of the package, a slave girl (kanizak), to the troubled husband. At
this moment, the oil-seller declared, ‘God has granted to me the
resources to purchase as many as 40-50 slave girls. They are of no
use to me. I must have my own wife.’ As directed by the Shaikh,
the oil-seller and clerk left for their common destination. The gov-
ernor met the clerk and, asking for forgiveness, conferred a robe
on him. He also ordered that the slave girl be clothed in bright
apparel and handed over to the clerk. The oil-seller recognized
his wife from her gait. Though the woman was veiled, yet her un-
covered eyes fell on her husband. As soon as she removed her veil,
he fell at her feet and, while crying, revealed that she was indeed
his wife, whom he had been searching. The entire episode ended
on a happy note.163
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 173

A noble (malik), who was bloodthirsty by nature, lived in a

town about 30 or 40 leagues from Ajodhan. He possessed a falcon
that he dearly loved. He had given strict instructions to his chief
huntsman (mir-i shikar) not to fly the falcon in his absence. One
day, when the huntsman was wandering with his friends, he was
persuaded to let the falcon chase a bird. As soon as the falcon was
released, it flew high up into the sky and disappeared from sight.
When the huntsman realized the violation of his master’s instruc-
tions and the impending punishment, he felt utterly depressed
and fell to crying. He thought of selling his horse and, becoming a
Qalandar, to adopt the life of a wanderer. However, he abandoned
this line of action, as the cruel Turk was likely to torture his chil-
dren during his absence. In his desperation, he reached Ajodhan
and, on meeting Baba Farid, described the cause of his misery. The
Shaikh consoled the huntsman and offered him food. As he found
it difficult to push a morsel down his throat, Baba Farid turned
his attention to the falcon that was perched on the ramparts of the
local fort. The huntsman easily attracted the falcon to return to its
wooden trap (khwandani). Expressing his gratitude to the Shaikh,
he presented his horse as an offering. Baba Farid asked him to
return to his place on the horse and, after getting his horse evalu-
ated, give only half of its price to him. The huntsman went back
and, on meeting his master, described the miracle of the Shaikh.
Amazed at the saintliness of Baba Farid, the noble (who did not
have faith on him) changed his opinion. He not only sent some
gold coins (tankaha-i zar) to the saint along with the value of the
horse, but also expressed his submission and became a disciple.164
A revenue officer (amil) of Ajodhan, who was harassed by the
local chief, approached Baba Farid for intercession in his favour.
The Shaikh sent a man to the chief with his greetings and the
man’s complaint. The chief remained engrossed in his own affairs
and did not pay any attention to the matter. Baba Farid observed
that either the complaint was made at an inopportune time or the
officer might have himself ignored the plea of a supplicant. While
the Shaikh was speaking, the chief turned up and offered his apol-
ogy, which was accepted.165 In another case, a revenue official
(mutasarrif) oppressed the sons of Baba Farid, who were engaged
174 The Making of Medieval Panjab

in cultivation of land. They often complained against him to their

father, who advised them to be patient. Feeling frustrated, they
declared that his spiritual eminence (buzurgi wa karamat) was
of no use. Baba Farid picked up his staff and wielded it as if hit-
ting someone. Instantly, the concerned official was afflicted with
a severe stomachache. He was brought to the presence of Baba
Farid. He sought forgiveness from the Shaikh, who expressed his
helplessness as the arrow had hit the target. The man was carried
back to his house where he died. On being informed of the death,
Baba Farid said, ‘For a period of forty years, I did what God wished
me to do. For some years now, whatever comes into my mind is
fulfilled by God.’166
In Ajodhan, there lived two brothers, both of whom were
employed as clerks. One of them, driven by a sudden inner inspi-
ration, turned to spirituality. He gave up his job and, placing his
wife and children under the care of his brother, enrolled himself
as a disciple of Baba Farid. Thus freed from worldly concerns, he
delved into prayers and devotions. His brother, who was taking
good care of his family, fell ill and even reached the brink of death.
The brother, who had become a dervish, went to Baba Farid cry-
ing. If his brother died, the responsibility of his children would fall
into his lot and, owing to this burden, he would cease to benefit
from his prayers and devotions. Baba Farid informed him that his
brother had recovered from his sickness and, with his miraculous
power, saw his movements and showed the same to the troubled
supplicant. Baba Farid observed, ‘Just as you came to me with pain
in your heart, I have been similarly engaged in the love of God,
but did not lose heart.’167 In another case of a needy person, Baba
Farid used his social influence instead of relying on his supernatu-
ral prowess. One of his disciples had a large family, including five
or six daughters. Since he could not meet the requirements of his
household, he requested his mentor to place him under the care
of someone. By chance, the grandson of Zafar Khan (apparently
a man of means) appeared on the scene. Baba Farid discussed the
problem with the visitor, who agreed to accommodate the poor
family in his house. Owing to the Shaikh’s intervention, the days
of the needy began to pass in comfort.168
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 175

The early Chishtis followed the practice of distributing amulets

(tawiz) among their devotees who, in turn, had faith in the efficacy
of these objects as a remedy of their problems, both worldly and
spiritual. However, they began the practice only after receiving the
formal permission of their mentors. When people approached Baba
Farid for amulets, he sought the advice of his preceptor Khwaja
Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki. He was told that an amulet was God’s
name and, therefore, it could be written and distributed as God’s
word. It was clarified that the impact of an amulet was not in the
hands of the Sufi, whether one was a master or a disciple. A large
number of people appeared at the hospice of Baba Farid to receive
amulets. The task was delegated to a close disciple Badruddin
Ishaq and, in his absence, the work was assigned to Nizamuddin
who had been looking forward to the opportunity for this service.
As soon as Baba Farid gave his permission, Nizamuddin took up
the task in great earnestness. Though he kept on writing and writ-
ing, his diligence could not keep pace with the crowd that kept on
swelling. Baba Farid, having noticed the state of his disciple, asked
if he was tired of writing the amulets. Nizamuddin replied that he
was sustained by the spiritual boon of his mentor. Impressed with
his response, Baba Farid authorized him to write and give amulets
on his own initiative, declaring, ‘Something touched by the hands
of men of piety produces an effect.’169
Even if a needy person was unable to come personally before
a saint, he could still be provided with an amulet through some-
one who was known to him. When Nizamuddin lived in the city
(Delhi), a neighbour, who was afflicted with intestinal tumour,
urged him to convey his suffering to Baba Farid and to bring an
amulet as a cure. When Nizamuddin visited Ajodhan, he spoke
to the Shaikh regarding the matter. As advised by his mentor,
Nizamuddin prepared the amulet. Baba Farid examined it and,
in due course, it was brought to the needy person. The amulet
proved to be effective, as the man never suffered from this ailment
for the rest of his life. The inscription on the amulet contained
invocations such as ‘God alone heals, God alone suffices, God
alone forgives.’ However, he did not remember the remaining
part of the inscription. On another occasion, Nizamuddin was
176 The Making of Medieval Panjab

permitted by Baba Farid to pick up a curl of his beard. He treated

it with utmost respect and, folding it in his garment, took it home.
From then onwards, he gave it to those who suffered from grief
or despair. They kept it with them till they were relieved of their
problem. However, Nizamuddin misplaced the curl and could not
give it to a friend’s son, who ultimately died. When he discovered
it again, he felt that he could not find the amulet earlier as the boy
was destined to die.170
Baba Farid began to acquire popularity even before he had
established himself as a Sufi at Hansi and Ajodhan. During his
sojourn at Delhi after the demise of Shaikh Kaki, he would leave
for the Friday prayer a little earlier than the stipulated time in
order to avoid being mobbed by the devout. In fact, so many of
them rushed forward to kiss his hand that he would be caught
in a circle. When he emerged from one circle, he was stranded
in another. The scene was repeated so many times that he was
annoyed. A similar situation developed at Ajodhan when Sultan
Nasiruddin Mahmud led his army to Multan and Uch. A large
number of soldiers went to pay their respects to Baba Farid, lead-
ing to a blockade in the passage to his hospice. Being perplexed at
the crowd, he shifted to another house. A sleeve of his garment was
hung from the balcony overlooking the main street. The troopers
touched and kissed the sleeve which, as a result, was reduced to
shreds. Baba Farid went to the mosque and, directing his disciples
to form a cordon around him, received the greetings of the people
from a distance. The disciples abided by the instructions, but an
old servant (farrash) managed to penetrate through the cordon
and, grasping the Shaikh’s feet, pulled them towards himself in
a bid to kiss them. The servant, on seeing the Shaikh’s predica-
ment, exclaimed, ‘Oh Shaikh, do you feel annoyed? You should
thank God as He could not have bestowed a greater blessing than
this.’ These words had a spontaneous effect on Baba Farid who,
while weeping, embraced the servant and repeatedly asked for
forgiveness.171 Even the unruly mendicants (jawaliqs), who were
not permitted to meet Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, enjoyed easy
access to Baba Farid. This attitude conformed to a universal belief
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 177

according to which there was one God’s elect in the midst of every
group of people.172
When Baba Farid finally settled in Ajodhan, his fame as a
mystic spread beyond Delhi. Abu Bakr, a Qawwal, who returned
from Multan to Badaun, narrated his experiences to the teacher of
Nizamuddin. As soon as Nizamuddin heard the virtues of Baba
Farid, a sincere love for the Shaikh took root in his heart, so that
he began to repeat his name ten times after every prayer. He often
spoke to his friends about Baba Farid and, if ever they wanted him
to vouchsafe the truth of any statement, they asked him to swear
by the name of Baba Farid. When he travelled to Delhi along with
a relative and feared an attack of lions or robbers, they claimed to
be proceeding under the protection of Baba Farid.173 At Ajodhan,
a large number of people visited the hospice of Baba Farid, who
distributed his possessions – silver, food and blessings – to all,
whether one was an old acquaintance or had come for the first
time. Nizamudin remarked, ‘Yet no one came to the Shaikh for
material assistance since he himself possessed nothing. What a
marvelous power! What a splendid life! To none of the sons of
Adam had such grace previously been available.’174 Even the town
of Abohar had come to have a community of Baba Farid’s fol-
lowers. These people believed that they had been absolved of any
offences committed before pledging their allegiance to the Shaikh,
who had forgiven them of their sins.175

Centrality of Prayers Among the Suhrawardis

Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya (1182-1262) laid the foundation of the
Suhrawardi order in the early thirteenth century. His grandfather
had migrated from Mecca to Multan, while his mother’s family
had shifted from Ghazni to Kot Karor near Multan. At an early age,
he committed the Quran to memory in accordance with the seven
modes of recitation. He undertook higher education in Khurasan
and Bokhara. His passion for religious knowledge brought him
to the holy cities of Hejaz. At Madina, he learnt the hadis from
Maulana Kamaluddin Muhammad Yamani and, at Mecca,
served as an attendant at the tomb of the Prophet. Travelling to
178 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Baghdad, he enrolled himself as a disciple of Shaikh Shihabuddin

Suhrawardi and, within seventeen days, received the certificate
of succession.176 Equipped with brilliant academic and mystical
credentials, he returned to Multan and busied himself in setting
up a hospice. His contribution as a Sufi master revolved around
an engagement with politics and wealth, besides the outward form
of Islamic observances.
Shaikh Zakariya threw the weight of his support behind Shams-
uddin Iltutmish in the power struggle among the Turkish slave
officers of Sultan Muizzuddin. For unknown reasons, he was
opposed to Nasiruddin Qubacha who was the independent ruler
of Multan and Uch. He sent a letter (like the one to qazi of Multan)
to Iltutmish, probably assuring his support in the impending con-
flict. These letters fell into the hands of Qubacha, who got the qazi
killed and summoned the Shaikh. The Shaikh went to the court
and fearlessly sat on the right of Qubacha as he used to do in the
past. He confirmed having written the controversial letter and
that too in his own hand. He declared that what he had written
was true, that he himself was free to do what he wished and that
Qubacha could do nothing as he was powerless. Though Qubacha
was cornered, yet he looked for a pretext to punish the Shaikh.
He invited the Shaikh to join him over meals. He guessed that the
Shaikh would refuse, as it was not his practice to eat at someone
else’s house. A refusal from the Shaikh would provide the required
reason for punishment. But the Shaikh, having seen through the
governor’s intention, joined the others in eating the food. As a
result, Qubacha’s anger waned and the Shaikh returned to his
lodge.177 In the subsequent years, the two lived in peace with each
other.
Shaikh Zakariya took part in the efforts to defend the city
of Multan and protect the lives of its inhabitants whenever the
Mongols descended on the city from the northwestern frontier.
In 1224, an army of 20,000 Mongols under the command of
Dorbei Doqshin marched in pursuit of the Khwarizmian prince
Jalaluddin Mangbarni and besieged Multan. The local elements
joined hands to offer a stiff resistance, forcing the Mongols to
raise the siege and retreat. It has been suggested that three Sufis
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 179

– Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrezi and

Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki – employed their miraculous
powers to save the city. One night during the siege, Khwaja Kaki
was said to have given an arrow to Qubacha and directed him to
shoot in the dark. The instruction was duly obeyed. Next morn-
ing, it was found that the invaders had disappeared. The episode
implied the contribution of three Sufis in protecting the city from
destruction at the hands of the Mongols.178 In 1246, the city of
Multan was besieged by a Mongol army led by Malik Shamsuddin
and Sali Nuyin. The local governor Chengiz Khan, who had been a
slave of Iltutmish, defended the place. After resisting the invaders
for a fortnight, Chengiz Khan sent Shaikh Zakariya to negotiate
for the Mongol withdrawal. In a meeting held at the Gate of the
Blacksmiths on the Id ul-Azha, it was agreed that Chengiz Khan
would pay a ransom of one lakh dinars to the invaders. Next day
Shaikh Zakariya delivered the amount to Sali Nuyin and gover-
nor’s gifts to Malik Shamsuddin.179 The Delhi Sultanate could rely
on the Suhrawardy saint to diffuse a major crisis that threatened
its northwestern frontier, in particular an important administra-
tive and commercial centre.
Shaikh Zakariya was often criticized for the aristocratic char-
acter of his hospice and amplitude of his riches, though the exact
sources of his income were never recorded. His wealth and gra-
naries implied the possession of lavish land grants. Since Multan
was a leading entrepot of long distance trade, he received large
offerings from merchants, as shown by the following episode.
Khwaja Kamaludin Masud Sherwani, an ardent follower of Shaikh
Zakariya, was a famous diamond merchant. Once he was travel-
ling on a ship from the island of Jaroli to Aden. He had some
highly priced diamonds in his bag. When half the distance had
been covered, strong winds started blowing, causing the vessel to
crack. The passengers feared that the vessel would sink into the
deep sea. In this moment of crisis, Sherwani prayed for Shaikh
Zakariya to appear on the scene. Soon he saw the Shaikh on the
board owing to God’s command. All the passengers looked at the
Shaikh with hopeful eyes, asking for his miraculous intervention.
He responded with a gesture that cheered them and, within the
180 The Making of Medieval Panjab

batting of an eyelid, vanished from the scene. The stormy wind

subsided and, as the ship stabilized, it safely arrived at the port of
Aden. All big merchants contributed one third of their money in
a common pool and requested Sherwani to deliver it to the Shaikh
through any means. Sherwani added half his diamonds to the
amount and, after sometime, deputed his diamond keeper Khwaja
Fakhruddin Gilani to complete the task. Accordingly, Gilani trav-
elled all the way to Multan. Though he had seen only a glimpse of
the Shaikh, he was able to recognize him by his face and apparel.
His devotion having increased manifold, he delivered the large
collective gift which was valued at 7 lakh tankas and comprised
both cash and goods. The Shaikh accepted the gift and, showing
his reputed kindness, distributed it among the people. Gilani was
deeply moved by the Shaikh’s generosity. He placed all his posses-
sions in the hands of the Shaikh, who disposed them in accordance
with his practice. Renouncing the world, Gilani became a disciple
of the Shaikh and received the robe of succession. He spent five
years under the tutelage of the Shaikh and, during this period,
remained in the service of his mentor’s son Shaikh Sadruddin
Arif. Securing the formal permission of the Shaikh, he left for the
pilgrimage of Mecca but, on his way, died at Jedda.
Shaikh Zakariya possessed a generous disposition. When he
wished to give something to anyone, he was found to be extremely
liberal. While paying the teachers, who tutored his sons, he virtu-
ally poured silver into their laps. Even the local administration fell
back upon his material resources in times of exigency. On one
occasion, the governor of Multan requested him for some grain.
Shaikh Zakariya readily acceded to the request. A group of func-
tionaries, who were shifting the grain, were surprised to find a
pitcher full of silver coins in the consignment. They reported the
discovery to the governor. The latter ordered them to return the
silver, as the Shaikh had provided them only with grain. When the
Shaikh learnt what had transpired, he informed the governor that
he knew all about the matter and that he had intentionally sent sil-
ver along with the grain.180 On another occasion, the Shaikh asked
a servant to bring a chest containing five thousand dinars. The
servant went inside the treasury and moved the goods to different
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 181

spots, but could not find the chest. When the Shaikh learnt about
the situation, he closed his eyes and, after deliberating for a while,
exclaimed, ‘God be praised’. After a few days, he was informed that
the chest had been found lying underneath some household items.
The Shaikh reflected on the matter and again exclaimed, ‘God be
praised’. As he sent the servant to bring the chest, he explained
the same response to two opposite situations. For the people of
God, the existence and non-existence of the worldly possessions
were the same. There was no sorrow at their departure, nor any
joy at their arrival. Soon after, he distributed 5,000 dinars among
the needy and did not pay any further attention to the matter.181
Shaikh Zakariya laid considerable emphasis on the outward
form of religious observances. He disapproved any deviation,
howsoever minor, from any prescribed injunction. Once he found
a group of his disciples performing ablutions on the bank of a river.
They left their task unfinished and rushed to greet their mentor.
One of them continued to perform the task till completion and
only then rose to offer regards to his mentor. Shaikh Zakariya,
observing the diffrence in the conduct of his disciples, declared
that only one of them was a true mystic (darvesh).182 While pass-
ing this judgement, the Shaikh employed the yardstick of strict
conformity to ritual. In another instance, Shaikh Zakariya went to
meet a devout man named Sulaiman, who was famed in Multan
for his devotional exercises. He asked Sulaiman to stand up and
offer two cycles (rakats) of prayer. Sulaiman did so, but somehow
did not set his feet in the prescribed manner. The Shaikh directed
him to repeat the prayer and keep the required space between his
feet, not more or less. Though Sulaiman tried a number of times,
he could not follow the instructions. The Shaikh asked him to
leave Multan and settle in Uch and this was duly done.183
The Shaikh was said to have reprimanded a Qawwal, Abdullah
Rumi, for wearing a black shawl (gilim) on the ground that it was
the dress of the devil. Distressed, Rumi tried to defend himself
by arguing that he (the Shaikh) had never reproached people
who hoarded gold and silver and enjoyed all worldly possessions.
Seeing that Rumi had lost his composure, the Shaikh reminded
that he (Rumi) had been able to travel safely owing to his pro-
182 The Making of Medieval Panjab

tection.184 On yet another occasion, the Shaikh expressed his shock

at the physical appearance of a scholar (danishmand) who had
travelled all the way from Bokhara. He asked the visitor the pur-
pose of appearing with two snakes, curled hair and loose ends to
his turban. Upset at this remark, the scholar got his head shaved in
the presence of the Shaikh.185 The Shaikh’s contempt for individu-
als supporting curls was shared by his companions. Some of them
abruptly walked out of a feast on seeing a man (Sharf Piyadah)
with curls. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, who hosted the feast, held
this insolence as a false sense of pride and a lustful desire for dis-
tinction among fellow beings.186
One hastens to point out that Shaikh Zakariya did not always
have his way. There were occasions when he was confronted
on equal terms and shown the infirmity of his stance. Qazi
Qutbuddin Kashani, who had established a seminary (madrasah)
in Multan, was a man of knowledge and probity. Every day Shaikh
Zakariya went to the mosque attached to his seminary and offered
the morning prayer behind him. Somewhat surprised at this atti-
tude, Kashani asked him as to why did he come so far and offered
prayer at that place. The Shaikh replied that his action conformed
to the Prophetic tradition (hadis), ‘One’s praying behind a pious
and learned man was as if one had prayed behind a prophet.’ One
morning, the Shaikh arrived late. Since the first cycle (rakat) had
been completed, he joined the congregation in the second one.
While Kashani was still in the midst of tashahhud, the Shaikh
stood up and completed his prayer before Kashani could turn to
the right for salam, denoting the completion of the tashahhud.
Kashani asked, ‘Why did you stand up before the salam. The imam
may have made a mistake which could be corrected by performing
the sajdah-i sahw. Since you stood up before the salam, you have
missed it.’ The Shaikh replied that if one learnt from inner light
(nur-i batin) that the imam had not erred in observing the obliga-
tory details of prayer, one was allowed to rise. Kashani, who would
not take things lying down, observed that the light, which was not
in harmony with the Shariat, was nothing but darkness. Taken
aback at this assertion of authority, the Shaikh thought it prudent
to terminate the confrontation at that very moment and left the
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 183

place quietly. After this unseemly encounter, he never came to the

mosque of the seminary for any prayer.187
Shaikh Zakariya had acquired proficiency in reciting the Quran
and tried to improve the religious consciousness of those who
came into his contact, including prominent Sufis belonging to
other orders.188 One evening, he threw a challenge to a gathering
to offer two cycles of prayer and to recite the entire Quran in one
of them. When no one accepted the challenge, he himself stepped
forward. In the first cycle, he recited the entire Quran and four
additional sections (siparahs), while in the second cycle he recited
the Surah-i Ikhlas and completed his prayer (namaz). He claimed
to have successfully undertaken all the prayers and invocations
heard of the saints. But he admitted his failure to follow the exam-
ple of a pious man who could recite the entire Quran from dawn
to sunrise.189 Yet, it was owing to his inspiration that everyone in
Multan was immersed in remembering God, offering prayers and
reciting invocations. The trend reached such an extent that even
the slave girls, while grinding corn, chanted God’s name.190
At an assembly of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, a conversation
once occurred about the nature of various commentaries on the
Quran. It indicated the preference of Shaikh Zakariya on the mat-
ter. In the opinion Shaikh Nizamudin Auliya, Zamakhshari (d.
1144), the compiler of Kashshaf, possessed deep insight into the
grammatical and rhetorical aspects, but he was guilty of innova-
tion and unbelief.191 Interestingly, Shaikh Zakariya too did not
favour this author. Two scholars, Maulana Sadruddin Qonawi and
Maulana Najmuddin Sunami, were discussing matters of mutual
interest. In reply to a question, the former said that he was study-
ing the works of Quranic exegesis, viz., Kashshaf, Ijaz and Umdah.
Sunami suggested that he should continue his study of Umdah,
but he should burn the first two. Qonawi wanted to know the
reason. Sunami replied that Shaikh Zakariya also held the same
opinion on the issue. Not satisfied with the explanation, Qonawi
underwent a strange experience that very night. He was studying
the three commentaries in front of a lamp. He had placed Umdah
on top of the other two. While he was overcome by sleep, a fire
suddenly broke out. When he woke up, he found that Kashshaf
184 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and Ijaz (which were placed underneath) had been burnt, but
Umdah remained unscathed. After narrating this episode, Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya came up with another story with a similar
theme. Shaikh Sadruddin Arif, the son of Shaikh Zakariya, wanted
to study the grammatical text Mufassal and sought the permission
of his father. The latter asked him to be patient and wait till the
night had passed. That night Shaikh Arif had a dream in which he
saw a captive being dragged in chains. He asked as to who he was.
The people, who were present, replied that it was Zamakhshari,
the compiler of Mufassal, who was being carried to hell.192 In Sufi
circles, Shaikh Zakariya was recognized as a profound scholar
and his views on theological literature were treated with respect.
Sometimes his opinions could be rather strong and even articu-
lated through supernatural means. Among Sufi orders, there was
a free flow of information regarding teaching methods practised
in the precincts of hospices.
As a matter of common practice, the Sufis provided hospital-
ity – at least food, if not the arrangement for stay – to the people
who visited them. This hospitality was in line with a Prophetic
tradition (hadis) according to which ‘Whoever visits a living per-
son and does not taste something from him, it is as if he visited
a corpse.’ Whenever the companions of the Prophet visited him,
they ate something – a piece of bread or a date or some other thing
– before leaving. In fact, they did not leave until they had taken
a bite to eat. Shaikh Badruddin Ghaznavi (a disciple of Shaikh
Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki) at least offered water to his visitors, if
he could not offer food to them. Contrary to the Prophetic tradi-
tion and common Sufi practice, Shaikh Zakariya did not share this
attitude, so that people who came to visit him left without having
been offered anything to eat. Once someone reminded him of the
Prophetic tradition and asked why he did not follow it. The Shaikh
explained, ‘People do not understand the true intent of this tradi-
tion. There are two kinds of people, the commoners and elite. I
have nothing to do with the common folk. But when the elite visit
me, I speak to them about God, the Prophet, norms of conduct
and similar other subjects, so that they might be benefited from
my instruction.’193 As this explanation indicated, the Shaikh felt
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 185

that his visitors, being prosperous and well fed, did not come to
his hospice for food. Rather they had a hunger for knowledge on
religious and spiritual matters. By providing appropriate answers
to their queries, he offered precisely what they looked for and thus
satisfied their urgent need. In this sense, he did not send them
away empty handed.
Since the above discussion was largely based on Chishti docu-
mentation,194 it showed Shaikh Zakariya in a somewhat unfavour-
able light. In a recent study, Qamar ul-Huda has drawn attention
to the Shaikh’s works that promised to develop a more balanced
understanding of the theme. These two works, Khulasat ul-Arifin
and Al-Aurad, constituted important steps to institutionalize the
Suhrawardi order in southwestern Panjab. They were produced
in specific political, social and religious contexts. The Shaikh
was faced with opposition from the local ruler like Nasiruddin
Qubacha and a theologian like Qazi Qutbuddin Kashani. Having
received the designation of Shaikh ul-Islam from Iltutmish, his
religious authority as a leading Sufi and scholar was consolidated.
He was required to ensure that the members of his hospice were
loyal to the new political regime and to demarcate the Suhrawardi
order from other Sufi theologies in the region. However, unlike
his mentor’s Awarif ul-Maarif, his works did not reaffirm the
historical, religious and legal legitimacy of Islamic mysticism.
Instead, he sought to establish a balance between the domain of
Islamic law and the world of Islamic mysticism, so that a person
in the Suhrawardi order could become a law-obeying spiritual
seeker. He laid down specific details of spiritual exercises that
were incorporated by the Suhrawardis in their lives. In addition
to the ritualistic prayers and fasts, he prescribed a series of spir-
itual exercises that were basically composed of remembrance of
God (zikr). In his view, zikr brought about a connection between
the mind and spirit, thereby creating a moment when the heart
was in movement with the spirit of God. He believed that zikr
cleansed the heart of impurities and redirected the seeker towards
God’s path. He recommended specific forms of zikr for each of
the twelve months in the yearly calendars as well as occasions like
pre-dawn prayers, Prophet’s heavenly ascension, funerals and
186 The Making of Medieval Panjab

pilgrimages to mausoleums. The repetition of specific words was

not an irrational and mindless religious practice, but the process
of cleansing the heart of the seeker and underscoring the close
relationship of language, sound and spirit. It employed all human
senses to experience the love of God.195
In his work entitled Khulasat ul-Arifin, Shaikh Zakariya has
elaborated the fundamental ideas of Suhrawardi mysticism and
laid guidelines for seekers who chose the path of inner enlighten-
ment. Considerably inspired by his mentor’s Awarif ul-Maarif,
this treatise was liberally interspersed with Quranic verses. A
seeker was enjoined to prepare himself to meet the challenges on
the spiritual path, so that he could achieve higher levels of inner
knowledge. This preliminary task comprised as many as ten steps.
The seeker learnt that true knowledge emerged from the heart,
which had to maintain absolute purity by insulating itself from
extraneous influences. He endeavoured to connect himself to the
moment of union with God. He could attain this state by being
humble in front of the Creator, distancing himself from tempta-
tion and seeking solitude. He should expect neither any reward
for accomplishment, nor should he allow emotion to control his
actions. The Shaikh, continuing the legacy of his mentor, held
that the human heart was the main organ for spiritual cleansing,
inner awareness and a primary site for comprehending God’s
presence. The Shaikh laid great emphasis on the heart because the
Suhrawardi order was heavily rooted in the Quran and Prophetic
traditions hadis. The Shaikh perceived mysticism as a long ardu-
ous path that required a constant struggle with purifying the heart
in order to encounter God. In his view, the seeker’s heart could be
cured of maladies and he could remain firmly entrenched on the
spiritual path leading to God by adopting a combination of prayers
(salat), spiritual exercises (zikr) and pure intentions (niyat).196
Citing Sura 58: 22, Shaikh Zakariya held that the seeker’s heart
was spiritually inspired by God, provided suitable conditions were
created. This spiritual inspiration was not a momentary emotional
stimulation triggered by intense exhilaration. The moment was as
if the heart moved from deep slumber and was awakened by a
touch of divine illumination. When the heart was in prayer and in
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 187

remembrance of God, it began to cleanse away worldly concerns

and, opening itself as a divine presence, made itself known to the
seeker. At this moment, the heart was like a patient lover who was
waiting for affection from a partner and would receive divine illu-
mination if he understood the vulnerability of the heart. If this
did not happen, then the seeker was advised to repeat the spiritual
exercises of the heart. Citing Sura 64: 11, ‘Whoever believes in God,
He will guide his heart,’ the Shaikh observed that the seeker was
assured of real guidance, if his heart was guided towards patience
through the practice of daily exercises. By citing Sura 4: 63, ‘God
knows what is in their hearts,’ the Shaikh suggested that God waits
for the proper time to be invited to the seeker’s heart so as to dis-
close His love for him. In other words, the invitation came from
God, but the seeker needed to prepare for the glorious moment
by undertaking specific cleansing exercises. By citing Sura 50: 16,
‘We are nearer to him than the jugular vein’, the Shaikh assured
the seeker not only God’s proximity to him, but also His active
presence in His body. However, if the seeker was guilty of evil
actions, his heart ceased to receive future blessings and invitations
from God. Such a situation had been anticipated in Quranic verses
(Sura 7: 101, 2: 7, 3: 167 and 6: 25) stating that God had set seal on
the hearts of such people. It was possible for him to return to the
path of God by undertaking sincere repentance (tauba) and sat-
isfactory inner cleansing (mutmaina). For the Shaikh, the Quran
not only guided the seeker to mould his outward conduct on the
Shariat, but also illuminated his inner life and spiritual journey
leading to God.197
In his Al-Aurad, Shaikh Zakariya designed the structure of a
number of zikrs, each meant for a particular occasion. By way of
illustration, it was possible to consider the remembrance of prayer
(zikr-i namaz). He believed that God had established the daily rit-
ualistic prayer (namaz), so that the creation worshipped Him and
understood the connection between the outer world and spiritual
world. The physical movement of the bodily parts – hands, legs and
forehead – leading to prostration was accompanied by a parallel
movement of the heart, which released its impurities and prepared
a clean purified place for the presence of God. As the forehead led
188 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the rest of the body in prostration before God, the action was simi-
lar to the seeker’s preparation to be mentally alert and physically
strong for the spiritual quest. Between the two ritualistic prayers,
the seeker was asked to perform the zikr-i Quran, i.e. to recite the
Throne Verse (Ayat ul-Kursi) which enabled the seeker to focus
on God and affirm His omnipotence. This recitation was followed
by two cycles (rakats) of prayer that were similar to the ritualistic
prayers, though they were not tied to specified prayer times. The
zikr concluded with Surah-i Fatiha and a supplication (dua). In a
similar exercise after the sunset prayer (maghrib), the seeker was
instructed to continue zikr-i Quran by reciting the Surah-i Kafirun
and Surah-i Ikhlas. This exercise culminated in a supplication,
which reaffirmed unconditional belief in the profession of faith
(kalima), showered fulsome praise on the Supreme Being and His
messenger Muhammad, accepted God as merciful and compas-
sionate towards earthly creatures, sought forgiveness for human
shortcomings and testified Heaven and Hell as true places. While
formulating the content of zikr for different occasions – ritualistic
prayers, twelve months of the calendar and other commemorative
days – Shaikh Zakariya specified the Quranic verses that were to
be recited with the respective prayers and laid down the order in
which this recitation was to be done. The seeker was directed to
contemplate on the inner meaning of the Quanic verses, so that
he achieved a new state of being and his heart established a new
identity with the Quran and its message.198
Shaikh Zakariya was not averse to attending a musical ses-
sion (sama). Once a Qawwal named Abdullah Rumi arrived
at the Suhrawardi hospice in Multan and, appearing before the
Shaikh, revealed that he had performed in the presence of Shaikh
Shihabuddin Suhrawardi. Instantly, Shaikh Zakariya expressed his
desire to follow in the footsteps of his spiritual master. He had the
visitors stay till the evening and, with the onset of darkness, sent
Rumi and his companion to a cell (hujra) along with an attendant.
He made sure that only two persons were present in the cell. After
offering the night prayer (isha) and reciting invocations (aurad),
he entered the cell. He sat down and immersed himself in invoca-
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 189

tions and then recited half a section (siparah) of the Quran. He

bolted the door of the cell and asked Rumi to sing. As the audition
got underway, there was a movement in the body of the Shaikh,
who stood up and extinguished the lamp. It became pitch dark
and the singing progressed. The singers could feel that the Shaikh,
who had been moved to ecstasy, broke into a whirling movement.
They could see the lower edge of his garment whenever he came
closer. Owing to the darkness, they could not discern if the move-
ment synchronized with the beat (darb) of music. As soon as the
audition ended, the Shaikh opened the door and returned to his
own place. The two singers, who spent the night in the cell, were
not offered any food or drink. At daybreak, a servant appeared
and, giving them a fine garment and 20 tankas in cash, asked them
to accept the gifts from the Shaikh and leave. This episode, which
was narrated by Abdullah Rumi to Baba Farid, raised many ques-
tions about the attitude of Shaikh Zakariya to spiritual music.199
It was not clear why he held the audition in the strict privacy of
a dark cell and not in the public space of his extensive establish-
ment. Perhaps he was assessing the musical skills of the Qawwals
as well as his own response to audition before they could be pre-
sented before a larger gathering. It might be added, Rumi came to
Multan again after paying a visit to Baba Farid at Ajodhan.
Abdullah Rumi was not the only Qawwal to have visited the
Suhrawardi hospice in Multan. Another Qawwal named Abu Bakr
Kharrat had also come to the city and performed audition in the
presence of Shaikh Zakariya. Our source has not described the cir-
cumstances in which the musical session was held. It could not be
ascertained if the event was held in private or in public. However,
our source did give an idea of the kind of lyrics that were sung. The
verses, which were in Arabic, related the suffering of the lover who
was separated from his beloved. The lover was afflicted with an
ailment, which could not be cured by any physician or charmer;
his desire could be fulfilled only if the beloved chose to do so.200
Each morning and again each evening,
My eyes, due to love of you, keep weeping.
My liver, bitten by the snake of desire,
190 The Making of Medieval Panjab

No doctor or charmer has the means of curing.

For none but he who enflames me with desire
Can, if he chooses, quench that raging fire.
Shaikh Zakariya took pride in the merits of his disciple Hasan
Afghan, who was regarded as a pillar of saintliness. Regarding his
high spiritual states, the Shaikh used to say, ‘If tomorrow they ask
me to bring forward one person from my household (dargah)
as a representative to face judgement on behalf of all others, I
would present Hasan Afghan.’ Sufi masters narrated several sto-
ries regarding Hasan Afghan, with a view either to highlight his
spiritual eminence or to elaborate principles of mysticism. Once
Hasan Afghan, while passing through a street, reached a mosque
in time for prayer. The muazzin called out the takbir, the imam
led the prayer and people stood in rows. Hasan Afghan also
joined the congregation. As the prayer came to an end and people
dispersed, Hasan Afghan went up to the imam and admonished
him for the lack of concentration of his heart on the prayer. He
said, ‘Oh Khwaja, you began the prayer and I joined you. You
went from here to Delhi and bought some slaves. Then you came
back and took the slaves to Khurasan. After this transaction, you
returned to Multan and entered the mosque. I got my neck twisted
in an attempt to catch up with you. What has all this to do with
prayer?’ On one occasion, Hasan Afghan reached a place where a
mosque was being constructed. He advised the builders to fashion
the prayer niche (mihrab) in a manner that it pointed towards
Mecca and also indicated the orientation of the Kaaba. A scholar
(danishmand) disagreed with him and argued that the Kaaba was
in a different direction. The two exchanged arguments for some
time. Finally Hasan Afghan asked the scholar to face the direc-
tion pointed by him and note it well. The scholar complied with
the suggestion and, after due verification, found that the Kaaba
was indeed in the direction indicated by Hasan Afghan. This
man was endowed with some extraordinary abilities. Though
he was entirely illitrate, yet he could identify the verses from the
Quran. People came to him and, placing a paper and tablet before
him, wrote lines of poetry or prose, some in Arabic and some in
Persian. Having done this, they would insert a line from the verses
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 191

of the Quran and asked him to identify the same. Hasan Afghan
invariably made the correct identification. How could he, they
asked, pinpoint the Quranic verse when he was unable to read
the holy book. He would explain that he discerned a unique light
in the particular lines, which he did not see in the other lines of
writing.201

Singing of Love in the Taverns

Fakhruddin Ibrahim Iraqi (1213-89), a close disciple of Shaikh
Zakariya, contributed to the popularity of the Suhrawardi order
in Multan. He developed his spiritual ideas on the foundation
of physical love and expressed them through emotional verses.
Born in village Kamajan in district Hamadan, he memorized the
Quran soon after joining the school. His soulful recitation from
the holy book made him famous in the region and even inspired
the conversion of some non-Muslims to Islam. Before entering
his twenties, he mastered the religious subjects and adopted
the avocation of teaching. One day, he attended an assembly of
wandering Qalandars and, overwhelmed by their chanting of
love-laden muse and infatuated by the beauty of a boy among
them, he discarded his apparel and threw away his books. Leaving
his home, he caught up with the Qalandars who had left for
Isfahan. He formally joined their fraternity and, as a symbol of
his conversion, shaved his hair and eyebrows. He wandered along
with the Qalandars across Persia and ultimately reached Multan.202
Thus began a new phase in the life this maverick.
The Qalandars enjoyed the hospitality of the Suhrawardi hos-
pice. Shaikh Zakariya, prompted by his intuition, wished to take
Iraqi under his tutelage, as the young man was found fully pre-
pared for spiritual advancement. Iraqi, who was impressed with
the Shaikh, could not snap his association with the Qalandars.
He accompanied them to Delhi and, owing to a storm, separated
from them. Finding himself alone in unfamiliar surroundings,
he returned to Multan where he was destined to live for the next
twenty five years. He enrolled himself as a disciple of Shaikh
Zakariya, who weaned the youth away from his Qalandari affilia-
192 The Making of Medieval Panjab

tion. At the direction of his mentor, he withdrew into a forty-day

retreat and sang in praise of love, beauty and wine. Outraged at
these ecstatic outpourings, the inmates of the hospice complained
to the Suhrawardi master. The Shaikh declared that such behav-
iour was forbidden to them, but not to Iraqi. Soon it was learnt
that Iraqi’s songs were being sung to the accompaniment of musi-
cal instruments in the bazaar and taverns of the city. Perturbed at
this musical spillover, the Shaikh asked Iraqi if he said his prayers
in the taverns. Iraqi emerged out of his cell and, while weeping,
placed his head at the feet of his mentor. The Shaikh instantly
nominated Iraqi as his successor (khalifa) and, conferring his
own robe on him, married his daughter to him. In due course,
this union produced a son who was named Kabiruddin. After
the death of Shaikh Zakariya in 1262, his disciples, motivated by
sheer jealousy, complained to the Sultan (probably Prince Sultan
Muhammad, the governor of Multan) that Iraqi had deviated
from the established rules and spent his time in reciting poetry in
the company of young boys. The Sultan, who was suspicious of the
Suhrawardi order, decided to take punitive action and assert his
authority. He sent an order for Iraqi to appear at the court. Iraqi,
having anticipated his fate, left for Oman via the sea along with a
few trusted friends.203
Jamali took keen interest in the career of Iraqi, particularly
with reference to the poet’s association with the Suhrawardis of
Multan. To Shaikh Zakariya, he has given the credit of detach-
ing Iraqi from a group of Qalandars and assimilating him into
the Suhrawardi lineage. Not surpringly, Iraqi acknowledged his
gratitude to Shaikh Zakariya by composing several panegyrics in
his adulation. After the death of Iraqi’s first wife, Shaikh Zakariya
wished the younger sister of the deceased to be married to his
pupil. However, the son of the Shaikh, Sadruddin Arif, scuttled
the move on the ground of Iraqi’s allegedly crude behaviour and
submission to his lower self.204
Iraqi and his party disembarked at Oman, where his fame
as a mystic had already reached. The visitors were received by
the political and religious elite with immense enthusiasm. The
local ruler treated Iraqi as a state guest and, appointing him as
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 193

the Shaikh ul-Islam, wished him to settle on a permanent basis.

Iraqi refused to accept any further material assistance and went
to Mecca, where he performed the Haj. Travelling via Damascus,
he arrived at Konya in Rum (Turkey). Here, he entered the tute-
lage of Shaikh Sadruddin Qonawi (d. 1274), who had been a pupil
of the great Sufi ideologue Ibn-i Arabi and a Suhrawardi master
Shaikh Auhaduddin Kirmani. Iraqi developed a bond of friend-
ship with the famous Sufi poet Maulana Jalaluddin Rumi and
often attended his sessions of music, poetry and dancing. Inspired
by the lectures of Qonawi on Ibn-i Arabi’s Fasus ul-Hikam (Bezels
of Wisdom), Iraqi produced its interpretive commentary entitled
Lamaat (Flashes). In the eyes of Qonawi, this work was in fact
the pith of Fasus al-Hikam and therefore articulated the secrets
of spiritual discourses.205 Iraqi earned the devotion of the local
administrastor Amir Muinuddin Parwanah, who built a hospice
for the master in Tuqat. After the death of Parwanah in a polit-
ical purge, Iraqi travelled to Cairo and, after meeting the Sultan,
secured the release of Parwanah’s son from prison. The Sultan,
who was deeply influenced by Iraqi’s mystical knowledge, ensured
that he was conferred numerous honours at Damascus. Here,
his son Kabiruddin, who had travelled all the way from Multan,
joined him. Following the death of Iraqi (23 November 1289),
Kabiruddin was chosen as his spiritual successor.
Jamali did not give the credit of Iraqi’s Lamaat to the mentor-
ship of Qonawi; he indirectly attributed the treatise to the blessings
of Shaikh Zakariya. This was indicated by Jamali’s account of his
meeting with Abdul Rahman Jami at Herat. Jami, while referring
to Lamaat, praised Qonawi whose guidance had enabled Iraqi to
produce the treatise. At this remark, Jamali felt offended without
justification and exclaimed that the state of every person was fully
known to God. As Jamali would have us believe, Jami saw a dream
that night and observed Shaikh Sadruddin Arif (who then headed
the Suhrawardi hospice of Multan) sitting in the midst of a number
of Sufis. At this moment, Iraqi kept standing and held the shoes of
Shaikh Arif in his hands. Jami also appeared in the assembly and
kissed the hands of Shaikh Arif. Jami, who was overawed by the
presence of Shaikh Arif, admitted that Jamali’s stance was true.206
194 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Iraqi has indicated that he composed mystical poetry under

divine inspiration, which was conveyed to him through super-
natural means. He has described the visit of an angel and a
conversation revolving around his work as a poet. The angel,
while assessing a fresh poem, exclaimed that Iraqi’s passion was
deep and his thoughts flew swiftly like an arrow to its target.207 He
hoped that God would intensify the wisdom of Iraqi’s love, so that
he composed pearls that gave delight to others. He asked Iraqi to
shun self-praise, as poetry was only a plaything in this world of
men and a sport for children. He also urged Iraqi to engage him-
self in the acquisition of knowledge, to cast himself in the furnace
of love and to create music for the benefit of true lovers. Since
a number of poets had employed a variety of genres – sonnets,
odes and elegies – to sing of lust (hawas), Iraqi was urged to focus
on some original theme. He was told that the speech of the heart
was different from what was understood as poetry. It was prose in
rhyme or rhyme in prose. Its origin could be traced to love which,
in turn, was moved by the beauty of form. All humans possessed
a body and soul, but not all of them grasped the inner mean-
ing embedded in the words. The angel assured Iraqi that he was
adequately equipped for the task. His thought was robed in light;
he did not stand with the idolaters; he was not moved by outward
form; he could distinguish love from lust (farq dani miyan ishq
wa hawas); he knew the reality of love and he had traversed the
path of love (tariqat ishq). Finally, he was advised to improve his
natural abilities to the level of perfection and to live in the midst of
lovers, so that his initial efforts were brought to a logical conclu-
sion by the blessings of God.208
In the eyes of Iraqi, the spiritual quest began by comprehending
the nature of God. All human beings reserved unlimited praise for
Him owing to a variety of reasons. God is everlasting, though He
is neither born nor brought up. Pure in essence and free from flaw,
He had vanquished all rival forces. Being omnipotent and sover-
eign, He knew both the seen and unseen. As the supreme artificer,
He employed His creative power for forty days and uttering, ‘Be,
and it is’ (kun fayakun), produced a number of species that were
true to their types. Employing the principle of being and decay, He
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 195

fashioned life with the hope that every species, being born of Him,
shall return to Him. He achieved this purpose through the basic
elements of earth, water, air and fire. He shaped human frames
out of opposites, body and soul. He cast the clay of body from
the dark earth and, associating it with outer darkness, illumined
it with the light of spirit. He assigned a quickening power to the
soul and, being associated with light, it aspired for a communion
with Him. He sculpted man in a manner that he was receptive to
knowledge and, owing to this faculty, distinguished between good
and evil.209 Since God transcends time and space, the wondrous
work of creation was beyond description and imagination. All
forms of creation traced their life to Him and, therefore, all was
He. When a person’s soul was ignited by divine light, his heart
burst into a flame. When a person surrendered himself to God,
all his actions were undertaken through Him, while he himself
had no autonomy in relation to Him. For example, when the sun
shone in its full brightness, the light of the stars faded into dark-
ness. In spite of elaborating the unlimited powers of God, Iraqi
admitted his inability to praise the Infinite.210
Alongside comprehending the nature of God, a seeker was
required to appreciate the distinct position of Prophet Muhammad
and the pious caliphs. Muhammad was the last of the Prophets. A
confidant of God, he was a companion of Jibrail and messenger of
guidance (khatim anbiya rasul hadi / sahib jibrail amin khuda).
He was the first in creation, but he was born last in time. He was
the preserver of the page where the meaning of the heart was
inscribed. An anchorite of God’s own cloister, he possessed the
entire knowledge of the Quran. Only he wore the divine apparel,
so that even the heaven bowed in his obeisance. He reached within
a distance of just two bows from God. His holy law scattered a
hundred sciences across the world. His spiritual state was so
exalted that the sky served as his slave, the sun his servant, the
dawn his face and the night his hair. He had four companions (the
pious caliphs) who, after him, provided leadership to the faith.
During his lifetime, they were his friends and, after him, they fol-
lowed his example without any fault. It was wrong to treat one of
them as the Prophet’s friend and another as his enemy. Such an
196 The Making of Medieval Panjab

approach was born out of ignorance and conceit. A companion,

who had been chosen by the Prophet himself, could only be right
in his actions. The four companions were worthy of approbation,
as their secret resting places opened a thousand gates to heaven.211
At the commencement of his spiritual quest, a seeker did not
have the perfect vision and, therefore, could not distinguish be-
tween union and separation. He was advised to awaken from
his slumber and discard the undeserving teacher as well as fool-
ish superstitions. He was not entirely made of flesh and, unlike
cows and sheep, did not confine himself to eating and sleeping.
He was bound to look beyond his physical existence and turn his
soul towards God. These high truths were the exclusive preserve
of true lovers and not everyone. Such a person converted his heart
into a mirror, where the beauty of God was reflected. He was
expected to polish away the rust which stained the mirror of his
heart, so that he entered the palace of the king of beauty (God).
If he transformed his entire body into an eye and suppressed his
selfhood, he could see God face to face as in a mirror. The light of
God was reflected on the mirror of the lover’s heart in the same
manner as the light of the sun was reflected by the moon. His eye
served as the door of the heart. If the eye did not have the ability
to see, it would not absorb the light emanating from God, just as
a bat remained blind in broad daylight. An eye, which possessed
the ability to see, developed a connection with God and served as
a coin in the bazaar of God’s unlimited kingdom. A seeker needed
to understand that love did not require intellect, as it dwelt beyond
the intelligible world. If he wished to unravel the mysteries of love,
he had to shake off the bonds of reason and proof and, freeing his
brain from barren intellectual exercises, soar beyond the summit
of imagination.212
A lover could not be held guilty of falling in love. Even pro-
phets were afflicted with this ailment, while lovers (like Yusuf and
Zulaikha) were held in its overpowering spell.213 A lover’s heart
could stray owing to faulty guidance and his soul could fail to
respond to the desire of the Beloved. But on seeing the simurgh’s
feathered plume, a lover’s heart began to beat like David on the
door of love. Even if the lover happened to be a saint, love over-
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 197

threw his faith and pulled him into apostasy. The holiest man,
while treading the path of love, did not shrink from tending swine
for the love of a gazelle.214 What the lover guarded as a secret was
his identity as a neophyte of love and his ultimate desire was to
die as a martyr of love (shahid ishq).215 The lovers were set apart
from other sections of the society. Their company constituted an
earthly paradise, while their friendship emitted heavenly light.
It was for their sake that God created the universe including the
sun and stars. They possessed a variety of virtues like knowledge,
abstinence, clemency and righteousness. Yet they attributed these
adornments to God’s grace. They sought nothing but love and,
having lost their selfhood, experienced true love. They were the
first to whom the reality of love was revealed. When love made
its way into a heart, it gripped this heart as a captive. Even if the
lover held a low social rank, he could make the highest spiritual
gains. When love was stirred in a heart, it became a recipient of
God’s bounty, as God states in the Quran, ‘This is affection cast in
thee by Me.’ In case of a heart which had been rendered distraught
by beauty, affection grew to perfection and attained the stage of
absolute absorption (istaghraq), so that the intimate passion was
defined as love. If a lover drowned himself in the ocean of love,
he could become a master of the spiritual path. Even if he was
familiar with its fame and took a bold plunge in it, he could still
comprehend its mysteries.216
The lover was a victim who, having sacrificed himself to love,
was thrown at the door of the Beloved. Though he had been burnt
in the furnace of love, yet his heart continued to throb for love. If
he sacrificed himself at the altar of love, it was because he knew the
worth of the Beloved in the manner of legendary lovers. Wamiq
was aware of the beauty of Azra; Khusro could wax eloquent on
the qualities of Shireen; Majnu bore the stamp of Laila’s love;
Parwana burnt in the desire of Parvin; enticement of Ramin had
been embedded in the sadness of Wisa. Life was dear to Farhad,
but dearer to him was to die for Shireen. If the entire world over-
flowed with passion, the gnat would be content in their yearning
for Hind. A person, who possessed a heart, perforce possessed
a sweetheart. Those who were unaware of the mysteries of love
198 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ended up wasting their lives. A heart, which was averse to love,

was not a heart but a devil’s chamber. A heart, which did not have
love in sight, was like an eye without eyesight. The lover treaded
the path leading to the Beloved, as this threshold was his sole des-
tination. Though his reason was rendered blind by love, yet he
could not be treated as one having lost his mind. A person, who
was not experienced in love, was like an ass who carried sugar
cane on his back and preserved straw in his heart.217 Love was a
joy that was identical with life itself. In fact, love was more alive
than the heart and soul. It reigned supreme in the realm of spirit.
It lay hidden in the soul of the soul. The life, which animated the
soul, sprang from love. If soul was seen as soil, then love was the
plant. Love was liquor flowing in the fruit of mind. Love was the
very fount of life.218
Charmed by the beauty of the Beloved, the lover underwent a
long period of suffering in order to achieve the ultimate union.
What appeared strange, the Beloved could become instrumental
in a tragic death of the lover.219 In this sense, the Beloved acted
like a hunter, who attracted His prey by several ruses and, when
His target came within reach, shot a fatal arrow which pierced its
body. In this game of love, the Beloved was not held guilty of any
crime. At the same time, the lover was seen as afflicted by a myste-
rious ailment, which made his mind distraught and destroyed his
body. Since the lover was aware of the fatal trait of his affliction,
he continued his quest in a fearless manner and did not regard
the Beloved’s arrow as a threat to his life. In fact, the lover will-
ingly offered himself as a target for the Beloved’s arrow. He firmly
believed that the fatal arrow would not pierce his flesh till he had
seen the Beloved’s face. He could not figure out why the Beloved
chose to shoot the fatal arrow in a sudden move when he him-
self had placed his heart on the gallows long back. Moreover, the
fatal arrow could not cause any fresh pain to the lover, because
his heart was already suffering from the pain of love. In these cir-
cumstances, the lover found a new life in the Beloved, even after
meeting his death at the hands of the beautiful charmer. The lover
drew a distinction between his body and soul. The former was as
valueless as a dunghill (mazbala), while the latter was as valuable
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 199

as a jewel. The body could be compared to a furnace (gilkhan) and

the soul to a stoker (gilkhani) who tended the furnace. When the
seeds of the soul were planted in the lover, his body was rendered
irrelevant. So long as the lover was a prisoner of his body, his soul
was unable to gaze at the Beloved. When he was freed from the
prison of his body, he surrendered his soul and saw the face of the
Beloved. In other words, the lover had to die in order to unite with
his Beloved.220
The lovers felt happy on realizing that they were in love with
God, who represented a world that was purer than this world.
Unmindful of their own existence and treating themselves as
dead, they happily treaded the path leading to God. For the lovers,
love was a sweet anguish and they gladly bore its pain. It was like
a sickness that affected both the heart and soul. The ailment of
love could not be cured, as the lovers did not know its remedy.
Though they suffered from this incurable malady, yet they did
not falter in their loyalty to God, nor did they complain regard-
ing their pitiable condition. Ever since the lovers consumed the
cup of primaeval covenant,221 they became eternal worshippers of
the wine of love. As this wine of love flowed through their veins
and they felt intoxicated by its unique effect, they reeled on the
road leading to the heart of the Beloved. Their heart and soul were
illumined by the same love, which constrained God to create the
world. As the lover erased his self and sipped the wine of love, he
snapped his attachment to everything except God. Once he learnt
the alphabet of love, the tablet of his mind was cleansed of all he
had learnt in the past. His heart became the abode of God, while
his love was manifested in yearning. The Beloved warmly recip-
rocated his love by whispering sweet messages and thus accepted
the fact that he (lover) was absolutely dedicated to his Beloved
and that his (lover’s) heart played a generous host to the Beloved.
Sometimes love sprang from the heart like the herbs springing
from dust, while at other times it descended on the heart like rain.
Whatever the reality, love just arrived and conquered the heart,
even as the lover remained ignorant of the manner in which this
wonderful event took place.222
The lovers were fond of listening to the songs of love for several
200 The Making of Medieval Panjab

reasons. The plaintive melody of the singer (mutrib) had a tender

impact on souls and uncovered the secrets concealed in hearts.
A lover on the verge of death owing to his malady of separation,
could be revived by the life-giving stream of melody. On hearing
the soulful songs, the lover became oblivious of himself and, pass-
ing to the realm of intoxication, began to dance. In such a state,
the lover raised the cry of his yearning for the Beloved. The lover
shook his wings like the sacrificial bird and flew from the empty
world to true reality, so that he was able to describe the beauty of
the Beloved.223 The lovers dwelt in the threshold of the Beloved
and, like the nightingales in His garden (andalib bostan tuyem),
sang only of Him. There was no escape for the lovers, as they were
captives in the net of the Beloved. Since they drew their breath
from His affection, they could not think of leaving His threshold
and turning towards strangers. Since they had quaffed the cup of
His love, they had surrendered their hearts to Him and treated
their lives as His ransom. Their souls were bound to serve Him,
as they had killed their selfhood. Having become the captives of
His, they did not have the strength to flee. Their hearts had been
burnt by a flame that had been lit by the beauty of the Beloved.
Their bodies had been set ablaze by the lamps of His love, so that
the smoke of their inner glow had risen to the heaven. They had
staked their possessions for winning His love, as they could not
think of a better move in this game of gambling. Though they
knew that their quest would lead to their death, yet they were not
willing to retreat. Ever since they entered His circle in a state of
ecstasy, they became weary of their earthly existence. They did not
need the light of the sun and moon as the radiance of His face
could transform their dark night into a bright day. Yet the lovers
did not boast of a sole claim over His love, as a thousand hearts
were engaged in plying their trade in His bazaar of love.224
The lover lamented that his heart was close to the Beloved,
whereas he was physically distant from Him. His heart had been
pierced like an arrow by the charming glance of the Beloved. His
injurious affliction could be cured by the Beloved (tu tabibi wa ma
chunin bimar / tu maluli wa ma chunin mushtaq), who could act
as a leech and suck away the impure blood from his wound. He
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 201

felt intoxicated by the yearning for the Beloved, but the separation
threatened to sink the ship of his life in the sea of pain. Even as
his patience seemed to crumble, he longed to see the Beloved’s
face and hear His sweet voice. Though love was an incurable dis-
tress, yet the remedy lay with the Beloved. As the tales of Beloved’s
beauty spread across the world, the lover ran all around in His
pursuit. Instead of seeking an end to His travails, he prayed for
the aggravation of his sickly condition in order to prove his fidel-
ity (gar cheh dardi ast ishq be darman / hast darman dard ma
janan).225 Since the lover was unable to establish any contact with
the Beloved, he was unaware of the Beloved’s attitude to himself.
This ignorance had compounded his suffering, which had been
caused by the pangs of separation. In his desperation, the lover
turned to the breeze of dawn which could answer the numerous
questions assailing his mind. Since the lover’s soul was occupied
with Him, he did not know the distinction between union and
separation. He felt like a prisoner in His noose and had lost the
will to be released from His bondage. In spite of his misery, he
longed to see His beauty that still stirred his thoughts.226 He could
not let the Beloved depart from his life, though he was doomed
to suffer. This emotion indicated his undying commitment, just
as a spark betrayed the glow of ember. He had no alternative but
to offer obedience to the Beloved, who ruled the world as a sover-
eign. Since his heart was set to suffer in the quest of the Beloved,
his desires had become the same as those of the Beloved. The sole
joy of his heart lay in His punishment, while the sole object of his
soul coincided with this purpose. He could not leave the street of
the Beloved, though thousands of lovers were engaged in a similar
pursuit (aankeh dur az tu man nadanam zeest / gar cheh dari cho
man hazar hazar).227
Iraqi has imagined meeting his Beloved in person and express-
ing the sentiments accumulating in his heart. Since his love for
the Beloved had opened his spirit, his heart longed for Him. His
night of grief had not turned into a day, as the face of the Beloved
had turned away. The Beloved was unmindful of poor supplicants
who had placed the petitions of their hearts at His door. The
lover’s soul, like a bird, had flown out of its nest and would rest
202 The Making of Medieval Panjab

only in His street. He hoped that his absence from the Beloved’s
thoughts might end, lest the veil of his love should be torn to
shreds. Whatever be his ultimate fate, he entreated the Beloved
not to ignore him. Every moment of his separation was marked by
the desire of heart and pain of spirit. The pangs of separation were
ever present in his heart, so that he had gained nothing from des-
tiny except grief. Paradoxically, he treated his suffering as a boon,
as the gradual augmentation of pain transformed the shadow of
love into a concrete reality. Still he was apprehensive, because in
love the truest fidelity could prove to be hypocrisy (nur ikhlas shud
riya dar ishq).228 When his heart was filled with sadness owing to
separation from the Beloved, his weary brain demanded wine to
sooth his troubled nerves. But when the pigeon of love flew to his
heart with a message from the Beloved, he felt like sacrificing his
life due to sheer happiness.229 It was easy to surrender his heart
to the Beloved, but it was not possible to part from Him. Since it
was impossible to conceal his love for the Beloved, he was inclined
to proclaim it far and wide. Though the lover was not fortunate
enough to win his love, yet he sought the pain that flowed from
the Beloved. He entreated God to fling open the gate and show
the path of the destination. He was desperate to see the face of the
Beloved and, in lieu of this boon, offered to sacrifice his posses-
sions in both the worlds.230
Iraqi visualized the Beloved as a woman and described her
beauty in sensuous terms. Her fairness and grace had stolen his
heart, while his mind went into a rapture by gazing on her face.
Her loveliness had put the sun to shame. Her grace was manifest
whether her face was uncovered or veiled. Her elegance was so
fine that it could not be discerned by the sharpest eye. Her coun-
tenance was so fair that it could not be described by any human
tongue. Her gleaming forehead looked like the moon and acted
like a moth-consuming candle. Her eyelashes were murderous
and her glances were langourous. The softness of her ruby lips
had put the petals to shame. In response to her beauty, the lovers
had staked their lives on a throw and royal falcons had become her
passion’s prey.231 The mole on her face caused unlimited enchant-
ment. Her mirthful eyes tried a new blandishment every moment
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 203

to steal the beholder’s heart. Her mouth was so delicately carved

that it could not speak. Her waist was so thin that it was visible
only due to the girdle.232 The radiance of her face cheered the heart
and loveliness of her form turned the night into day. A person,
who was not stirred by the comeliness of her physique, was a body
without soul. A look at her beauty produced the same effect as
mead.233 Only a beholder who possessed a pure vision (deeda-i
pak), could see her beauty in its true loveliness. Faced with such a
spectacle, most beholders lost control over their senses. As soon as
a person saw her majestic form, including a tall stature and flow-
ing locks, he surrendered his body, heart and soul. In fact, he was
overcome by the desire to become an idolator (hamchu man dil
aseer u shuwadat / but prasteedan arzu shuwadat). The slender
grace, which reflected the charm of her beauty, had ensnared even
the hearts of the spiritual men (aan latafat keh husn u darad / dil
sahib dilan beh dam arad).234
In some Sufi circles, seekers drew spiritual inspiration from
the looks of handsome boys. Iraqi has explained the phenomenon
through three examples. When Imam Ghazzali heard about the
beauty (husn u dilfreb wa shorangez) of the son of the prefect
(shahna) of Tabrez,235 he lost his self restraint and rode all the way
from Ray to see the fair one. As his intention became known to
people, he was condemned as a hypocrite and idolator (suratprast
wa zarraq). The prefect forbade Ghazzali’s entry into Tabrez.
Ghazzali pitched his tent in the outskirts of the town and spent the
night. The prefect, on being directed by Prophet Muhammad in
a dream, reversed his order. Ghazzali entered Tabrez and, having
shown a miracle in the mosque, delivered a sermon which estab-
lished his credentials as a gnostic.236 In another poem, Iraqi has
described this episode in a slightly different manner. What was
relevant for us was the mystic principle which has been asserted
through the two narratives. Ghazzali was absolutely clear in his
mind that a person, who attracted the attention of others owing
to his beauty, was required to be treated as an incomparable work
of God. The experience of its vision reminded us of the creative
power of God, which remained unmatched and unreplicated.
It was true that when the human vision attained perfection, its
204 The Making of Medieval Panjab

pleasure lay in seeing the beauty.237 But it was equally true that the
beauty did not lie in the form. An object of beauty was there to be
admired, not to be plucked and eaten.238
When a true seeker beheld a beautiful face, which exuded
a lovely radiance and divine grace, he was amazed in the first
instance and immediately saw the form of the Supreme Beloved.
As he gazed at the sight, holding his heart and soul in place, he dis-
cerned a new face every moment. Employing the beauty of form as
an instrument, he engaged in his spiritual quest. Those who were
swayed only by their senses and did not heed their soul, focused
only on the beauty of the outward form. Those who possessed
the superior ability of seeing beyond the skin and discovering the
hidden kernel, succeeded in seeing a flashing ray in the light of
the Beloved (maghaz khud ze andrun post ba-been / ze-an shuai
beh nur dost ba-been). He who sought the Beloved found that His
essence could not destroy His attributes. The seeker’s eye merely
caught the first glimpse of the Beloved, but it remained for his
heart to perceive the ultimate reality. Till he succeeded in achiev-
ing this, his heart continued to suffer in yearning.239
Ruzbihan Baqli, an eminent mystic of Shiraz who was famed for
his learning and piety,240 fell in love with a handsome boy. Tales
of their mutual attraction and physical intimacy caused a scandal.
The ruler Saad Zangi decided to make a personal enquiry and
visited the cell of the saint. He observed that the fair boy, whose
face was as bright as the full moon, held Baqli’s feet in his bosom.
The next moment, Baqli withdrew his feet from the boy’s chest
and thrust them in a brazier of burning coal, exclaiming, ‘Though
my eyes are sorely distraught, yet I do not feel what happens to
my feet.’ He declared that the flame, which burnt a portion of the
flesh, tried only to consume the witless brain. The two prophets of
yore, Abraham and Musa,241 were not harmed by blazing flames.
Though some people felt that Baqli’s gaze was sinful, yet his heart
had achieved its object in the form of the spiritual fruit. Since
his heart was pure, his gaze was not defiled. But the pain of love,
which did not affect others, held Baqli in its stranglehold for all
times (mel dil ra natija ruhanist / nazre kez sar safa ayad / beh
tabiyat magar nialayad).242
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 205

A similar idea was reflected in a anecdote involving a saintly

figure, who was spoken of as a beloved of God, a defender of the
Shariat and a sun of spiritual truths. This mystic was ensnared by
the beauty of Majduddin Baghdadi. He invited his beloved to his
presence and engaged him in a game of chess (shatranj). As they
sat over the chess-board for several days, he not only relished the
sensual experience of gazing at the fair one, but also delved into
the characteristics of God and secrets of love. He realized that love
was a fire whose spark operated in the heart and consumed the veil
of every accident. This love, after being stirred by spiritual desire,
brought the heart to God’s omnipotence and perfect beauty. Love
was essentially a quality of the Creator that underscored a unity
between lover, love and beauty (ishq ausaf kardgar yakist / ashiq
wa ishq wa husn yar yakist). God’s essence was revealed through
the display of His numerous attributes – power, knowledge, hear-
ing, sight, speech, will, life, beauty, affection and love – that in
turn were also reflected in the lover. When the lover saw himself,
he beheld God and secretly proclaimed, ‘I have no other in my
cloak but God’.243
From the demise of Hujwiri in 1072 to the rise of two Sufi orders
in the early thirteenth century, there is practically no evidence
on Islamic spirituality. Quite significantly, Khwaja Muinuddin
Chishti, the founder of the Chishti order in the Indian subconti-
nent, chose the mausoleum of Hujwiri to undertake a forty days’
retreat. A hundred years later, it was noted that Hujwiri’s Kashf
ul-Mahjub was one of the books the seekers demanded in the city
of Delhi. Though the Chishtis and Suhrawardis were seen as sub-
stantially different from each other, yet they displayed a number of
common traits. Their early history coincided with the emergence
of the Delhi Sultanate as a viable political structure. Growing up in
the arid zone of southwestern Panjab, they were faced with similar
material conditions and socio-cultural contexts. Their founders,
Baba Farid and Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, were scions of fami-
lies that had migrated to Panjab from lands in the west. Having
set up their respective Sufi lodges, they focused their energies on
training novices from far and near. In addition to the Quran and
Hadis, they included the Awarif ul-Maarif as a basic text for the
206 The Making of Medieval Panjab

education of disciples. Interestingly, both disfavoured the Quranic

commentary of Zamakhshari, who was seen as a Mutazilite. Both
realized the significance of intellectual engagement and produced
texts revolving around the essentials of the spiritual quest and
content of prayers. Their influence extended to all sections of soci-
ety ranging from powerful rulers to the hapless commoners. Their
fame spread to the Islamic lands beyond Afghanistan in the west
and across the Jamuna in the east. If Baba Farid reached out to the
unlettered devotees of the countryside through his verses in the
local dialect, Fakhruddin Iraqi carried his message of love-laden
spirituality out from the confines of a fortress-like Sufi lodge to
the open air of the bazaars and taverns.

NOTES
1. J. Horovitz, ‘Baba Ratan, the Saint of Bathinda,’ in Notes on Punjab and
Mughal India: Selections from Journal of the Punjab Historical Society, ed.
Zulfiqar Ahmad, Lahore: Sang-e Meel Publications, 2002, pp. 71-7.
2. Yoginder Sikand, Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in
India, New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2003, pp. 201-5.
3. A deity worshipped by diverse groups in northwestern India, Guga was
invoked to guard against snakebites, though his miraculous powers were
also sought to heal the blind, the deaf and the lame. In his shrines, he
was depicted as a figure on horse. According to some legends, he was a
Rajput from Bikaner and fought against Mahmud of Ghazni. Roshen
Dalal, Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide, New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2010,
pp. 150-1.
4. One of the most successful rulers of Kashmir, Zain ul-Abidin (1420-70)
left a deep imprint on every aspect of life in the valley. Having suppressed
internal revolts and defended the frontier against foreign powers, he
reformed the revenue system by measuring out land. He constructed
canals, bridges and towns, besides introducing new crafts. He sponsored the
translation of Hindu and Muslim classics. He not only gave high positions to
the Hindus, he also revived temples, patronized Brahmins and encouraged
Hindu customs. Mohammad Habib and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, eds., A
Comprehensive History of India, vol. V: The Delhi Sultanate, ad 1206-1526,
pp. 751-9.
5. Horovitz, ‘Baba Ratan, the Saint of Bathinda,’ pp. 67-8.
6. Sikand, op. cit., p. 207.
7. Ibid., pp. 211-13.
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 207

8. Subhash Parihar, ‘The Dargah of Baba Haji Ratan at Bhatinda,’ Islamic

Studies, vol. 40, no. 1, 2001, pp. 108-18.
9. Nur Ahmad Chishti, Tahqiqat-i Chishti, Lahore: Al-Faisal Nashiran wa
Tajiran Kutb, rpt., 2001, pp. 164-5.
10. For a useful analysis of Hujwiri’s experiences and encounters in different
parts of the Islamic world, which was based on autobiographical references
in his only extant work, see Anna Suvorova, Muslim Saints of South Asia:
The Eleventh to Fifteenth Centuries, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge Curzon,
2001, pp. 40-6.
11. Dara Shukoh, Safinat ul-Auliya, Urdu translation, Muhammad Waris
Kamil, Deoband: Sabir Book Depot, n.d., p. 198.
12. Relying on a local tradition, a chronicle of the seventeenth century would
have us believe that Hujwiri arrived in Lahore along with Sultan Mahmud
of Ghazni, who attributed his conquest over the city to the blessings of the
saint. Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasat ut-Tawarikh, Persian text, ed. M. Zafar
Hasan, Delhi: G. and Sons, 1918, p. 66.
13. Nur Ahmad Chishti, Tahqiqat-i Chishti, p. 165.
14. Ali bin Usman al-Hujwiri, Kashf al-Mahjub, English translation, Reynold
A. Nicholson, Delhi: Taj Company, rpt., 1982, p. 91. (hereafter cited as
Hujwiri).
15. Dara Shukoh, Safinat ul-Auliya, p. 198.
16. Hujwiri, p. 2.
17. Ibid., pp. 6-7.
18. Mohammad Tazeem, ‘Theory and Practice of Islamic Mysticism: An
Exposition by Ali bin Usman Hujwiri,’ in Sufism in Punjab: Mystics,
Literature and Shrines, ed. Surinder Singh and Ishwar Dayal Gaur, New
Delhi: Aaakar Books, 2009, p. 180.
19. Dara Shukoh, Safinat ul-Auliya, p. 198.
20. Jawid A. Mojaddedi, The Biographical Tradition in Sufism: The Tabaqat
Genre from Al-Sulami to Jami, Richmond (Surrey): Curzon Press, 2001,
pp. 126-8, 146-7.
21. Hujwiri, p. 6.
22. Ibid., p. 7.
23. Ibid., p. 44.
24. Ibid., pp. 30-44.
25. Ibid., p. 267; according to another view, a majority of Sufis regarded
knowledge (ilm) as superior to both reason (aql) and gnosis (maarifat).
Knowledge was the conception of an object as it was, reason was the capacity
to distinguish between true and false, and gnosis was the experience of
senses. Abu Najib Suhrawardi, Kitab Adab-i Muridin, English translation,
(entitled, A Sufi Rule for Novice), Menahem Milson, Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1975, pp. 39-41.
26. Hujwiri, p. 271.
27. Ibid., pp. 268-77.
208 The Making of Medieval Panjab

28. Ibid., pp. 278-85.

29. Ibid., pp. 286-90.
30. Ibid., pp. 300-1; in prayer exercises (aurad), the confession of faith (kalima-i
shahadah) held a special place. By confession (iqrar) was meant the use
of tongue to recite the confession, while the deed (amal) denoted the use
of limbs on orders of the Shariat. Both the confession and deed acted as
witnesses to the existence of faith. Faith was verification by heart, confession
was verfication by tongue and action was verfication by limbs. Shihabuddin
Umar bin Muhammad Suhrawardi, Awarif ul-Maarif, English trans-
lation, H. Wilberforce Clarke, New Delhi: Taj Company, revd. edn., 1984,
pp. 160-1.
31. Hujwiri, pp. 302-4.
32. It was believed that one’s lower self (nafs), which was the source of all
immoral activities, could be overpowered by the practice of austerity
(zuhd) and poverty (faqr). The former signified turning away from worldly
pleasures, while the latter meant the absence of property despite desire.
The status of the Sufi was higher than that of the practitioners of austerity
and poverty, as he was veiled from both the worlds. Shihabuddin Umar bin
Muhammad Suhrawardi, Awarif ul-Maarif, pp. 130-4, 163-7.
33. Hujwiri, pp. 19-24.
34. Ibid., pp. 58-9
35. For the Sufis, it was part of their ethics to be satisfied with the clothes they
had at any given moment without affectation or preference. They were
content with clothes that covered their nakedness and protected them from
cold and heat. Such clothes were not considered as worldly goods by the
Prophet. Favouring only one set of clothes, he regarded cleanliness as part
of faith. Abu Najib Suhrawardi, Kitab Adab ul-Muridin, pp. 55-6.
36. Hujwiri, pp. 45-57.
37. A seeker was advised to marry not for worldly reasons, but to comply with
the established custom and preserve one’s chastity. A husband was obligated
to meet his wife’s needs according to his capability and, if she demanded
more than his power, she could choose between what she received and
divorce. In the early medieval times, it was considered better to avoid
marriage and suppress desire by discipline, hunger, vigil and travelling. Abu
Najib Suhrawardi, Kitab Adab ul-Muridin, p. 67.
38. Hujwiri, pp. 360-5.
39. Ibid., pp. 334-5.
40. A seeker was required to associate with others, particularly with those who
agreed with his religious beliefs. He dealt with different types of people
in accordance with their roles in society. However, companionship with
youngmen was reprihensible, as it was a sign of weakness and stupidity.
Abu Najib Suhrawardi, Kitab Adab ul-Muridin, pp. 45-8.
41. Hujwiri, pp. 337-9.
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 209

42. Ibid., p. 340; a seeker was advised to undertake frequent journeys, as

they acted as antidote to lust and developed the qualities of patience and
ebdurance. But he had to establish the object of his endeavour – acquiring
knowledge, meeting brother Shaikhs, overpowering attachment to one’s
abode and friends, securing solitude, reading verses on the unity of God
and so on. In the normal course, he was accompanied by a friend and,
in case of a group, a chief was appointed to provide leadership. Following
the Prophet’s example, he carried articles like a staff, water flask and
girdle. Shihabuddin Umar bin Muhammad Suhrawardi, Awarif ul-Maarif,
pp. 42-5.
43. Hujwiri, pp. 341-3.
44. Ibid., pp. 345-7.
45. Ibid., pp. 393-6.
46. Ibid., pp. 397-8.
47. Ibid., pp. 404-7.
48. Ibid., pp. 413-15.
49. Ibid., pp. 417-18.
50. Ibid., pp. 419-20.
51. Bayazid Bistami (d. 874) emphasized transcendence of human condition in
order to experience the Divine and recognized Godhead as ultimate ideal
of all spiritual endeavour and, in the process, recalled the Quranic ideal of
acquisition of knowledge that enabled one to reach inner reality of prophets.
He introduced the concept of annihilation of self (fana) and subsistence
in God (baqa). He was also identified with the tendency of intoxication
(sukr), as he advocated a greater role for the individual in religion, as his
experience of divinity superseded the tradition of prophets. This position
was epitomized in the ecstatic utterance, ‘Glory to me, how great is my
dignity.’ Shuja Alhaq, A Forgotten Vision: A Study of Human Spirituality
in the Light of the Islamic Tradition, vol. I, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House, 1997, pp. 148-52.
52. Junaid Baghdadi (d. 910), was deeply influenced by Muhasibi, Kharraz
and Saqati. He saw Sufism as a constant purification and mental struggle,
a perpetual striving to return to one’s origin that was embedded in God and
from which everything emanated. Every thought of his was permeated with
the majesty of God in His aloneness and unity. Instead of intoxication, he
held sobriety (sahw) as preferable state, as after ecstatic intoxication, man
again became aware of himself in a life in God when all his attributes were
transformed, spiritualized and restored to him, so that his ultimate goal
was remaining (baqa) in God. Opposed to expressing spiritual mysteries
to the uninitiated, he refined the art of speaking in subtle allusion to truth.
Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, New Delhi: Yoda
Press, rpt., n.d., pp. 57-9.
53. Hujwiri, pp. 419-20.
210 The Making of Medieval Panjab

54. Mansur al-Hallaj (d. 921), the most controversial of all Sufis, held that
anyone could strive for high station where he reflected God in himself.
He believed that intoxication and sobriety were essentially one, so that
a permanent state of union was possible. As man could transcend his
humanity for good, he could reside in God permanently. His claim to a
complete identity was reflected in his bold statement, ‘I am the truth’. He
denied the role of canonical law in religious life, as it separated man from
God. He was sentenced to death for questioning the validity of Haj and
canonical law. Shuja Alhaq, op. cit., pp. 155-9.
55. Hujwiri, p. 189.
56. Ibid., pp. 150-2.
57. Ibid., pp. 152-3.
58. In another local tradition, Hujwiri and Rai Raju were portrayed as holy men
who competed for the loyalty of followers. Ultimately, the former employed
his miraculous power to outclass the latter, who accepted discipleship as
well as Islam. Samina Qureshi Sacred Spaces: A Journey with the Sufis of the
Indus, Ahmadabad: Mapin Publishing & New Delhi: Timeless Books, 2009,
pp. 135-8.
59. Nur Ahmad Chishti, Tahqiqat-i Chishti, pp. 166-7.
60. Anna Suvorova, Muslim Saints of South Asia, p. 54.
61. Lahore was a flourishing cultural centre due to the presence of numerous
saints, scholars and theologians. There were a large number of graves of
Sufis, owing to which the inhabitants of Mohalla Talla remained safe during
the epidemic of plague. Dara Shukoh, Safinat ul-Auliya, pp. 98-9.
62. Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasat ut-Tawarikh, pp. 65-6.
63. A recent study focuses on the present state of the shrine, with reference
to its functional division of space, management, internal organization,
finances, charitable work, modernization, political engagement and socio-
economic functions. Now, the structure of the shrine has been divided into
two floors. The upper one comprised the tomb, Ghulam Gardish, mosque
and roof garden. The lower one comprised offices, school, library, concert
hall, research centre and police station. Linus Strothmann, Managing Piety:
The Shrine of Data Ganj Bakhsh, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2016,
pp. 106-17.
64. Anna Suvorova, Muslim Saints of South Asia, p. 55.
65. Amir Khurd, Siyar ul-Auliya, Persian text, Delhi: Matba-i Muhibb-i Hind,
1885, pp. 58-63 (hereafter cited as Amir Khurd); according to this source,
Baba Farid’s stay in Hansi was twelve years, but Khaliq Ahmad Nizami
believes it to be nineteen or twenty years.
66. Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki wanted his pupil to settle in Delhi.
However, the latter returned from Delhi to Hansi in response to the
entreaty of a devoted follower Sarhanga. Amir Khurd, p. 73; Amir Hasan
Sijzi, Fawaid ul-Fuad, English translations, Ziyaul Hasan Faruqi, p. 346,
Lawrence, p. 292 (hereafter cited as FF and followed by the names of
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 211

translators). What was more plausible, Baba Farid did not settle in Delhi,
because he wished to avoid any competition or rivalry with his friend Shaikh
Badruddin Ghaznavi who had been in the city for long and worked with
his deceased master. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh
Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar, Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, rpt., 1973, p. 34.
67. Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, Persian text, ed. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami,
Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1959, p. 89.
68. Ibid., p. 150.
69. Ibid., p. 188.
70. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, ‘Some Aspects of Khanqah Life in Medieval India,’
in Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, Allahabad: Kitab Mahal,
1966, pp. 85-6; Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh
Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar, pp. 46-9; Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Religion
and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, New Edition, 2002, pp. 220-5.
71. Amir Khurd, p. 66.
72. Ibid., p. 64.
73. FF, Faruqi, pp. 424-5 ; Lawrence, pp. 346-7.
74. FF, Faruqi, pp. 158-9; Lawrence, pp. 148-9.
75. FF, Faruqi, pp. 114-15; Lawrence, pp. 114-15.
76. FF, Faruqi, p. 324; Lawrence, p. 275.
77. FF, Faruqi, pp. 371-2; Lawrence, pp. 310-11. In a similar incident, Shaikh
Hamiduddin Suwali, who had received the cloak of discipleship from both
Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti and Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, was
invited by his friends and neighbours to join them in some enjoyment.
Shaikh Suwali replied that he would not indulge in such a pastime, because
he had tied the string of his trousers so tightly that it would not loosen until
the day of judgement, even if there were virgins of paradise.
78. FF, Faruqi, pp. 386-7; Lawrence, p. 322.
79. FF, Faruqi, pp. 134-5; Lawrence, pp. 128-9.
80. FF, Faruqi, pp. 166-7; Lawrence, p. p. 155.
81. FF, Faruqi, p. 160; Lawrence, p. 150. According to another version, the
physicians, on examining the Shaikh’s pulse, failed to ascertain the cause of
his loss of appetite. His son, Badruddin Sulaiman, learnt from a dream that
his father was under a spell (sehar) imposed by the son of Shihab, a famous
magician (sahir). Shaikh Nizamuddin went to the graveyard and, digging
near the grave of Shihab, discovered an effigy (surat) pierced with needles.
At the Shaikh’s direction, the needles were removed and he regained his
health. Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, pp. 116-17.
82. FF, Faruqi, pp. 305-6; Lawrence, p. 260.
83. FF, Faruqi, p. 303; Lawrence, p. 258.
84. FF, Faruqi, pp. 371; Lawrence, p. 310.
85. FF, Faruqi, pp. 313-14; Lawrence, pp. 266-7.
86. FF, Faruqi, p. 183; Lawrence, pp. 167-8.
212 The Making of Medieval Panjab

87. Amir Khurd, p. 180.

88. FF, Faruqi, pp. 107-8; Lawrence, p. 109. As a disciple, Baba Farid was au-
dacious towards his mentor Shaikh Kaki only once. He sought permission
for a inverted forty day retreat (chilla makus). The Shaikh replied that the
practice was not necessary, because it merely led to publicity and had not
been followed by senior Chishti masters. Baba Farid submitted that he did
not intend to make himself known to the world. Shaikh Kaki kept quiet. His
disciple realized his mistake of entering into an argument and, remaining
repentant for the rest of his life, prayed continuously for his forgiveness.
89. Amir Khurd, pp. 117-20.
90. FF, Faruqi, pp. 112-13; Lawrence, pp. 113-14; Amir Khurd, pp. 74-6. In the
middle of the fourteenth century, there was a debate in Chishti circles on
books written by their Shaikhs. According to Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud,
the manuscripts of Shaikh Usman Harwani’s discourses were available, but
they did not conform to his authentic views. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
stated that neither he nor any of the Chishti elders (Shaikh Kaki and Baba
Farid) had written any book (man hech kitabe tasneef nakarda am wa
khwajgan ma neez na karda and). In his times, the discourses of Shaikh
Harwani and Shaikh Kaki were not available. Otherwise, these would have
been mentioned in his discussions and would have been available. Hamid
Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, pp. 52-3.
91. FF, Faruqi, p. 349; Lawrence, p. 294.
92. The use of folk language enabled the mystics to teach the core of religion
without mediation of a priestly caste and without relying on the writings
of erudite scholars. In order to disseminate mystical teaching among the
masses, the poets resorted to an imagery taken from daily life and landscape
surrounding them. Annemarie Schimmel, As Through A Veil: Mystical
Poetry in Islam, London: Oneworld Publications, rpt., 2001, pp. 138-41.
93. Baba Farid has composed two hymns (shabads) in Rag Asa and two in Rag
Suhi, besides a large corpus of couplets (shaloks). These verses are found at
three different places in the holy book (pp. 488, 794 and 1377-84). Scholars
have also discovered Baba Farid’s poetry that has not been included in the
text of Sikh holy book, besides twenty anecdotes on his life. Pritam Singh,
Sri Guru Granth Sahib Wale Sekh Farid Di Bhal, Amritsar: Singh Brothers,
2010, pp. 274-344.
94. Carl W. Ernst, Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History and Politics in a South
Asian Sufi Centre, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2nd edn., 2004,
p. 168.
95. Brij Mohan Sagar, Hymns of Sheikh Farid, Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev
University, 1999, p. 36 (hereafter cited as Baba Farid, Hymns, followed by
the serial number of the shalok).
96. Baba Farid, Hymns, Shalok no. 27, p. 26.
97. Ibid., Shalok nos. 15-20, p.25.
98. Ibid., Shalok no. 53, p. 28.
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 213

99. Ibid., Shalok nos. 70-2, pp. 29-30.

100. Ibid., Shalok no. 118, p. 34.
101. Ibid., Shalok nos. 20-1, p. 25.
102. Ibid., Shalok nos. 119, p. 34.
103. Ibid., Shalok no. 6-7, p. 24.
104. Ibid., Shalok nos. 28-9, p. 26.
105. Ibid., Shalok nos. 59-60, pp. 28-9.
106. Ibid., Shalok no. 61, p. 29.
107. Ibid., Shalok nos. 64-5, p. 29.
108. Ibid., Shalok no. 74, p. 30.
109. Ibid., Shalok no. 80, p. 30.
110. Ibid., Shalok nos. 112-13, p. 34.
111. Ibid., Shalok no. 128, p. 35.
112. Ibid., Rag Suhi, Shalok no. 1.4, p. 37.
113. Ibid., Shalok nos. 16-17, p. 25.
114. Ibid., Shalok nos. 115-17, p. 34.
115. Ibid., Shalok nos. 129-30, p. 35.
116. Ibid., Shalok nos. 85-6, p. 31; Rag Asa, Shalok no. 2.3, p. 36.
117. Ibid., Shalok nos. 30-1, p. 26.
118. Ibid., Shalok no. 54, p. 28.
119. Ibid., Shalok nos. 87-9, p. 31.
120. Ibid., Shalok nos. 102-3, p. 32.
121. Ibid., Shalok no. 127, p. 35.
122. Ibid., Shalok nos. 4-5, p. 24.
123. Ibid., Shalok Suhi Lalit, Shalok no. 2.2, p. 38.
124. Ibid., Shalok Rag Suhi, Shalok nos. 1.2-1.3, p. 37.
125. Ibid., Shalok nos. 24-6, p. 25.
126. Ibid., Shalok nos. 33-6, p. 26.
127. Ibid., Shalok nos. 44-50, pp. 27-28.
128. Ibid., Shalok nos. 57-58, p. 28.
129. Ibid., Shalok nos. 79, 102, pp. 30, 32.
130. Ibid., Rag Asa, Shalok nos. 2.5-2.8, pp. 36-7.
131. Ibid., Shalok nos. 8-12, 14, pp. 24-25.
132. Ibid., Rag Suhi Lalit, Shalok no. 2.1, p. 38.
133. Ibid., Shalok nos. 38-40, p.27.
134. Ibid., Shalok nos. 62-3, p. 29.
135. Ibid., Shalok no. 77, p. 30.
136. Ibid., Shalok nos. 90-1, p. 31.
137. Ibid., Shalok no. 94, p. 31.
138. Ibid., Shalok no. 96, p. 32.
139. Ibid., Shalok no. 1, p. 23.
140. Izrail or the angel of death (malik ul-maut) came to a person at the hour of
death to carry his soul away from the body. According to the Quran (XXXII:
11), ‘The Angel of death shall take you away, he who is given charge of you.
214 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Then unto your Lord shall ye return.’ The Prophet is reported to have said
that when the Angel of Death approaches a believer, he sits at his head and
says, ‘O pure soul, come forth to God’s pardon and pleasure.’ Then the soul
comes out as gently as water from a bag. But in case of a infidel, he says,
‘O impure soul, come forth to the wrath of God.’ Then the Angel of Death
draws it out as a hot spit is drawn out of wet wool. Thomas Patrick Hughes,
Dictionary of Islam, pp. 222-3.
141. Baba Farid, Hymns, Shalok nos. 98-100, p. 32.
142. Ibid., Shalok nos. 68-9, p. 29.
143. Ibid., Shalok nos. 105-6, p. 33.
144. Ibid., Shalok no. 67, p. 29.
145. FF, Faruqi, pp. 201-2; Lawrence, pp. 181-3.
146. FF, Faruqi, p. 160; Lawrence, p. 150.
147. Amir Khurd, pp. 68-70.
148. FF, Faruqi, p. 301; Lawrence, p. 256.
149. FF, Faruqi, p. 312; Lawrence, p. 266.
150. FF, Faruqi, pp. 148-9; Lawrence, p. 140; Amir Khurd, p. 65.
151. FF, Faruqi, p. 382; Lawrence, pp. 318-19.
152. FF, Faruqi, pp. 296-7; Lawrence, pp. 252-3.
153. A number of Chishtis like Fakhruddin Zarradi, Hamiduddin Nagauri,
Masud Bakk and Syed Ashraf Jahangir Simnani wrote in support of this
practice. Far from being an embarrassment to them, they defended it as
an essential component of the spiritual discipline. Bruce B. Lawrence, ‘The
Early Chishti Approach to Sama,’ in Islamic Society and Culture: Essays in
Honour of Professor Aziz Ahmad, ed. Milton Israel and N.K. Wagle, New
Delhi: Manohar, 1983, pp. 73-87.
154. FF, Faruqi, pp. 217-18; Lawrence, p. 192.
155. FF, Faruqi, pp. 224-25; Lawrence, pp. 197-8.
156. Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, pp. 224-5.
157. FF, Faruqi, p. 181; Lawrence, p. 166.
158. FF, Faruqi, p. 222, Lawrence, p. 196. Since Ulugh Khan secretly aspired
for the throne, he cleverly prevented the Sultan from visiting Baba Farid.
He hoped that the Shaikh would throw some hint about the fate of his
ambition. The Shaikh, having guessed Ulugh Khan’s secret aim through
his inner light, recited a couplet advising the visitor to be munificent if he
wished to be a king. Amir Khurd, pp. 79-80.
159. FF, Faruqi, p. 399; Lawrence, p. 327.
160. FF, Faruqi, p. 188; Lawrence, p. 171.
161. FF, Faruqi, p. 380; Lawrence, pp. 317-18.
162. Biographical material on Baba Farid was found in two so-called apocryphal
works Asrar ul-Auliya and Rahat ul-Qulub as well as later compilations
like Akhbar ul-Akhyar, Siyar ul-Arifin and Jawahar-i Faridi. Even if these
anecdotes were incredulous, they pointed towards the role of Baba Farid as a
healer and protector of the people, besides his attitude to the contemporary
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 215

ruling class and religious figures. Raziuddin Aquil, ‘Episodes from the Life
of Shaikh Farid ud-Din Ganj-i Shakar,’ International Journal of Punjab
Studies, vol. X, nos. 1 & 2, 2007, pp. 30-7.
163. Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, pp. 236-8.
164. Ibid., pp. 147-50.
165. FF, Faruqi, p. 292; Lawrence, pp. 249-50.
166. Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, p. 182.
167. Ibid., p. 147.
168. Ibid., pp. 87-8.
169. FF, Faruqi, p. 363; Lawrence, pp. 304-5.
170. FF, Faruqi, pp. 164-65; Lawrence, pp. 153-4.
171. FF, Faruqi, pp. 289-90; Lawrence, pp. 247-8; Amir Khurd, p. 79.
172. FF, Faruqi, p. 75; Lawrence, p. 84. Once a Qalandar barged into the cell of
Baba Farid and sat on his prayer carpet (gilim sajjadah). After taking the food
that was offered, he began to crush his drugs in his begging bowl (kachkol),
so that a few drops spilled out on the prayer rug. When Badruddin Ishaq
asked him to behave, he fell into a rage and picked up his begging bowl to
assault him. Baba Farid, who appeared on the scene, sought his forgiveness
and asked him to turn his anger against the wall. As he flung the begging
bowl on the wall, it collapsed. Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, pp. 130-1.
173. FF, Faruqi, pp. 294-5; Lawrence, pp. 251-2.
174. FF, Faruqi, p. 181, Lawrence, p. 166.
175. A man named Sirajuddin and other inhabitants of Abohar had become
the disciples of Baba Farid. Once a quarrel irrupted in the town, as some
people were annoyed with the family of Sirajuddin’s wife and there was an
exchange of harsh words. The wise lady, speaking in her defense, asked if
her alleged wrong doing happened before or after their pledge of allegiance
to Baba Farid. If the act occurred before, she was forgiven by the Shaikh and,
therefore, exempted from any punishment. Evidently, the people attached
great importance to their attachment to Baba Farid and were aware of
the principle by which a seeker was absolved of all sins committed before
registering his allegiance to the Shaikh. FF, Faruqi, p. 157; Lawrence, p. 147.
176. When Shaikh Zakariya was engaged in mystical exercises at the hospice
of Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi, he looked forward to receive the robe
of succession (khirqah). In a vision, he saw the Prophet in a profusely
illuminated house, where Shaikh Suhrawardi was standing as a doorman
and several robes were hanging from a rope. The mentor introduced his
disciple to the Prophet. The Prophet directed him to confer a particular
robe on the disciple. Next morning, Shaikh Suhrawardi called his disciple,
who saw the robes on the line. Shaikh Suhrawardi gave him the robe that
had been identified by the Prophet. The Shaikh declared that he could not
adorn anyone with a robe without the permission of the Prophet. Hamid
bin Fazlullah Jamali, Siyar ul-Arifin, Persian text, Delhi: Rizvi Press, 1893,
pp. 104-5 (hereafter cited as Jamali).
216 The Making of Medieval Panjab

177. FF, Faruqi, pp. 253-4; Lawrence, p. 219.

178. FF, Faruqi, p. 234; Lawrence, p. 205.
179. Saif bin Muhammad bin Yaqub Haravi, Tarikh Nama-i Herat, Persian text,
ed., Zubair Ahmad, Calcutta, 1944, pp. 157-8; quoted in Khaliq Ahmad
Nizami, Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, p. 272.
180. FF, Faruqi, p. 493; Lawrence, pp. 330-1; Jamali, p. 113.
181. Jamali, pp. 112-13.
182. On this issue, there was a difference of opinion and practice. Shaikh Nizam-
uddin Auliya was sure that the disciples must complete their prayers before
turning to any other activity. However, the Prophetic tradition and Baba
Farid’s practice was contrary to this. Baba Farid went to the extent of saying
that the command of the Shaikh was like that of the Prophet. FF, Faruqi,
pp. 413-14; Lawrence, pp. 338-89.
183. FF, Faruqi, pp. 399-400; Lawrence, p. 328.
184. Ibid., Faruqi, pp. 279-80; Lawrence, pp. 239-40.
185. Ibid., Faruqi, p. 399; Lawrence, pp. 327-28.
186. Ibid., Faruqi, pp. 374-5; Lawrence, p. 313.
187. Ibid., Faruqi, p. 420; Lawrence, pp. 343-4. Kashani felt sorry when he learnt
that a Sufi of Kashghar, Najamuddin Yusuf, whom he held in high regard
and about whom he narrated a personal experience of miraculous power,
was in fact a disciple of Shaikh Zakariya. Jamali, pp. 125-6.
188. The attitude of Shaikh Zakariya to fasts and devotions was different from
that of Baba Farid. The latter was seldom without fast and, while doing so,
did not care if he had fever or had undergone bloodletting or cupping. In
contrast, Shaikh Zakariya seldom fasted or fasted occasionally. However,
he remained engrossed in devotional prayers and remembrance of God.
He had moulded his life in conformity with the Hadis, ‘Eat good and pure
things and do good deeds’. FF, Faruqi, p. 341; Lawrence, p. 288.
189. Ibid., Faruqi, p. 77; Lawrence, pp. 85-6.
190. Ibid., Faruqi, p. 295; Lawrence, p. 251.
191. Abul Qasim Mahmud Zamakhshari (1075-1144) produced the famous
commentary on the Quran entitled Kashshaf al-Haqaiq al-Tanzil which, in
spite of its Matazila bias, was widely read in the orthodox circles. It focused
on dogmatic exegesis of a philosophical nature, paying only slight attention
to tradition. Besides giving purely grammatical expositions, it paid attention
to rhetorical beauties and thus supported the doctrine of Ijaz of the Quran.
M.T. Houtsma et. al., Eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. IV, Leiden: E.J.
Brill and London: Luzac & Co., 1934, p. 1205.
192. Ibid., Faruqi, pp. 235-6; Lawerence, p. 206; Jamali, p. 115.
193. FF, Faruqi, pp. 277-8; Lawrence, pp. 237-8; Jamali, p. 119.
194. Unlike the Chishti works, the Suhrawardi accounts have not survived.
Multan frequently suffered from political instability. For long periods,
it became peripheral to the Delhi Sultanate. During the Tughluq period,
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 217

the Suhrawardi hospice came under government control. In the fifteenth

century, it lost endowments preventing sponsorship of Suhrawardi
accounts. Qamar ul-Huda, Striving for Divine Union: Spiritual Exercises
for Suhrawardi Sufis, London & New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003,
pp. 111-12.
195. Ibid., pp. 153-6.
196. Ibid., pp. 148-9.
197. Ibid., pp. 150-2.
198. Ibid., pp. 157-0.
199. FF, Faruqi, pp. 278-9; Lawrence, pp. 238-9. Jamali has followed this account,
but has added the following couplet. Mastan keh sharab nab khurdand / az
pehlu-i khud kabab khurdand. Jamali, pp. 113-14.
200. FF, Faruqi, pp. 294-5; Lawrence, p. 251.
201. Ibid., Faruqi, p. 82-3; Lawrence, pp. 90-1; Jamali, pp. 110-11.
202. In the Islamic lands beyond the Indian subcontinent, the diverse strands
of the Qalandari path were represented by Jamaluddin Savi, Qutbuddin
Haidar and Otman Baba. In India, these were associated with Lal Shahbaz
Qalandar, Bu Ali Qalandar, Shah Khizr Rumi and Abu Bakr Tusi. Anti-
nomian in appearance and behaviour, they pursued renunciation through
individual and social deviance. Ahmet T. Karamustafa, God’s Unruly
Friends: Dervish Groups in the Islamic Middle Period 1200-1550, Oxford:
Oneworld Publications, rpt., 2007, pp. 13-23.
203. William C. Chittick and Peter Lamborn Wilson, Fakhruddin Iraqi: Divine
Flashes, New York: Paulist Press, 1982, pp. 37-42.
204. Jamali, pp. 108-9.
205. William C. Chittick and Peter Lamborn Wilson, Fakhruddin Iraqi: Divine
Flashes, pp. 42-6.
206. Jamali, pp. 138-9.
207. Fakhruddin Iraqi, Ushaqnama, in Kulliyat Fakhruddin Iraqi, Persian text,
ed. Nasreen Muhatshim, Tehran: Intsharat Zawwar, 1392 ah, p. 397,
(hereafter cited as Iraqi).
208. Iraqi, pp. 398-9.
209. Ibid., pp. 371-3.
210. Ibid., pp. 373-6.
211. Ibid., pp. 379-0.
212. Iraqi, pp. 381-2.
213. According to a famous tale, Yusuf, the son of Yaqub, was thrown into a
well by his jealous brothers. Rescued by a caravan, he was purchased by a
notable of Egypt. Zulaikha, the master’s wife, fell in love with him and made
an unsuccessful attempt to seduce him. Owing to false accusations, he was
thrown into prison. After his release, he was appointed to high office. His
parents and brothers came to stay with him, thus fulfilling his dream. This
story, which has figured in the Quran (Surah XII: 1-111), has often been
218 The Making of Medieval Panjab

seen as an exalted love tale underlining the relation between human lover
and Divine Beloved. Seyyed Hossein Nasr et. al., Ed., The Study Quran:
A New Translation and Commentary, New York: Harper One, 2015,
pp. 589-90.
214. This was an allusion to the extraordinary life of Shaikh Sanan who, for fifty
years kept the Kaaba and taught 400 pupils. While on a visit to Rome, he fell
in love with a Christian beauty. At her bidding, he not only abjured Islam
and drank wine, but also tended a herd of swine. Fariduddin Attar, Mantiq
ul-Tair, English Translation (entitled The Conference of the Birds), Afkham
Darbandi and Dick Davis, London: Penguin Books, Revised Edition, 2011,
pp. 68-86.
215. Iraqi, p. 393.
216. Ibid., pp. 401-3.
217. Ibid., pp. 405-6;
218. Ibid., p. 409.
219. Jalaluddin Rumi (d. 1273), a distinguished contemporary of Iraqi, frequently
alluded to the cruel aspects of love. It was seen as a man-eating monster,
which slaughtered the lover on Id. Dragging the lover by a hook, it ate his
liver and devoured him. The road to love was full of blood of those who
have felt its sword. Love was dangerous like a lion, unicorn, crocodile and
dragon. Annemarie Schimmel, As Through A Veil: Mystical Poetry in Islam,
pp. 113-14.
220. Iraqi, pp. 415-17.
221. According to God’s original covenant with the sons of Adam as recorded
in the Quran (Surah VII: 172-74), ‘(Remember) when your Lord took
from the sons of Adam – from their loins – their descendants, and made
them bear witness about themselves: ‘Am I Not your Lord?’ They said, ‘Yes
indeed! We bear witness.’ (We did that) so that you would not say on the
Day of Resurrection, ‘Surely we were oblivious of this,’ or say, ‘Our fathers
were idolators before (us), and we are descendants after them. Will You
destroy us for what the perpetrators of falsehood did?’ In this way, We make
the signs distinct, so that they will return. A.J. Droge, The Quran: A New
Annotated Translation, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 103.
222. Iraqi, pp. 390-2.
223. Ibid., pp. 409-10.
224. Ibid., pp. 423-4.
225. A greengrocer (tirrah farosh), while passing by a palace, fell in love with the
princess. He forgot everything about himself and ran about with dogs in
her street. The princess advised him to secretly withdraw into a mountain
cave and, living like a saint, acquire fame. The man followed the direction
in letter and spirit, so that his saintliness attracted the king and commoners.
The princess went to the saint to express her love, but he refused to see her,
because he was no longer the person who had fallen in love with her. The
 The Establishment of Sufi Orders 219

roles being reversed, the seeker became the sought and the lover became
the beloved. The princess, owing to her separation and longing , fell sick.
The king, accompanied by his nobles, met the saint. In response to their
collective plea, he married the princess. Iraqi, pp. 423-35.
226. Ibid., pp. 445-6.
227. Ibid., pp. 446-7.
228. Ibid., pp. 429-30.
229. Ibid., p. 443.
230. Ibid., pp. 444-5.
231. Ibid., pp. 440-1.
232. Ibid., pp. 443-4.
233. Ibid., p. 435.
234. Ibid., pp. 436-7.
235. Assuming that our poet has referred to elder of the two Ghazzali brothers,
Abu Hamid Muhammad Ghazzali (1058-1111) contributed to a wide
range of subjects including theology, jurisprudence, philosophy, mysticism
and political theory. He abandoned his distinguished teaching position
at Nizamiyya Madrasa at Baghdad. His solitary travels through Islamic
lands were deliberate occasions to leave behind all societies of communal
attachments and attainment of an existential and individual certitude.
Hamid Dabashi, ‘Historical Conditions of Persian Sufism during the Seljuk
Period,’ in The Heritage of Sufism: Classical Persian Sufism from its Origin
to Rumi 700-1300, ed. Leonard Lewisohn, Oxford: Oneworld Publications,
1999, pp. 144-6.
236. Iraqi, pp. 419-22.
237. In mystical understanding, there was nothing objectionable in admiring
a beautiful form. On being chided about his infatuation for a fair face,
Ghazzali exclaimed that if he had not succumbed to form, he would have
been Jibrail, the saddler of the skies (gar neeftad me ba-surat zaar / bud me
jibrail ghashia daar). Iraqi, p. 441.
238. Ibid., p. 443.
239. Ibid., p. 442.
240. Ruzbihan Baqli (d. 1210) was one of the three Persian mystics (other
two being Ahmad Ghazzali and Ainul Quzat), who gained popularity on
account of their love theories and subtle interpretation of mystical states.
His Sharh-i Shathiyat was a key to the theopathic utterances of early mystics,
particularly Mansur al-Hallaj. He excelled in the use of pliable and colourful
language, which was filled with roses and nightingales. While elaborating
his mystical ideas, he drew from the Quranic tale of Yusuf and Zulaikha,
besides the Prophet’s reference to the red rose as manifestation of God’s
glory. Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimension of Islam, pp. 294-9.
241. Abraham, the first Muslim and builder of the Kaaba, earned spiritual
leadership owing to his firm faith in God. Known for his covenants with
220 The Making of Medieval Panjab

God, he prepared to sacrifice his son at God’s command. Musa, a prophet,

has been mentioned in the Quran for his struggle against Pharaoh and
setting God’s commandments on tablets.
242. Iraqi, pp. 437-8.
243. Ibid., pp. 424-8.
 CHAPTER 4

New Strategies of State Formation

The appointment of Ghazi Malik as the governor of Dipalpur

marked the beginning of a process that transformed political and
social life in Panjab. The first quarter of the fourteenth century
witnessed the emergence of a new environment suitable to the
demands of change. The Delhi Sultanate, as a political dispensation,
acquired stability and maturity. Internal conflict within the ruling
class was considerably reduced, particularly with the expanding
social base of the nobility and the assimilation of fresh ethnic
elements. A vigorous military offensive against the Mongols ren-
dered the northwestern frontier safe from invasions. Since the
rulers were better informed about conditions in the countryside,
they developed close ties with diverse local elements, particularly
rural intermediaries and spiritual elites. In these circumstances,
the Delhi Sultanate undertook agararian expansion based on
canal networks in two arid zones, the Satluj-Jamuna divide and
Multan. Increased agricultural production necessitated new urban
centres and administrative units. The provincial administration
penetrated hitherto untouched areas for the management of
land grants, the regulation of prices and working of lower rung
functionaries.

The Tughluq Household

The social origin of the Tughluqs has been a theme of controversy.
The question continues to retain its relevance in the context of
the present discussion, which focuses on the association of the
Tughluqs with the local elements in Panjab. According to Amir
Khusrau, Ghazi Malik was living a nomadic life (awara mardi)
222 The Making of Medieval Panjab

when he entered the service of Sultan Alauddin Khalji and, in due

course, became a royal confidant. Subsequently he was patronized
by the Sultan’s brother Ulugh Khan. He was honoured for his
bravery in the attack on Ranthambhor. He gave a good account
of himself in the campaigns against the Mongols at Baran and
the sea coast of Banbol, besides fighting first against Tirmaq and
Ali Beg and then against Haidar and Zirak. In this manner, he
had been victorious in eighteen major battles.1 Ibn Battuta learnt
from Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh, the grandson of Shaikh
Bahauddin Zakariya, that Ghazi Malik belonged to the Qaraunah
Turks who inhabited the hills between Sind and Turkistan. He
was in a humble condition when he reached Sind with a merchant
for whom he was a horse keeper (gulvaniya). Thereafter, he was
employed by Alauddin Khalji and enlisted under his brother
Ulugh Khan. He began his career as a house keeper and, after
serving in the infantry and cavalry, acquired the office of the
master of horses (amir ul-khail) and thus entered the class of high
nobles (umara-i kibar). Subsequently, he was made the governor
of Dipalpur and its dependencies on the accession of Qutbuddin
Mubarak Shah Khalji and, in due course, he acquired the title
of Malik ul-Ghazi for defeating the Mongols in twenty-nine
battles.2 Shams Siraj Afif has stated that three brothers, Tughluq,
Rajab, and Abu Bakr, arrived from Khurasan in Delhi during the
reign of Alauddin Khalji. They impressed the Sultan with their
loyal services to such an extent that Tughluq (Ghazi Malik) was
given the administration of the famous city of Dipalpur.3 These
facts have come from three contemporaries, but it was difficult
to believe that an obscure adventurer like Ghazi Malik could
undergo such a meteoric rise.
The antecedents of the Tughluqs continued to be unclear for
nearly four centuries. Firishtah, who wrote his history in the early
seventeenth century, felt constrained to visit Lahore to discover
the background of the Tughluqs from persons reputed for their
knowledge of the past rulers. General belief current in those parts
(central Panjab) held that Malik Tughluq, the father of Ghazi
Malik, was one of the Turkish slaves of Ghiasuddin Balban, that
Malik Tughluq had married into a local Jat family and that the
 New Strategies of State Formation 223

first Tughluq ruler was born of this marriage.4 Sujan Rai Bhandari,
a native of central Panjab at the close of the seventeenth century,
wrote that the person named Tughluq Shah (Ghazi Malik) was a
ruler of Turkish descent, that he was one of the Turkish slaves of
Ghiasuddin Balban and that his mother belonged to the Jat tribe of
Panjab.5 Thus, a strong tradition has persisted in medieval Panjab
that pointed to the genealogical connection of the Tughluqs with
the local people. The mixed parentage of the Tughluqs appeared
to have paved the way for several other linkages of Ghazi Malik –
the marriage of his brother Sipahsalar Rajab with the daughter of
Rana Mal Bhatti of Abohar, his political alliance with the Khokhar
chiefs of the Salt Range and his association with the shrine of Baba
Farid at Pakpattan.6
Of the modern writers, Agha Mahdi Husain and Ishwari Prasad
held that Ghazi Malik was the son of Ghiasudin Balban’s Turkish
slave and his Jat wife.7 R.C. Jauhri has shown that Ghiasuddin
Tughluq had arrived in India from Khurasan after the reign of
Ghiasuddin Balban.8 Peter Jackson has suggested that Ghiasuddin
Tughluq was of Mongol or Turko-Mongol stock and may have
been a follower of the Mongol chief Alaghu who took employ-
ment with Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji and settled near Delhi.9 In line
with this suggestion, Sunil Kumar viewed the rise of Ghiasuddin
Tughluq in the context of political fragmentation within the
Delhi Sultanate and Mongol confederacies, when relationships
across the Panjab frontier were complicated. During the Mongol
raids in northern India during the second half of the thirteenth
century, disaffected Sultanate nobles looked for allies in the
Mongol camps, while the Mongol and Turkic migrants searched
for Sultanate patronage. The old tradition of slave commanders
guarding the frontier underwent a slow modification to include
immigrants who had intruded into the region. Ambitious mili-
tary commanders on the frontier gathered large retinues and built
impressive local reputations as warriors and patrons. Though they
remained distant from the courtly intrigues at Delhi, they pos-
sessed sufficient assets and initiative to seize power in the capital
and establish their own dynasties. It was not surprising that from
1290 to 1526 every dynasty – Khalji, Tughluq, Syed and Lodi – had
224 The Making of Medieval Panjab

frontier origins. So paradoxically, many frontiersmen patronized

by the Delhi Sultans shared a history of past service and cultural
affinities with the very groups who posed periodic threats to the
Delhi Sultanate. Unlike the bandagan-i khass, they had not under-
gone a period of training and acculturation. As they arrived in the
Delhi Sultanate with their lineage networks, they were linked to
substantial parts of their retinues by shared natal, ethnic, and past
service associations. Amir Khusrau and Ibn Battuta do not hesi-
tate to highlight the Turko-Mongol antecedents of Ghiasuddin
Tughluq. In contrast, Ziauddin Barani, a prominent representa-
tive of the Persian literati, not only concealed the controversial
social origins of Ghiasuddin Tughluq, but also reinvented him as
a saviour of Islam.10
Whatever be his social origin, Ghazi Malik, the administra-
tor of Dipalpur, looked for support among rural intermediaries,
tribal chiefs, and prominent Sufis. An opportunity came his way
when he searched for a suitable bride for his brother Sipahsalar
Rajab. On this matter, he sought the advice of Malik Saadul Mulk
Shihab Afif (the great grandfather of the historian Afif), who was
holding the charge of Abohar. It was learnt that Bibi Naila, the
daughter of Rana Mal Bhatti, the chief (rai) of Abohar, was not
only beautiful, but also possessed noble qualities. At this time, the
tribes of Bhattis and Minhas inhabited the town of Abohar and
its forested hinterland (zamin jangal) which was included in the
administrative jurisdiction of Dipalpur. Ghazi Malik sent a mar-
riage proposal to Rana Mal Bhatti who, owing to his alleged pride,
rejected it and even used improper words. After a second round of
consultations with Shihab Afif, Ghazi Malik changed his strategy.
He entered the ancestral lands (talwandi) of the Bhatti chief and
demanded the land tax in cash and that too in one single instal-
ment (maal salinah naqd talbeed). Considerable pressure was
exerted on the village headmen (chaudharis and muqaddams),11 so
that the entire population of Rana Mal Bhatti’s domain was on the
verge of destruction. But none dared to protest due to the fear of
the authority wielded by Sultan Alauddin Khalji. In this crisis, the
mother of Rana Mal Bhatti went to her son and narrated the tale
of woes being suffered by the people of the locality. The lady told
 New Strategies of State Formation 225

Bibi Naila that she was the root cause of the crisis because, if she
had not existed, Ghazi Malik would not have oppressed the people
(khalaiq) in such a cruel manner. In order to diffuse the situa-
tion, Bibi Naila expressed her willingness to marry the brother of
the oppressive governor and, while doing so, she urged every one
to understand that the Mongols had abducted her (bayad danist
keh yak dukhtar ra mughlan burdand). Pleased at her initiative,
Rana Mal Bhatti conveyed the acceptance of the proposal through
Shihab Afif. After the solemnization of the marriage, the bride was
renamed Bibi Kadbanu and was escorted to Dipalpur.12 After a
few years in 1309, she gave birth to her only child, a son, who
grew up to be Firoz Shah Tughluq. When he was seven, his father
Sipahsalar Rajab died. Since Bibi Kadbanu was worried about the
upbringing of her son, Ghazi Malik assured her that he would
treat the boy as his own son and as a part of his own body until
he himself was alive (een farzand man ast wa jigar gosha man).13
Since the promise was kept in its true spirit, Firoz did not suf-
fer discrimination on account of being born of a Hindu Rajput
mother. He was treated with utmost affection by his uncle,
stepbrothers and cousins. He received appropriate education
and training under the fraternal care of two kings, Ghiasuddin
Tughluq and Muhammad bin Tughluq, so that he excelled his
contemporaries in his knowledge of administrative affairs. From
Ghiasuddin Tughluq, Firoz received the office of Naib Amir Hajib
and the title of Naib Barbak. Muhammad bin Tughluq always kept
Firoz by his side and instructed him in statecraft. When he divided
his kingdom into four parts, he assigned one to Firoz so that he
could understand the intricacies of governance. On account of
these factors, Firoz was elevated to the throne, despite the pres-
ence of two elder step brothers, Malik Qutbuddin and Malik Naib
Barbak, who were born of two other wives of Sipahsalar Rajab.14
Firoz also enjoyed cordial relations with his mother’s Rajput
family. When he ascended the throne, a conspiracy was hatched
by Khudawandzada Begum (the uterine sister of Muhammad bin
Tughluq) to assassinate him. At this critical moment, the presence
and support of his maternal uncle Rai Bhiru Bhatti was one of the
factors that saved his life.15 This little known man might have been
226 The Making of Medieval Panjab

living in the Tughluq household ever since his sister was married
to Sipahsalar Rajab. When Firuz became the Sultan, he appeared
to have shifted to the court in Delhi. It might be recalled that
Sadhu and Sadharan, the zamindars of a locality near Thanesar,
also shifted to Delhi as soon as their sister was married to Firoz,
then a prince.16
Modern historians have attempted to understand the circum-
stances and implications of the above conjugal union. Agha Mahdi
Husain has viewed it as a part of the trend of Muslim-Hindu mar-
riages that occurred in the wake of territorial conquests by the
Muslim rulers. He has cited the examples of the marriages of four
Muslim rulers (Muhammad bin Qasim, Sultan Muizzuddin of
Ghor, Alauddin Khalji and his son Khizr Khan) with the women
of Hindu ruling houses. Husain observed that a combination of
factors, the resolve of Muslim conquerors to settle in India, scar-
city of women belonging to their own religion and a natural desire
to increase their progeny, were the motives for these matrimonial
alliances. Husain has hastened to point out that the marriage of
Sipahsalar Rajab differed characteristically from its prototypes as
it was personal and not political. He argued that the idea underly-
ing this marriage was to overcome difficulties faced by a Muslim
governor in securing the cooperation of the Hindus, to erase the
causes of friction between the two religious communities and to
remove from Muslim rule the stigma of being foreign. He believed
that the favour conferred by Ghazi Malik on his sister-in-law was
a matter of great significance.17 Irfan Habib has viewed the entire
episode as an advanced stage in the subversion of the older rural
aristocracy, which was being transformed by the Delhi Sultanatate
into a class of intermediaries, so essential for the extraction of
agricultural surplus from the countryside.18 I feel that the epi-
sode is understandable in the context of the agararian reforms
of Alauddin Khalji – rule of measurement and yield per unit of
area (hukm-i masahat wa wafa-i biswa) – which was imposed in
a vast area extending from Dipalpur and Lahore in the west to
Kara in the east. The governor could achieve this difficult task by
making a demonstration of force in the countryside, taking care to
minimise human suffering. He saw the measure sufficient for the
 New Strategies of State Formation 227

implementation of the new rules of agrarian taxation, but found

it expedient to blunt the sharp edge of coercion by establishing
kinship with the dominant local elements.
The episode provides other interesting insights into the pro-
cess of state formation in the Delhi Sultanate and social relations
between the officers posted in Panjab. The relationship of mutual
trust enabled them to control the rural population of peasants,
headmen and chiefs. The professional and formal relations were
cemented by kinship and informal ties. In this case, Shihab Afif
served Ghazi Malik not only by providing information regarding
the locality of Abohar, but also offered valuable advice on personal
matters. He was as an intermediary in the negotiations between
the district governor and the local chief, which culminated in a
marriage alliance between the two. The relation between a high-
ranking officer and his subordinate was extended to the woman
members of the two households. It was recalled that Firoz and
the son of Shihab Afif were born on the same day. The women
of Shihab Afif’s family often visited the Tughluq household at
Dipalpur. Thus conditions were created in which Firoz was fed on
her milk by the wife of Shihab Afif. This emotional bond became
an integral part of the psyche of Firoz. Even after half a century,
Firoz was overpowered by nostalgia when he recalled in the pres-
ence of Afif’s father and uncle that he (Firoz) had been fed by their
grandmother.19 Members of the ruling class not only developed
intimate personal relations with deep emotional appeal, but also
nourished and cherished them with care. In return for the per-
ennial flow of Tughluq patronage, Shams Siraj Afif performed a
great service for his patrons by writing the history of Firoz Shah
Tughluq’s reign in an idiom of unrestrained admiration.

Role of the Khokhars

When Ghazi Malik marched out from Dipalpur to fight againt
Khusrau Khan, his retinue comprised of three elements – kins-
men, the Khokhars and non-indigenous tribesmen. His kinsmen
included his son Malik Fakhruddin Juna (the future Muhammad
bin Tughluq), a son-in-law Malik Shadi, two nephews Asaduddin
228 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Arslan and Bahauddin Gurshasp, and two subordinates Yusuf

and Ali Haidar. The Khokhars of Koh-i-Jud, who had offered
tough resistance to the Delhi Sultanate during the middle of
the thirteenth century, were firmly ranged behind Ghazi Malik.
Amir Khusrau merely mentions the presence of a large number
of Khokhars in the army of Ghazi Malik, but Isami has described
the crucial role of the Khokhars in the Dipalpur-Delhi military
conflict, with particular focus on the feats of two Khokhar
chiefs Gul Chand and Sahij Rai. Amir Khusrau has drawn our
attention to the non-indigenous tribes. According to him, Ghazi
Malik’s troops were not drawn from the Hindustanis or Hindu
chiefs. Instead, they came from the upper country (iqlim-i bala)
that embraced Khurasan and Transoxiana. They comprised the
Ghuzz, Turks, Mongols of Rum and Rus, besides the Khurasani
Taziks of pure stock. Skilled in warfare, they were entirely devoted
to their master Ghazi Malik.20A penetrating analysis of the social
background of these tribes has provided interesting results. The
Ghuzz and Turkoman pastoralists, who nomadized in the tract
of Afghanistan, Transoxiana and Khurasan, were often in conflict
with the Saljuqs, Ghaznavids, and Ghorids. The reference to the
Turks pointed to the loose confederacy of the Qipchaq Turks who,
owing to the invasions of Chingez Khan, had scattered over a vast
region between eastern Europe and northwestern India. They
formed the dominant Turkish group in the political dispensation
of Iltutmish. The Mongols of Rum and Rus were the Mongols who
had occupied the Qipchaq region, then under the rule of the Golden
Horde. This large body included the Qaraunahs (Neguderids), a
group to which Ghazi Malik belonged.21 During his long service
in the frontier areas, Ghazi Malik had welded diverse groups –
his kinsmen, the Khokhars and non-indigenous tribes – into an
efficient military machine which, under his generalship, had car-
ried out a protracted military offensive against the Mongols.
The dependence of Ghazi Malik on the above elements
increased when he failed to get the support of fellow officers posted
in different parts of northwestern India. He had sent letters seek-
ing assistance from the governors of Uch, Multan, Samana, Sind
and Jalor.22 Except Bahram Aiba of Uch, all the governors refused
 New Strategies of State Formation 229

and showed an inclination to oppose him. Malik Mughalti, the

governor of Multan, could not tolerate the audacity of the admin-
istrator of Dipalpur, which was merely a dependency of Multan.
Though he had adequate treasure, he could not rise against Delhi
in the absence of an army. Incensed at his bitter reply, Ghazi Malik
instigated through Bahram Siraj a petty rebellion against Malik
Mughalti, who tried to save his life by jumping into a canal, only
to be caught and beheaded by his opponents.23 Malik Yaklakhi,
the governor of Samana, sent Ghazi Malik’s letter to Khusrau
Khan and marched out to fight the challenger. Defeated in the
battlefield, he fell back on Samana where he was killed by some
disgruntled local people.24 Muhammad Shah Lur, the governor of
Sind, was facing an insurrection from his own officers. On receiv-
ing Ghazi Malik’s letter, he patched up with the rebels. He sent a
promise to join the army of Ghazi Malik but, owing to the delay
of his movement, reached Delhi only when the Tughluq warlord
had ascended the throne. Hoshang (the son of Kamaluddin Gurg),
who held the governorship of Jalor, reached Delhi only when the
final battle had taken place.25 Ain ul-Mulk Multani, who was the
governor of Malwa, showed Ghazi Malik’s letter to Khusrau Khan
and thus proved his loyalty to the new ruler. However, he con-
veyed a message through an emissary that, as soon as hostilities
irrupted, he would appear before Ghazi Malik who could kill him
or forgive him.26
The attitude of the provincial governors indicated that they
were not willing to challenge the new regime in Delhi, even if it
was weak and unpopular. In fact, two of them fought for it and,
in the process, laid down their lives. Two others initially decided
to fight against the new dispensation but, on second thoughts,
developed cold feet. Still another expressed his allegiance to the
new government, but ultimately decided to sit on the fence. The
provincial governors, driven by the instinct of survival, did not
take sides until the political situation remained fluid. Ghazi Malik
appreciated their predicament and, on assuming power, did not
act against his former colleagues who had failed to keep their
promises.
The Dipalpur rebellion assumed a clear shape as soon as Ghazi
230 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Malik was joined by his son Malik Fakhruddin Juna, who had fled
from Delhi with servants, horses, and Bahram Aiba’s son.27 While
Ghazi Malik emerged from Dipalpur, he learnt that a caravan car-
rying the revenues of Sind and numerous horses for the Sultan
of Delhi was travelling from Multan to Delhi. Ghazi Malik plun-
dered the caravan and distributed the booty among his soldiers.28
He established his control over the territory extending up to
Sarsuti, which was placed under his trusted lieutenant Mahmud.
Khusrau Khan deputed his brother Khan-i Khanan at the head of
a large army to quell the challenge. Mahmud fought against the
Delhi forces from within the fort, but could not prevent it from
ravaging the surrounding villages.29 Ghazi Malik, advancing via
Alapur, reached Hauz-i Behat. Meanwhile Khan-i Khanan crossed
a waterless jungle during the night and suddenly appeared before
the opposing troops. In the plain of Sarsuti, Ghazi Malik took posi-
tion in the centre of his army. The Khokhars, who were led by Gul
Chand, formed the vanguard. Bahram commanded the left wing,
while Asaduddin held the right wing. As soon as the action began,
the Khokhars made a furious charge on the rival force, which was
paralysed and scattered. The Khokhars attacked the captain of
the rival vanguard and, pulling him down from his horse, cut off
his head. As the Delhi army began to flee, the Khokhars wrought
havoc with their swords and arrows. Gul Chand charged at the
Khan-i Khanan and, killing his parasol bearer, sent his head to
Ghazi Malik. In a spontaneous action, Gul Chand snatched the
parasol and raised it over the head of Ghazi Malik,30 thereby anti-
cipating the decision of the great nobles at Delhi. In a dramatic
manner, Ghazi Malik received his first symbol of royalty from the
hands of a Khokhar chief, who had also distinguished himself in
the battlefield.
As a result of this success, Ghazi Malik acquired firm control
of the territory up to Hansi. He adopted a cautious approach and
refrained from alienating any section of society. He not only for-
gave prisoners of war, but also returned a ransom of 6 lakh tankas
that had been extracted by his men from a caravan of grain mer-
chants. As he marched to Delhi, he passed through such places as
Madina, Rohtak, Mandoti, and Palam. He pushed across the hills
 New Strategies of State Formation 231

of Aravalli and, advancing through Kasanpur and Hauz-i Sultani,

camped at the plain of Lahrawat between the Jamuna and the city
of Delhi.31 The reports of Ghazi Malik’s march and the flight of the
vanquished from Sarsuti to Delhi caused a breakdown of admin-
istrative order. The areas around the capital were subjected to
chaos and plunder. Khusrau Khan upbraided his commanders for
a poor showing against Ghazi Malik at Sarsuti.32 He consulted his
close advisors on the future course of action. Some nobles asked
him to make peace with Ghazi Malik by offering him the terri-
tory north of Hansi that was, in fact, already in his control. Others
urged him to act like a king and order a free distribution of treas-
ure, so as to widen his base of support.33 Rejecting these proposals,
Khusrau Khan mustered his forces at Hauz Khas for fresh resist-
ance.34 His retinue comprised such prominent men as Yusuf Khan
Sufi, Kamaluddin Sufi, Shaista Khan, Kafur Muhardar, Shihab
and Bahauddin. Besides the Khan-i Khanan, Rai Rayan Randhol
and Hatim Khan, there were officers who had risen from slavery
to nobility. A strong contingent of 10,000 Baradus came out with
distinctive banners under captains like Ahar Dev, Amar Dev,
Narsiya, Parsiya, Harmar, Parmar and others. Looked at in total-
ity, half of the soldiers were Hindu and the other half Muslim.35
The second battle between the contenders was fought in Delhi
near the Bagh-i Jud. In the battlefield,36 Ghazi Malik placed him-
self in the centre, while in front of him stood Ali Haidar and
Sahij Rai. Gul Chand, the hero of the previous battle, led the
vanguard along with all the Khokhars. Asaduddin, the nephew of
Ghazi Malik, commanded the right wing along with Shadi, Malik
Fakhruddin and Shihab Jashghuri. Bahauddin, the sister’s son of
Ghazi Malik, was stationed on the left wing with Bahram Aiba.
At the outset, the Delhi army secured the upper hand, as Qabula
fired a volley of arrows and a fierce Baradu charge forced two
captains, Malik Fakhruddin and Shihab Jashghuri, to withdraw.
Though Asaduddin overpowered Bughra Khan, the Delhi army
still appeared to be moving towards victory. Shasti Khan rushed
towards Ghazi Malik’s camp, cut down the ropes of the tent and
proclaimed the flight of the challenger. Ghazi Malik rallied his
leading men – Gul Chand, Bahram Aiba and Bahauddin – to the
232 The Making of Medieval Panjab

centre and resorted to a new tactic. A contingent of one hundred

warriors, headed by Gul Chand, was deputed to attack the rear of
the opponents. Ghazi Malik made a sharp assault from the front
and, thus, turned the tide of the battle. Khusrau Khan sought
refuge in flight amidst terrible losses. Gul Chand pursued the
fugitives and, while doing so, repeated the act he had performed
at Sarsuti. He caught up with the rival parasol bearer (chhatardar
mukhalif) and slashed his head from behind. He seized the parasol
and presented it to Ghazi Malik. The victors acquired the keys
of two forts from the police chief (kotwal) of Delhi.37 Thus the
Khokhar chiefs and their retinue played a decisive role in Ghazi
Malik’s campaign against Khusrau Khan and the establishment of
the Tughluq dynasty at Delhi.
In their ongoing search for allies, the Tughluqs chose the shrine
of Baba Farid (1175-1265) at Pakpattan, not far from Dipalpur
where Ghazi Malik had lived for more than two decades. Apart
from imparting teaching in mysticism, Baba Farid developed
a tradition of Islamic devotionalism based on the tawiz-futuh
system. A large number of devotees visited the shrine to receive
amulets (tawiz) which were supposed to cure physical ailments, a
protection against evil or a boon for good fortune. For their part,
the devotees made offerings (futuh), generally in the form of kind
that were distributed among the visitors. After the demise of Baba
Farid, a series of rituals – death anniversary of the saint (urs), com-
munity kitchen (langar), devotional singing (qawwali), succession
to the spiritual seat (dastar bandi) and annual entry to the sanctum
sanctorum through the southern door (bahishti darwaza) – were
gradually institutionalized.38 The Tughluq household, which was
based in the neighbouring town of Dipalpur, could not remain
immune from the growing popularity of the shrine in the country-
side of central and southwestern Panjab. During his governorship
of Dipalpur, Ghazi Malik was reported to have visited the shrine
along with his son Muhammad and nephew Firoz, both of whom
were minors. At this time, Shaikh Alauddin (1281-1334), the
grandson of Baba Farid, was the spiritual head of the shrine. He
offered a piece of unsewn cotton cloth (jama-i kirpas ghair dokhta)
 New Strategies of State Formation 233

to each of the three visitors – four and a half yards to Ghazi Malik,
twenty seven yards to Muhammad and the remaining forty yards
to Firoz. He directed them to tie the cloth (turbans) around their
heads and prophesied that all three would be crowned as the rulers
(sahib-i taj wa takht) of the kingdom.39 This tradition registered
that there was a long association between the Tughluq dynasty
and the Chishti order, that it was the spiritual charisma (baraka)
of the saint which had granted sovereign power to the Tughluqs
and that the saint had metaphorically predicted the duration of
their respective reigns by the length of the turbans given as gift.
There is no evidence about the exact nature of Ghazi Malik’s
patronage to the shrine of Baba Farid. During the reign of
Muhammad bin Tughluq (r. 1325-51), the patronage of the shrine
was increased in magnitude and diversified in form. The Sultan
took pride in regarding himself as the disciple of Shaikh Alauddin.
After the death of the Shaikh, he constructed a magnificent
mausoleum at the grave of the deceased in the shrine complex.
The Sultan also appointed a son of Shaikh Alauddin, Shaikh
Muizzuddin, as the governor of Gujarat. What was more import-
ant, the Sultan bestowed the entire town of Ajodhan (Pakpattan)
on the shrine as an endowment. He appointed Shaikh Alamuddin,
the younger son of Shaikh Alauddin, as Shaikh ul-Islam and, in
this role, supervised numerous Sufi establishments. After the
demise of Shaikh Alamuddin, the Sultan conferred the office of
Shaikh ul-Islam on the Shaikh’s son Shaikh Mazharuddin.40 The
Sultan also patronized the Kirmani family, which was devoted
to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Syed Kamaluddin Amir Ahmad,
the son of Syed Muhammad Kirmani and uncle of Amir Khurd,
was appointed as advisor to the Sultan with the title of Malik
Muazzam. Syed Qutbuddin Husain Kirmani, another son of
Syed Muhammad Kirmani, went to Daulatabad on the request
of the wazir Khwaja-i Jahan Ahmad Ayaz. Khwaja Karimuddin
Samarqandi, a disciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, was granted
the title of Shaikh ul-Islam and Anwar Rai Malik Satgaon and was
deputed to Satgaon for administrative work.41
234 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Observations of Ibn Battuta

At a time when the Tughluq rulers were implementing new stra-
tegies of administrative conrol, Ibn Battuta travelled through
Panjab. During a period of nearly three decades (1325-53), the
celebrated Arab traveller covered a vast area extending from
Morocco to Java. The first eight years of his travels enabled him
to move across north Africa, Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor, Arabia and
Persia. Passing through Central Asia and Afghanistan, he reached
Sind in the middle of 1333 and spent the next ten years on the
Indian soil. He pushed northwards from Lahri and Bhakkar,
entering Panjab through the southern route. He took six months
(October 1333 to March 1334) to travel through Panjab on his way
to Delhi. During this leg of his journey, he visited Uch, Multan,
Ajodhan, Abohar, Abu Bakhar, Sarsuti, Hansi and Masudabad.
He has described the mechanism developed by the Delhi Sultanate
to receive distinguished foreigners and escort them to the capital.
He took a keen interest in the functioning of the provincial
administration under Qutb ul-Mulk. Apart from visiting the
famous Sufi shrines in southwestern Panjab, he met the leading
saints of the Chishti and Suhrawardi orders. He described the
flora and fauna, the state of urban centres and safety of roads.
Marked by richness and authenticity, his observations yielded
information that was not available in any other contemporary
source. Therefore, it would be appropriate to follow his account
of Panjab.42
Travelling from the city of Bhakkar, Ibn Battuta arrived on
24 October 1333 at Uch. It was a big and well-built city, which
lay on the Indus and had fine bazaars and new buildings. At that
time, its governor (amir) was the learned Malik Sharif Jalaluddin
Kiji, who was brave as well as generous. He died in this city due to
a fall from his horse. A friendship grew between Ibn Battuta and
this noble Sharif Jalaluddin. This relation developed into deep ties
of mutual love and affection. Later they met in the capital of the
Delhi Sultanate. When the Sultan (Muhammad bin Tughluq) left
for Daulatabad and directed Ibn Battuta to remain at the capital,
Sharif Jalaluddin said to him, ‘You will need a large sum of money
 New Strategies of State Formation 235

for your expenses and the Sultan will be absent for a long time.
You should take over my village and use its revenues till I return.’
Ibn Battuta did so and utilized an amount of about 5,000 dinars
from it. He prayed that God might grant a rich recompense to the
noble for this kind gesture. At Uch, he met the devout, pious and
venerable Shaikh Qutbuddin Haidar Alavi, who invested him with
a patched robe. This garment remained in his possession till the
time it was seized by Hindu pirates on the sea.
From Uch, Ibn Battuta travelled to Multan, capital of Sind
and the residence of its governor (amir ul-umara). On the road
to Multan and ten miles distant from it ran the river called
Khusrauabad. It was one of the great rivers that could not be
crossed except by boat. At this spot, the passengers were subjected
to a rigorous examination and their luggage was inspected. At the
time of the arrival of Ibn Battuta and his party, it was the prac-
tice at Multan for the state to take one fourth of the commodities
brought by the merchants and to levy a duty of 7 dinars for every
horse.43 Two years after their arrival in India, the Sultan remitted
these taxes. He ordered that nothing should be realized from the
merchants except the alms tax (zakat) and a tenth of the produce
(ushr). This measure was taken when the Sultan took the oath of
allegiance to Abul Abbas, the Abbasid caliph. When they were
about to cross this river and the luggage began to be inspected, Ibn
Battuta was aggrieved by this search of his luggage. Though it did
not contain much that was valuable, it seemed a great deal in the
eyes of the people. He did not like his belongings to be examined.
By the grace of God, one of the principal military officers of Qutb
ul-Mulk, the governor of Multan, arrived on the scene and gave
orders that his luggage should not be subjected to scrutiny. It hap-
pened exactly like that. Ibn Battuta thanked God for the favours
that were conferred on him. They spent the night on the bank
of the river. Next morning, the postal superintendent (malik ul-
barid) named Dihqan came to visit them. Originally hailing from
Samarqand, this man used to write to the Sultan, informing him
of all happenings in the city and its dependencies, including the
arrival of travellers. Ibn Battuta was introduced to him and, in his
company, he went to visit the governor of Multan.
236 The Making of Medieval Panjab

The governor of Multan was Qutb ul-Mulk, who was one of the
greatest and most learned of the nobles. When Ibn Battuta went
up to him, Qutb ul-Mulk rose to receive him and, shaking hands
with him, offered a seat to him by his side. Ibn Battuta presented
him with a slave and a horse, besides some raisins and almonds.
They were among the greatest of presents that could be made to
an Indian noble, since they were imported from Khurasan. The
governor sat on a high dais embellished by large carpets. By his
side, sat a judge (qazi) named Salar and a preacher (khatib) whose
name had been forgotten. On his right and left were ranged the
military commanders, while armed men stood at his back. The
troops passed before him in review. Many bows were found there.
When anyone desirous of being enlisted as an archer appeared, he
was given one of the bows to pull. The bows differed in strength
and the salary of the candidate was fixed in accordance with the
strength displayed by him in pulling the bow. If anyone desired to
be enlisted in the cavalry, a target was set in the form of a drum.
He put his horse into a run and tried to hit it with a lance. There
was also a ring that was suspended from a low wall. The candi-
date made his horse run until he came at level with the ring. If he
succeeded in lifting the ring with his lance, he was considered an
excellent horseman. If the candidate desired to be enlisted as a
mounted archer, a ball was placed on the ground. He galloped on
horseback and aimed his arrow at the ball. His salary was fixed in
proportion to his accuracy in striking the ball.
Ibn Battuta and his party waited on the governor and offered
their salutations. The governor issued orders for them to be
lodged outside the city in a house which belonged to the disciples
of Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh. As a rule, the governor did not
extend hospitality to anyone until orders were received from the
Sultan to do so. Ibn Battuta has provided the names of a number
of foreigners who were then present in Multan and had arrived
as visitors to the court of the Sultan. Among them, the first was
Khudawandzada Qiwamuddin, the qazi of Tirmiz, who had come
with his womenfolk and children. While in Multan, he was joined
by his three brothers Imaduddin, Ziauddin and Burhanuddin.
 New Strategies of State Formation 237

The second was Mabarak Shah, a notable of Samarqand. The third

was Arun Bugha, one of the great men of Bokhara. The fourth was
Malikzada, a son of the sister of Khudawandzada. The fifth was
Badruddin Fassal. Each one of them had come with companions,
servants and followers.
Two months after the arrival of Ibn Battuta and his party in
Multan,44 there came Shamsuddin Fushanji who was one of the
chamberlains as well as Malik Muhammad Harvi who was the
police chief. They had been sent by the Sultan to receive and
escort Khudawandzada. They were accompanied by three wait-
ers (eunuchs) who had been sent by Malika-i Jahan, the Sultan’s
mother, to receive the wife of Khudawandzada. They had also
brought robes of honour for the two and their children. They had
been commissioned to furnish provisions to all the visitors for the
journey. All of them together came to Ibn Battuta and asked him
the object of his visit. He told them that he had come to remain
in the service of the master of the world (khund alam), the title
by which the Sultan was known in his dominions. The Sultan
had issued orders that no one coming from Khurasan should be
allowed to enter Indian territory unless he came with the inten-
tion of staying here. When Ibn Battuta told them that he had come
with the object of staying, they sent for the judge (qazi) and nota-
ries (udul). He was made to write a bond in his name and in the
names of those in his company who desired to stay.45 However,
some of his companions refused to bind themselves in an under-
taking.
Ibn Battuta and his party prepared to travel to the capital, which
lay at a distance of a forty days’ journey through continuously
inhabited (fertile) land. The chamberlain and his companion
made the necessary arrangements for feeding Khudawandzada
Qiwamuddin and, for this purpose, took about twenty cooks
from Multan. The chamberlain used to go ahead during the
night to the next station, so as to secure provisions so that when
Khudawandzada arrived his meals were ready. Each of the visi-
tors, who had been named above, used to stay in separate tents
along with their companions. Sometimes they joined in the meals
238 The Making of Medieval Panjab

prepared for Khudawandzada. As for Ibn Battuta, he attended

such an occasion only once. Food was served in accordance with
the following order.
To begin with, loaves were served that were very thin and
resembled cakes of bread. Then they cut the roasted meat into
large pieces in a manner that one sheep yielded four to six pieces.
One piece was served to each person. They also made round cakes
of bread soaked in ghee that resembled the bread called mushrak
in Morocco and in its midst they placed a sweet called sabunia.
On the top of every piece of bread, they placed a sweet cake called
khishti, meaning shaped like a brick, which was made of flour,
sugar and ghee. Then they served in large porcelain bowls meat
cooked in ghee, onions and green ginger. After this, they served
something called samosa (samusak) which was minced meat
cooked with almonds, walnuts, pistachios, onions and spices and
then placed inside a thin bread and fried in ghee. They placed
four or five such pieces before every person. Then was brought a
dish of rice cooked in ghee on the top of which was put a roasted
fowl. Next, they brought a sweet called luqaimat-i qazi, which was
known as hashimi and followed it up by a pudding known as al-
qahiriya. Before the food was served, the chamberlain stood at the
head of the dinner carpet (simat) and performed a bow (khidmat)
in whichever direction the Sultan was. This action was followed by
all those present. In India, this homage consisted in bowing upto
the knees as was done in prayer. When they had done this, they sat
down to eat. Then they brought the cups of gold, silver and glass.
These were filled with sugared water perfumed with rose water.
They called it sherbet and drank it before eating. As soon as they
consumed the sherbet, the chamberlain called out Bismillah which
was a signal for them to start eating. At the end of the dinner, they
were given jugs of barley water (fuqqa). When these had been con-
sumed, betel leaves and areca nuts were served.46 After the people
had taken betel and areca, the chamberlain called out Bismillah,
whereupon they stood up and, bowing in the same manner as
before, retired from the spot.
Ibn Battuta and his companions travelled out from the city of
 New Strategies of State Formation 239

Multan and, until their arrival in the country of Hindustan, they

pursued the journey in the same order as described. The first town
that they entered was that of Abohar. It was the first of the towns
of Hind. It was small, pretty and thickly populated, besides pos-
sessing rivers and trees. Of the trees of Morocco, there was none
except the zizyphus lotus (nabq) which was found here. But the
Indian one was very large. Its stone was equal in volume to that of
the gall nut and was very sweet. The Indians had many trees that
were not found in Morocco or any other country.
One of the fruits of the country was mango. Its tree was like that
of orange, though bigger in size with larger number of leaves. Its
shade was dense, but it was unhealthy. Who ever slept under it was
seized with fever. The fruit of the tree was as large as a big pear.
When the fruit was green and not yet fully ripe, the people gath-
ered those that fell from the trees. They sprinkled salt on them and
pickled them just as limes and lemons were treated in Morocco.
The Indians also pickled green ginger and clusters of pepper in the
same way. They ate these pickles with their food, taking after each
mouthful a little of the pickles. When the mango ripened during
autumn (kharif), its fruit became yellow and then they ate it like
an apple, some cutting it with a knife and others sucking it to fin-
ish. The fruit was sweet, but its sweetness was mingled with a little
sourness. It had a large stone that was sown like the orange pip
and some other fruit stones, so that the trees sprouted from them.
Then there were the jack trees (Artocarpus integrifolia), which
were known as shaki and barki and lived up to a great age. Their
leaves looked like those of the walnut and the fruit grew out of
the trunk of the tree. The fruit that was near the soil was called
barki; it was sweeter and had a more agreeable flavour. The fruit
that appeared on the upper part was called shaki; it resembled a
large pumpkin with skin like the hide of a cow. When it became
yellow during autumn it was plucked and split in half. Inside each
fruit were found a hundred to two hundred pods resembling the
cucumber, between each of which there was a thin yellow skin.
Each pod had a kernel resembling a large bean and, when these
kernels were roasted or boiled, they tasted like beans, though
240 The Making of Medieval Panjab

beans were not found in this country. These stone-like kernels

were preserved in reddish earth and lasted till the following year.
This shaki and barki was the best fruit in India.
The next fruit tendu (Diospyros peregrine) was yielded by the
ebony tree. Each fruit had the size and colour of the apricot and
was very sweet. Next fruit was the jambol (jamun). Its tree was
large and the fruit resembled the olives. It was black in colour and
like the olive had one stone. The sweet orange (naranj) was abun-
dant in India. But the sour orange was rare. There was a third kind
of orange that was midway between the sweet and sour. As large
as the sweet lime, its taste was excellent and, therefore, Ibn Battuta
loved to eat it. Another fruit was the mahuwa (Madhuka latifolia).
Living up to a great age, its leaves were like those of the walnut,
except that they were of a red and yellow colour. The fruit resem-
bled a small pear. It was extremely sweet in taste. In the upper part
of the fruit was a small hollow seed as big as that of the grape. It
resembled the grape in taste, but gave a splitting headache when
eaten in large numbers. What was astonishing, when its seeds
were dried in the sun, they tasted like figs. Ibn Battuta ate these
instead of the figs that were not found in India. They called this
fruit angur, which in their language meant grapes. However, grape
was very rare in India, being found only in some parts of Delhi
and a few other provinces. As for mahuwa, it yielded fruit twice a
year. Oil was made out of its stone that was used for lighting.
Among the Indian trees there was still another called the kasera.
It was extracted out of the earth. It was very sweet and resembled
the chestnut. Of the trees that grew in Morocco, they found the
pomegranate in India. It bore fruit twice a year. In the Maldives,
Ibn Battuta saw a variety that never stopped bearing fruit. The
Indians called it anar. But according to our informant, this must
be the origin of the word julnar, because jul in Persian meant a
flower and nar stood for the pomegranate.
The Indians sowed the earth twice a year. In summer,47 when
the rains fell, they sowed the autumn crop and harvested it sixty
days after sowing. Following were the autumn crops – (1) The
kudhru, which was a kind of millet, was found most abundantly of
all the grains. (2) The qal which was like the anli. (3) The shamakh
 New Strategies of State Formation 241

was another crop whose seeds were smaller than those of the qal.
It often grew without being cultivated. It was the staple food of the
devout, abstainers, poor and humble who went out to gather this
corn that sprang up on its own. Each of them held a huge basket in
his left hand and in his right hand a whip with which he struck the
corn that fell into the basket. In this way, they were able to collect
enough of it to provide them with food for the whole year. The
seed of the shamakh was very small. When it had been gathered,
it was placed in the sun and pounded in wooden mortars. Its husk
flew away and, with the remaining white substance, they made a
gruel by cooking it with buffalo’s milk. This gruel was more pleas-
ant to eat than the bread made of the same substance. Ibn Battuta
often ate it in India and relished its taste. (4) The mash was a spe-
cies of peas. (5) The mung was a kind of mash, but differed from
it in having a longer seed and a bright green colour. The mung
was cooked with rice and accompanied with ghee when eaten.
This dish, known as kishri (khichri), was taken for breakfast every
morning. It was to the Indians what harira was to the people of
Morocco. (6) The lobiya was a kind of bean. (7) The mut (Cyperus
rotundus) was like kudhru except that its seeds were smaller. In
India it formed a part of the fodder given to draught animals and
they grew fat by eating the same. Since barley in this country was
not regarded as nourishing, the fodder for animals consisted of
mut or chick peas, which was fed to them after being pounded
and soaked in water. Instead of the green fodder, the animals were
given mash leaves after each had been fed for ten days on 3 or
4 pounds (ratls) of ghee per day and during this period they were
not ridden. After this interval, they were given mash leaves to eat
for a month or so.
The grains mentioned above were autumn crops. When these
were harvested sixty days after being sown, the spring grains –
wheat, barley chickpeas and lentils – were sown in the same soil
in which the autumn crops had been raised, for their country was
excellent and the soil was fertile. As for the rice, they sowed it three
times a year and it was one of their principal cereals. They also
cultivated sesame and sugarcane at the same time as the autumn
crops that had been mentioned above.
242 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Ibn Battuta and his party travelled from the city of Abohar
through a desert that would take one day to cross.48 Along its bor-
ders were inaccessible mountains inhabited by the Hindus, who
frequently held up the travellers and made the roads unsafe. A
majority of the inhabitants of India were infidels (Hindus). Some
of them were subject people under the protection of the Muslim
rule and lived in villages. They were placed under a Muslim officer
(hakim) who was under a tax collector (amil or khadim) who
held the village in his fief (iqta). Others were rebels who were at
war. They fortified themselves in the mountains and waylaid the
people.
At this juncture, Ibn Battuta has narrated the experience of
his first armed encounter in India. When he and his entourage
prepared to set out from Abohar, the main party left the town in
the early morning, but he stayed there with a small group of his
companions until midday. When the latter ultimately came out,
they numbered twenty two horsemen, some of whom were Arabs
and some non-Arabs. In that desert (open country) they were
attacked by eighty infidels (Hindus) on foot and two horsemen.
The companions of Ibn Battuta put up a valiant fight. They killed
as many as twelve footmen and one horseman, taking away the
latter’s horse as booty. Ibn Battuta was struck by an arrow, while
his horse was hit by another. But God in His grace rescued them,
as the arrows of the attackers did not have much force. A horse
belonging to one of his companions was wounded. They replaced
it with a horse captured from a Hindu. The wounded horse was
slaughtered by the accompanying Turks who ate it. They carried
the heads of the slain to the fortress of Abu Bakhar and hung them
from the city wall. They reached the fortress at midnight.
After a journey of two days from this place, Ibn Battuta and his
party arrived at Ajodhan,49 a small town belonging to the pious
Shaikh Fariduddin of Badaun, about whom the pious Shaikh
Burhanuddin Araj had foretold at Alexandria that the Moroccoan
would meet him. Accordingly the traveller met him and thanked
God for this favour. Shaikh Fariduddin was the spiritual guide of
the king of India (Muhammad bin Tughluq) who had bestowed
this city on him. But the Shaikh was afflicted with an apprehen-
 New Strategies of State Formation 243

sion of the uncleanliness of others. This was something for which

Ibn Battuta sought the protection of God. He never shook hands
with anyone, nor did he go near anyone. As soon as his robe
brushed against the garment of any other person, he washed it.50
Ibn Battuta entered his hospice and, having met him, conveyed to
him the greetings of Shaikh Burhanuddin. The Shaikh was aston-
ished at this and said, ‘I am not worthy of the greetings you have
conveyed.’ Ibn Battuta also met his two virtuous sons. The elder
one was Muizzuddin who, after the death of his father, succeeded
to the dignity of sainthood. The younger son was Alamuddin. Ibn
Battuta visited the tomb of his grandfather, the pious pole (qutb)
of spirituality, Shaikh Fariduddin of Badaun, so called due to his
connection with Badaun, the chief town of Sambhal. When Ibn
Battuta was about to leave Ajodhan, Alamuddin asked him not to
go without seeing his father. Ibn Battuta did so. At that time, the
Shaikh was on his terrace, clothed in a white robe and wearing
a big turban on his head the end of which was hanging on one
side. He blessed the visitor and sent a present of some candy and
refined sugar.
When he left the Shaikh (Alauddin Mauj-i Darya), Ibn Battuta
saw people hurrying out of their camp along with some of his
companions. He asked them what the matter was. He was told
that a Hindu had died, that a fire had been kindled to burn him
and that his wife was going to burn herself along with him. When
both had been consumed by fire, his companions returned and
told him that the woman had held the dead man in her arms until
she was burnt along with him.51 Later on, Ibn Battuta used to see
in the country Hindu women adorned and seated on horseback
and, being followed by the Muslims as well as Hindus. Drums and
bugles played before her and the Brahmins, who were the great
ones among the Hindus, accompanied her. When this happened
in the territory of the Sultan, they sought his permission to burn
the widow. The Sultan gave his permission and they burnt her.
After giving an account of the burning of three widows at Amjeri
(Central India), Ibn Battuta returned to his original theme. He and
his party set out from Ajodhan and, after a journey of four days,
arrived at Sarsuti. A large city, it produced huge quantities of rice of
244 The Making of Medieval Panjab

an excellent quality that was exported to the capital, Delhi. Sarsuti

yielded an enormous amount of revenue. Shamsuddin Fushanji,
the chamberlain, indicated the exact amount, but Ibn Battuta
could not remember it. Thereafter, the group travelled to Hansi,
which was an exceedingly fine, well built and thickly populated
city. It was surrounded by a huge boundary wall, whose builder
was said to be one of the great infidel kings called Tura,52 about
whom a number of tales and stories were told. Kamaluddin Sadr-i
Jahan, the chief justice (qazi-ul-quzat) of India and his brother
Qutlugh Khan, who was the tutor of the Sultan (Muhammad bin
Tughluq) as well as their brothers Nizamuddin and Shamsuddin
traced their origin to this city. Shamsuddin, who had renounced
the world and had devoted his life to the service of God, took up
residence in Mecca until he died.53 Ibn Battuta and his party jour-
neyed from Hansi and after two days reached Masudabad, which
lay at a distance of 10 miles from the capital, Delhi. They stayed
there for three days. Both Hansi and Masudabad belonged to the
great noble Malik Hoshang, the son of Kamaluddin Gurg. By
Gurg was meant wolf. The traveller promised to offer an account
of Kamaluddin Gurg later on.
The Sultan of India, whose capital Ibn Battuta and his party
intended to visit, was away in the suburbs of Kanauj, ten days’
march from Delhi. In the capital were present the Sultan’s mother
called Makhduma-i Jahan and his wazir Khwaja-i Jahan named
Ahmad bin Ayaz, a man of Turkish (Rumi) origin. The wazir sent
his officers to meet the visitors and nominated persons of equal
rank to receive each one. Among those appointed to receive Ibn
Battuta were Shaikh Bistami and Sharif Mazandrani, the cham-
berlain of foreigners (hajib ul-ghuraba) and the jurist (faqih)
Alauddin Multani who was commonly known as Qunnara. The
wazir sent the news of the arrival of the visitors to the Sultan in
the form of a letter, which was carried by the courier post (dawa).
This letter reached the Sultan and a reply from him came during
the three days that Ibn Battuta and party spent at Masudabad.54
After three days, a number of eminent people – judges, jurists,
Sufis and some nobles (amirs) – came to receive the vistitors. In
India, the nobles were known as maliks, while in Egypt and other
 New Strategies of State Formation 245

countries they were known as amirs. Shaikh Zahiruddin Zanjani,

who held a high position in the court of the Sultan, also came to
receive the visitors. Thereafter Ibn Battuta and party set out from
Masudabad and encamped in the vicinity of the village called
Palam, which belonged to Syed Nasiruddin Mutahr ul-Auhari, one
of the confidants of the Sultan and those who enjoyed great favour
with him. Next morning, the visitors reached Delhi, the imperial
residence and capital of India. It was a vast and magnificent city.
Its buildings were both beautiful and solid. It was surrounded by
a boundary wall that was not known in any country of the world.
It was the largest city in India, rather the largest of all the cities of
Islam in the east.

Weaving Local Linkages

Firoz Shah Tughluq, who accepted the position of Sultan at Thatta
on 24 March 1351, marched from Siwistan to Delhi. During the
course of this journey, he passed through the towns of southern
Panjab. He availed the opportunity to win over various sections
of the society, important for him in view of the opposition of
Khwaja-i Jahan to his accession in Delhi. As he entered a town,
he would take measures to visit the old Sufi shrines (mazars),
revive the crumbling hospices (khanqahs), give assurances of
support to the descendants of the dead Sufis, confirm land grants
on former beneficiaries, and provided stipends to the poor and
needy in general. When he was travelling from Bhakkar to Uch,
the Sultan received groups of people from Multan including Sufis,
theologians, eminent citizens, rural intermediaries (zamindars),
village headmen (muqaddams) and ordinary folk. Accepting
their petitions, the Sultan confirmed land grants conferred in
the past and issued fresh orders (farmans) to them. In return,
the applicants prayed for the success of their royal patron and
returned home in contentment. On arrival at Uch, the Sultan
favoured the inhabitants with land grants, stipends, allowances
and livelihood that had been cancelled years ago. He revived the
hospice of Shaikh Jamaluddin that had been virtually wiped out.
The sons of the late Shaikh recovered their villages and orchards
246 The Making of Medieval Panjab

that had earlier been annexed to the crown lands (khalisa) and
this Sufi lineage regained its former prestige.55 So too on entering
the city of Multan, the Sultan honoured the Sufis with rewards
and presents.56 The royal entourage stayed in Dipalpur for a few
days to provide rest to the animals of the army. The Sultan went to
Ajodhan to pay homage at the shrine of Baba Farid. He organized
the affairs of the saint’s family, which had fallen on bad days
and had scattered to different places. The descendants of Shaikh
Alauddin (the grandson of Baba Farid) were favoured with land
grants (imlak), robes of honour (khilats) and rewards (inam). The
inhabitants of Ajodhan received an enormous amount of charity
in the form of stipends (wazifa) and livelihood (nan). In fact, the
inhabitants of all the towns lying between Dipalpur and Delhi
were issued orders confirming old and new stipends and pensions
(idrarat wa wazaif qadim wa jadeed). Not only this, mendicants
and destitute people (fuqra wa maskinan) living in these places
were given cash allowances (sadqat naqd). Reiterating this point,
Barani has recorded that the families of eminent Sufis (most of
whom were based in Panjab) – Baba Farid, Shaikh Bahauddin
Zakariya, Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh, Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya and Shaikh Jamaluddin Uch – experienced a revival owing
to the grant of villages, lands and orchards.57
When Firoz Shah Tughluq and his army reached the town of
Sarsuti,58 Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh-i Delhi said to him, ‘I have
enabled the people to travel from Thatta to this place in safety
on account of my prayers to God. From this place onwards, the
jurisdiction of the spiritual domain (vilayat) of Shaikh Qutbuddin
Munawwar starts. Send a suitable request to him in writing.’ The
Sultan informed Shaikh Munawwar that he had been directed to
his care by Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud.59 In a prompt reply, the
Shaikh wrote, ‘Since my brother Shaikh Nasiruddin has entrusted
you to the care of this frail soul, I hope that Delhi will be captured
with the grace of God.’ The two Shaikhs, being the disciples of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, were on intimate terms with each
other. Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud had taken this step only to
show the spiritual eminence of his colleague.60 While the Sultan
was marching from Multan to Delhi, large number of people –
 New Strategies of State Formation 247

nobles, horsemen, troopers and individuals from all walks of life

– joined him and thirty-six principalities came under his control.
Yet he relied on the blessings of Shaikh Munawwar for a favour-
able development,61 as the political situation was still uncertain.
When the Sultan secured the submission of Khwaja-i Jahan, the
prophecy of Shaikh Munawwar–Delhi itself will come out to
this place with folded hands – proved true. According to Afif,
the Sultan succeeded in bringing Delhi under his authority even
before actually arriving at the capital.62
As he reached Hansi,63 the Sultan intended to meet Shaikh
Munawwar, probably to thank him for his blessings. But he did
not get the kind of reception which he might have anticipated.
Unfortunately, he appeared at the door of the hospice at an in-
opportune moment when the Shaikh was leaving for the mosque
to offer the Friday prayer. The Shaikh identified two faults of the
Sultan that had to be given up. First, drinking alcohol was un-
acceptable. Sultan could not protect the people placed under his
care. Second, his indulgence in hunting was undesirable, as it was
not proper to kill innocent living beings beyond a certain limit.
The Sultan requested the Shaikh to pray for him, so that God kept
him away from these bad habits. The Shaikh left the scene abruptly,
remarking that the Sultan had ignored his advice by failing to
repent. Soon after, both went to the mosque to offer the Friday
prayer and occupied separate spots meant for them. The Sultan
sent a costly cloak with red and black stripes as an offering to the
Shaikh. The Shaikh refused to accept it as it was made of a material
forbidden by the Shariat. The Sultan wished to convey his regrets,
but the Shaikh was so offended by the improper gesture that he
left the mosque immediately after prayers. Shaikh Nuruddin, the
Shaikh’s son, having realized the mood of his father, covered his
departure in a manner that he was not seen. Two persons, who
held the cloak by its arms as if it were a curtain, did this. The
Sultan, who was looking in the direction of the Shaikh, was left
helpless. Since he realized his mistake, he sent a message to Shaikh
Nuruddin requesting that Shaikh Munawwar might not wear the
cloak if he regarded the material unlawful.64 Afif has stated that
such kings of religion could not be expected to put on garments
248 The Making of Medieval Panjab

that were not permitted. He also suggested that, owing to the pres-
ence of such pious saints and their offspring, Hansi had remained
immune from the depredations of the Mongols.65
Land grants and financial aid, which were advanced by Firoz
Shah Tughluq during his march through Panjab, strengthened the
foundations of the Delhi Sultanate and widened its support base.
During the next two or three years, these measures were adopted
as official policy and implemented on a large scale. Every day
the officers of the Diwan-i Risalat recommended the petitions of
Sufis, Syeds, theologians, students, legal experts, memorizers and
reciters of the Quran, Qalandars, Haidaris, keepers of mosques,
attendants of tombs, orphans, cripples and beggars. Land grants
assimilated into the khalisa during the last 70 to 100 years, were
restored and fresh documents were issued to the sons and grand-
sons of the beneficiaries. Barren lands were also distributed among
the claimants. As the old schools and mosques were revived, the
remuneration of teachers and students was increased. Sufi lodges
in Delhi and provinces, which had been lying deserted, began to
flourish with the help of 5,000-30,000 tankas each.66 The Sultan
himself claimed to have financed the construction of mosques,
seminaries and hospices. Since a number of people – Sufis, schol-
ars, puritans and devout – used these spaces, their maintenance
was ensured in letters of endowment (waqfnamas). In particular,
the mausoleum of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya was expanded and
beautified. The doors of its domed room and the lattice-work
(gumbad wa jafriha) were made afresh with sandal wood. From
the four corners of the enclosure, golden lanterns (qandilha-i
zareen) were suspended with the help of golden chains. A con-
gregational hall (jamaatkhana), which was not there earlier, was
constructed.67

Zamindars at Centrestage
Firoz Shah Tughluq had acquired an intimate knowledge of
the countryside of Panjab. This could be attributed to his deep
interest in hunting which he had been pursuing since his days as
a prince, though Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq unsuccessfully
 New Strategies of State Formation 249

tried to dissuade him. When he ascended the throne and abjured

military campaigns owing to the negative results, he turned to-
wards hunting with renewed passion. This became evident from
an account of his hunting onagers (gorkhars). These animals lived
in forests that lacked water. Such a habitat was available in the
area between Dipalpur and Sarsuti. For miles on end, there was
nothing but wilderness. The land was so arid that water could
not be extracted even on digging a hundred yards deep. If, during
the summers, any traveller went astray, he lost his life owing to
the scarcity of water. It was only at the next stage of the journey
that water was available. A characteristic trait of onagers was that
they lived at places where land was desolate and water was not
encountered for 80 kos. When they were thirsty, they covered this
long stretch and, having quenched their thirst, returned to their
place. It was possible to hunt onagers only during the summer
because, in this season, they tended to collect at one spot. During
the winter and monsoons, they scattered.
When Firoz Shah Tughluq embarked on hunting onagers,
he established his camp (bungah) between Abohar and Sarsuti.
Leaving behind those with weak horses at the camp, he was
accompanied by those who had stout horses. In accordance with
his instructions, the nobles carried their stocks of water sufficient
for three days on camels, horses, and the backs of water carri-
ers. The Sultan rode out in the late afternoon prayer (asr) and,
travelling throughout the night, reached the resting place of ona-
gers at the midday prayer (zuhr). He organized a hunting circle
(parah) with a radius of 15 kos, which was slowly contracted to
just 4 kos, so that the onagers were trapped. After staying for the
night, he spent the next day from morning to evening on the hunt.
Thereafter, he broke up the hunting circle and, travelling for two
days along with his companions, returned to the camp on the
third day after covering a distance of 70 kos.68 The common peo-
ple indirectly benefited from this royal pursuit because the Sultan,
who remained extremely cheerful during his hunting excursions,
accepted any request made to him.69
In many respects a hunting expedition, which was apparently
a royal diversion and pastime, was similar to a military campaign.
250 The Making of Medieval Panjab

The Sultan had invested a lot in creating a vast establishment to

supervise hunting. A large number of animals and birds – lions,
tigers, dogs and falcons – were trained to assist. Two or three serv-
ants looked after each animal or bird and rode on horses during
a hunt. Apart from princes and nobles, the entourage comprised
forty banners and a variety of tents. The keepers of animals and
birds marched on the left and right under two spears with peacock
feathers, which was an invention of Ghiasuddin Tughluq. Out of
five royal stables, one with 1,200 horses was set aside for the hunt.
In addition to the chief of hunt (amir-i shikar) Malik Dailan and
his deputy Malik Khizr Bahram, there were numerous officials
(faujdars and bazidgars). Senior nobles worked hard to maintain
different sections of this department as the Sultan was personally
devoted to the pursuit.70 The impact was seen in his forays into the
jungles of Badaun and Anwala, where he hunted deer, nilgai, and
asses. As many as 12,000 hunters (bahlis) went along. Two huge
cauldrons were constructed to cook massive quantities of meat
that was distributed among the people. Carried on specially fab-
ricated carriages, the cauldrons were pulled by 120 carriers. The
meat that could not be consumed was dried with a treatment of
cumin seeds and carried to Delhi.71
During the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq (r. 1325-51),
the Delhi Sultanate formed an alliance with two zamindars of a
village near Thanesar. This event took place in the context of a
hunting expedition that culminated in a matrimonial union. The
author of the Mirat-i Sikandari has provided a detailed account
of the development. Once Firoz was hunting deer in the suburbs
of Thanesar, and was separated from his retinue. As the sun had
set, he began to look for a place to spend the night. He entered
the nearest village and joined a group of local zamindars. At the
request of the visitor, one of those assembled began to remove
his shoes. This person happened to be an expert in chiromancy
(ilm-i qifayat wa fan-i firasat) and seeing the underside of Firoz’s
feet, declared, ‘None other than a king possesses such feet. It is not
known if he is a king or likely to become one.’ This person and
his brother invited Firoz to spend the night in their house. Firoz
accepted the invitation. These two brothers, Sadhu and Sadharan,
 New Strategies of State Formation 251

busied themselves in playing the host. The wife of Sadhu, who was
an intelligent woman, expressed doubts about trusting a stranger
merely on the basis of his noble bearing. On her advice, a drink-
ing party was organized in order to test the qualities of the guest.
The sister of Sadhu and Sadharan, who was extremely beautiful
(jamal soorat wa kamal husn), began to serve liquor to the guest.
On seeing that the guest was entrapped in the beauty of the young
maiden, Sadhu’s wife sought to know the identity of the guest,
who could be offered the girl in marriage. Firoz revealed that he
was the cousin of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq and, as such,
heir apparent to the throne of Delhi. Sadhu’s wife proposed that
the girl might be married to Firoz because the prince was enam-
oured by her beauty and their own family would gain material
benefits from the alliance. The brothers readily agreed and the
marriage ceremony (nikah) was performed. The marriage was
consummated on the same night. The next morning, armed con-
tingents arrived from different directions. Firoz returned to Delhi
with his bride. The two brothers, Sadhu and Sadharan, remained
with Firoz like a shadow and did not leave him even for a moment.
Firoz fell madly in love with his wife. In a short time, the two
brothers embraced Islam. Sadharan was granted the title of Wajih
ul-Mulk.72
The author of the Mirat-i Sikandari would have us believe
that the marriage was a culmination of love at first sight, which
occurred in dramatic and accidental circumstances. However, the
episode needed to be placed in the context of the process of state
formation, because there was a considerable similarity between
the marriages of Firoz and his father Sipahsalar Rajab. Let us recall
that Ghazi Malik, as the governor of Dipalpur, had used coercion
in the countryside of Abohar to (a) collect the land tax from
the village headmen and to (b) force the local chief to marry his
daughter to the governor’s brother. These two actions were inter-
related and complementary. Firoz, an offspring of this marriage,
must have been conscious of the implications of political collabo-
ration between the Delhi Sultanate and the traditional heads of
agricultural communities. When he decided to wed a woman of
a village near Thanesar, he must have been pleased to learn that
252 The Making of Medieval Panjab

she belonged to a family of zamindars, who were not only men of

influence and exercised control over their locality, but could also
muster thousands of horsemen and footmen by a mere hint.73 They
could facilitate (like Rana Mal Bhatti of Abohar) the consolidation
of the Delhi Sultanate in their locality, particularly with reference
to the collection of land tax from the peasantry. This also enabled
us to suggest that the marriage may have been preceded by hard
negotiations between the two parties.74 The two brothers might
have agreed to the proposal of their sister’s marriage and their own
conversion to Islam in return for high posts in Delhi, prospects of
promotion in the future, and suitable jobs for their progeny. In the
words of Samira Shaikh, ‘From the perspective of the Taks, offer-
ing women and military allegiance to the Sultans represented a
potent means of upward mobility. The transformation of the Tak
peasants into independent Sultans within a generation is a prime
example of the benefits that manpower-rich groups derived from
association with the Sultanate.’75
Though the marital unions of the father and son – Sipahsalar
Rajab and Prince Firoz – appear somewhat dissimilar in outward
form, they are similar in content, i.e. in terms of the social classes
involved, the objectives nurtured, and the results achieved. After
all, the son of Sadharan rose to be the governor of Gujarat and
went on to establish an independent dynasty in the region. This
sequel was logical, because Sadharan enjoyed the patronage of
the Tughluq rulers as well as the Suhrawardi saint of Uch, i.e
worldly as well as spiritual power. Could we ignore that Syed
Jalaluddin Bokhari, the famous Suhrawardi saint of Uch, and a
mentor of Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq, had bestowed the kingdom
of Gujarat on Sadharan’s son Zafar Khan and his twelve genera-
tions? Unsurprisingly, it was again the same source, the Mirat-i
Sikandari, that has provided an account of the circumstances in
which the boon was granted.
Sadharan, in accordance with the wishes of Sultan Firoz Shah
Tughluq, became a disciple of Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari of Uch.
The Sultan was pleased with this act, while Shaikh Bokhari began
to shower his grace on the two brothers. One day a number of
mendicants (fuqra) assembled in the hospice of the Shaikh, but
 New Strategies of State Formation 253

there was no food for them. Zafar Khan, the son of Sadharan,
who was also a disciple of the Shaikh, learnt about the situation.
Gathering food and sweets from his house and the market, he
went to the hospice and served meals to the visitors. The mendi-
cants raised the slogan ‘Allah hu Akbar’ in a loud chorus. This
voice reached the ears of the Shaikh, who enquired about it. His
servants informed him about Zafar Khan’s act of kindness. The
Shaikh summoned Zafar Khan to his presence and declared, ‘Oh
Zafar Khan. In lieu of this feast, I confer the entire kingdom of
Gujarat on you. May God make it a bliss for you.’ The saint also
gifted him the covering of his own bedstead (palang posh khasa).
Zafar Khan returned home and conveyed the happy news to his
wife. Not impressed, she asked her husband to seek this boon for
his descendants, as he himself had become old and could not rule
for a long time. She reasoned that since the Shaikh was immensely
kind towards him, he would accept any request that he made to
him. Zafar Khan retraced his steps to the hospice and carried a
bundle of fresh gifts including flowers, fruit, perfumes, and betel
leaves. The Shaikh accepted the gifts with approval and, giving a
handful of dates (khurma) from a tray to Zafar Khan, said that his
descendants would rule over Gujarat for several generations equal
to the number of dates. Some people believe that the number of
dates was twelve or thirteen or more.76
During medieval times, there were doubts about the caste of
zamindars hailing from a village near Thanesar. According to
Sikandar bin Manjhu, Sadharan (who was the first among the kin
of the Sultans of Gujarat to embrace Islam) belonged to the caste
of the Taks. Further, the annals of the Hindus indicated that the
Taks had brotherly relations with the Khatris. But when the Taks
took to the consumption of liquor, the Khatris expelled them from
their caste. According to the Hindavi language, people who were
segregated in this manner were known as Taks. With the passage
of time, the Taks came to have their own set of beliefs and cus-
toms. Interestingly, Sikandar bin Manjhu has traced the genealogy
of Sadharan to Lord Ramchandra who was worshipped as a deity
among the Hindus.77 When Sadharan’s son Zafar Khan estab-
lished his own rule in Gujarat, the doubts reappeared about his
254 The Making of Medieval Panjab

social background, which was again linked to wine. It was recalled

that when Firoz Shah Tughluq ascended the throne in 1351, he
had raised the ranks of Zafar Khan and his brother Shams Khan.
Showing his trust in these nephews of his wife, the Sultan placed
them in charge of the royal wine cellar (sharabdari). A few years
after the death of the Sultan, Zafar Khan was sent to Gujarat to
quell the rebellion of Rasti Khan. He brought the region under
his control and went on to establish an independent rule.78 At this
time, some people believed that the Sultans of Gujarat belonged
to the caste of wine distillers (kalalan yani khamaran). Sikandar
bin Manjhu has pointed out that this belief was wrong and it came
into circulation owing to a specific situation. On one occasion, the
Sultan’s household received a huge stock of grapes that could not
be consumed and was on the verge of decay. He handed the fruit to
the brothers, who converted it into wine. As a result, some people
out of jealousy connected them with wine distillers and gave wide
publicity to their lowly social background. But it had been proved
by facts that they belonged to the caste of Taks. Whatever be their
caste, they were known for their virtuous conduct and charitable
disposition.79 By making this statement, Sikandar bin Manjhu has
tried to deflect our attention away from their ambiguous ancestry
to their noble qualities.
Another zamindar, Mote Rai Chauhan of Darrera in the dis-
trict of Hissar, negotiated an alliance with the Tughluq regime.
The episode has been reconstructed by Kavi Jan in a poetic work.80
According to this narrative, a young boy named Karam Chand
(the son of Mote Rai Chauhan) went hunting along with a sizeable
group of people. While searching for animals, the others wan-
dered far away. The tired lad sat down under the shade of a tree
and instantly fell asleep. The Sultan of Delhi, Firoz Shah Tughluq,
who was also hunting in that forest, saw the boy sleeping. He was
astonished to see that the lad was covered by shade that remained
fixed, while the other trees did not cast any shadow at high noon.
The Sultan called his companion Syed Nasir (the faujdar of
Hissar) who declared that the boy must be a great person. They
were somewhat confused to find that the boy was a Hindu. They
could not understand the boy’s extraordinary boon as, in their
 New Strategies of State Formation 255

perception, Hindus did not possess miraculous power. Syed Nasir

imagined that the boy would adopt the path of a Turk in the end.
The Sultan renamed the boy as Qiyam Khan and took him back to
Hissar. When the boy’s father Mote Rai Chauhan learnt about the
whereabouts of his son, he also went to Hissar. The Sultan insisted
on keeping the boy and assured that he would treat him like a son
and that he would be given a high official rank (a mansab of 5,000)
on attaining maturity. The father received gifts from the Sultan
and returned home. Qiyam Khan was placed under the care of
Syed Nasir, who brought him up along with his own sons. When
his education was completed, Syed Nasir asked him to undergo
circumcision, offer prayers (namaz) and embrace Islam. Qiyam
Khan hesitated to take any such step, as he feared that none would
trust him and his family and therefore none would offer his daugh-
ter in marriage to him. Syed Nasir predicted that great kings of the
future – Rao Jodha of Mandore and Bahlol Lodi of Delhi – would
marry their daughters into his lineage. Thus assured, Qiyam Khan
embraced Islam and became a pure and orthodox Muslim. Syed
Nasir took Qiyam Khan to Delhi and presented him before the
Sultan, who was much pleased. During his illness, Syed Nasir
expressed a desire to bequeath his rank (mansab) to Qiyam Khan,
as he was more capable than his own sons. The Sultan acceded to
the request, so that Qiyam Khan inherited the possessions of Syed
Nasir – rank, land and goods – and became a trusted noble at the
court. In this manner, the Sultan fulfilled his promise to Mote Rai
Chauhan.81
It is not possible to accept the above narrative in its entirety,
because it is embellished with supernatural phenomena and vio-
lated the sequence of chronology.82 In spite of these limitations,
which might be attributed to the very nature of the heroic ballad,
it does contain a substantive kernel of factual and believable infor-
mation, so essential for our principal argument revolving around
local linkages. By the late fourteenth century, the ruling class of the
Delhi Sultanate had developed an effective mechanism – a com-
bination of negotiation and coercion – to secure the collaboration
of the powerful class of rural aristocrats. Based on the informa-
tion provided by the administrator of Hissar, Firoz Shah Tughluq
256 The Making of Medieval Panjab

perceived the Rajput zamindar of Darrera, Mote Rai Chauhan, as

an indispensable ally in the administrative control and economic
development of Hissar. Whereas the chief might have offered to
provide the necessary cooperation at the grassroots level, the state
required adequate guarantees and safeguards. The possibility of a
matrimonial alliance was ruled out, perhaps because the Chauhan
household did not have a young maiden to be offered as a bride.
The only alternative was to keep the chief’s son as a hostage in
the household of the local administrator of Hissar. Karam Chand
Chauhan was chosen, after deep deliberation and strategic plan-
ning, to play a particular role in the process of state formation–a
role which had been played earlier by the daughter of Rana Mal
Bhatti in the household of Ghazi Malik and by the sister of Sadhu
and Sadharan in the household of Firoz Shah Tughluq.83
During the later part of Firoz Shah Tughluq’s reign, Qiyam
Khan was military governor (faujdar) of Hissar and, in the
absence of the Sultan, also held charge of Delhi. After the inva-
sion of Timur, his political influence increased to such an extent
that he made an abortive bid to place his candidate on the Delhi
throne. During this phase, he entered into a tussle with Mallu
Iqbal Khan, who had become a leading contender for political
power. It has been claimed that Qiyam Khan was invited by the
ministers to occupy the throne, which had been held by seven of
his illustrious ancestors. Qiyam Khan declined the offer as power
was transitory and its loss resulted in sorrow.84 Subsequently, he
concentrated his energies on consolidating his authority in Hissar,
Hansi and Bhatner. Qiyam Khan could be identified with Qawam
Khan who held the district of Hissar Firoza during the reign of
Sultan Mahmud (r. 1405-12). Being a partisan of Khizr Khan, he
was besieged (1408) by the Sultan in the fort of Hissar Firoza and
was forced to send his son to the court for service. In 1414, he
was put to death along with a few other nobles who were found
guilty of conspiring against Khizr Khan.85 His sons Taj Khan and
Muhammad Khan not only held his territorial possessions in a
firm grip, but also assisted Nagore in fighting against Chittor.
When Bahlol Lodi (r. 1451-89) brought Hissar Firoza under his
sway, Muhammad Khan and his nephew Fateh Khan (a son-
 New Strategies of State Formation 257

in-law of Bahlol Lodi) founded respectively the principalities of

Fatehpur and Jhunjhunu.86

Canal Network and Agrarian Expansion

Promoting agriculture in southeast Panjab through a canal
network, Firoz Shah Tughluq, must have learnt from the past.
During the reign of his predecessor Muhammad bin Tughluq,
a widespread peasant revolt had irrupted beyond the Jamuna,
forcing the state to expand cultivation through a scheme of
loans. A similar revolt had also broken out in southeast Panjab.
The crisis might be traced to a severe famine that raged in a vast
area spreading from Malwa (central India) to Delhi, as the towns
and settlements were engulfed in misery. When Muhammad bin
Tughluq returned to the capital from Devagiri, he found that the
city did not have a thousandth part of its population. Owing to lack
of rains, cultivation disappeared and the land was devastated. The
Sultan tried to ameliorate the condition of people and improve
agriculture by advancing loans from the treasury. Owing to the
ongoing drought, agriculture could not be revived and people
continued to die. At the same time, the peasants inhabiting parts
of southeastern Panjab – Sunam, Samana, Kuhram and Kaithal –
rose in revolt. Having constructed fortifications (mandal), they
refused to pay the land tax and, causing disturbances, took to
highway robbery. The Sultan marched in to the affected area and,
dismantling the fortifications, scattered the armed bands. The
rebellious tribes were identified as Birahas, Mandahars, Jiwans,
Bhattis and Manhis. These groups were expelled from their lands
and their headmen were brought to Delhi, where they were placed
in the custody of various nobles. They began to reside in the city
along with their families, while some of them converted to Islam.87
Peace was restored in the tract, but Firoz Shah Tughluq sought to
resettle the area by providing means of artificial irrigation.
Afif’s history indicated that the establishment of the city of
Hissar Firoza was connected with the excavation of canals in
southeast Panjab.88 He acquired first hand information about this
development from his father, who was a confidant of the Sultan
258 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and recorded the official work done by special officers at night

(shabnavisi khwasan). The Sultan, on his return from Bengal,
stayed near Hissar Firoza for nealy two and a half years and turned
his attention to the welfare of the country and people. During
this period, the construction of a new city took place. He visited
Delhi for short intervals, but invariably returned after a few days.
He decided to establish the city at the site of two large inhabited
villages – Big Laras and Small Laras – that possessed fifty and
forty cattle sheds (kharaks) respectively, indicating that the area
was predominantly pastoral in character. As soon as the Sultan
saw the land of Big Laras, he was so impressed that he decided to
establish a city there. But the area was deficient in water. During
summers, travellers from Iraq and Khurasan paid 4 jitals to pur-
chase a pitcher of water. However, the Sultan felt that if he built a
city for virtuous people, God would cause water to appear on the
land owing to His supreme power. For many years, the Sultan and
his nobles remained occupied in this work. Stones were brought
from the Narsai hills and, using a mixture of slaked lime and sand,
constructed a fort of enormous thickness, length and height.89
Each noble was assigned the task of supervising the construc-
tion of a specific quarter (alang). When the work of construction
was completed and some time had elapsed, the Sultan named
the city as Hissar Firoza. A moat (khandaq) was dug all around
the fort and, depositing the earth on its sides, a battlement was
raised. A large and unmatched reservoir (hauz buzurg wa ghadir
la-nazir) whose water lasted for one year supplied water to the
moat. Inside the fort, a palace was built for the Sultan’s household.
Unrivalled in the world by any royal residence, it had several halls
and ingenious structures, where a stranger could lose his way. A
number of people, high-ranking nobles, elite and commoners,
constructed houses for themselves.90 To begin with, the Sultan
aimed at providing water to the inhabitants by digging large tanks
that were designed to collect the rainwater. It appears that this ini-
tial attempt turned out to be inadequate.91 Therefore, two canals
were excavated – Rajabwah and Ulughkhani – from the Satluj and
Jamuna respectively. The headworks of both were situated near
 New Strategies of State Formation 259

Karnal and, together covering a distance of 240 kilometres (80

kurohs) reached Hissar Firoza.92
Unlike Afif, Sirhindi has provided detail regarding the network
of canals. According to him, the Sultan visited Dipalpur in 1355
and excavated a canal from the Satluj to Jahbaz (Jajner) cover-
ing a distance of 48 kurohs. Next year, he dug the Firozabad canal
from the vicinity of Mandati and Sirmur hills. After its merger
with seven streams, it was brought to Hansi. From this place it was
carried to Arasan where a strong citadel (hisar-i mustahkam) was
raised which was named as Hissar Firoza. At its base was created a
large reservoir (hauz vasih) which was filled with the water of this
canal. Another canal was excavated from the Ghaggar; it passed
alongside the fort of Sarsuti and reached as far as Harni Khera.
In between these canals, the fort of Firozabad was built. Another
canal, which was dug from the Jamuna at Budhi, was conveyed
to the reservoir at Hissar Firoza and was carried even further.93
Sharafuddin Ali Yazdi has credited the Sultan with cutting a canal
called Haikan from the Kali and carrying it to meet the Jamuna
near Firozabad.94
In his enthusiasm for artificial irrigation, Firoz Shah Tughluq
faced natural obstacles. This was shown by an attempt to improve
cultivation in the northern part of the cis-Satluj area. During the
course of the Sultan’s visit in 1361, it was found that the river
Salima, also called the Sarsuti, consisted of two large streams that
were always flowing. A high mound was situated between them.
It was felt that if the mound could be dug through, the water of
the Sarsuti could flow into the other stream which, then, could
irrigate the tract of Sirhind, Mansurpur and Samana. This state-
ment made sense if a minor modification was proposed. The two
streams appeared to be the Sarsuti and Ghaggar, which flowed
down from the Sirmur and Pinjore hills, parallel to each other, in
a southwesterly direction. The mound between them could have
been located somewhere at Ambala. In the mid-fourteenth cen-
tury, the Sarsuti had a sufficient quantity of water and, therefore, it
was possible to transfer a part of it to the Ghaggar, which was less
fortunate in this regard. To achieve this aim, the Sultan enrolled
260 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the services of 50,000 labourers who, equipped with spades, began

to dig through the mound. The diggers discovered several fos-
sils of elephants and humans, indicating existence of life in these
parts during the pre-historic period. Unfortunately, the Sultan’s
attempt ended in a failure, as the water of one stream (Sarsuti)
could not be delivered to the other (Ghaggar). This failure might
be attributed to inadequate knowledge of the local topography,
particularly the elevations on the two sides of the mound. On this
occasion, Sirhind and an area of 10 kurohs were constituted into
a new administrative unit, which was placed under Shamsuddin
Abu Rija who was ordered to construct a fort called Firozpur. 95
Since the statements of three chroniclers (Barani, Afif and
Sirhindi) on the canals of Firoz Shah Tughluq contained inaccu-
racies, they have caused much confusion in the minds of readers.
Fortunately, a recent study has not only mapped the geographi-
cal courses of these canals, but has also reconciled contradictions
found in contemporary sources. Moving from west to east, it has
traced the routes of as many as seven canals. The first canal, known
as the Firoz Shahi, took off from the Satluj near Ropar and flowed
towards Sirhind. The second canal intended to carry the water of
Sarsuti to Ghaggar, so as to flow through Sirhind, Mansurpur and
Sunam. The project, as mentioned above, remained abortive. The
third canal Tughluqshahi commenced from the eastern arm of
the Ghaggar in the low hills of Pinjore and, receiving a diversion
from the Sarsuti, reached as far as Fatehabad and Firozabad. The
fourth canal Firozbah took off from Sadhaura in the mountains of
Sirmur. It received the water diverted from the Sarsuti and shared
the long channel of the Chutang. On reaching Dhatrat, it merged
with a branch of the Rajabwah arriving from the Safedun. Flowing
through Hansi and Jind, it reached Hissar. A smaller branch
between Jind and Hansi, moved southwards to Bawni Khera. The
fifth canal, Rajabwah, had its source in an old arm of the Jamuna
above Karnal and travelled southwards as far as Rohtak. The
sixth canal Ulughkhani was cut from the Jamuna in the hills of
Sirmur and, merging with the Rajabwah for a part of its journey,
it separated and flowed down to Wazirabad where it merged with
the Jamuna. The seventh canal was the Haikan (Hindan), which
 New Strategies of State Formation 261

was drawn from the upper Kali, and flowed into the Jamuna near
Firozabad.96
Having completed the work of construction in the new city,
Firoz Shah Tughluq went to the neighbouring town of Hansi in
order to pay his respects to Shaikh Nuruddin (the mentor of Afif).
At this time, the Shaikh had succeeded to the spiritual seat of Hansi
following the death of his father Shaikh Qutbuddin Munawwar.
When the Sultan reached the hospice, he, out of respect, did
not allow the Shaikh to leave his seat (sajjadah) and walk out to
welcome him. After exchanging pleasantries and shaking hands,
‘the two rulers who had been chosen by God’ sat in one spot to
converse. The Shaikh, following in the footsteps of eminent Sufis,
delivered a sermon on spiritual matters. The Sultan, speaking like
a king, said,
I have founded the city of Hissar Firoza for the benefit and comfort of
the people of Islam. It would be appropriate if the Shaikh, owing to his
grace, settled in Hissar Firoza. A khanqah will be built for the pious and
the necessary funds will be provided for its maintenance. It will be easy
for the people of Hansi to visit the Shaikh, as the distance was not more
than ten kos. On account of the blessings of the Shaikh, the inhabitants
of Hissar Firoza would be protected from hardships and the city would
become fully populated and prosperous.
In response, the Shaikh wished to know if the proposal was a
royal order or the matter was in his purview. The Sultan clarified
that he could not dare to issue any command and the issue was
entirely in his (Shaikh’s) hands. He added that if the Shaikh him-
self decided to settle in Hissar Firoza, it would be good fortune for
the city and its inhabitants. The Shaikh replied, ‘If the decision is
within my right, then my place is Hansi, which has been the spir-
itual domain (vilayat) of my grandfather (Shaikh Burhanuddin)
and father (Shaikh Qutbuddin Munawwar). It had been bestowed
on them by Shaikh-ul Islam Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar and
Mahbub-i Ilahi Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.’ Overwhelmed, the
Sultan conceded that it was proper for the Shaikh to continue
residing in Hansi and hoped that his blessings would keep Hissar
Firoza safe from all calamities. Afif would have us believe that
when the cruel invaders (under Amir Timur) attacked Delhi and
262 The Making of Medieval Panjab

destroyed the property of Hindus and Muslims, the inhabitants of

Hansi as well as the part of Hissar Firoza which had been included
in Hansi remained safe due to the blessings of Shaikh Nuruddin.97
It may be added that the attitude of the Shaikh towards the state
was in line with that of his father Shaikh Qutbuddin Munawwar,
but substantially differed from that of the descendants of Shaikh
Alauddin of Pakpattan.
The Sultan took a keen interest in the working of the irriga-
tion project. In particular, he wished to know if the canal water
actually reached the fields of the peasants in the targeted areas.
At the onset of every monsoon, he deputed special officers to
monitor the flow of water in the canals. Afif’s father and uncle
were included among the functionaries who, after travelling along
the canals across the countryside, collected the latest information
and communicated it to the capital. The Sultan was delighted to
learn that the canal water, after flowing from the east to west, had
reached the destined villages. However, he reprimanded the con-
cerned officers if he found that any village had been flooded.98
Since the funds on the irrigation project had been spent from
the personal resources of the Sultan and the positive results of
canal water had started appearing, it became necessary to develop
a new mechanism to manage the income from the concerned
areas. The Sultan convened a meeting of a number of scholars –
including qazis, muftis, ulama and mashaikh – and sought their
legal opinion (fatwa) on an important issue. The question was – if
an individual spent his labour and money on digging canals from
deep rivers and carried them to towns and villages, and the inhab-
itants of these places drew immense profit (nafa basiyar) from
them, was that individual entitled to any payment in lieu of his
personal contribution? According to the unanimous opinion of
scholars, the one who took the trouble and made efforts was en-
titled to a water tax (haq-i sharb) which was equal to one tenth of
the income of the concerned areas. In the wake of this decree, the
Sultan included this tax in his personal income (imlak). Like pre-
vious rulers, he brought a large number of barren villages (zamin
imvat) under the plough and added them to his personal income.
The land tax from these villages was taken out of the purview of
 New Strategies of State Formation 263

the public treasury (bait-ul mal) and distributed among the theo-
logians and Sufis (ulama wa mashaikh). As it became evident, the
Sultan’s personal income comprised two sources – money from
the water tax (haq-i sharb) and land tax from the newly settled vil-
lages. The funds of the Sultan’s personal income, which amounted
to 2 lakh tankas, turned out to be more than that of any other
Sultan of Delhi. In order to administer this large amount, special
officers were appointed and a separate treasury was set up.99
Barani completed his Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi six years after the
accession of Firoz Shah Tughluq and thus witnessed the com-
mencement of the project of Hissar Firoza and canals. Though he
did not live long enough to see the irrigation-based agricultural
transformation, he has done an impressive speculation on fairly
scientific lines.100 He has recorded that the canals laid during the
reign of the Sultan were as long as 100-20 miles (50-60 kurohs)
and as wide as the Ganga and Jamuna. They flowed through the
arid wastelands and burning deserts, where there was no well or
pond. It was hoped that thousands of villages would emerge on
the banks of these canals and several new types of crops would be
grown. Ever since Hindustan had been settled, groups of pastoral-
ists, faced with the scarcity of water for cattle, lived in clusters of
bullock carts (talwandi) and not in villages. Whenever they learnt
about the availability of water at any place, they shifted there along
with their bullock carts and cattle. For twelve months in the year,
they lived under the bullock carts along with their women and
children. These nomadic people, assisted by canal water, would
settle as sedentary cultivators in the newly established villages
and build proper houses for themselves. Whereas they raised only
lentils (moth) and sesame (til) earlier, it would now be possible
for them to raise superior crops like wheat, gram, and sugar cane.
Agricultural production would increase and the prices of grain
would fall. Cattle population would increase a thousand times.
Owing to proper settlement and cultivation, the governors (walis
and muqtis) would be able to collect land tax regularly, leading to
a plentiful treasury. The onset of general prosperity and improved
living standards would enable the people to consume superior
foods – wheat, gram, and sugar – which were brought earlier by
264 The Making of Medieval Panjab

traders from Delhi and were enjoyed only on festive occasions.

Since these crops would be produced in surplus, the people would
store them in their houses and even send them to other areas for
profit. Vast deserts, where nothing grew for miles except acacia
and thorny bushes, would be covered with zones of cultivation
and orchards. A variety of fruit, grapes, mangoes, pomegranates,
apples, melons, figs, lemons and gooseberries, would be produced.
Two varieties of sugar cane, siyah and parenda, would be raised.
Trees of peepal, jamun, tamarind, dates and sambal would grow,
and flowers such as karma, baqla, and khashkhash.
Continuing in the same vein, Barani has stated that the travel-
lers in the past did not dare to set foot in these lands and some
of them even lost their lives on account of acute thirst. The scar-
city of water forced them to travel only during the night or carry
flasks of drinking water (mashkina wa mashk) or hang onions
from their necks. Herds of animals and flocks of birds used to
die for want of water. But the arrival of canals mitigated these
problems. The wayfarers forced to perform their ablutions with
sand (taiyyum), would offer the five prayers (namaz) after taking
proper bath. Owing to the width of the channels and the volume
of water, people now would cover the distances in boats. Large
armies would camp on the banks of canals for decades, without
causing a decrease in the flow of water. The excavation of the
canals was such an amazing achievement that thousands of boons
would accrue to the people and, with the passage of time, these
benefits would increase. Prophet Muhammad’s understanding of
perpetual charity (sadqa-i jaria), as an act which remained among
the people for a long time, was applicable to the digging of canals
that flowed all the time. Barani, who had observed the functioning
of several regimes, had never witnessed anything like the digging
of canals. He could not remember any other king, who combined
in himself the excellent virtues possessed by Firoz Shah Tughluq.
All creatures of the affected region – human beings, djinns, ani-
mals and birds – would shower eulogies on the Sultan and pray
for his long life.
In contrast to Barani, Afif lived long enough to observe the fru-
 New Strategies of State Formation 265

ition of the irrigation project and the consequent changes in the

agrarian economy. His description is restrained and objective. He
observed that before the excavation of canals, the land of Hissar
Firoza produced only the monsoon crop (kharif). With the avail-
ability of irrigation facilities, the winter crops (rabi) – including
wheat and different varieties of sugar cane such as the black one
(nishkar siyah) and paunda could be cultivated, as they could not
be produced without water. In fact, all the crops of the two seasons
began to be raised. Before the reign of Firoz Shah Tughluq, this
area was placed under the district (shiq) of Hansi. With the foun-
dation of the new city and agrarian expansion, Hissar Firoza was
constituted as a new district and it included the sub districts (iqtas)
of Hansi, Agroha, Fatehabad, Sarsuti, Salora and Khizrabad. Malik
Dailan was appointed its first administrator (shiqdar).101 What was
equally significant, the arrival of canals raised the subsoil water
and, therefore, it became possible to dig wells and obtain water at
a depth of only 4 yards. In addition to food grains and cash crops,
conditions were created for the development of horticulture. A
large number of orchards were planted where a variety of fruit,
oranges, sadaphal, janheri and sakandrawal, was produced. In the
neighbourhood of Delhi, the Sultan laid 1,200 gardens, out of
which 80 were located at Band Salora and 44 at Chittoor. He also
revived 30 gardens that had been originally planted by Alauddin
Khalji. These gardens produced oranges, plums, and seven vari-
eties of grapes. These gardens yielded revenues to the tune of
1,80,000 tankas, while that of the Doab stood at only 80 lakh
tankas.
Afif’s description was limited only to two canals (Rajabwah
and Ulughkhani) with particular reference to the establishment
of the cities of Hissar Firoza and Fatehabad. He stated that the
towns and villages (qasbat wa qariyat) situated between these two
canals – Hansi, Jind, Dhatrat and Tughluqpur (alias Safedun) –
had benefited from the canals.102 Keeping in view the other canals
that were mentioned by Sirhindi, it appeared that a much larger
area, bounded on the east by the Jamuna and on the west by the
Ghaggar and Sarsuti, stood to gain from the provision of irrigation
266 The Making of Medieval Panjab

facilities. Therefore, it was possible to suggest that cultivation had

also improved in such places as Ambala, Mustafabad, Shahabad,
Thanesar, Kuhram, Samana, Kaithal, Tohana, Jamalpur, Ahroni,
Sirsa, Khanda, Atkhera, Barwala and Agroha.

Administration and Economy of Multan

During the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq (r. 1325-51), Ain
ul-Mulk Mahru was appointed governor of Awadh and Zafarabad.103
He came into prominence while supplying food grains and money
to the Sultan, who was then staying at Sargdwari due to a famine.
Forced to revolt by the move to transfer him to the Deccan,
Mahru was defeated and arrested. In spite of the opposition of
the nobles of foreign origin,104 the Sultan rehabilitated Mahru in
rather dramatic circumstances and appointed him superintendent
of a royal garden. Firoz Shah Tughluq appointed him to the
Ashraf-i Mamalik in the Diwan-i Wizarat but, owing to serious
differences with the wazir, Khwaja-i Jahan, he was removed from
this position. The Sultan, in view of Mahru’s high stature among
the nobles, conferred on him the iqtas of Multan, Bhakkar, and
Siwistan. Mahru accepted his new job on the condition that he
would submit his accounts not to the Diwan-i Wizarat, but would
report directly to the Sultan. Some nobles, supporters of Mahru,
complained to the Sultan about the highhandedness of the Wazir.
In response, the Sultan summoned Mahru in order to gauge his
feelings. Mahru, who had already covered a distance of nearly
50 miles on way to Multan, retraced his steps. On meeting the
Sultan, he did not express any ill will against the Wazir, as such an
attitude could weaken the foundations of the state. His good sense
paved the way for his outward reconciliation with the Wazir. He
clarified that his enmity with the Wazir would continue, but this
enmity was too insignificant in comparison to his commitment to
the interests of the state.105 Thus, before he left for Multan again,
Mahru was sure of a complete freedom of action in the discharge
of his duties.
Firoz Shah Tughluq issued a royal mandate (manshur) to Ain
ul-Mulk Mahru when the latter was appointed governor of
 New Strategies of State Formation 267

Multan.106 This document asserted that the Delhi Sultanate sought

to bestow dignity and kindness on the loyal creatures of the court,
who had been raised to high ranks. It aimed at favouring great
nobles and famous ministers who, on account of their knowl-
edge and loyalty, had attained positions of trust. Such individuals
had earned the confidence of the Sultan by their true faith (husn
itiqad). By virtue of their intelligence and judgement, they had
been assigned the management of the kingdom and religion.
The state regarded it a prime duty to train officers who, by their
skill and honesty, had illumined the country and religion. In this
context, the Delhi Sultanate had showered its bounties on Ain ul-
Mulk Mahru who was a conqueror of infidelity, destroyer of the
rebellious, master of the sword and pen, possessor of knowledge
and endurance, and commander of the Iranians who were gran-
dees of the universe. Being a chosen one of God, he was adorned
with virtues and excelled in bravery. Driven by its generosity, the
state bestowed the government (shiq) of Multan on him and, in
consequence, had conferred on him the right to arrest or release,
confiscate or restore and appoint or dismiss any person. Assisted
by his sound judgement and bright vision for the efficient working
of the administration, he would employ these abilities in build-
ing cities and providing comfort to the common people, whose
welfare had been entrusted to the government in this world and
about whom the government would be answerable in the next
world. Mahru was expected to act according to the requirements
of knowledge, wisdom, intelligence, power and generosity. These
principles constituted the pillars of the state (arkan jahandari)
and strengthened the foundations of the kingdom, besides being
in accord with the Quranic verse, ‘Surely Allah enjoins the doing
of justice and the doing of good (to others).’ The royal mandate
instructed all the people – nobles, assignees (muqtis), clerks
(karkunan), chiefs (rayan), soldiers (lashkariyan) and all inhabit-
ants – to abide by the orders inscribed in the document. In due
course, they would be contented by the grace of God and His
help.107
Mahru’s analysis of the economic crisis prevailing in Multan
indicated that the provincial administration kept a close watch on
268 The Making of Medieval Panjab

settlement patterns and agricultural production.108 He found that

during the governorship of his predecessor Imad ul-Mulk, a large
number of inhabitants had left for other places, so that the culti-
vated area had shrunk to one tenth of the better times. Despite
the economic reconstruction being carried out under Firoz Shah
Tughluq, few migrants returned. It was felt that unless the popula-
tion reached the previous levels, there was little hope of achieving
the past magnitude of revenue collection. Second, a number of
taxes – mandwah, tarkah, mal-i maujud, chahar bazaar, zaraib,
guzarha and kharaj-i muhtarifa-i musallam – which were bring-
ing a considerable amount of money into the provincial coffers,
had been abolished.109 Third, a sum of 3 lakh tankas had been
assigned as land grants (inam) and cash pension (idrar), whereas
during the reign of Alauddin Khalji, when grain and cloth were
cheaper, less than a tenth of the amount had been granted. Owing
to a tremendous increase in expenditure, the provincial treasury
did not possess even a paltry sum of 500 tankas.110 Fourth, Multan
had suffered in the past owing to multiple factors – negligence
of officers, poor quality of land and poverty of the peasantry and
villagers. Mahru, who had been serving as the governor for the last
three years, had undertaken vigorous administrative measures.
As a result, the economic conditions were gradually returning
to normal. The local chiefs (rangahan), who had been brought
to submission in the first year, had again risen in revolt, forcing
Mahru to march against them.111
In addition to establishing peace in his territorial jurisdiction,
the governor was required to manage the provincial finances in a
manner that a reasonable balance was achieved between income
and expenditure. The task involved maintaining three classes –
soldiers for warfare, theologians for piety (ifadat) and religious
opinions (ijtihad) and lower bureaucracy (ahl-i qalam) for col-
lecting taxes. These classes had competing claims on the financial
resources of the province, which were often subject to fluctuations.
Mahru’s attention was drawn to a particular year when prices of
food grains fell to one tenth of the earlier rates. Foodgrains, which
were earlier sold at 80 jitals per maund, slumped to 8 jitals per
maund. As a result, the common people led a life of prosperity
 New Strategies of State Formation 269

and contentment. But the revenue receipts of the province and the
income of the land grantees suffered a decline, as the land which
earlier yielded revenue of 50 tankas, offered just 5 tankas. It had to
be understood that if the agricultural produce doubled, the reve-
nue would not increase by five times. Since in that particular year,
the land tax of eight villages in the suburbs of Multan amounted to
38,000 tankas, the income of the land grantees ranged in the same
proportion. It was not proper for them to demand cash compen-
sation from the land tax flowing into the treasury.
From the perspective of the provincial administration, its prime
function was to maintain an efficient army. Accordingly, Mahru
had set aside a separate head (wajh) of expenditure to organize
the affairs of the army. While doing so, he did not overlook the
preachers and Sufis. If a disproportionate amount of land tax was
diverted to them, it would not be possible to achieve the aim of
defending the territories. In other words, if a sufficient army was
not in place, even the land grantees (preachers and Sufis) would
not be able to gather revenue from the producers. It was only
due to the fear of the army and blows of the sword (ba mahabat-
i lashkar wa zarbat-i khanjar) that the zamindars and peasants
paid their taxes and the external enemies were kept in check. Any
negligence with regard to the army encouraged the zamindars
to rise in revolt. In the recent past, the zamindars had acquired
strength owing to an excess of wealth and weapons. Mahru could
not permit the zamindars to regain their erstwhile supremacy in
the countryside, nor allow the powerful enemies on the frontier
to disturb peace in his territorial jurisdiction.112 Therefore, the
maintenance of the army enjoyed precedence over nourishing the
religious intelligentsia.
Mahru, as per his claim, exerted himself to muster troops in
accordance with his wishes and took concrete steps to ensure
their welfare. Caught in a situation of falling revenue receipts, he
devised a solution by which half of a soldier’s salary was paid in
cash and half in kind.113 Though he himself enjoyed the privileged
position of a noble (amir), yet he also claimed his salary in the
same manner. He treated himself as equal to his soldiers, with
reference to any gain or loss in their respective remunerations.
270 The Making of Medieval Panjab

In these matters, it was futile to resort to any dishonest conceal-

ment or arrogant display.114 Mahru was an ardent participant in
a discussion on the income of the state and imposition of new
taxes. Apart from the rulings of the Shariat, he relied on such legal
texts as al-Kafi, Siyar-i Shahan and al-Maheet. At the outset, it was
felt that both the income and expenditure must conform to the
Shariat. But in practice, these canonical principles were not appli-
cable. So long as war booty was available to the Muslims, there
was no need to remunerate them for joining a holy war. When the
Muslims faced danger, the finances could be drawn from the pub-
lic treasury (bait ul-mal) for undertaking a crusade. If the public
treasury did not include war booty, then the ruler could resort to a
new tax during the course of the war. A small evil was permissible
to fight against a bigger evil. In times of emergency, the Shariat
allowed a ruler to levy a new tax. However, this was only a tempo-
rary expedient and, as a precaution, the task of collection had to be
entrusted to officers who were guided by justice and truth. If such
officers were not available, there would be injustice and oppres-
sion. In such times, one could adopt the principle that legalized
even the impermissible in times of need. The ruler was advised
to charge only the land tax, which was being levied since the old
times and which was familiar to the people. Such a course could
not cause any damage, whereas a tax on something non-existent
threatened to instigate revolt. Thus, it was appropriate for the wise
to adopt a course, which did the least harm. After all, some losses
were less damaging than others.115
Despite its avowed preference for the army, the Delhi Sultanate
recognized the social influence of the religious classes – Syeds,
ulama, and Sufis – and promoted their welfare through the instru-
ment of land grants and thus assimilated them into the politi-
cal structure. The provincial governors were required to acquire
complete information regarding land grants in their territorial
jurisdiction: the original conferment, subsequent development,
amount of income, and economic potential. They passed on
these details to the finance ministry (diwan-i wizarat), sought
clarifications on controversial legal aspects and made fresh recom-
mendations. In this context, Mahru undertook a survey (1361-
 New Strategies of State Formation 271

62) in the Multan region. The exercise led to the identification

of two types of land grants – the endowments made by former
rulers (auqaf salatin maziya) to pious foundations (mosques and
seminaries) since the early thirteenth century and land grants
bestowed on individual scholars, Sufis and nobles (auqaf dan-
ishmandan wa mashaikh wa umara) who had brought about
agricultural improvements. In the former category, it was found
that Muizzuddin Muhammad bin Sam of Ghor had endowed the
Jama Masjid of Multan with two villages. The income from these
lands was spent on the maintenance of the building and providing
for teachers, students, reciters of the Quran and servants who gave
the call for prayers, spread the carpets and lighted the lamps. This
Sultan had also endowed the Jama Masjid of Talbina with one
village and its income was spent in the manner described above.
Khan-i Shahid (the son of Ghiasuddin Balban) had carved a land
grant in the Multan region and associated it with a prayer enclo-
sure (namazgah) and mosque. The income from this source was
utilized to repair the former sacred space and pay the salary of the
person who gave the call for prayer. It appears that these institu-
tions were entitled to draw funds directly from the state treasury,
if the income from their respective endowments turned out to be
inadequate.
Such privilege was not extended to the second category of
beneficiaries, when their incomes declined owing to fall in grain
prices. However, the provincial administration undertook to com-
pensate them with grain, in direct proportion to the quantity
being acquired by them before the slump. In the first place, they
were placed in properly settled villages, where some lands were
cultivated and others were not. Their grants were delineated in a
manner that during the years of famine (salha-i qehat) they did
not suffer owing to the rise in grain prices. They were expected
to meet their household needs from the income (mahsul) yielded
by cultivated lands. The remaining lands were supposed to be
utilized for effecting improvements in the total grant. With the
reclamation of barren land by the grantees, the respective claims
of waqf and diwani came under dispute. Mahru recommended
that the share of diwani be merged with that of waqf on the
272 The Making of Medieval Panjab

grounds that the existing income from the latter was not large.
Besides, Islam had been existing in Multan for the last 700 years.
The process of rehabilitation of the region had begun with the
return of the former inhabitants. The concerned intellectuals and
Sufis (danishmandan wa mashaikh) were just mendicants (faqir)
who were particularly loyal to Firoz Shah Tughluq. Mahru had
dared to make these recommendations because the rehabilitation
of Multan was a personal achievement (karnama) of the Sultan.
However, he looked forward to the central government for final
orders regarding the land grants in Multan. Looked at in totality,
the intention of the governor was to transfer the gains of agrarian
expansion to the grantee, rather than to the state.
The kind of agrarian expansion undertaken in southeastern
Panjab was replicated in the Multan region also. The project
was implemented by Mahru, who was appointed as its governor
during the reign of Firoz Shah Tughluq. For reasons which are
not clear, Shams Siraj Afif and other contemporary writers do
not mention the economic developments in Multan. As such, we
are constrained to depend entirely on the letters of the governor
himself. During the second half of the fourteenth century, a num-
ber of canals – Nasirwah, Qutbwah, Khizrwah, Qabulwah and
Hamruwah – were excavated in the Multan region, most prob-
ably at the instance of Firoz Shah Tughluq. It is true that we know
only the names of these canals, and not from where they were cut
or the specific areas that they irrigated. It was probable that two
rivers – the Chenab after uniting with the Jhelam at Shorkot and
the Ravi which flowed to the south of Multan – offered ample
scope for the development of irrigation. However, our informa-
tion is quite clear on two points, viz., the financial principles
governing the excavation of the canals and the role of the local
beneficiaries in the enterprise. It was clarified that in case of works
on large rivers – like Sihun, Jihun, Dajla, Ravi and Beas – money
could be spent from the public treasury. However, if this source
was short of funds, the ruler could turn to the people (khalq). In
case of smaller canals, like Nasirwah, Qutbwah, and Khizrwah,
the cost of construction and maintenance was bound to be borne
by the local beneficiaries, including the peasants and chiefs (ahali
 New Strategies of State Formation 273

wa arbab). Mahru advocated that the obligation be shared equally

between the two classes, so that the burden of one was not shifted
to the other. He condemned the refusal of land controlling ele-
ments – mashaikh, ulama, sadrs and maliks including Kamal Taj
– to contribute in the repair work of Nasirwah, despite the fact
that this canal passed through the villages where they had been
assigned the land grants. He warned of a fall in agricultural output
if both, the state treasury and local beneficiaries, failed to provide
financial support for the maintenance of the canals.116
The provincial administration sought the active cooperation of
the local community, which acted through its traditional village
headmen, in the task of constructing and maintaining the canals.
Those who performed this role were rewarded, while those who
abstained were punished. A muqaddam named Babdujah had
displayed much initiative and energy in digging two canals (ju-i
shahi) – Qabulwah and Hamruwah – when the other muqaddams
and soldiers had run away. Mahru raised the status of Babdujah
from an ordinary village headman to a high ranking officer and
granted to him the superintendence (danagi) of these canals, so
that he continued to exert himself in the service of the governor.
The local population comprising the village headmen and peas-
ants of the concerned subdivision (khutan wa muqaddaman wa
riaya-i parganat) was directed to serve and consult this new officer
in the tasks related to his office (danagi). Those who had refused
to participate in the digging of the canals and who had become
fugitives were threatened with death and exile.
In a public proclamation addressed to the peasantry, Mahru
declared that cultivation had made a tremendous progress owing
to the ample availability of water by the grace of God. In that year,
the agrarian conditions had reached a level never heard of earlier.
Therefore, the peasants were encouraged to work hard. Regarding
the magnitude of land revenue and its collection, Mahru assured
them of adhering to the past practice (rasm-i qadeem), the old cul-
tivators paying half of their dues in grain and half in cash on the
basis of official grain prices (nirkh), while the new settlers would
pay the entire amount in grain.117 For their part, the peasants were
expected to carry out cultivation in the villages where they had set-
274 The Making of Medieval Panjab

tled. They were not permitted to leave their traditional settlements,

because such an action was bound to result in the abadonment of
the existing cultivation and depriving the Delhi Sultanate of its
share of the produce. As a representative of the state, the revenue
assignee (muqti) could not exercise any control over the person of
the peasants, who were free by birth. Nevertheless, he did have the
right over the land tax due from them. In this regard, the order of
the Sultan was final. If the landholders (maliks) of a neighbour-
ing locality managed to entice away these peasants to their village,
the former could not lay any claim to the said tax. Any attempt
on their part to appropriate it, betrayed an ignorance of Islamic
jurisprudence (fiqh) and made them liable to punishment. It was
stipulated that lands, whose revenue had been assigned, could not
be left uncultivated as these were either revenue paying (kharaji)
or tithe paying (ushri).118
In their social gatherings (majlis), the members of the ruling
class discussed the legality of price control by the state, particu-
larly when such a move could ameliorate the suffering of the
common people. They took into account the opinions expressed
by experts in their legal texts. According to al-Kafi, the state must
ban the regrating (ihtikar) of commodities, on which depended
the lives of humans and animals. These goods were identified as
wheat, barley, grapes, dates and apricots. This position was based
on the views of Imam Abu Hanifa and Imam Muhammad Idris.
Abu Yusuf defined regrating as the act of blocking and stocking of
a commodity, including gold and silver, which harmed the com-
mon people. Imam Abu Hanifa and Imam Muhammad Idris did
not empower a ruler to determine the prices of food items. Their
argument was based on the authority of Prophet Muhammad,
who had stated, ‘Do not determine the prices, because it is God
who determines, controls and announces the same.’ Therefore, it
was not proper for a ruler (imam) to interfere in the work of a
seller. But he could intervene if the common people were harmed.
For example, if a person purchased a piece of land for 50 and sold
it for 100, then the ruler could stop the transaction so that the peo-
ple (Muslims) did not suffer. Imam Malik advocated fixation of
prices during the time of famine, so that relief could be provided
 New Strategies of State Formation 275

to the common people. The author of Siyar-i Shahan argued that

regrating was forbidden because it was harmful to the common
people and that anyone involved in such an activity ought to be
punished.
While serving as the governor of Multan, Mahru found that
the merchants and artisans (saudagaran wa muhtirfa) were
engaged in the regrating of essential commodities. He examined
the dynamics of trade in four essential commodities – ghee, cloth,
sugar and fuel. The merchants brought ghee from Sarsuti by pay-
ing 7 jitals per ser, but stocked it till they were able to sell it for 9
or 10 jitals per ser. They brought cloth from Huka and, having
purchased at 50 jitals and then hoarding the stock, sold it for dou-
ble the original price. They brought sugar from Lahore and Delhi,
but concealed it for many years in order to make big gains. Mahru
fell out with his merchant friend Khwaja Ali Kamal Dilbani who
insisted on regrating even when the price of sugar started falling
owing to the arrival of stocks from Lahore and Delhi. Cartloads
of fuel were brought from the neighbouring countryside (mahals)
and sold at 8 jitals per maund. These facts were enough to con-
vince Mahru that the merchants and artisans resorted to hoarding
and profiteering. At the outset, they were made to understand the
rulings of the Shariat on the issue. However, they did not pay any
heed owing to their greed. They were not reformed by the fear of
punishment ordained by the Shariat. As a result, much suffering
was caused to all, particularly preachers, soldiers, and destitute. In
fact, the orderliness of society was disturbed.
The provincial administration could not be a mute spectator
to a common problem, which had wide political and social impli-
cations. Without referring to the price regulations of Alauddin
Khalji, Mahru described the mechanism by which the city of
Multan was provisioned with four essential commodities – ghee,
cloth, sugar, and fuel. Mahru started purchasing these goods at
prices paid by the regraters, making immediate cash payments.
He arranged their sale at reasonable prices, so that regrating was
eliminated and some profit started flowing into the provincial
treasury. The state control of trade was resented by the merchants,
who wrongly termed the measure of public welfare as a harmful
276 The Making of Medieval Panjab

step. But Mahru did not care about these selfish rants, because
the Shariat approved of transactions if both the buyers and sellers
were satisfied. What was more important, the move benefited the
common people, particularly the preachers, soldiers and desti-
tute.119
With the political stabilization of the Delhi Sultanate and the
expansion of trade, the mercantile class began to play an import-
ant role in the economy of northwestern India. The government
functionaries – governors (walis), revenue assignees (muqtis),
local officers (ashab-i atraf) and tax collectors (rahdars) – were
expected to create conditions conducive for the movement of
commerce, since it brought revenues for the provincial adminis-
tration in the form of various taxes. On their part, the merchants
were required to be honest in their dealings with the governmental
functionaries. Both sides were advised to nurture with each other
cordial relations that were based on mutual respect.120 In actual
practice, this ideal state of affairs could not be realized at all times.
This was shown by the following two cases.
Mahru received a complaint against Muizzuddin, the admin-
istrator (hakim) of Uch, from a local merchant Khizr Abu Bakr.
The complainant alleged that the nephew and some relatives of
Muizzuddin had inflicted on him several cruelties including
a beating with shoes. Mahru felt that if the charge was true, the
action was a violation of the Shariat and reflected a gross inversion
of wisdom. It was incumbent on Muizzuddin to have acted himself
with justice, so that the dispute was brought to an end. However,
there was another allegation against Muizzuddin. This officer used
to issue permits (sajal) regarding the payment of zakat, which was
locally known as batta. But he had refused to issue this document
to the victim ever since the latter received some assistance from
Kamal Taj. It appeared that these two officers of Uch, Muizzuddin
and Kamal Taj, stood against each other in this case. Intervening
in the dispute, Mahru directed Muizzuddin to look into the con-
duct of Kamal Taj. If his step did not show any trace of oppression,
Muizzuddin should have supported him in dispensing justice. If
his step reflected oppression, Muizzuddin should have reported
the matter to the governor instead of passing any order. Mahru
 New Strategies of State Formation 277

warned Muizzuddin that if he had delayed the release of the per-

mit owing to his personal enmity, this attitude would squeeze the
inflow of revenues into the provincial treasury and harm the inter-
ests of the merchants. Such a situation was neither sanctioned by
the Shariat, nor did it conform to the ideal of wisdom.121
The second case revealed the action of a vigilant provincial
administration against two merchants who had violated state reg-
ulations and made false allegation in order to grab undue financial
gains. Ahmad and Yasin, the two sons of Malik Shahu, falsely
claimed that they had been issued a royal order (farman aali)
permitting them to pay zakat and danganah at Delhi and not at
Multan.122 They had also levelled an allegation against Mahru that
he had ignored the royal order and had extracted a huge amount of
20,000 tankas as payment for the two taxes. Mahru was outraged
at the false statement as well as the allegation of the two brothers.
In his carefully worded response, he claimed that his subordinates
had treated the two brothers with due respect. But he was deeply
anguished that they, who apparently enjoyed an eminent position
in the mercantile class, had failed to reciprocate in a satisfactory
manner. In return for the generosity of the provincial officers, the
two had acted with manipulation and deceit. Mahru, while put-
ting the record straight, clarified that he had seen the royal order
brought by them, that he had himself written to the Sultan on the
matter and that he had done exactly what he was ordered to do. If
he had levied a sum of 1,700 tankas as zakat and danganah from
them, this was strictly in accordance with the specific directions of
the central government.123 In fact, the brothers were guilty of com-
mitting several illegal acts. First, they had levelled a false allegation
against a highranking officer. Second, they had falsely complained
of paying 20,000 tankas as zakat and danganah, whereas the actual
amount was determined as 1,700 tankas. Third, they had tried to
associate themselves with people, who were far superior to them
in credibility and who had nothing to do with them. Fourth, they
had tried to sow the seeds of dissension between provincial offic-
ers and Delhi-based bureaucrats; the differences would errupt in
the open as soon as Mahru sent his report to the central govern-
ment on the sordid affair. Fifth, they had included in the bainama
278 The Making of Medieval Panjab

slaves to be carried to Khurasan for sale and also sold horses to the
local chiefs (Hindus) in violation of the state orders. Mahru took
pride in claiming that he was not one of those officers who, having
taken bribes, ignored the royal orders and thus connived at the
illegal activities of the traders.124
A royal mandate (manshur), which was issued to a newly
appointed judicial officer (dadbeg) of Multan, threw interesting
light on the administration of justice in the region. In its first part,
the document viewed the role of state in dispensing justice in the
context of the commandments of religion, particularly the Quran.
It was asserted that the aim of sending prophets and apostles and
appointing governors and preachers was to ensure the welfare of
the Muslims and protect their life and property. According to the
pious caliph Hazrat Umar, a ruler was entitled to ban what the
Quran had prohibited. This meant that the prohibitions of the
ruler were mostly the prohibitions of the Quran and this position
was derived from the Quranic verse, ‘You are certainly greater in
being feared in their hearts than Allah.’ However, only a select few
understood the Quran, deliberated over its teachings and followed
them in practice. If the people did not fear the wrath of God and
did not fear the authority of kings and governors, there would be
violent murders and highway robberies. In these circumstances,
the life, property and welfare of the people would be threatened
with destruction. Since wicked men were driven by sensual
desires, it was necessary to admonish such people and prevent
their criminal acts, so that noble practices led to the betterment
of society and the government was run in accordance with the
Shariat. It was on account of these reasons that the administration
of justice and moral censor (dadbegi wa ihtisab) was assigned to a
person, who was engaged in noble deeds and promoted religious
affairs by traversing the path of the Shariat and justice.125
Having constructed an appropriate context, the royal mandate
turned the attention of the incumbent officer to a specific illegal
practice prevalent in Multan. This officer was directed to deal
firmly with people who transgressed the bounds of the Shariat
(daira shariat) and acted against the precepts of religion (khilaf
mazhab), so that they refrained from their evil acts. Some villagers
of Multan took wives who had not been divorced from their previ-
 New Strategies of State Formation 279

ous husbands. This abominable practice, which was held illegal in

all religions, was common among them. The dadbeg was ordered
to punish the guilty and warn them in a proper manner as it was
done by a judge (qazi). It had to be understood that God had made
the legal marriage a means of strengthening one’s self, producing
children, and propagating the race. In this manner, the continual
existence of the world was based on a pure practice. Therefore,
the dadbeg was urged to drill the sinfulness of the practice into
the ears of the adulterers, mindful of the Quranic verse, ‘And
go not nigh to fornication; surely it is an indecency and evil is
the way.’ He should admonish them with the widely known say-
ing of Prophet Muhammad, ‘Marriage is my Sunnat.’ (al-nikah
man sunnati). He should carry out a public proclamation across
the villages of Multan, ordering the people to abandon the sin-
ful practice, so that they adopted the correct religious beliefs and
turned to the Creator of the world who always showed the right
path. If they declared that they were following in the footsteps of
their forefathers, they ought to understand that they were all mis-
guided, except those who would die as Muslims. It was binding on
the people, who were illegally keeping women in their houses, to
divorce them and to observe the obligatory waiting period (iddat),
so that their children were legitimate (halalzadah) and they were
saved from the fire of hell. The said officer was asked to offer a
period of one month to such people, so that they amended their
ways and, desisting from their illegal act, returned from sin to obe-
dience. Even after this, if a complaint was received about this evil
practice and the charge was duly proved, such a person had to be
given adequate punishment.126
In view of the prevailing political unrest in Sind and the per-
petual threat of Mongol invasions, the governor of Multan was
assigned the additional duties of a military commander. His status
was raised above that of other nobles and he was entrusted with a
vast area extending from Koh-i Jud to Multan and the river that
merged into the sea. He was authorized to implement all the meas-
ures that had been applied in Delhi by the Sultan. Since the troops
had been placed under his command, he was expected to suppress
the rebels of Sind and fight against the Mongols.127 In a letter to
the Mustaufi-i Mamalik, Mahru reported against the activities
280 The Making of Medieval Panjab

of Banbhaniya whose revolt had assumed serious proportions.128

The rebel was guilty of not only ravaging Sind, but also including
the Mongols in his depredations. On one occasion, he had even
intruded into Panjab along with the Mongols. He had also been
carrying out similar activities in Gujarat. In these circumstances,
Mahru urged the Mustaufi-i Mamalik (whose brother Malik
Ruknuddin Hasan held the governorship of Gujarat) to mobilize
the people of that province against Banbhaniya and assure them
of military assistance from Delhi. In other words, the adminstra-
tions of the two provinces, Multan and Gujarat, could join hands
to meet a common threat from Sind.129
As the governor of a frontier province, Mahru acquired horses
from different places in the region and sent them to Delhi for
service in the central cavalry.130 At one time, he sent two persons,
Qazi Zahiruddin and Umaruddin, to Lahore so that they could
purchase horses. Taking a personal interest in the matter, he
demanded that the horses be carefully examined and particulars
of the transaction (tazkira-i kharid) be sent to him in writing.131
On another occasion, he sent his son Khatiruddin Nuh along with
horses and camels to Delhi. The dispatch of the war animals had
been delayed due to severe floods. In fact, water had overflowed
from the Chenab and Ravi in such a manner that the two rivers
appeared to have merged into each other. The floodwaters, hav-
ing surrounded the fort, threatened to fall into the moat. There
was widespread panic among the inhabitants, while the governor
himself underwent intense suffering. Ultimately, the worst did not
happen and the people of the city remained safe. In his letter to
Wahid Qarshi (entitled Malik ul-Umara Syed ul-Hujjab) on this
subject, Mahru requested him to convey his regrets to the Sultan
at the delay in sending the horses.132 In another communication,
Mahru assured the Sadr us-Sudur Jalaluddin that he had not levied
zakat or danganah on the horses brought for him by Shaikh Ali.133

Sufis and Governance

The provincial administration, motivated by its own interests,
remained in contact with prominent Sufis and sought their medi-
 New Strategies of State Formation 281

ation in tackling difficult problems. In an important letter to Syed

Jalaluddin Bokhari, Mahru stated that it was the Shaikh’s grace that
could save all the Muslims (including Mahru) from inner and outer
infirmities. If the state functionaries did not work in accordance
with God’s wishes, they would be guilty of inflicting oppression
and provoking rebellion. Though Mahru prayed for freedom from
the taint of oppression, yet his prayers had remained unanswered.
The Sufis, owing to their numerous virtues – asceticism, faith,
truth, purity and submission – were bound to pray that the state
functionaries worked for justice and refrained from oppression.
They were not expected to malign them in any manner, though
there was concrete evidence of such an unbecoming conduct on
their part. In fact, the slanderers had used bad language owing
to their pride. In these circumstances, the Sufis could not remain
aloof and had to come out in the field. The state functionaries
were not only helpless, but they also confessed having inflicted
oppression. This admission, though humiliating in itself, could
pave the way for their forgiveness from God. They did try to rule
in accordance with the principles of benevolence and kindness,
but the people were negligent of their obligations.
In the above context, Mahru reported that the Syeds had been
refusing to pay the land tax, having become used to paying the
resultant penalties (tawan). In the previous year, they had given a
written undertaking at the tomb of Shaikh Kabir to pay the land
tax, but they had violated the oath. Shaikh Bokhari was requested
to advise the Syeds to give up their recalcitrance, to show obedi-
ence to the regime, to pay their dues and to treat the people well.
They had to understand that the collection of this amount was
correctly spent on the soldiers, scholars and poor. Mahru did
have the means to ensure compliance of the rules of the state.
Yet he sought the mediation of Shaikh Bokhari to warn the Syeds
of suitable punishment, should they persist in their indiscre-
tion. However, if they displayed their subservience by paying the
requisite land tax and meeting their financial obligations to the
state, they could look forward to a variety of benefits.134
Mahru addressed four letters to a person named Shaikh Razi-
uddin. The governor’s respect for him and his title of Malik
282 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ul-Mashaikh indicated that he was a prominent Sufi of Uch.135

Mahru not only discussed administrative matters with him, but
also sought his assistance in solving the problems at the grass-
roots. For example, a man named Maulana Haji Bihari, in his
letter to Khwaja Husamuddin Junaidi, complained against the
local officers (karkuns) of Uch, particularly the governor Khwaja
Kamaluddin. It was reported that whenever they needed any work
to be done, they oppressed the local inhabitants by extracting
unpaid forced labour (begar) and using foul language. Whenever
they felt the need for money, they confined the hapless people in a
narrow dark cell and, thus, extracted a sum of 2,000 tankas or even
more. They did not fear anyone. Some scholars and Sufis (ulama
wa mashaikh) had tried to stop their oppression, but these efforts
did not succeed. In these circumstances, Mahru was constrained to
seek the assistance of Shaikh Raziuddin. In his letter to the Shaikh,
Mahru expressed himself against the use of any threat or warning
to the guilty functionaries. Instead, he suggested that the Shaikh
could write to the governor Khwaja Kamaluddin, advising him
in the name of God to put an end to the oppression. Mahru felt
that if the governor of Uch performed his duties in a just manner,
the soul of Shaikh ul-Mashaikh Qutb ul-Auliya Jamaluddin would
rest in peace.136 As the governor of Multan, Mahru felt responsible
for the actions of a subordinate who was guilty of bringing a bad
name to the Tughluq regime.
According to a complaint from Shaikh Raziuddin, two offic-
ers Badruddin Qimaz and Kamal Taj came from Multan to Uch
and imposed a tax (muhaddis), subjecting the local inhabitants
to great difficulty and forcing them to cry in protest. The former
Sultan, Muhammad bin Tughluq (r. 1325-51), had abolished this
particular tax at a time when the towns were adequately settled
and people were prosperous. Therefore, the reigning Sultan, Firoz
Shah Tughluq (r. 1351-88), was not expected to levy this tax on the
Muslims when the inhabitants had scattered and were helpless.
In fact, the entire population was finding it difficult to make both
ends meet when this tax had not been levied. They could not fulfil
their needs in the face of this new tax. If the government wished
to increase its financial resources, it could have raised the rate of
 New Strategies of State Formation 283

poll tax (jaziya) on the twenty-five Hindus, who were comfort-

ably running their shops. Mahru expressed his ignorance about
the matter, as he had not authorized the functionaries (karkuns)
of Uch to impose any new tax. It was difficult for him to com-
ment on the subject, as the letter was not clear about the exact
nature of the tax. From his perspective, the economic adversity
might be true in the case of soldiers, but not in the case of traders
and artisans. According to his strong assertion, there had never
been more prosperity during any period than that extending from
the reign of Alauddin Khalji to his own days. The prices of food
grain were low as compared to the earlier times. The artisans like
weavers and tailors were making handsome earnings, as they were
charging the same high rates that prevailed during the famines.
After rejecting the complaint, Mahru advised Shaikh Raziuddin
to pay attention to the welfare of the army, which protected the
kingdom and religion, besides promoting the cause of the Shariat
and Prophetic practice.137
It appeared from another letter that Shaikh Raziuddin, after
receiving a spirited denial from Mahru, confronted Badruddin
Qimaz on the question of the new tax (muhaddis). In order to save
his own skin, Badruddin Qimaz levelled a number of allegations
against the governor of Multan. Mahru was not unduly disturbed
by these allegations. Since he had himself reported the matter to
Delhi, he was confident that Badruddin Qimaz would not be able
to substantiate his charges during an interrogation at the court.
Thus, what was originally a complaint regarding the imposition
of a new tax assumed the form of a dispute between the highest
officer in the province and a subordinate.138
Mahru was anguished at the attitude of a junior officer Malik
Khas Hajib, who had been posted at Dipalpur. When the latter
was faced with opposition from the local population (riaya) and
his own slaves (bandgan), it was Mahru who came to his rescue
and took every possible step to control the situation. Due to
unknown reasons, Malik Khas Hajib turned against his benefac-
tor. He seemed to have been responsible for inciting the Kambohs
of Multan to level false allegations against Mahru and to meet the
Sultan, Firoz Shah Tughluq, in this connection. On his part, the
284 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Sultan could not understand the objectionable behaviour of Malik

Khas Hajib who, along with his father, had benefited from royal
patronage. When Mahru went to Delhi and presented himself
before the Sultan, he was conferred a robe of honour that was nor-
mally given only to eminent nobles. Made of two colours, it was
embroidered with threads of gold and silver. The Sultan, while
offering the gift, declared that the apparel was meant to be worn
in winter and that it was splendid in quality. Mahru availed the
opportunity to state that the Kambohs had levelled false allega-
tions against him. With a view to clear his name, Mahru suggested
that his troops could be inspected and the accounts of his rev-
enue assignment (iqta) could be examined. The Sultan, who was
convinced of Mahru’s credibility, declared that the Kambohs were
liars. He ordered that they should be placed in the custody of
Mahru as prisoners and, after being taken to Multan, they must be
given severe punishment at the gate of the city, so that those who
levelled false allegations against others learnt a lesson.139
The Tughluq rulers, owing to their roots in Panjab, were inti-
mately familiar with its topographical features and social struc-
ture. From the middle of the fourteenth century, they shifted the
political focus from the Gangetic plain to Panjab. By this time, the
dominant local elements in this region, particularly the zamindars
and Sufis, had gradually shed their aloofness from the state and
showed willingness to collaborate with the ruling class. As a result,
the Tughluqs stitched alliances with a number of zamindars, who
commanded a lot of influence in their localities. They also made it
a point to pay homage at the prominent Sufi shrines and revived
many such establishments with liberal endowmwnts. In this man-
ner, they prepared the ground for agararian expansion based on
canal networks in two arid zones of Panjab. The southeast Panjab,
which received as many as seven canals, experienced a series of
changes – the settlement of pastoral groups as sedentary cultiva-
tors, a shift in the cropping pattern and the emergence of new
urban centres. In the Multan region, the governor Ainu ul-Mulk
Mahru initiated a project of economic revival, which involved
laying a network of canals with the active collaboration of ben-
eficiaries including headmen and peasants. While priority was
 New Strategies of State Formation 285

accorded to the maintenance of the army, the management of land

grants was streamlined. The administration not only regulated
the prices of essential commodities, but also checked malpractices
in long distance trade. It entertained written complaints of the
Sufis against the lower rung functionaries, who were accused of
oppressing the ordinary people.

NOTES
1. Amir Khusrau, Tughluq Nama, Persian text, ed. Syed Hashmi Faridabadi,
Aurangabad: Matba Urdu, 1933, pp. 136-138.
2. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, English translation, Mahdi Husain, (entitled The Rehla of
Ibn Battuta: India, Maldive Islands and Ceylon), Baroda: Oriental Institute,
1976, pp. 47-8 (hereafter cited as Ibn Battuta).
3. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, Persian text, ed. Maulavi Wilayat
Husain, Calcutta: Bibliotheca Indica, 1890, p. 36.
4. Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah Farishta, Tarikh-i Firishta, Urdu
translation, Abdul Rahman and Abdul Hayy Khwaja, Lahore: Al-Mizan,
2004, vol. I, p. 293; the word ‘Jat’ has been wrongly printed as ‘Bhat’.
5. Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasat ut-Tawarikh, Persian text, ed. M. Zafar
Hasan, Delhi: G. and Sons, 1918, p. 235.
6. Surinder Singh, ‘The Making of Medieval Punjab: Politics, Society and
Economy c. 1200 - c. 1400,’ Proceedings of the Punjab History Conference,
Patiala: Punjabi University, 40th Session, 14-16 March 2008, p. 106.
7. Agha Mahdi Husain, The Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughluq, Delhi:
Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, rpt., 1972, pp. 17-18; Ishwari Prasad, History of
the Qaraunah Turks in India, vol. I, Allahabad: Central Book Depot, rpt.,
1974, p. 7.
8. R.C. Jauhri, ‘Ghiath ud-Din Tughluq: His Original Name and Descent,’ in
Kunwar Mohammad Ashraf: An Indian Scholar and Revolutionary 1903-
1962, ed. Horst Kruger, New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1969,
pp. 65-6.
9. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 178.
10. Sunil Kumar, ‘The Ignored Elites: Turks, Mongols and a Persain Secretarial
Class in the Early Delhi Sultanate,’ in Expanding Frontiers in South Asian
and World History: Essays in Honour of John F. Richards, ed. Richard M.
Eaton et al., Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2013, pp. 41-3.
11. Before the restructuring of the agararian economy under Alauddin
Khalji, these rural intermediaries enjoyed prosperity and influence in the
countryside. They did not pay tax on their lands, secured a share in the
produce, appropriated the village pasture, did not recognize the authority of
286 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the government, mobilized armed contingents and lived in great aristocratic

style. Barani, p. 291.
12. In medieval France, the wife was so completely absorbed into the family
of the man, who had the right to give her children, that her own name was
changed. The step marked a complete break with the past and her completed
capture. Yet if she was to play her part in the house and fill it with legitimate
children, her blood and her womb were necessary. In her offspring that
which came from her ancestors through her blood would mix with that
which her husband inherited through his blood from his ancestors. Georges
Duby, The Knight, the Lady and the Priest: The Making of Modern Marrige
in Medieval France, English translation, Barbara Bray, Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1983, pp. 44-5.
13. Afif, pp. 37-40.
14. Ibid., pp. 40-2.
15. Ibid., pp. 103-4.
16. Such marriage alliances had started much earlier. It has been nearly for-
gotten that Prince Sultan Muhammad, (the son of Ghiasuddin Balban),
who served as the governor of Multan, had married the daughter of a chief
named Rai Kalu. When the Prince was killed in a battle against the Mongols,
his father-in-law expressed his deep sense of loss by resorting to the four
vents of mourning - crying, shrieking, sighing and howling. Not only this,
he retrieved the dead body of his son-in-law from the invaders by paying a
huge ransom from the income of his assignment (iqta). Isami, vol. II, p. 311.
17. Agha Mahdi Husain, The Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughluq, pp. 19-
20.
18. In the hierarchy of rural society, the aristocracy, owing to the possession of
military resources, was placed higher than the village headmen, who were
basically associated with the collection of the land tax. Tapan Raychaudhury
and Irfan Habib, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I:
c. 1200–c. 1750, Hyderabad: Orient Longman & Cambridge University
Press, rpt., 2004, pp. 55-7.
19. Afif, p. 39.
20. Amir Khusrau, Tughluq Nama, p. 84.
21. Sunil Kumar, ‘The Ignored Elites: Turks, Mongols and a Persian Secretarial
Class in the Early Delhi Sultanate,’ pp. 48-9.
22. Amir Khusrau, Tughluq Nama, p. 57.
23. Ibid., pp. 62-4.
24. Ibid., pp. 68-70.
25. Ibid., pp. 64-5.
26. Ibid., pp. 65-7.
27. Ibid., pp. 42-3.
28. Ibid., pp. 76-7.
29. Ibid., pp. 82-3.
30. Isami, Persian Text, pp. 379-80; Eng. tr., vol. II, pp. 582-3.
 New Strategies of State Formation 287

31. Amir Khusrau, Tughluq Nama, p. 115.

32. Ibid., pp. 105-6.
33. Ibid., pp. 108-9.
34. Ibid., pp. pp. 111-12.
35. Ibid., pp. 117-19.
36. Ghazi Malik ordered his commanders to tie peacock feathers (par taoos)
to their banners, so that they could be distinguished from the flags of the
opposing army. He followed this practice in his battles against the Mongols.
For this particular occasion, he chose Kallah as the slogan of his forces.
Amir Khusrau, Tughluq Nama, p.122.
37. Isami, Persian text, pp. 382-7; Eng. tr., vol. II, pp. 582-3.
38. Richard M. Eaton, ‘The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of
Baba Farid’, in Essays on Islam and Indian History, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2000, pp. 204-7.
39. Afif, pp. 27-8.
40. Amir Khurd, pp. 196-7.
41. Tanvir Anjum, Chishti Sufis in the Sultanate of Delhi 1190-1400: From
Restrained Indifference to Calculated Defiance, p. 251.
42. Ibn Battuta, pp. 11-24.
43. Since Multan was located on the land routes to Qandhar and Lahri Bandar,
it was a major entrepot of trade. The chief item of import was horses, while
the exports comprised slaves and indigo. A large volume of long distance
trade was in the hands of persons called Multanis, who were both Hindu
and Muslim. They earned interest on lending money, besides receiving
direct financial assistance from Alauddin Khalji. The Sultan appointed
Hamiduddin, a prominent merchant (malik ut-tujjar) of Multan as the chief
judge of the kingdom. Raychaudhury and Habib, eds., in The Cambridge
Economic History of India, vol. I, pp. 84-5.
44. When a newcomer arrived in the country, the newswriters sent to the Sultan
a complete report, noting all particulars including his physical features,
garments, number of companions, servants, slaves and horses. They also
recorded his behaviour during the journey and rest, leaving out nothing
pertinent. When the newcomer reached Multan, he stopped there until the
arrival of royal orders for his entry and entertainment. At Multan, every
person was honoured according to his conduct and ambition, without
recognizing his descent and parentage. Ibn Battuta, p. 4.
45. While making recruitment to his bureaucracy, Muhammad bin Tughluq
introduced three new elements – foreigners, Sufi families and socially
inferior groups. Addessed as the excellent (aizza), the foreigners were
appointed as ministers and judges, but they could not be employed
indiscriminately in every part of the country owing to their limited
knowledge of local conditions. However, they were quite suited for posts
in the departments of justice and charity. Mohammad Habib and Khaliq
288 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Ahmad Nizami, eds., A Comprehensive History of India, vol. V: The Delhi

Sultanate, ad 1206-1526, pp. 563-4.
46. The banquets and feasts of the old nobility were conspicuous for the large
quantity of every food, as the guests were served twenty to fifty dishes.
Making full allowance for huge appetites and greedy stomachs, there was
terrible wastage which could only be explained in the light of their ideas
of social respectability. Abundance of the dining table was an index of
hospitality and wastage was immaterial, as a crowd of menials, domestics
and beggars was always present to share the leavings. Kunwar Muhammad
Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 2nd edn., 1970, p. 220.
47. Conditions for two crops were created by the enormous mass of alluvium
deposited by the Indus and its tributaries as well as the three sharply
divided seasons. After harvesting the Rabi crop in early summer, the soil
recovered its fertility during the hot months. Thereafter, it was subjected to
rounds of ploughing and fertilizing with manure, so that it became ready
for the Kharif crop. The peasant cultivated the land that was a ancestral
legacy or acquired personally or received on hire. Hamida Khatoon Naqvi,
Agricultural, Industrial and Urban Dynamism under the Sultans of Delhi
1206-1555, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1986, pp. 12-16.
48. Ibn Battuta has erred in tracing the itinerary of his journey. According to
him, after leaving Multan, he reached Abohar and then arrived at Ajodhan.
Since this was illogical and impossible, he, on leaving Multan, must have
first stopped at Ajodhan and then proceeded to Abohar. Mahdi Husain,
while preparing the itinerary in the form of a table with dates and places, has
rectified the error.
49. Ibn Battuta has made two mistakes while referring to Baba Farid. He was
wrong in identifying the then head of the Chishti hospice at Ajodhan as
Shaikh Fariduddin. Since Baba Farid had died (15 October 1265) nearly
seven decades earlier, the traveller had actually met the Shaikh’s grandson
Shaikh Alauddin, who was treated by the Sultan, Muhammad bin Tughluq,
with great respect. Secondly, Ibn Battuta has wrongly associated Baba Farid
with Badaun. He obviously confused the saint with his principal disciple
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya who hailed from Badaun. Fortunately, he has
corrected the error in the subsequent lines.
50. Amir Khurd has noted this habit of the Shaikh in a different manner.
According to him, when Shaikh Ruknuddin met Shaikh Alauddin, the two
saints shook hands and embraced each other. The latter, on returning to his
house, took a fresh bath and changed his clothes. When Shaikh Ruknuddin
received a complaint about this odd behaviour, he did not take offence.
He stated that Shaikh Alauddin was entitled to act in his own way as he
remained insulated from worldliness, while he himself smelt of worldly
entanglements. Amir Khurd, Siyar ul-Auliya, p. 195.
 New Strategies of State Formation 289

51. This act of Sati might have been similar to the one involoving three women
and observed by Ibn Battuta at Amjeri, near Dhar in central India. The act
was seen as praiseworthy, as it was believed to bring glory to the kin and
registered the widow’s fidelity to her husband. Yet it was not obligatory.
When the women agreed to burn themselves, they spent three days in eating
and drinking amidst music. On the fourth day, they adorned themselves and
left for the spot in procession, while the musicians played drums, bugles and
timbals. People conveyed to them their messages for their dead relatives.
They bathed in a pond and gave away their clothes and ornaments as alms.
They wrapped themselves in unsewn cloth, but were prevented from seeing
the fire. As sesame oil was poured in the pit and men stood around with
poles in their hands, the women descended into the flames. Ibn Battuta,
pp. 22-3.
52. Ibn Battuta was possibly referring to Rai Pithora, the popular name of
Prithviraj Chauhan.
53. Hansi was a fairly important centre of the Chishti order. Baba Farid
had stayed here for nearly two decades before settling in Ajodhan. His
close disciple Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi made vigorous efforts to carry
forward the legacy of his mentor. He was succeeded by his grandson Shaikh
Qutbuddin Munawwar who, in his turn, was followed by his son Shaikh
Nuruddin. The Tughluq rulers recognized the eminence of the Chishti
saints of Hansi. It was surprising that Ibn Battuta neither paid a visit to the
Chishti hospice, nor cared to mention it in his account.
54. There were two kinds of post. The horse-post (ulaq) was run by the royal
horses that were stationed at every four miles. The foot-post (dawa) had
three stations per mile. At every third of a mile were three pavilions, where
sat the couriers with girded loins. While starting from a city, the courier
held the letter in one hand and a rod with copper bells in the other. When
the couriers heard the ringing of bells, one of them got ready and, receiving
the letter, ran top speed until he reached the next pavilion. The foot post
was faster than the horse post. It was used to transport fruit from Khurasan
to India, water for the Sultan from the Ganges to Daulatabad and even
criminals locked in cages. Ibn Battuta, pp. 3-4.
55. Barani, pp. 538-9.
56. Afif, p. 60.
57. Barani, p. 560.
58. At the town of Sarsuti, the Sultan received a gift of few lakh tankahs from
the local bankers and traders. The Sultan received this amount as loan and
promised to return it on reaching Delhi. He distributed this amount among
his soldiers. Afif, p. 61.
59. Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud differed with Muhammad bin Tughluq on
the issue of employing Sufis in the service of the state and, in the process,
suffered harrassment at the hands of the the Sultan. However, he was one of
the notables who supported the accession of Firoz Shah Tughluq in Thatta.
290 The Making of Medieval Panjab

He advised the new Sultan to dispense justice to the people, failing which
he would pray for changing the ruler. He did not identify himself with
the regime, which he criticised in comparison to that of Alauddin Khalji.
In view of friction with the Sultan, he resisted the state and defended the
space of the Chishtis. Tanvir Anjum, Chishti Sufis in the Sultanate of Delhi
1190-1400: From Restrained Indifference to Calculated Defiance, pp. 272-8,
313-22.
60. Afif, pp. 60-2.
61. Ibid., p. 62-3.
62. Ibid., p. 71.
63. On this occasion, the two Chishti saints, Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud and
Shaikh Qutbuddin Munawwar, met each other with great enthusiasm. On
remembering their common mentor Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, they
became emotional and wept. Qawwals were called, musical sessions were
organized and the two listened to the mystical verses for many days. They
bade farewell to each other and, after some time, both of them passed away.
Afif, pp. 62-4.
64. The Sultan claimed to have banned all items forbidden by the Shariat.
Firstly, he banned the use of utensils and weapons that were made of
ornamented gold and silver. Secondly, he banned the pictures painted on
a large number of goods including clothes, robes of honour, saddles, reins,
vessels and furniture. He ordered the erasure of paintings on the walls in
palaces and houses. Thirdly, he banned all clothes that were decorated with
golden embroidery (zardozi). He outlawed the use of silken apparel and
brocade, besides embroidered flags and caps. Firoz Shah Tughluq, Futuhat-i
Firoz Shahi, Persian text, ed. Shaikh Abdul Rashid, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim
University, 1954, p. 11.
65. Afif, pp. 79-81.
66. Barani, pp. 558-61.
67. Firoz Shah Tughluq, Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi, pp. 11, 14.
68. Afif, pp. 319-21.
69. Ibid., p. 316.
70. Ibid., pp. 317-18.
71. Ibid., pp. 321-7.
72. Shaikh Sikandar bin Muhammad urf Manjhu bin Akbar, Mirat-i Sikandari,
Persian text, ed. S.C. Misra and M.L. Rahman, Baroda: The Maharaja
Sayajirao University of Baroda, 1961, pp. 6-10.
73. Ibid., p. 7.
74. In medieval France, society encouraged its warriors and hunters to under-
take adventures. From such exploits, they brought back women. Such chance
unions could be regularized, if young man’s father or uncle reached an
agreement with the girl’s relatives. Women were introduced permanently as
wives only if the advantages they brought with them were carefully weighed
 New Strategies of State Formation 291

and found satisfactory. Georges Duby, The Knight, the Lady and the Priest:
The Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France, p. 43.
75. Samira Shaikh, Forging A Region: Sultans, Traders and Pilgrims in Gujarat
1200-1500, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010, pp. 200-1; another
writer has linked the social attitude of the two brothers to their low caste.
They pulled off the boots of a stranger, used their sister to beguile him,
hurriedly wedded her outside their caste and abjured their earlier links by
embracing Islam – all for material gains. Such practices were not current
among the Rajputs, whose reaction was more accurately reflected by Rana
Mal Bhatti who refused to surrender his daughter to Ghazi Malik. Hence,
the two brothers were not above wine drawers, even if they were men of
consequence among their own people. S.C. Misra, The Rise of Muslim Power
in Gujarat: A History of Gujarat from 1298 to 1442, New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 2nd edn., 1982, pp. 139-40.
76. Shaikh Sikandar bin Muhammad urf Manjhu bin Akbar, Mirat-i Sikandari,
pp. 10-11.
77. Ibid., pp. 4-5.
78. For the courtiers of the Sultans of Delhi, the governorship of Gujarat became
a much coveted post and some were willing to pay substantial bribes to be
appointed to Anhilvada or Cambay. By the end of the fourteenth century,
the Delhi Sultanate was in a crisis following Timur’s sack of Delhi and the
Sultans were not in a position to control their regional governors. After a
period of negotiation and uncertainty in Delhi, the last governor of Gujarat,
Zafar Khan, declared his sovereignty in 1407. His descendants ruled over
Gujarat for a century and a half and created institutions of governance and
political articulation that had a remarkable longevity and resilience. Samira
Shaikh, op. cit., pp. 5-6.
79. Shaikh Sikandar bin Muhammad urf Manjhu bin Akbar, Mirat-i Sikandari,
p. 12.
80. The present account has been drawn from Kayam Khan Rasa, a poetic
work in Braj Bhasha, which was composed in the second quarter of the
seventeenth century. Its author Niamat Khan, who wrote under the
psuedonym of Jan Kavi, was the son of Nawab Alaf Khan and, therefore,
was a scion of the Qiyamkhani dynasty of Fatehpur Jhunjhunu. The work
was a curious amalgamation of myth, local history and self-adulation. Its
basic aim was to assert the Rajput ancestry of the dynasty, with particular
reference to its Chauhan lineage.
81. Nupur Chaudhuri, ‘A Vanished Supremacy: The Qiyamkhanis of Fatehpur-
Jhunjhunu,’ in Popular Literature and Premodern Societies in South Asia,
ed. Surinder Singh and Ishwar Dayal Gaur, New Delhi: Pearson Longman,
2008, p. 64; Cynthia Talbot, ‘Becoming Turk in the Rajput Way: Conversion
and Identity in an Indian Warrior Narrative,’ in Expanding Frontiers in
South Asian and World History: Essays in Honour of John F. Richards, ed.
292 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Richard M. Eaton et al., New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013,

p. 203.
82. In his version, Nainsi mainly adopted the same sequence of the rise of the
Qiyamkhanis, but rejected their claims of a Rajput ancestry. He stated that
Qiyam Khan was originally a Hindu and, on becoming a Turk, suffered a
loss in social stature. Far from being the mighty Turks, the Qiyamkhanis
were mere slaves of Syed Nasir and, as such, they were only half men and
of no use. Nainsi’s disparaging remarks were understandable, as his Rathor
patrons ruled over the powerful kingdom of Jodhpur, which was sometimes
in conflict with the Qiyamkhanis. The factor of genealogy assumed signifi-
cance when Rajput lineages were competing for political space under the
Mughal dispensation. Nupur Chaudhuri, op. cit., p. 65; Cynthia Talbot,
pp. 205-06.
83. Surinder Singh, ‘The Making of Medieval Punjab: Politics, Society and
Economy c. 1200 - c. 1400,’ p. 117.
84. Talbot, op. cit., pp. 207-8.
85. Yahya bin Ahmad bin Abdullah Sirhindi, Tarikh-i Mubarak Shahi, Persian
text, ed. M. Hidayat Husain, Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1931,
pp. 177, 181, 189 (hereafter cited as Sirhindi).
86. Nupur Chaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 66-7.
87. Barani, pp. 483-4.
88. This area, lying between the Satluj and Jamuna, was known as the Ghaggar
plain. It separated the Indus river system from that of the Ganga. During
monsoon, it was inundated by a dozen torrents that brought huge volumes
of water from the Siwaliks and communicated with one another. Most
important of these were the Ghaggar, Markanda and Saraswati. They lost
the entire volume of water by evaporation or soakage before leaving the
western border of the plain, spreading sand and gravel beyond shallow
channels. Ibadur Rahman Khan, ‘Historical Geography of the Punjab and
Sind,’ Muslim University Journal, vol. I, no. 1, July 1931, pp. 107-8.
89. For the construction of buildings, the Sultan created a separate department,
which spent countless money for the purpose. It was placed under a super-
intendent (shahna mir imarat) Malik Ghazi who was honoured with a
golden mace. Different categories of artisans – stonecutters, woodcutters,
ironsmiths, carpenters, saw drivers, lime crushers and masons – were
placed under separate supervisors. Whenever the construction of a building
started, the finance department (diwan-i wizarat) prepared an inventory of
the material needed and provided requisite funds to the functionaries of the
building department. Afif, pp. 331, 333.
90. Afif, pp. 124-7.
91. Mehardad Shokoohy and Netalie H. Shokoohy, Hisar-i Firuza: Sultanate
and Early Mughal Architecture in the District of Hisar, India, London:
Monographs on Art, Archaeology & Architecture, 1988, p. 8.
92. Afif, pp. 127.
 New Strategies of State Formation 293

93. Sirhindi, pp. 125-6.

94. Sharfuddin Ali Yazdi, Zafar Nama, vol. II, Persian text, ed. Muhammad
Ilahdad, Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1888, p. 86.
95. Sirhindi, p. 130; Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh, vol. I,
English translation, George S.A. Ranking and B.P. Ambashthya, Patna:
Academica Asiatica, rpt., 1973, pp. 330-1; Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad,
Tabqat-i Akbari, vol. I, English translation, B. De, Calcutta: The Asiatic
Society, rpt., 1973, pp. 247-8.
96. Irfan Habib and Faiz Habib, ‘Mapping the Canals of Firoz Shah (1351-
88),’ Indian History Congress, 77th Session, University of Kerala, Thiru-
vananthapuram, 28-30 December 2016 (typescript), pp. 2-13.
97. Afif, pp. 131-3.
98. Ibid., pp. 130-1.
99. Ibid., pp. 129-30.
100. Barani, pp. 567-71.
101. Afif, p. 128.
102. Ibid., p. 129.
103. Ain ul-Mulk Mahru was different from Ain ul-Mulk Multani, who was a
noble of the Khaljis and served in the military operations at Ranthambhore,
Malwa, Devgiri and Gujarat. Multani did not join Ghazi Malik’s campaign
against Khusrau Khan, but took part in the Tughluq expedition (1322)
to Devgiri. Subsequently, he was not heard of. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui,
Authority and Kingship under the Sultans of Delhi (Thirteenth and
Fourteenth Centuries), New Delhi: Manohar, 2006, pp. 283-6; Peter
Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, p. 329.
104. Barani, pp. 485-7; Ibn Battuta, pp. 104-09; Isami, vol. III, pp. 709-14.
105. Afif, pp. 407-18.
106. A similar royal mandate was issed to Prince Fateh Khan, the son of Firoz
Shah Tughluq, when he was appointed as the governor of Sind. He was
advised to exercise his authority with moderation, to promote agriculture by
encouraging the tax-paying peasantry, to entrust the finance department to
able officers, to dispense justice without discrimination, to care for soldiers
and officials, to patronise the honest and wise, to punish those who harmed
the state or people, to be generous towards the Syeds, scholars and Sufis.
All the local inhabitants including nobles, chiefs and village headmen were
required to abide by these orders. Ain ul-Mulk Ainuddin Mahru, Insha-i
Mahru, Persian text, ed. Shaikh Abdul Rashid, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim
University, 1954, Letter no. 1, pp. 2-7 (hereafter cited as Mahru).
107. Mahru, Insha-i Mahru, Letter no. 3, pp. 10-11; for comparison, see some
other royal mandates issued to provincial governors during the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries. Siddiqui, Perso-Arabic Sources of Information on
the Life and Conditions in the Sultanate of Delhi, pp. 167-89.
108. Unlike several administrative manuals that were theoretical and normative,
Mahru’s letters dealt with actual historical situations on the ground and,
294 The Making of Medieval Panjab

while focusing on a wide range of administrative problems, highlighted

the rationale behind state measure in each case. Surinder Singh, ‘Dynamics
of Statecraft in the Delhi Sultanate: A Reconstruction from the Letters
of Ainul Mulk Mahru,’ Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 61st.
Session, Calcutta, 2001, p. 285.
109. The Sultan claimed to have abolished twenty six taxes that were not
permitted by the Shariat, while Afif has mentioned only four that fell in this
category. These taxes generally applied to ordinary commodities, minor
crafts and petty trade. Firoz Shah Tughluq, Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi, pp. 5-6;
Afif, pp. 375-6.
110. Mahru, Letter no. 31, pp. 67-8.
111. Ibid., Letter no. 35, pp. 75-6.
112. Ibid., Letter no. 31, pp. 63-4.
113. With the accession of Firoz Shah Tughluq, service conditions of all
functionaries, from nobles to soldiers, were reversed. Estimated revenue
income was fixed permanently, while offices and iqtas became hereditary.
The Sultan instituted the practice of paying troopers by assigning them
revenues (wajh), recreating small iqtas under a new name. Irfan Habib, ‘The
Social Distribution of Landed Property in Pre-British India: A Historical
Survey,’ in Essays in Indian History: Towards A Marxist Perception, New
Delhi: Tulika, 1995, pp. 84-5.
114. Mahru, Letter no. 31, pp. 64-5.
115. Ibid., Letter no. 30, pp. 58-60.
116. Ibid., Letter no. 114, pp. 176-7.
117. Ibid., Letter no. 121, p. 184.
118. Ibid., Letter no. 28, pp. 53-4; though this clarification, as issued by Mahru
in the form of a stern warning to the intermediaries (maliks), applied to a
village in Thanesar, yet the principle must have been applicable all over the
Delhi Sultanate, particularly in Multan where every effort was being made
to ensure the settlement of peasants and rehabilitation of agriculture.
119. Mahru, Letter no. 30, pp. 59-60.
120. Ibid., Letter no. 120, pp. 182-3.
121. Ibid., Letter no. 26, pp. 50-1.
122. Apart from other forms of property, the zakat was levied on all quadrupeds,
who had grazed on plains and pastures for a year or more. In case of horses,
it became due if males and females had been pastured together. The owner
had the option of paying a dinar for every horse or to appraise their value
and pay 5 dirhams for every 200 dirhams. According to Imam Abu Hanifa,
it was not levied if horses were all male, as they did not yield any offspring.
The tax became due on camels and donkeys if they were intended for sale.
The same rule might have applied to horses, as they were a high value
item of import. Abdul Hamid Muharrir Ghaznavi, ‘Dastur ul-Albab fi
Ilm ul-Hisab,’ English Translation, Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Medieval India
Quarterly, vol. I, nos. 3 & 4, 1950, p. 63.
 New Strategies of State Formation 295

123. It appeared that in Multan, zakat and danganah were assessed and collected
together at the same time. But in other places, the procedure was different.
On the non-agricultural goods brought to the Sarai Adl, the traders
first paid zakat on the basis of the minimum taxable limit (nisab). After
depositing the zakat, their goods were carried to the office for danganah.
Here these were weighed again and charged danganah at the rate of one
dang per tanka. The state collected 30 lakh tankas from danganah, but the
traders faced acute harrassment at the hands of the officers. The Sultan,
acting on the advice of scholars, Sufis and legal experts, abolished various
illegal taxes, particularly danganah, and made a public proclamation about
it. Afif, pp. 375-8. ,
124. Mahru, Letter no. 120, pp. 182-3.
125. The dadbeg or amir-i dad, who looked after the executive side of justice,
ensured that the decisions of the judge were duly implemented. If he felt
that there was a miscarriage of justice, he drew the attention of the qazi to it
or delayed the execution of the decision until the matter was considered by
a higher or fuller court. He supervised the work of the police chief (kotwal)
and censor of public morals (muhtasib). Sometimes one person could be
given the offices of qazi, imam, muhtasib and dadbeg, particularly when
the Muslim population of a town was limited to its small garrison. Ishtiaq
Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Dehli, pp. 161-2,
175.
126. Mahru, Letter no. 7, pp. 15-17.
127. Ibid., Letter no. 8, pp. 17-18.
128. Jam Banbhaniya and his uncle Jam Juna, the Sammah chiefs who had
established their authority in Sind, raided Panjab and Gujarat in alliance
with the Mongols. Firoz Shah Tughluq, at the end of a long disastrous
campaign (1365-7) in Sind, which necessitated reinforcements from
Panjab (Samana, Dipalpur, Multan and Lahore) and other places in north
India, managed to break the Sindi resistance. Peace was established due to
the mediation of Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari, the Suhrawardi saint of Uch.
Following their surrender, the Sammah chiefs were brought to Delhi, where
they were settled with pensions. Jam Juna was sent to quell a rebellion in
Sind. Jam Banbhaniya, who was also dispatched to the region after the
death of the Sultan, died on the way. Afif, pp. 230-54.
129. Ibid., Letter no. 46, pp. 86-9.
130. In the early decades of the fourteenth century, the Mongol hordes settled
in the steppes of southern Russia sent horses to India. Extremely numerous
and cheap, two hundred or more horses were brought by each merchant,
though many were lost due to death or theft. They were taxed in both Sind
and Multan. Muhammad bin Tughluq, who abolished the duty on them,
imposed zakat on Muslim traders and ushr on the non-Muslim. Still they
earned handsome profit, as they fetched a price of 100-500 silver dinars.
These horses were prized for their strength and length of pace, not for
296 The Making of Medieval Panjab

running and racing. Simon Digby, War-Horse and Elephant in the Delhi
Sultanate: A Study of Military Supplies, Oxford: Oxford Monographs, 1971,
pp. 35-6.
131. Mahru, Letter no. 38, p. 78.
132. Ibid., Letter no. 52, p. 96.
133. Ibid., Letter no. 25, pp. 49-50.
134. Ibid., Letter no. 22, pp. 44-7.
135. Uch was an old town. It had a large number of mosques, seminaries and
Sufi shrines. While Mahru felt concerned about the state of these religious
institutions, he also wished to tour the bank of the river that flowed along
its fort. Mahru, Letter no. 21, p. 42.
136. Mahru, Letter no. 18, pp. 35-6.
137. Ibid., Letter no. 20, pp. 41-2.
138. Ibid., Letter no. 21, pp. 42-3.
139. Ibid., Letter no. 29, pp. 54-7.
 CHAPTER 5

Piety Submits to the State

Descendants and the Shrine of Baba Farid

During his last days, Baba Farid (d. 1265) nominated Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya his principal spiritual successor and sent to
him his regalia comprising a prayer rug, cloak and staff, through
Syed Muhammad Kirmani.1 However, he did not leave any
instructions regarding two vital issues – the place of his burial
and the headship of the hospice (jamaatkhana). At first, his sons
decided to bury him at a pleasant site outside the boundary wall
of Ajodhan, where he used to meditate near the graves of martyrs.
This decision was not carried out due to the decisive intervention
of Khwaja Nizamuddin, a son of Baba Farid who served as a soldier
in the army of Sultan Ghiasuddin Balban. If the saint was buried
outside the boundary wall, it was argued, the pilgrims would pay
their homage at the tomb and return without entering the town.2
In such a secenario, the hereditary descendants of Baba Farid
would not receive the attention that was their due. Moreover,
they would also be deprived of the offerings (futuh) that had been
flowing into the hospice,3 particularly in lieu of the amulets (tawiz)
disributed among the devotees. Motivated by these concerns, the
sons of Baba Farid buried him near the hospice that had been in
a flourishing state for several decades. The exact spot was a cell
meant for mendicants. It was demolished to make way for the
grave, while unbaked bricks were extracted from the Shaikh’s
humble abode to provide a niche in the side of the tomb.4 In due
course, the lineal descendants of Baba Farid were buried near this
grave.
Precisely at this time, the third son of Baba Farid, Shaikh
298 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Badruddin Sulaiman, was chosen as the head (sajjadah nishin)

of the Chishti hospice at Ajodhan. The decision was the out-
come of a consensus among Baba Farid’s sons and disciples.5
Shaikh Badruddin Ishaq, Baba Farid’s son-in-law who managed
the organizational matters of the hospice, continued to perform
this duty for a short time. Owing to his differences with Shaikh
Sulaiman, which were allegedly created by some jealous inmates
of the establishment, Shaikh Ishaq shifted to the Jami Masjid
of Ajodhan, where he taught the Quran to a number of boys.6
Although Shaikh Sulaiman headed the hospice for sixteen years
(1265-81), contemporary sources are silent about activities during
his tenure. However, Amir Khurd has described the circumstances
in which Shaikh Sulaiman received the symbols of discipleship and
succession from the two Chishti elders of Chisht (Afghanistan).
It so happened that two Chishtis, Khwaja Zor and Khwaja Ghor,
passed through Ajodhan on their way to Delhi. Baba Farid went
out of the town to welcome them and escorted them to his hospice
with all marks of respect. In due course, he requested the visitors
to confer the discipleship and succession on his two sons, Shaikh
Badruddin Sulaiman and Shaikh Shihabuddin. At first, the two
guests did not think it proper to do the honours, as a spiritual
adept of the eminence of Baba Farid was better equipped for the
task. They gave up their reluctance, when Baba Farid submitted
that he had received the headship of his shrine due the blessings of
the Chishtis of Chisht. As desired by the two Chishtis, Baba Farid
called for two pieces of cloth. In this manner, they placed the tur-
bans on the heads of the boys. Shaikh Sulaiman, while performing
his functions as the head of the Chishti hospice at Ajodhan, kept in
mind his formal affiliation with the foundational seat of Chisht.7
Shaikh Alauddin, the son of Shaikh Sulaiman, became the head
of the Ajodhan hospice at the young age of sixteen and held this
position for the next fifty-four years (1281-1334). Owing to his
spiritual excellence and immense piety, his name was included
among the most prominent mystics of the Indian subcontinent.
As an infant, he was nourished with her milk by the grandmother
of Amir Khurd, the author of Siyar ul-Auliya. He had studied
the Quran from Maulana Badruddin Ishaq. Baba Farid showered
 Piety Submits to the State 299

his blessings on him by sharing his own betel leaf with him and
allowing him to sit on his prayer rug. Throughout his life, Shaikh
Alauddin cherished his proximity to Baba Farid. Whenever any
aspirant came to enrol as a disciple, he was lodged at Baba Farid’s
tomb, where he was adorned with the distinctive Chishti cap
(kulah). While following a strict schedule of devotional exercises,
he laid much emphasis on fasting. Until the end of his life, he did
not eat anything during the day, except on the two Ids and Ayyam
ul-Tashriq (three days after the feast of sacrifice at Mina during
Haj). He broke his fast after one watch of the night, when he ate
two loaves of buttered bread with a ser of milk. He did not eat the
semolina pudding (halwa), which was sent to the inmates of his
choice. Twice a day, food was served to all those present in the
hospice. Whenever he went to pay homage at the tomb of Baba
Farid, he distributed money among the poor who lined up on the
two sides of his path. He doubled the amount for anyone who
begged more than once because, as a matter of principle, he would
never turn down a request. He was kind to his servants, who
fetched water for his ablutions or washed and sewed his clothes.
Any person who dared to harass these servants, was expelled from
the hospice.8
In an encounter with Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh, the con-
temporary Suhrawardi exemplar, Shaikh Alauddin underlined
the Chishti ideals of spirituality. Once, Shaikh Ruknuddin, who
was travelling from Delhi to Multan, stopped at Ajodhan to pay
obeisance at the mausoleum of Baba Farid. After performing the
ritual, he went to pay a courtesy call to Shaikh Alauddin. While the
two saints shook hands and embraced, Shaikh Ruknuddin praised
his Chishti counterpart by saying that God had granted him such
steadfastness that no one could move him from his principles. As
for himself, he did not wish to leave the sacred site.Yet he had to
go, owing to the wishes of his kith and kin. He again embraced
Shaikh Alauddin and left for Multan. Shaikh Alauddin, on return-
ing to his house, took a fresh bath and changed his clothes before
sitting on the prayer rug. Some people, who took offence at this,
complained to Shaikh Ruknuddin about the arrogant behaviour
of Shaikh Alauddin towards a fellow Sufi who was universally
300 The Making of Medieval Panjab

acknowledged for his purity. Shaikh Ruknuddin, refusing to

take offence, stated that Shaikh Alauddin was entitled to act in
his particular way and deserved all respect. Explaining further, he
admitted that he smelt of worldly entanglements, while the saint
of Ajodhan remained insulated from the taint of worldliness and
thus led a pure life.9 Ibn Battuta, who was a witness to the personal
habits of Shaikh Alauddin, felt that the saint was afflicted with an
apprehension of uncleanliness of others and, therefore, he did not
shake hands with anyone. As soon as his garment touched anyone,
he washed it. Ibn Battuta perceived the strange behaviour of the
Shaikh as a personal fetish, not an ideological statement rejecting
the worldliness of the Suhrawardis.10
In spite of an avowed distance from worldly life, Shaikh Ala-
uddin did not practice absolute isolation from socio-political
concerns. He extended his support to those who suffered from
any kind of highhandedness. If any oppressed person took shel-
ter in the congregational hall of the mausoleum of Baba Farid,
he received complete protection from the oppressor. It was not
possible for people wielding power, including the king, to carry
away such a person by force. According to Amir Khurd, Shaikh
Alauddin exercised his sway over the domains of world and reli-
gion, because of which he was feared by the rulers of the times.11
The fame of Shaikh Alauddin spread in all directions, owing to
the circulation of stories of his saintly excellence and miraculous
powers. Inhabitants of a number of places – Ajodhan, Diplapur
and Jabali (which was situated near Kashmir) – constructed
tombs and sacred sites in his honour. Acting in the name of his
mausoleum, they performed at these spots a number of rituals
including giving alms and reciting the Quran.12 Ziauddin Barani,
in his account of the Khalji era, placed Shaikh Alauddin in the
same class as Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and Shaikh Ruknuddin
Abul Fateh. He was held akin to the angels (farishtahs) who were
born only to worship God. On the authority of the attendants who
had served at the mausoleum of Baba Farid for six months or a
year, it was learnt that Shaikh Alauddin was perpetually engaged
in prayers, the remembrance of God, and reading the Quran,
besides studying books on Hadis and Sufism. If the Shaikh had not
 Piety Submits to the State 301

been committed to the devotion of God, it would not have been

possible for him to sit in the place of a spiritual master like Baba
Farid.13 Amir Khusrau has also composed the following panegyric
(qaseedah) in praise of Shaikh Alauddin, who has been lauded for
his spiritual merit.14
He was the exalted Shaikh of religion and world. / He was the Shaikhzadah
of the times and, in his rank, he was the deputy of Shaikh Farid. / When
sweat flowed down from his face owing to the heat of divine light, his
forehead outclassed thousands of suns. / If the third lunar mansion
(suraiyya) were to behold his exalted spiritual state, it would remain
happy in the sky until the resurrection. / On observing this son of the
full moon (badrzadah), the sun would seek luster from it and would
even express its submission to it. / The inhabitants of this world would
cease to fear the calamities of the times and would feel as safe as the
person who takes shelter under God’s domain of purity. / Amir Khusrau
remained awake in his praise along with people during the night and
this exercise was similar to the nightlong vigil of elders during the Shab-i
Qadr and of children during the Id. / The Shaikh’s breath of reviving the
dead (dam-i maseehi) has conferred a new life on this world. Therefore,
the life of Khusrau is inadequate to praise him.
After his death (1334), Shaikh Alauddin was buried in the vicin-
ity of the mausoleum of his father Baba Farid. His disciple, Sultan
Muhammad bin Tughluq (r. 1325-51), constructed an impressive
structure over his grave. The Sultan extended royal patronage to
Shaikh Alauddin’s descendants, though they had trained as spir-
itualists. Shaikh Muizzuddin, the elder son of Shaikh Alauddin,
succeeded his father as the head of the Chishti hospice at Ajodhan.
In reponse to summons from the Sultan, he went to Delhi. He
was sent on an official assignment to Gujarat, where he died at
the hands of some local rebels. Shaikh Alamuddin, the younger
son of Shaikh Alauddin, was known for memorizing the Quran
and a keen interest in musical sessions. Since he was held in high
regard by the Sultan, he was nominated as the Shaikh ul-Islam
of the kingdom and, in this capacity, supervised the activities of
a large number of Sufis. Following his death, he was buried near
the grave of his father at Ajodhan. Shaikh Afzaluddin Fuzail, the
son of Shaikh Muizzuddin, took over as the head of the Chishti
302 The Making of Medieval Panjab

hospice in the town. He acquired fame on account of his constant

absorption in God, renunciation and solitude. His cousin Shaikh
Mazharuddin (the son of Shaikh Alamuddin) was held in high
regard by Muhammad bin Tughluq and, therefore, succeeded his
father as the Shaikh ul-Islam.15
During the stewardship of Baba Farid’s descendants, the Chishti
hospice of Ajodhan began to undergo a slow transformation.
When Baba Farid was alive, the focus was on the performance of
austerities, training of disciples, caring for the visitors and distri-
buting the amulets. When the grave of Baba Farid was added to
the hospice, the complex began to evolove as a shrine (dargah).
According to popular belief, the spiritual charisma (baraka) of
the late saint survived in his tomb as well as his descendants. The
evergrowing number of pilgrims continued their interest in the
tawiz-futuh system. But the celebration of the death anniversary
(urs) of Baba Farid brought about the institutionalization of a
series of rituals – tying of turban on the spiritual head (dastar
bandi), musical sessions (qawwali), common kitchen (langar) and
passing through the southern gate (bihishti darwaza) of the main
tomb.16 The popular cult of Baba Farid, which emanated from the
shrine, attracted state patronage. Ghazi Malik, the Khalji gover-
nor of Dipalpur for two decades, sought the blessings of Shaikh
Alauddin who foretold the enthronement of three Tughluq rulers.
Not long after, Muhammad bin Tughluq bestowed the town of
Ajodhan on the shrine.17 Shaikh Alauddin, who managed the land
grant and came to be known as the Diwan, brought the pastoral Jat
clans to settle as sedentary cultivators and collected the state share
of crops on which the tax was levied in kind. At the same time,
the Jat clans participated in the rituals of the shrine and, gain-
ing access to theatre-oriented Islam, slowly converted to the new
creed. The evolving political and religious bond was strengthened
by marriage alliances between the Diwan’s family and Jat clans.
Thus, the Chishti shrine of Ajodhan played the historical function
of incorporating the local system of culture into a larger cultural
system, having connected the rustic clans politically with Delhi
and religiously with Islam.18
Baba Farid’s lineal descendants, who had sprung from Shaikh
 Piety Submits to the State 303

Badruddin Sulaiman and Shaikh Alauddin, held the guardianship

of the hospice and shrine at Ajodhan in perpetuity. Since they
enjoyed social influence and material resources, they were patron-
ized by the Delhi Sultanate. On the other hand, Baba Farid’s lineal
descendants, who had sprung from his other sons and daughters,
had little association with the Ajodhan shrine and therefore were
of no use to the state. Shifting from Ajodhan to Delhi, they lived
under the paternal care of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and, after
appropriate education and training, emerged as Sufis in their own
right.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya groomed Shaikhzada Azizuddin
and Khwaja Qazi, the sons of Khwaja Yaqub and grandsons of
Baba Farid. They established themselves respectively in Deva-
giri and Telengana, where they acquired large followings.
Shaikhzada Kamaluddin (the son of Shaikh Bayazid, grandson
of Shaikh Nasiruddin and great grandson of Baba Farid), who
was trained under Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and served in
the kitchen of the hospice at Delhi, went on to settle in Malwa.
Shaikhzada Azizuddin (son of Khwaja Ibrahim, grandson of
Khwaja Nizamuddin and great grandson of Baba Farid) offered
prayers at meal times in the hospice at Delhi before migrating
to Devagiri.19 Khwaja Muhammad and Khwaja Musa (the sons
of Shaikh Badruddin Ishaq and Bibi Fatimah and grandsons of
Baba Farid) led prayers in the assemblies of Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya. Khwaja Muhammad, who nurtured a passionate interest
in musical sessions and intricacies of classical music, compiled the
discourses of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya under the title Anwar-i
Majalis. His younger brother Khwaja Musa was noted for his
mystical poetry in Arabic and Persian.20 Shaikhzada Azizuddin
(the son of Bibi Masturah and grandson of Baba Farid) was an
expert calligraphist and produced a book on the discourses of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya entitled Tohfat ul-Abrar wa Karamat
ul-Akhyar. His younger brother Shaikhzada Kabiruddin spent his
entire life under the loving care of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and
did not separate from him for a moment.21
In 1652, Muhammad Ali Asghar Chishti, the author of
Jawahar-i Faridi, went on pilgrimage to the mausoleum of Baba
304 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Farid. He availed himself of the opportunity to meet the then head

of the shrine Shaikh Muhammad, who had descended from Shaikh
Ibrahim, Shaikh Faizullah and Shaikh Tajuddin Mahmud. On this
occasion, he acquired information about the clans settled in and
around Pakpattan before the time of Baba Farid. He also collected
details about the marriages and children of the descendants of
Baba Farid. He has thus provided the names of nearly twenty clans,
Khokhars, Khankhwanis, Bahlis, Adhkans, Jhakarvalis, Yakkan,
Meharkan, Siyans, Khawalis, Sankhwalis, Siyals, Baghotis, Bartis,
Dhudis, Joyeas, Naharwanis, Tobis, and Dogars. According to Ali
Asghar Chishti, the Khokhars, who had migrated from the Arab
lands to the tract of Pakpattan, were the earliest to have embraced
Islam. They had settled in the area after occupying it by conquest.
Jhakarvalis and Bartis have been specifically mentioned as Jats.
Yakkans, Meharkans, and Siyans were cultivators engaged in
agriculture. In earlier times, they were non-Muslims and followed
the creed of the Jogi. Owing to the attention of Baba Farid, they
came under his influence and became Muslims. In the wake of
this conversion, the name of Jogi was changed to Qutb Kamal,
while his entire community became the devotees of Baba Farid’s
descendants. The same was the case of the Qazis, who had earlier
opposed Baba Farid. Dhudis, Joyeas and Naharwnis enjoyed pres-
tige and influence in the areas surrounding Pakpattan. Muslims
of long standing, they observed Islamic prayers and fasts. They
could mobilize armed contingents comprising 10,000 horsemen
and 29,000 footmen for military service. As a result, they exercised
authority over clans like the Tobis and Dogars.22
It has been claimed that the above clans were converted to
Islam by Baba Farid. Most of them gave their daughters in mar-
riage to the families of the head of the shrine. However, the
Jawahar-i Faridi has recorded only twenty-three such marriages:
fourteen with the Khokhars, five with Bhattis, three with Rajputs
and one with Dhudis.23 The names of the Khokhar chiefs were
prefixed Malik, which implied an association with political power.
Two of them, Shaikhu (Shaikha) Khokhar and Jasrath Khokhar,
who figured prominently in the history of the Delhi Sultanate,
also formed marriage alliances with the heads of the shrine of
 Piety Submits to the State 305

Pakpattan. In the following list, the name of Shaikh Tajuddin

Mahmud figures as many as seven times. He himself married a
woman of a Rajput clan. Three of his sons and a grandson mar-
ried among the Khokhars, while another son took a bride from
the Dhudi clan.

Marriages between Sajjadah Nishin’s Family and Clan Chiefs

S. no. Groom Fathers-in-Law Clan
1 Shaikh Muhammad Shaikh Shaikhu Khokhar
s/o Malik Barsana Khokhar
2 Shaikh Ibrahim Malik Kalu Khokhar
s/o Malik Shaikhu
3 Shaikh Faizullah Malik Jasrath Khokhar
s/o Malik Hariya Khokhar
4 Shaikh Muhammad Ismail Khan Khokhar Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Ibrahim
5 Shaikh Ghazanfar Ali Malik Behraj Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Tajuddin s/o Malik Kalu Khokhar
Mahmud
6 Shaikh Muhammad Makki Umar Khan Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Tajuddin s/o Shah Mansur Khokhar
Mahmud
7 Shaikh Abdullah Malik Barsana Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Tajuddin s/o Malik Jabrut
Mahmud
8 Shaikh Jan Muhammad Malik Abdullah Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Ahmad Qattal s/o Malik Mubarak Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Tajuddin
Mahmud
9 Shaikh Sadruddin Malik Barsana Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Habibullah s/o Malik Jasrath Khokhar
10 Shaikh Alauddin Malik Theraj Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Dadan s/o Malik Kalu Khokhar
11 Shaikh Burhanuddin Bijli Khan Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Ahmad Alias Sakki
12 Shaikh Kamal Khokhar Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Qutbuddin
13 Shaikh Qutbuddin Khokhar Khokhar
s/o Shaikh Ataullah
306 The Making of Medieval Panjab

14 Shaikh Muhammad Sharif Khokhar Khokhar

s/o Shaikh Alauddin
15 Shaikh Abdullah Rai Theraj Dhudi
s/o Shaikh Tajuddin s/o Rai Lakhmi Dhudi
Mahmud
16 Shaikh Jalaluddin Rai Saddu Bhatti
s/o Shaikh Muhammad s/o Rai Allahdad Bhatti
17 Shaikh Qutbuddin Bhatti Bhatti
s/o Shaikh Ataullah
18 Shaikh Kamal Bhatti Bhatti
s/o Shaikh Qutbuddin
19 Shaikh Ahmad Rai Shihab Bhatti Bhatti
s/o Shaikh Allah Bakhsh
20 Shaikh Allah Bakhsh Nasir Khan Bhatti Bhatti
s/o Shaikh Ibrahim
21 Shaikh Tajuddin Mahmud Rai Qutba Rajput
s/o Rai Muhammad
22 Shaikh Baddan Shaikh Massi Rajput
s/o Shaikh Qutbuddin
s/o Shaikh Ataullah
23 Shaikh Ahmad Qattal Shahbaz Khan Rajput
s/o Shaikh Tajuddin s/o Rai Qutba
Mahmud

In terms of its architectural layout, the shrine of Baba Farid

enclosed three buildings, each of which had an entrance on the
southern side. As one entered the main gate, which was located
on the eastern end, one faced the first building that contained the
graves of Baba Farid’s grandson Shaikh Alauddin Mauj-i Darya
and his lineal descendants. These were separated by a wall from
the graves of Baba Farid’s daughters. A mosque stood on the west-
ern edge of this edifice. The second building, which was built in
the centre, sheltered the tomb of Baba Farid and his son Shaikh
Badruddin Sulaiman. The Bihishti Darwaza was on southern side
of this structure, while the Noori Darwaza was on its east. This
was the only building that was provided with two doors. The third
building contained the graves of Shaikh Shihabuddin (a son of
Baba Farid), Diwan Fateh Muhammad and Diwan Allah Jiwaya.24
A distinct set of ceremonies have been performed in the shrine
 Piety Submits to the State 307

every day. An important functionary, who was known as the

chiraghi and was entrusted with the keys of the entire complex,
conducted the ritual of lighting the lamps. A number of events fol-
lowed it in a specific sequence. Late in the evening, the outer gate
was closed. It was opened only after midnight. The ceremony of
lamps commenced fifteen minutes before the Maghrib prayer. As
the devotees congregated in the courtyard, the chiraghi recited the
shajrah-i chiragh in a loud voice. Drafted in Persian, it mentioned
the names of Chishti masters – Shaikh Usman Harwani, Khwaja
Muinuddin Chishti, Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki, Baba Farid,
Shaikh Badruddin Sulaiman and Shaikh Nizamudin Auliya. Each
exemplar was remembered for his particular traits. The suppli-
cants prayed for securing their faith in Islam and attachment to
the lappet of Prophet Muhammad. It was hoped that the lamp of
the Chishtis would burn in spite of the stormy winds and, if any-
one dared to put out its flame, his beard would be burnt. It was
expected that Baba Farid, who was a darling of the prophets and a
treasure of sugar, would act as a witness for the devotees under the
shadow of God and, thus, would provide salvation from the sor-
rows of this world. For the benefit of the devotees, the recitation of
the shajrah-i chiragh was concluded by its translation in prose. In
the end of this ceremony, a popular prayer was offered. Variable
in its content, the prayer relied on the wisdom of the chiraghi and
contemporary political concerns. Through the mediation of the
Chishtis, the supplicants sought firmness of their faith in Islam
and help for the sick, childless, unemployed and debtors.25
The chiraghi lighted the lamps in the tombs of Baba Farid,
Shaikh Alauddin and others. Five lamps were placed at the grave
of Baba Farid, two at that of Shaikh Alauddin and one each at
those of others. Then the chiraghi moved to the mosque and,
serving as the imam, led the congregation in the Maghrib prayer.
Following the lighting of lamps, the devotees were allowed to
enter the tombs and this movement continued until an hour
before midnight (11.00 p.m.). At this point, the Noori Darwaza
was closed and electric bulbs were switched off, though the lamps
continued to burn. After a gap of four hours (3.00 a.m.), the outer
gate of the complex was opened. At this point, the embroidered
308 The Making of Medieval Panjab

covering on Baba Farid’s tomb was replaced. The previous cov-

ering was deposited in the store and, later on, it was distributed
among the devotees as a sacred gift (tabarruk). The precincts of
the shrine were cleaned and prepared for the proceedings of the
following day.
From the time of Isha prayer when the outer gate was closed,
to the early morning when the door was opened, forty to fifty
devotees observed vigil in the courtyard and engaged themselves
in meditation. The management of the shrine did not object to the
presence of these devotees in the enclosure. The shrine remained
open for the devotees from pre-dawn (3.00 a.m.) to late pre-mid-
night (11.00 p.m.). The door was not closed during the prayers
and, at these times, the number of devotees was not very large.
Within the mosque, the devotees offered both the obligatory (farz)
and supererogatory (nafl) prayers. This schedule was observed
on six days of the week. Since there was a substantive increase in
the number of devotees on Thursday, the duration for visitation
was increased by two hours, so that the shrine opened one hour
early and closed one hour late. This meant that the Noori Darwaza
closed for only two hours on any Thursday. This arrangement
provided ample opportunity to the devotees to enter the sanctum
sanctorum and offer Fatiha and Durood. Minor changes in the
schedule were effected in response to the change of seasons in
summer and winter. 26
On special days the schedule was modified. For example, on the
day of Prophet’s nocturnal journey to heaven (Miraj Sharif), which
fell on 26 Rajab, there was not only a great rush of devotees, but
they also offered the prayer of Tasbih after their obligatory prayer
in congregation. During their vigil, while the Qawwals performed,
some devotees recited the Quran and offered supererogatory
prayers. On 14 Shaban, the Shab-i Barat was observed in the same
manner. During Ramzan, the mosque remained exceptionally
crowded, because the devotees offered the Tarawih prayers at
night, usually comprising twenty cycles (rakats). During the last
ten days of Ramzan, they reserved maximum time for devotions
and, while occupying a corner in the mosque, prepared for the
 Piety Submits to the State 309

arrival of Shab-i Qadr. This moment came on 27 Ramzan when

the shrine presented a festive look that was a treat to the eyes. On
this occasion, the Diwan distributed the sacred gifts (tabarruk).
On the Id ul-Fitr, huge crowds converged on the shrine. Before
the Id prayer, the sacred relics of Baba Farid were displayed. The
chiraghi, accompanied by devotees, carried the relics to the court
of the Diwan who, in turn, conveyed them to the mosque in a
procession. The relics were kept at an elevated spot, so that the
devotees were able to register their reverence. After the Id prayer,
the relics were brought back for safe custody. The genealogical
table of the Chishtis was recited and it was followed by the recital
of Khatm-i Sharif. The Diwan distributed sugar among the con-
gregation. He went to the tomb of Shaikh Alauddin and recited
the Khatm-i Sharif over sherbet. Thereafter, he moved to the tomb
of Baba Farid and replaced the covering. These observances were
replicated on the Id ul-Azha. On 24 Ziqad the ritual of Chillah was
observed, marking the beginning of the annual death anniversary
of Baba Farid.27
Of all the ceremonies held at the shrine of Baba Farid, the most
important was his death ceremony (urs), which was observed
from 25 Zilhijja to 6 Muharram every year. On the first date, the
Khatm-i Sharif was held in memory of the martyrs Hasan and
Husain, followed by that for Baba Farid. The Diwan entered the
courtyard of the complex at 9.00 a.m. with his followers, while
the Qawwals sang for some time. Entering the mausoleum, he
sat on the west of Baba Farid’s tomb and, while his followers
stood around, Quranic verses and the Chishti genealogical table
(shajrah-i chiragh) was recited. The Diwan distributed sugar on
behalf of the souls of the illustrious dead. He moved to the tomb
of Shaikh Alauddin and again distributed sugar. Commemoration
of Hasan and Husain was recited over two small jars of sherbet
that was distributed among the gathering. Soon he retired to the
mausoleum of Baba Farid and, while recitations continued out-
side, he stayed for sometime and left the place. This ceremony was
observed every day until 5 Muharram, the day of the demise of
Baba Farid. From 1 Muharram onwards, in addition to the above
ceremonies, a spiritual concert (sama) was held in the afternoon
310 The Making of Medieval Panjab

at 3.00 p.m.. The Qawwals sang the poetry of Baba Farid and
others. Three Sufis dressed in white, who were conducted along
with the Qawwals, broke into a dance at intervals and, when
driven to ecstasy, rolled on the round. At the conclusion of the
musical session, the Diwan flung cowries among the listeners.28
The great day of the festival was 5 Muharram when the
Bihishti Darwaza was opened. The Khatm-i Sharif and musi-
cal session were held as usual. About an hour before sunset, the
Diwan entered the courtyard. He was preceded by an escort (a
Brahmin, according to Miles Irving) with a bell and another man
holding palm branches to clear the way. An usher intoned the
cries of ‘Allah Muhammad Char Yar Haji Khwaja Qutb Farid.’
A large crowd of privileged guests followed this small group. The
Diwan entered the mausoleum of Baba Farid through the east-
ern door, accompanied by as many followers as could find room.
In commemoration of the installation (dastar bandi) of the first
successor of Baba Farid, he placed a number of strips of muslin
dyed in saffron on the tomb. After rubbing them on his chest and
staining his clothes with them, he tied five of these around his
turban. Leaving the shrine and climbing across the Jogi’s tomb,
he unlocked the Bihishti Darwaza and entered the sanctum sanc-
torum. He emerged out of the eastern door and took his seat by
the Jogi’s tomb, where he distributed the remaining muslin strips
and some dates. Then, preceded by music, he left the shrine. The
stream of devotees began to pass through the Bihishti Darwaza
and, leaving through the other door, found their way out of the
town. In view of the great rush, the administration made elaborate
arrangements to prevent any stampede. The movement of traffic
being regulated, the devotees were admittred through the passage
in batches. The flow of devotees continued throughout the night
and until sunrise. It was only interrupted when a dignitary from
another shrine was specially conducted with his followers. In the
early twentieth century, as many as 40,000 devotees fulfilled their
cherished desire of passing through the Bihishti Darwaza.29
On the next day, the above proceedings began to 3.00 p.m.
in the afternoon. The Diwan opened the door at 11.00 p.m. and
distributed a kind of bread called Kurs. As the movement of the
 Piety Submits to the State 311

devotees continued throughout the night, about 20,000 of them

undertook the ritual of passing through the Bihishti Darwaza. On
10 Muharram, the Diwan arrived at the head of a large proces-
sion and, carrying pitchers of water, entered the mausoleum and
emptied the containers over the shrine. The water, which was
drained away, was regarded as holy and it was carried away in
leather bags by the Diwan and other devotees. In the evenings,
offerings of sandal and perfume (ittar) were made at the tomb.
This was followed by the recitation of hymns and another distri-
bution of sugar. Two persons associated with Baba Farid, disciple
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and grandson Shaikh Alauddin, were
accorded a prestigious place in the celebrations. The followers
of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya had their shrines in western and
southwestern Panjab, including those at Maler and Chachran in
Bahawalpur, Taunsa in Dera Ghazi Khan, Golra in Rawalpindi
and Basri in Hoshiarpur. The followers of Shaikh Alauddin had
their shrines towards the east in Kalyar, Gangoh and Ambatha in
Saharanpur, Rudauli in Barabanki, Panipat, Thanesar and Patiala.
Incumbents of these shrines brought large retinues to Pakpattan
and demanded a right of private entry unto the complex. Besides
the hereditary adherents of the sacred place, a sprinkling of der-
vishes and pilgrims was attaracted from all over India and the
(northwestern) border. But a majority of devotees came from
Montgomery, Multan and Bahawalpur.30

Legitimacy through Supernatural Acts

Shaikh Sadruddin Arif, the son of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya,
headed the Suhrawardi establishment of Multan from 1262 to
1285. He fashioned the schedule of his activities on the lines of
his illustrious father. After attending to the remembrance of God
and meditative contemplation, he engaged himself in teaching
the students who crowded his assemblies. For instructing the
aspirants of knowledge, he produced a short work entitled Tasrif-i
Jaduli which was studied in the seminaries for a long time. His
spiritual discourses were compiled in Kanuz ul-Fawaid by a
disciple named Khwaja Ziauddin. This work is not extant, but a
312 The Making of Medieval Panjab

few extracts have been found in prominent biographical accounts.

While elaborating a Prophetic tradition (hadis), he opined that
the profession of faith was a divine fort and whoever entered it
remained safe from any calamity ordained by God. There were
three different ways, external (zahir), internal (batin) and real
(haqiqat), to approach this unique sanctuary. In the first method,
the seeker placed implicit trust in none other than God. Even
if the entire world turned friend or enemy, no profit or loss
occurred without God’s will. As laid in the Quran, if God intends
to favour or punish anyone, no one can block this decision. In the
second method, the seeker firmly believed before dying that all
occurrences, including the future, were transitory and everything
in this world was perishable. Since destruction had already been
stipulated in the Quran, the seeker was advised to spend his life
by denying his own existence. By the third method (haqiqat), the
seeker overcame the desire for heaven and fear of hell by pacifying
the heart through a constant engagement with God. When he
attained the rank of a witness to truthfulness, the heaven itself
chased him and hell ran away from him.31
According to another sermon of Shaikh Arif, the first condition
for a follower of the Prophet was to have faith in the principles on
which the Prophet had placed his faith. Thereafter, he was bound
to remain steadfast in his faith and, in order to express his com-
mitment, he verbally accepted God’s uniqueness in His essence
and attributes. He also believed that God is endowed with all
qualities; He is beyond the understanding of reason and wisdom;
He is unaffected by any occurrence and accident; He is the crea-
tor of entire world and is not comparable to any other entity. All
prophets were His messengers on earth and Muhammad was the
most exalted of all prophets. Whatever the Prophet had stated was
absolutely true and did not betray any contradiction. Whether or
not these fell within the domain of reason, they had to be accepted
so that one’s faith remained intact. This was so because the
Prophet had rightly recognized the divine law, but did not delve
into its nature and circumstances. If there was any need to explain
a passage of the Quran or any Prophetic tradition, such an exer-
cise was permissible. The strength of faith became evident when
 Piety Submits to the State 313

an act of kindness produced happiness in the heart. However, if a

bad action was committed, one had to realize the mistake at least
in one’s heart. The steadfastness of faith was manifested in one’s
love for God and His messenger, not only with reference to one’s
knowledge and faith, but also on the strength of one’s passion and
state.32
In another piece of advice, Shaikh Arif asked the seeker to
remember God in every breath, because Sufis believed that one
who did not do so destroyed himself. While engaged in the
remembrance of God (zikr), the seeker needed to distance himself
from all satanic temptations and sensual desires. In this kind of
zikr, all enticements and fancies that appeared in the heart were
burnt to ashes. Owing to the light of this kind of zikr, the heart
was illuminated and the reality of zikr was established. At this
moment, the seeker (zakir) perceived the beauty of the remem-
bered (God) and his heart was brightened with the light of faith.
This was, in fact, the object of the seeker. Pursuing the same idea
in another sermon, Shaikh Arif, quoting a Quranic verse, ‘Oh
believers, you must maximize the remembrance of God,’ observed
that when God intended to favour anyone, He inspired him to
add a genuine harmony to His zikr with his tongue. In the next
stage, God enabled the seeker to progress from zikr with tongue to
zikr within heart. Even if the tongue was silent, the task was con-
tinued from the heart. Such an exercise was known as excessive
remembrance (zikr-i kasir). The seeker reached this stage when
he became immune to all forms of discord that arose owing to the
contact with entities other than God and impermissible conduct.
When the seeker cleansed himself of evil thoughts and forbidden
acts, divine light illumined his interior and, through the zikr, he
saw manifestations of God’s beauty. For this exalted state and
supreme bliss, the people of courage and intelligence surrendered
themselves to God.33
The Suhrawardi method of training disciples has been encap-
sulated in the advice of Shaikh Zakariya to his son Shaikh Arif
regarding a seeker named Jamal Uchi. It was stated,
There lived in Uch a saint who was highly competent and steadfast. He
has not contacted any Sufi for enrollment yet. He has been destined to be
314 The Making of Medieval Panjab

attached with our family. Though he has not come to me so far, he will
turn towards you after my death and will express his desire for the robe of
succession (khirqah). At present he is immersed in spiritual intoxication.
When he comes to you, do not let him meet you on the first day. Let him
stay alone for three days and remain engaged in recitation of the Quran,
so that he emerges out of his current state of intense intoxication to sober
consciousness. By then, he will have learnt the conduct of association
and will not suffer any loss while treading the spiritual path. Thereafter
summon him to you. Give him only half of what you have inherited in
the form of robes. Tell him that one half is yours and the other half is his.
But do not give him the robe of Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi, which
I have passed on to you.
It was believed that Shaikh Zakariya also advised Shaikh Arif,
‘Do not embrace Jamal Uchi, lest the latter should take way all
your spiritual bounties. Offer him only half of your hand. Tell him
that one half of it is yours, and the other half, his.’34
If Jamali was relied upon, Shaikh Arif employed his miraculous
power to bring Ahmad Mashuq to the spiritual path. This man was
the son of a merchant, Muhammad Qandhari, and had arrived
from Qandhar to Multan for the purpose of trade. Possessing a
large amount of goods and wealth, he was addicted to alcohol
and did not remain without liquor even for a moment. One day,
he was sitting outside a shop. Shaikh Arif, who was returning
from a visit to the mausoleum of his father, saw Ahmad Mashuq
through the corner of his eye. He sent a servant and brought
Ahmad Mashuq along with him. On reaching his residence, he
called for sherbet. He drank a part of it and gave the remaining
to Ahmad Mashuq. As soon as the latter took a sip, the doors of
spirituality opened in his heart. He repented for his past conduct
and became a disciple of Shaikh Arif. He renounced worldly life
and distributed his wealth among the seekers who resided in the
Suhrawardi hospice. Such was the degree of his simplicity that he
wore the same set of clothes for seven years. Owing to the personal
attention of his mentor, he slowly covered the successive stages
of the spiritual path and reached the rank of God’s beloved.35 His
spiritual attainments earned praise from Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya. Once Ahmad Mashuq observed a forty-day penance
 Piety Submits to the State 315

(chillah-i sarma) during winter and, standing in the cold water

of a river at midnight, refused to come out till God had told him
who he was. A voice declared that he was the one from whom
many would seek intercession on the day of resurrection to be
spared from hell, that he was the one whose efforts on this day
would enable many to gain entry into heaven and that if the saints
and gnostics were God’s lovers, he was the God’s beloved. When
Ahmad Mashuq emerged out of water and returned to the city,
everyone greeted him as Shaikh Ahmad Mashuq. But people
objected to his practice of offering prayer (namaz) without the
Surah-i Fatiha.36 When persuaded to recite it, he ignored the verse,
‘It is You Whom we worship and it is You from whom we seek
help.’ After much persuasion, he agreed to recite the same in its
entirety. But when he reached the above verse, blood began to
ooze from the end of each hair of his body. Turning towards the
people around, he declared that it was not proper for him to offer
prayers, as he was a menstruating woman.37
Shaikh Arif’s miraculous power was said to have enabled
his seven-year old son Ruknuddin Abul Fateh to memorize the
Quran. The Shaikh took a personal interest in the matter and took
the boy along wherever he went. Once he was offering prayer on
the bank of a river, while a flock of deer appeared on the scene.
The boy was attracted to a calf who was running after its mother.
Though he normally memorized the fourth of a section of the
Quran after reading it thrice, he could not abide by this routine
even after reading it ten times. Shaikh Arif learnt the real cause of
his son’s distraction from some people who were present there.
He fixed his gaze on the direction in which the flock of deer
had gone. The female deer, followed by her calf, came running
to the Shaikh’s presence. The boy treated the calf with love and
enabled it to suckle at its mother’s breast. The animals were then
brought to live at the Suhrawardi hospice. It has been claimed that
Ruknuddin Abul Fateh memorized half a section of the Quran
that day.38
Jamali has provided another instance of Shaikh Arif’s super-
natural abilities. We were told that Shaikh Budh, having accepted
the request of a neighbouring chief who was a pious man, assumed
316 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the task of measuring agricultural land and collecting taxes from

his estate. While engaged in this task, he had a dream at night
wherein Shaikh Arif forbade him from pursuing the work. Next
day, the peasants of the locality urged Shaikh Budh to resume the
measurement of land. The Shaikh, who was riding on a horse,
turned towards his own house. The peasants felt that the Shaikh
was leaving as he had been offended by them. Soon the Shaikh
revealed the truth about the dream and returned to his house. The
chief, who feared that the land revenue would not be collected,
persuaded the Shaikh to resume the task. But when the Shaikh did
so, Shaikh Arif appeared before him and, after admonishing him
for disobedience, knocked him down so that he fell unconscious.
When the sons and associates of Shaikh Budh brought him back
to his senses, he excused himself from the administrative work
and went on to acquire fame as a mystic.
Shaikh Arif was not only responsible for the birth of Maulana
Fatehullah, but also assumed the task of training him as a Sufi.
Interestingly, the Shaikh continued to play his role as mentor even
after his own death. As the episode went, Maulana Qutbuddin
Behram, who had memorized the Quran and remained engaged
in its recitation, did not have a child. Every Friday, he paid obei-
sance at the tomb of Shaikh Zakariya and, dedicating the merit
of a full recitation of the Quran to his soul, prayed for the bless-
ing of a child. One Friday, he completed a recitation of the holy
book and, while sleeping at the tomb during the night, he saw a
dream. Shaikh Arif appeared before him and gave him two dried
dates. The Shaikh asked him to eat one and give the other to his
wife, who would give birth to a son endowed with good fortune.
After seeing the dream, he came out of the tomb and saw a bright
faced old man who gave him two dried dates. Overwhelmed with
happiness at the turn of events, he returned to his house and, as
directed, ate one and gave the other to his wife. Though now old,
he was blessed with a son who was named Fatehullah. This boy did
not study anything till the age of twenty, nor did he memorize the
Quran in its entirety. As soon as he learnt about his father’s dream
and the circumstances of his birth, he paid homage at the tomb
of Shaikh Arif and dedicated himself to the acquisition of edu-
 Piety Submits to the State 317

cation. One night he saw a dream wherein he found himself pray-

ing in a mosque where Shaikh Arif was also present. He offered his
respects to the Shaikh and prayed that if he could not gain access
to learning so far, he might still recite the Quran owing to the
saint’s attention. Shaikh Arif gave him some rice pudding from a
pot and asked him to memorize the Surah-i Yusuf of the Quran.
On waking up from sleep, he felt a strange relief and light in his
heart. Next day he paid a visit to the tomb of Shaikh Arif. He also
met Maulana Wajihuddin who served as the prayer leader (imam)
of the mosque at the Suhrawardi shrine and whose recitation of
the Quran could deprive the listeners of their senses. He narrated
the details of his dream to the Maulana who, in turn, encouraged
him to abide by the advice of Shaikh Arif. He also began to study
the Quran under the tutelage of the Maulana. In just five days,
Fatehullah memorized the Surah-i Yusuf and in seven months the
entire holy book. At the same time, he immersed himself in learn-
ing the other subjects. He attributed his progress to the spiritual
charisma of Shaikh Arif that was effective even after his death.39
Though Shaikh Arif kept aloof from contemporary politics, he
was involved in a personal conflict with Sultan Muhammad, the
governor of Multan who was the son of Sultan Ghiasuddin Balban.
A man of literary tastes, the Prince was passionately interested in
poetry and extended liberal patronage to poets. He was deeply
attached to his beautiful wife (a daughter of Sultan Ruknuddin
Firoz and granddaughter of Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutmish) who,
however, was alienated from her husband owing to his excessive
drinking. Once in a fit of anger, the Prince divorced her by verbal
pronouncement. Within a few days, he realized that he could not
bear separation from her and began to think of means to bring her
back. He sought the opinion of the leading theologians of Multan.
He learnt that he could remarry his former wife only if she was
married to someone else and divorced again. In order to achieve
this object, the Prince approved a plan mooted by his close confi-
dant Qazi Asiruddin Khwarizmi. The Qazi, acting in the interest of
expediency and keeping everything under the wraps, arranged the
lady to be married to the most pious man in the city, Shaikh Arif.
After a few days, the Prince secretly sent the Qazi to the Shaikh
318 The Making of Medieval Panjab

with an order seeking divorce. As the news reached her, the lady
fell at the feet of the Shaikh and refused to be separated from him.
The Shaikh had no alternative but to reject the proposal. Frustrated
at the outcome of his move, the Prince wished to kill the Qazi who
was at the root of his ultimate humiliation. On second thoughts, he
decided to kill Shaikh Arif and, for this purpose, mobilized a force
of 10,000 heavily armed soldiers. A wave of anxiety spread across
Multan as if the day of resurrection had arrived. The next day a
horde of 20,000 Mongols entered the city. The Prince succeeded
in scattering the intruders, but he was killed in an ambush while
offering prayers along with 500 fighting men at a reservoir. The
Mongols left after collecting a rich booty. The lady, owing to her
association with the Shaikh, dedicated herself to religious pursuits
in a manner that she was compared with Fatima and Maryam.40

Sitting in the Lap of Delhi

Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh, the son of Shaikh Sadruddin
Arif, headed the Suhrawardi hospice of Multan for almost half a
century (1286-1335). According to Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi,
a detailed account of Shaikh Ruknuddin was found in Fatawa-i
Sufiyah, which had been penned by one of his disciples. Another
work Majmua ul-Akhyar compiled the Shaikh’s discourses and
letters to his disciples. In one of these letters, he observed that
man comprised two elements, form and quality, and that quality
was superior to form which had no value. God does not have any
interest in one’s form. Rather, He focuses only on one’s actions
and heart. The quality assumed significance in the afterlife
(akhirat), as in this stage every quality assumed a physical form.
Since the afterlife was a reward, every quality was transformed
into a corresponding physical form, which appeared in a state of
decomposition and disintegration. For example, Balam Bawur,
inspite of his excessive prayers and austerities, would be lifted in
the form of a dog. Similarly, a cruel and rebellious person would
be converted into a wolf, an arrogant person into a cheetah and a
miser and greedy person into a pig. In accordance with a Quranic
verse, ‘Today is the day we have removed the veil from your eyes,’
 Piety Submits to the State 319

the people would continue to be counted among beasts till they

did not expel evil thoughts from their hearts. Though the lower
self of man was perpetually inclined to defiance, yet it was possible
to purify the heart and suppress the baser instincts. This could be
achieved by imploring God who is generous and forgiving. Without
the grace of God, one could not become virtuous. As a sign of this
grace, the seeker erased his personal faults and illumined his inner
self, so that all the worldly pomp was rendered immaterial. In this
condition, the seeker began to hate lustful beastly actions. Such
a morally upright seeker wished the worldly people to assimilate
angelic characteristics. Instead of negative attributes – oppression,
anger, arrogance, miserliness and greed – he acquired the positive
qualities of forgiveness, patience, equanimity and generosity.
These standards belonged to the aspirants of afterlife, while the
traits of the seekers stood at the level of perfection.41
While corresponding with another disciple, Shaikh Ruknuddin
dealt with the issue of good and evil. On one occasion, Hazrat
Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet and the fourth pious caliph,
stated that he had not done good and evil to anyone on his own.
Surprised at this statement, the listeners admitted that he might
not have harmed anyone, but his acts of kindness begged an expla-
nation. Quoting a Quranic verse, ‘If anyone does a good deed, its
reward goes to him and if anyone does a bad deed, its punishment
also goes to him,’ Hazrat Ali clarified that the reward for his good
or bad actions was meant only for him and had nothing to do with
others, but God knows better. Since whatever was sown had to be
harvested, it was advisable to sow the seeds of good. This course
was proper for the wise who sought blessings in this life as well as
in the hereafter. The inspiration for good and evil came from God.
Regarding control over actions, the Shaikh advised the seeker to
prevent, in both word and deed, his organs from all unlawful acts
as decreed by the Shariat. It was proper for him to avoid the com-
pany of unscrupulous people, to distance himself from things that
separated him from God and to keep away from associating with
liars.42
According to an incident recorded in Majmua ul-Akhyar,
Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq asked one Maulana Zahiruddin Lang
320 The Making of Medieval Panjab

if he had witnessed any miracle of Shaikh Ruknuddin. Replying

in the affirmative, the Maulana pointed to the large number of
people who visited the Shaikh every Friday to benefit from his
spiritual excellence. The Maulana attributed this phenomenon to
the Shaikh’s overpowering qualities, whereas no one came to meet
him, though he was regarded as a learned scholar. In order to test
the credentials of the Shaikh, the Maulana decided to ask him the
rationale behind parts of ablution – rinsing the mouth and pour-
ing water in the nose – that were regarded as Prophetic practice
(sunnat). That very night, the Maulana saw a dream wherein the
Shaikh offered him semolina pudding, the taste of which lingered
till the next morning. This could not be accepted as a miracle, as
such an act could be managed even by the Satan. Next day, he went
to meet the Shaikh. He was astonished to find that the Shaikh was
waiting for him and immediately offered his reply to the ques-
tion, which he already knew through his supernatural powers. The
Maulana began to perspire while listening to the following reply:
There are two kinds of impurity, of the body and of the heart. The former
is caused by having sexual intercourse with a woman and the latter by
sitting in the company of bad people. The former impurity is cleansed by
water and the later impurity is washed off by tears. Water is recognized
as pure only if it possesses three qualities – colour, flavour and smell. In
the ritual of ablution, Shariat has given preference to rinsing the mouth
and pouring water in the nose, because the former reveals the flavour of
water and the latter provides the smell of water. Just as the Satan cannot
assume the form of Prophet Muhammad, the Satan cannot take the form
of a true Shaikh. This is so because the true Shaikh follows the Prophet
in letter and spirit. Maulana! You are overflowing with conventional
knowledge, but you are still unfamiliar with mystical knowledge.43
While staying in Delhi, Shaikh Ruknuddin got an opportunity
to define the characteristics of a Shaikh. The occasion arose when
a group of Qalandars and Jawaliqs visited him. The Qalandars
demanded sherbet, but the Shaikh said something and they went
away. The Jawaliqs demanded expenses (kharch) and the Shaikh
gave them something, so that they also left. Reflecting on this
experience, he stated that a Shaikh ought to possess money (mal),
knowledge (ilm), and spiritual states (hal). First, the Shaikh had to
 Piety Submits to the State 321

possess some resources for, if he did not have these, he would not
be able to fulfil the demands of the mendicants and, then, these
people felt justified in slandering him even if they became guilty
for the day of judgement. Second, he ought to possess knowledge
so that he was able to enter into learned discussions with the theo-
logians. Third, he ought to possess spiritual states, so that he could
swerve with the saints in response to ecstasy. Shaikh Nasiruddin
Mahmud, the distinguished head of the Chishti order in Delhi,
strongly disagreed with this understanding of the functions of
a Sufi. In his view, a Sufi required only knowledge and spiritual
states, not money. If he had nothing, he could offer water to the
visiting mendicants. Even if he had no means to feed his own chil-
dren on Id, he needed to desire only from God. He was likely to
receive something through supernatural means, possibly by the
courtesy of Khwaja Khizr. The Prophet was in favour of a person
earning his livelihood by exerting with the hands and perspiring
from the forehead, while simultaneously undertaking sincere
devotions. As for himself, Shaikh Nasiruddin knew that wealth
came only from villages, agriculture and trade. He disapproved of
the Sufis who begged at the doors of rulers and rich.44
Besides his thoughts on mysticism, Shaikh Ruknuddin was
remembered for involvement in local politics, for close relations
with reigning Sultans, and for intimate friendship with Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya. He visited the capital twice during the
reign of Alauddin Khalji (r. 1296-1316) and thrice during that of
Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji (r. 1316-20). Alauddin Khalji offered
to the Shaikh a sum of 2 lakh tankas on his arrival and 5 lakh tankas
on his departure. The Shaikh distributed the entire amount among
the needy on the same day. Whenever the Shaikh went to meet
Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji, he received applications of the
people who had demands from the state. In fact, he would delay
his departure until all of them had placed their applications on
his palanquin. When he entered the royal palace, he was received
by the Sultan at the third entrance. The Sultan, who treated the
visit as a great occasion, sat on his knees before the Shaikh. The
Shaikh directed his servant to place the petitions before the Sultan.
The Sultan examined every application and, noting his response,
322 The Making of Medieval Panjab

affixed the royal seal. The Shaikh left the palace only when all the
issues raised in the petitions had been settled to his satisfaction.
Not surprisingly, Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud regarded the visit
of Shaikh Ruknuddin as a boon for the people of Delhi because,
owing to his outer and inner virtues, their days became as joyful as
Id and nights as blissful as Shab-i Qadr.45
The Suhrawardi saints of Multan continued to maintain inti-
mate relations with the Tughluqs and enjoyed a considerable
influence at the court. Maulana Ilmuddin Ismail (a grandson of
Shaikh Zakariya and a brother of Shaikh Ruknuddin) was invited
to put forth his views on the legality of audition (sama) when
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya was tried for his indulgence in the
controversial Sufi practice. His thoughts on the subject, parti-
cularly the prevalence of audition in Rum and Sham (Turkey
and Syria) went a long way in finalizing the Sultan’s final verdict
in the case.46 Shaikh Ruknuddin was one of the dignitaries who
went to Afghanpur on the outskirts of Delhi in order to welcome
Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq, who was returning from Bengal to
the capital. He also joined the banquet held in a newly constructed
wooden pavilion. Invited by Prince Muhammad to offer the Asr
prayer, he came out of the structure and thus escaped being
crushed. According to Jamali, the Shaikh advised the Sultan to
quickly leave the pavilion as it was new. The Sultan replied that
he would come out after having lunch. The Shaikh told the Sultan
that it would be appropriate to leave at the earliest. Having said
this, the Shaikh walked out of the pavilion without caring to wash
his hands after the meals. Before he reached the second entrance,
however, the structure collapsed. The people inside, including the
Sultan, died instantly.47 Jamali has indicated that if the Sultan had
heeded the warning of the Shaikh, he would not have been killed.
The Shaikh, owing to his miraculous powers, had foreseen the
tragedy.48
The family of Suhrawardi saints extended active support to
Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq during the punitive expedition
against Bahram Aiba Kishlu Khan, the rebellious governor of
Multan. Shaikh Ruknuddin came out of the city and, while wel-
coming the Sultan, offered his good wishes for the success of
 Piety Submits to the State 323

the campaign. In the battle, which was fought at Abohar, Shaikh

Imaduddin (a brother of Shaikh Ruknuddin) who resembled the
Sultan in his appearance, was positioned under the royal canopy
to confuse the rival forces. Shaikh Imaduddin, mistaken as the
Sultan, was killed.49 After the defeat and execution of Kishlu Khan,
the Sultan ordered a massacre of the people of Multan. On hearing
this Shaikh Ruknuddin interceded with the Sultan on behalf of
the inhabitants and stopped the Sultan from committing a terrible
bloodbath.50 The Shaikh and his nephew Sadruddin (the son of the
deceased Shaikh Imaduddin) received grants of a hundred villages
each for two purposes – as a means of their personal livelihood
and to enable them to administer food in hospice of their vener-
able grandfather, Shaikh Zakariya.51
Shaikh Ruknuddin was summoned to Delhi by Sultan Qutb-
uddin Mubarak Khalji (r. 1316-20), who intended to pit him
against Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.52 The intention of the Sultan
was doomed to failure as Shaikh Ruknuddin bore immense affec-
tion and respect for the preeminent Chishti saint, who warmly
reciprocated these feelings. Once Shaikh Ruknuddin attended
the death anniversary (urs) of Baba Farid that was organized by
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Qawwals were invited to perform at
the musical session. When they were singing, Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya was elevated to a state of ecstasy and, in response to the
intensity of his passion, tried to rise up and move in a circular
motion. Shaikh Ruknuddin, who was sitting close by, held him and
did not allow him to stand. After sometime, Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya again felt ecstatic and, rising, gave physical expression
to his inner feelings. This time Shaikh Ruknuddin did not stop
him and, instead, stood up and joined him, as did the other Sufis.
Shaikh Ruknuddin told his brother that on the first occasion, he
found the Chishti saint in the astromental plane (alam-i malkut)
where his hand reached with ease. On the second occasion, he
found the Shaikh in the plane of bliss (alam-i jabrut)53 and, there-
fore, restrained his hand. It was evident that he had a high opinion
of the spiritual excellence of the Chishti master and, finding him-
self incapable of reaching that high level, did not interfere in his
exalted spiritual state that was induced by the audition.
324 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Whenever Shaikh Ruknuddin came to Delhi, he made it a point

to meet Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and to exchange views on
matters of common interest. Amir Khurd provides the details of
five such meetings. The first took place during the reign of Sultan
Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji. When Shaikh Nizamuddin learnt
about the arrival of Shaikh Ruknuddin to the capital, he went to
Hauz-i Alai and welcomed the visitor near a bridge at the time
of the morning prayer. In this short meeting, the two exchanged
pleasantries. When the Sultan asked Shaikh Ruknuddin about the
first person to meet him in Delhi, the reply was that it was the best
citizen (Shaikh Nizamuddin) of the capital. The second meeting
took place in the Jama Masjid of Kilokhari. Shaikh Ruknuddin, on
learning that Shaikh Nizamuddin would offer the Friday prayer at
this mosque, went to the place. He sat near the northern gate that
was near the bank of the river. Shaikh Nizamuddin sat at his fixed
spot near the southern gate. There was a lot of space between the two
gates owing to the vastness of the courtyard. Shaikh Nizamuddin
said his prayer, got up and sat behind Shaikh Ruknuddin who was
still engaged in the exercise. At the conclusion of the prayer, they
shook hands and embraced. Shaikh Ruknuddin held the hand of
Shaikh Nizamuddin and walked to the southern gate where his
palanquin had been brought. Each insisted that the other sit in the
palanquin. Ultimately, Shaikh Nizamuddin succeeded in persuad-
ing Shaikh Ruknuddin to sit in it.54
The third meeting took place in the upper storey cell of Shaikh
Nizamuddin at Ghiaspur. Known as the building of Khwaja Jahan
Ayaz, it had been built by Shaikh Hasan Sarbarhana. As soon as
Shaikh Nizamuddin was informed that Shaikh Ruknuddin was on
his way to Ghiaspur, he directed his servant Iqbal to prepare food
and arrange gifts. Since Shaikh Ruknuddin had a problem with
his foot, he could not come out of the palanquin in spite of his
best efforts. Shaikh Nizamuddin did not let his guest make any
painful effort and sat in front of him. The conversation, it was
hoped, would enlighten the small gathering on an academic issue.
Maulana Imaduddin Ismail, the brother of Shaikh Ruknuddin,
initiated a discussion on the reasons of Prophet Muhammad’s
migration from Mecca to Madina. Shaikh Ruknuddin replied that
 Piety Submits to the State 325

the perfections associated with Muhammad’s prophethood could

reach their culmination only at Madina. Shaikh Nizamuddin felt
that the Prophet had been ordered to migrate to Madina, so that
the imperfect people of the place could benefit from his teach-
ings. At meal time, when the father of Amir Khurd spread the
tablecloth between the two men, a large number of petitions were
pushed aside. Shaikh Ruknuddin explained that these were the
petitions of helpless sufferers, that he had placed them before the
Sultan for the remedy of their problems and that the applicants did
not know that he was going to meet the king of religion (Shaikh
Nizamuddin) that day. In the end a purse of gold coins and pieces
of fine cloth were presented to the guest. Shaikh Ruknuddin
refused to take them and, at his advice, these were accepted by his
brother Maulana Imaduddin Ismail.55
The fourth meeting took place, as Shaikh Ruknuddin went
to enquire about the health of Shaikh Nizamuddin. The former
expressed his feelings of reverence, saying, ‘Today is the tenth
of Zilhijja when the devout proceed to seek the religious merit
of performing the Haj. I have tried to acquire the same bless-
ings by visiting you.’ Shaikh Nizamuddin expressed regret at his
own imperfections. The fifth meeting took place when Shaikh
Nizamuddin was facing his last illness, during which he repeatedly
lost consciousness owing to the intensity of divine love. During
these days (spring of 1325), Shaikh Ruknuddin came to see the
ailing saint several times. On one occasion, Shaikh Nizamudin
was too weak to rise from his cot to receive his friend. He invited
Shaikh Ruknuddin to sit on his cot. Shaikh Ruknuddin, out
of respect, declined the offer and instead sat on a chair. Shaikh
Nizamuddin, in spite of his miserable condition, engaged in a
meaningful conversation, much to the astonishment of his dis-
ciples and followers. Shaikh Ruknuddin referred to a Prophetic
tradition, which allowed the prophets an option by God to live
longer than their stipulated lives, if they so desired. The saints
(walis), being the successors to the Prophet, also enjoyed the same
privilege. Therefore, Shaikh Nizamuddin was urged to seek an
extension of his life, so that the imperfect people could improve
their existence. Bursting into tears, Shaikh Nizamuddin revealed
326 The Making of Medieval Panjab

a dream in which the Prophet had declared that he was anxiously

waiting for him. At this everyone including Shaikh Ruknuddin
began to weep. Thereafter, the visitor left in a state of melancholy.56
During his last days, Shaikh Nizamuddin directed the musicians
to perform audition for three days before his burial and obtained
a promise to this effect from Maulana Shihabuddin. Shaikh
Ruknuddin advised against it, yet he admitted that he would be
responsible on the day of judgement for not carrying out the last
wish of the Chishti master. Notwithstanding this lapse, Shaikh
Ruknuddin played a decisive role in choosing the place of burial
for the Shaikh who passed away on 3 April 1325. Accompanied
by Iqbal (the servant of Shaikh Nizamuddin), he examined the
garden where the late Shaikh used to come. Iqbal identified an
orange tree under which the Shaikh used to sit. Shaikh Ruknuddin
offered two sections (rakats) of prayer at the spot and oversaw
the digging of the grave.57 Shaikh Ruknuddin had the privilege of
leading the funeral prayer. After performing the ritual, he declared
that he understood why God had made him stay in Delhi for four
years. In other words, it was God’s will that he should reside in the
capital for a fairly long time and maintain intimate relations with
the Chishti master, so that at the proper moment he could avail
of the opportunity of leading the funeral prayer of his friend.58
This event demonstrated that Shaikh Ruknuddin commanded
the respect and confidence of the disciples and followers of the
deceased. It also showed that Shaikh Ruknuddin refused to toe
the line of the contemporary rulers, Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji
and Ghiasuddin Tughluq, who were hostile to the Chishti master.
Following the footsteps of his Khalji predecessor, Sultan
Ghiasuddin Tughluq (r. 1320-5) also summoned Shaikh Rukn-
uddin to Delhi. At this time, a dispute was said to have irrupted
over the headship of the Suhrawardi hospice at Multan. Shaikh
Ilmuddin Imamah, a son of Shaikh Bahaduddin Zakariya,
advanced his claim to this high position in opposition to his
nephew. Since the Sultan was inclined towards Shaikh Imamah,
Shaikh Ruknuddin relinquished his claim and came to Delhi.
Shortly after this change, Shaikh Imamah breathed his last.
 Piety Submits to the State 327

However, Shaikh Ruknuddin continued to stay in Delhi. As such,

he was present in the capital when both the Sultan and Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya passed away.59 The exact nature of the dispute
was not known, yet it might have involved the control over the
vast income that came from land grants and sundry offerings.
Around this time, Shaikh Wajihuddin Usman Siyah Sunami,
who was a disciple of Shaikh Ruknuddin, led a protest against
the newly established Tughluq regime. A native of the town of
Sunam in Panjab, Shaikh Sunami tried hard to get a clerical job
in Delhi. During these days of trial, he saw Shaikh Ruknuddin
offering prayer on the bank of the Jamuna and instantly became
his disciple. He came to Multan along with his mentor and spent
two years at his hospice. During this period, he memorized the
Quran and studied the Awarif-ul Maarif. Practising simplicity of
an extreme kind, he did not wear anything except a loincloth and
did not sport a turban. On pilgrimage to holy places, he donned
the same apparel and did not carry a pot or staff. His travels
spread across a period of seven years. He performed the Haj in
Mecca when it was very hot. While he was circumambulating the
Kaaba, he was believed to be provided shade by the legendary
saint Shaikh Khizr. He also paid homage at the tomb of Prophet
Muhammad at Madina and, during his return journey, visited the
graves of numerous saints. When he returned to Multan, Shaikh
Ruknuddin was so impressed at his simplicity and devotion that
he conferred his own robe and turban on him. In response to the
fresh advice of his mentor, he settled in Delhi and placed himself
under the tutelage of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. He received
immense affection from the Chishti saint. He developed a deep
interest in the musical sessions (sama), being often found in a
state of ecstasy.60 This attitude must be safely attributed to the
influence of the Chishti practice and his personal proximity to
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.
Shaikh Sunami led a powerful public demonstration against the
official ban on Sufi music and, in so doing, carved a permanent
place for himself in the annals of Islamic spirituality in northwest-
ern India. Before the trial (mahzar) of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
328 The Making of Medieval Panjab

in the court of Ghiasuddin Tughluq, this ruler had imposed a ban

on any form of singing. If anyone dared to open his mouth for
a song, his tongue was to be pulled out by a plier.The rule was
so strict that none could even recite the Quran in a melodious
voice. In these circumstances, Hasan Qawwal, the chief Qawwal in
the service of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, visited Shaikh Sunami
along with a few other singers. The Shaikh, who was fond of the
visitor’s singing, requested him to sing something in his typical
style. Though Hasan Qawwal was aware of the Shaikh’s intimate
relations with Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, yet he expressed his
inability to accede to the request in view of the Sultan’s draconian
ban. Seeing that the Shaikh had locked the door with a chain and
no stranger was around, he agreed to sing at a low pitch. When he
rendered a particular couplet in Pardah-i Ushaq, the Shaikh stood
up in ecstasy and asked the singer to sing loudly. Hasan Qawwal
discarded all restraint and began to sing without any inhibition.
At the bidding of the Shaikh, the door was opened and a strange
tumult arose. Gradually a number of people – including nearly 200
Qawwals, several Sufis and seekers of entertainment – assembled
in thousands. The gathering assumed the form of a procession
and, being led by Shaikh Sunami, started marching from Delhi
to Tughluqabad, a distance of one league. The entire population
of the city, including the elite, was filled with anxiety about the
outcome of a developing situation, particularly in the light of the
Sultan’s harsh rule.
The Sultan, who was then sitting in the upper storey of his
palace, had heard the commotion. He asked his courtiers to find the
nature of the horde. Malik Shadi, the Sultan’s close assistant, ran
out to make an instant enquiry. He reported that Shaikh Sunami
was leading a procession of innumerable Sufis and Qawwals, who
were approaching and singing in ecstasy. The Sultan was deeply
perplexed on seeing the resolute challenge to his authority and
audacious violation of his irrational order. Much against his
wishes, the Sultan could not punish a multitude of unarmed peo-
ple who were asserting their right to follow a hallowed practice. He
desperately looked for a pretext to take punitive action against the
leader of this massive public protest, if not the prominent partici-
 Piety Submits to the State 329

pants. He ordered his officers to check from an official document

Tazkira-i Khusrau Khan if Shaikh Sunami had received any cash
gift from the short-lived regime of Khusrau Khan. The courtiers
held the unanimous view that Shaikh Sunami had rejected such
a dubious payment. The Sultan was forced to reverse his inten-
sions. He ordered Malik Shadi to bring Shaikh Sunami to a special
suite in the palace, to send food from the royal kitchen and to
reward the Qawwals. Shaikh Sunami and his companions were
treated as state guests for three days. While leaving the palace,
Shaikh Sunami refused to accept any cash gift and instead went to
Ghiaspur in order to meet his second mentor Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya. This episode took place after the trial in which the Chishti
saint was subjected to an interrogation.61
A distinguished writer and ideologue, Amir Husain (Sadruddin
Ahmad bin Najmuddin Syed Husaini), benefited from his associa-
tion with the Suhrawardi masters.62 Originally a native of Herat,
he visited Multan in the company of his father who used to travel
for the purpose of trade. After the demise of his father, he withdrew
from worldly affairs and, having distributed his wealth, entered the
Suhrawardi hospice in Multan. Distinguished for his expertise in
mystical knowledge and severe austerities, he produced a number
of works like Kanz ul-Rumuz, Zad ul-Musafirin, Tarb-i Majalis
and Nuzhat ul-Arwah. An insight into his mind has been pro-
vided by the following ideas on mysticism, which were recorded
in his correspondence with Saduddin Mahmud Shabistari of
Tabrez.
Philosophers and theologians did not have the capacity to com-
prehend the nature of God, as sense and reason could not shake
off the illusion of apparent reality of the world. Man perceived the
reflection of all divine attributes in himself, but there was a side
to his nature which was evil and non-existent. He was required
to abandon realism in order to see the truth, from which all else
emanated. A traveller was one who journeyed to God, but the per-
fect man did not rest at the ecstatic union with truth. Instead, he
journeyed back to the phenomenal world, where he conformed
to outward laws and, by so doing, brought forth the fruit of good
works. In his phenomenal state, man could not exist without God
330 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and, aspiring to a union, was drawn magnetically towards Him.

When man realized that all things were one, he died to his own
self and lived in God with his regenerated soul. This was achieved
by erasing all that separated God from his soul, as true mystical
union could not be achieved when duality and self persisted. Since
all things were one, the temporal and eternal could not be separate
entities. Union meant annihilation of the phenomenal element in
man, but this annihilation was a continuous process involving the
erasure of phenomena. Since the law was compared to a shell and
sainthood to the pearl within, a Sufi was required to retain the
shell until the pearl was fully formed and ready for extraction. The
Sufis, while expressing mystical beliefs and ecstatic experiences,
employed unconventional terms (eye, lip, cheek, curl and mole)
and even appreciated ideas from Christianity and idolatory.63
In the eyes of Ziauddin Barani, the presence of three eminent
Sufis, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Shaikh Alauddin and Shaikh
Ruknuddin Abul Fateh, two of whom belonged to Panjab, were
a sublime blessing during the first two decades of the fourteenth
century. Addressed with the prefix of Shaikh ul-Islam, they were
reputed for occupying the exalted seat of Shaikh-hood, which was
the deputyship of Prophethood. They had illumined the world
with the purity of their being. A large number of people wished to
enrol under their mentorship. On account of their help, thousands
of people, who had been engaged in immoral activities, aban-
doned their evil ways. Having vowed repentance, they included
prayers in their daily routines. The attitude of worldliness, which
had undermined good deeds in the society, received a severe blow.
The lives of these three Sufis, which revolved around arduous
spiritual exercises and excellent moral chatacter, became a role
model for others. Truthful seekers of God, who were immersed
in prayer and devotion, began to aspire for higher stages of divine
inspiration and miraculous powers (kashf wa karamat) and, in
this manner, experienced a fundamental change in their lives.
Ordinary folk began to traverse the path of truth. Such was the
impact of these kings of religion (shahan-i deen) that the masses
felt a rain of divine mercy. The fortunate contemporaries did not
have to face natural calamities like drought and plague. Even the
 Piety Submits to the State 331

fear of Mongol invasion, regarded as a major threat, disappeared

from the scene. These positive developments, which resulted from
the pious personalities of these three Sufis, brought a wealth of
credit to Islam. It was claimed that the rules of the Shariat and
Sufism acquired immense glory, as these were observed in all the
four directions.64
In what ways did an eminent Sufi impact society? Ziauddin
Barani has answered this question with reference to the influence
of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya in Delhi. Since two distinguished
Sufis of Panjab, Shaikh Alauddin and Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul
Fateh, were placed in the same cartegory, they must have exer-
cised a similar influence in their respective domains. Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya had opened the doors of discipleship to all
social classes–nobles and mendicants, rich and poor, learned
and illiterate, urbanites and villagers, crusaders and slaves–who
became devout Muslims. Owing to their newly acquired allegiance
to the Shaikh, they repented past sins and began to offer obliga-
tory prayers. Sultan Alauddin Khalji and his relatives developed
a deep faith in the Shaikh, while the state functionaries (nobles,
clerks, soldiers and slaves), who had entered the Shaikh’s tute-
lage, adopted a schedule of prayers and devotions. In view of the
increasing number of seekers and followers, the Shaikh delegated
work to his senior disciples. Between the city and the Shaikh’s
hospice at Ghiaspur, they raised platforms roofed with thatch,
where water pots and prayer rugs were provided. At each plat-
form, a memorizer of the Quran and a servant assisted streams of
visitors in offering prayers and guiding them to meet the Shaikh.
They also answered their queries related to the different kinds
of prayers and recitation of sections of the Quran, besides the
practices of Baba Farid and Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki. On
reaching Ghiaspur, the new disciples (muridan jadid) met the old
disciples (muridan qadim) and asked questions about meditation
and renunciation, besides the lives of Sufis and books on Sufism.65
During the month of Ramzan and Fridays, many followers
maintained vigils, engrossed in Tarawih prayers and reciting the
Quran. In every quarter of the city, musical sessions (sama) were
held once in twenty or thirty days, where the devotees shed tears
332 The Making of Medieval Panjab

in ecstasy. Some disciples of the Shaikh began to display mira-

cles. Shopkeepers gave up dishonest dealings, others discarded
consumption of alcohol and sexual deviations. Lovers of learn-
ing, who had entered the tutelage of the Shaikh, took to studying
principles of the path and books on Sufism – Quwat ul-Qulub,
Ihya ul-Ulum, Awarif ul-Maarif, Kashf ul-Mahjub, Sharh Taaruf,
Risalah Qushairi, Mirsad ul-Ibad, Maktubat Ain ul-Quzat, Lawaih
and Lawamih of Hamiduddin Nagauri and Fawaid ul-Fuad of
Amir Hasan Sijzi. These books were in great demand. Interested
readers often made enquiries from booksellers regarding the lit-
erature on Sufism. In fact, piety had entered all aspects of the life
of devotees. There was no person, who did not tuck a toothbrush
and comb (miswak wa shanah) in his turban. On account of the
rising demand of the devotees, the price of Sufic pots and leather
basins increased. The mass of people, who had begun to traverse
the path of spirituality, compared Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
with Shaikh Junaid Baghdadi and Shaikh Bayazid Bistami. On
every fifth of Muharram, the death anniversary of Baba Farid was
observed with great enthusiasm at the hospice of the Shaikh. A
large number of people, both from within the city and different
provinces, converged at the venue. They attended the musical ses-
sion of a kind that was never organised again.66

Execution of a Suhrawardi Master

Before his death (1335), Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh nominated
his grandson Shaikh Hud as the head of the Suhrawardi estab-
lishment of Multan and formalized his choice by issuing a will.
However, his nephew challenged the nomination and declared
that he was better suited than Shaikh Hud to inherit his uncle’s
legacy. Since the dispute could not be settled in Multan, the two
claimants took the case to the court of Muhammad bin Tughluq
(r. 1325-51). At this time, the Sultan was camping at Daulatabad
and the distance between this town and Multan could be covered
only in eighty days. The Sultan, having accepted the will of Shaikh
Ruknuddin, upheld the claim of Shaikh Hud. While pronouncing
his verdict, he might have been impressed with the advanced age
 Piety Submits to the State 333

of Shaikh Hud and the youth of his rival. What was surprising, the
Sultan decreed that Shaikh Hud be provided with a feast at every
station where he alighted on his way back to Multan. An order was
issued to the inhabitants of all places, asking them to come out to
meet him and prepare a feast in his honour. When Shaikh Hud
arrived at Delhi, a royal banquet was arranged at a considerable
expense to the state. The religious elite – theologians, Sufis, jurists
and judges – went out of the city to welcome the guest. One of
these dignitaries was Ibn Battuta. It was observed that Shaikh Hud
was riding in a palanquin, while his horse was led by his side. Ibn
Battuta said that it would have been better for him to ride a horse
alongside the judges and saints who had come to greet him. Shaikh
Hud heard the remark and, mounting a horse, apologized for not
doing the same earlier owing to an affliction that disabled him
from riding on horseback. As the cavalcade entered the capital,
it was treated to a lavish feast. As customary at the end of a royal
banquet, every invitee was presented money in accordance with
his rank. The chief judge (qazi ul-quzat) received 500 dinars, while
Ibn Battuta was given half of this amount.67
Shaikh Hud was escorted to Multan by Shaikh Nuruddin of
Shiraz who had been deputed by the Sultan to instal the incum-
bent in his grandfather’s hospice and to arrange a banquet for him
at the expenditure of the state. No Sufi had ever been accorded
such a princely treatment by the Delhi Sultanate. But the reasons
were not far to seek. The first two Tughluq rulers, Ghiasuddin and
Muhammad, had managed to alienate the Chishtis,68 the most
important Sufi order in northwestern India. The state, therefore,
was under compulsion to bring into its fold the Suhrawardis, who
were often seen as the rivals of the Chishtis.
In the above circumstances, Shaikh Hud took charge of his
spiritual inheritance and occupied this position for several years.
A time came when Imad ul-Mulk, the governor of Multan, sent
a report to the Sultan, intimating that Shaikh Hud and his rela-
tives were collecting money, that they were spending it on their
personal needs and that they did not feed anyone in the hospice.
The Sultan issued an order for the recovery of the amount which
had been misappropriated. In compliance of this order, Imad ul-
334 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Mulk demanded the money and, as a part of this action, arrested

a few persons and beat some others. Every day he used to realize
a sum of 20,000 dinars. This recovery continued for several days
until they were stripped of all possessions that included enormous
wealth as well as savings. Among other valuables, there was a pair
of shoes studded with pearls and rubies that was sold for 7,000
dinars. Some people claimed that this pair of shoes belonged to
the daughter of Shaikh Hud, while others believed that it belonged
to one of his slave girls.
Humiliated by the persecution and fearing for his life, Shaikh
Hud fled from Multan with the intention of seeking refuge some-
where in central Asia, the country of the Turks. Imad ul-Mulk
captured the fugitive and, reporting his flight to the Sultan, sought
further instructions. The Sultan ordered the governor to send
Shaikh Hud and his captor to the capital as prisoners. As the two
reached the court, the Sultan released the captor and asked the
Shaikh to reveal his destination. The Shaikh had no alternative but
to ask for forgiveness. Failing to extract a satisfactory answer, the
Sultan alleged, ‘Certainly, you intended to flee to the Turks and
tell them that you were the son of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya and
that the Sultan had done such and such thing to you and to bring
them to fight me.’ The Sultan ordered that head of the Shaikh be
cut off, and the order was instantly carried out.69
Shaikh Yusuf Gardez, the next head of the Suhrawardi establish-
ment at Multan, was honoured with the title of Shaikh ul-Islam.70
However, the tension between the Multan hospice and the Delhi
Sultanate continued well into the second half of the fourteenth
century. During the course of his expedition to Thatta (1365),
Firoz Shah Tughluq did not hesitate to reveal his negative atti-
tude towards the Suhrawardis. While he made it a point to visit
all the Chishti centres, he did not pay homage at any Suhrawardi
hospice. Shaikh Yusuf Gardez, being offended by the Sultan’s
failure to visit the mausoleum of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya,
requested him to register his presence at the Suhrawardi hospice.
The episode reflected the loss of influence by the Suhrawardi
order in the region. Though the Suhrawardi spiritual masters
 Piety Submits to the State 335

held the prestigious office of Shaikh ul-Islam, yet they could not
persuade the Tughluq rulers to provide their support. As the
spiritrual and poltical authority of Shaikh Yusuf Gardez was dis-
placed, the state gradually titlted towards the Chishtis. Later in his
reign, Muhammad bin Tughluq had displayed a strong interest in
the Chishti order by attending the death anniversary of Khwaja
Muinuddin Chishti for twelve years. Firoz Shah Tughluq also
undertook a pilgrimage to the Ajmer shrine along with Shaikh
Zainuddin, a prominent Chishti master. During the thirteenth and
fourteenth century, the Suhrawardi order underwent a number of
political, social and ideological changes. These changes influenced
their standing with the state as well as the larger community. From
the patronage of Iltutmish to the execution of Shaikh Hud, ‘the
silsilah went from being an intensely government affiliated order
to an almost peripheral Sufi organization’.71
Some time in the early fourteenth century, the Suhrawardis
attracted an Egyptian scholar, who went on to create a stir in the
political and religious circles. Maulana Shamsuddin Turk arrived
in Multan along with 400 books on Hadis. He wished to proceed
to Delhi, but gave up the idea on learning that Sultan Alauddin
Khalji did not offer routine prayers and even abstained from
the Friday congregation. Instead, he stayed put in Multan and
enrolled as a disciple of Shaikh Shamsuddin Fazlullah, a son of
Shaikh Sadrudin Arif. During these days, he wrote a commentary
on a book of Hadis, wherein he praised the reigning Sultan in
superlative terms. In addition to the commentary, he wrote a let-
ter, which was addressed to the Sultan. In this epistle (risala), he
stated his object of visiting India and, after praising the Sultan for
his administrative measures, disapproved the official indifference
towards Islam. This letter deserved a closer look because, between
the lines, it offered an insight into the attitude of the Suhrawardis
on important matters.
Maulana Shamsuddin Turk stated that he had travelled all
the way from Egypt to serve the Sultan, to establish the subject
of Hadis in Delhi and, in this manner, deliver the Muslims from
the dubious practices of dishonest scholars (rivayat danishman-
336 The Making of Medieval Panjab

dan bediyanat). Having learnt that the Sultan did not observe
the schedule of obligatory prayers and did not attend the Friday
congregation, he had decided to return from Multan back to his
country. In his view, the Sultan did possess a few virtues of the
pious rulers (badshahan dindar). But some of his qualities did
not conform to the conduct of such admirable kings. First, the
Sultan had humiliated and impoverished the Hindus, forcing their
women and children to beg at the doors of the Muslims. For thus
defending the creed of Prophet Muhammad, he would be forgiven
for his sins on the day of judgement. Second, the Sultan had low-
ered the prices of food grains and other essential commodities and,
by benefiting the common people, had outclassed Muslim kings
who had failed to achieve this goal despite their efforts of two or
three decades. Third, the Sultan had forbidden all intoxicants and
curbed all immoral activities. Fourth, the Sultan had suppressed
the numerous deceitful practices of the market people and thus
achieved a rare success. For implementing these four measures,
the Sultan stood congratulated and deserved a place among the
prophets.72
In the second part of the communication, Maulana Shamsuddin
Turk criticized the Sultan for his failure to uphold Islam on many
counts. First, the Sultan was personally responsible for a decision
that was totally unacceptable not only to God and the Prophet, but
also to the saints and monotheists. He had assigned the depart-
ment of justice, which was one of the most sensitive positions in
the government and which needed to be given to someone who
had renounced the world, to Hamid Multani Bacha who had been
nourished by his father and grandfather on an income from usury.
Not only this, the Sultan had not taken the necessary precautions
in the appointment of qazis and had assigned the regulation of
the Shariat to the greedy and worldly. For this particular sin, the
Sultan needed to fear God, because he would have no answer for
the day of judgement. Second, in the city of Delhi, the Prophetic
traditions were being discarded and, instead, the words of phi-
losophers were being put into practice. It was not clear why such
a city had not been struck by calamities and was not reduced to a
heap of rubble. Third, in the city of Delhi, a number of ill-fated
 Piety Submits to the State 337

and untrustworthy scholars sat with their books in the mosques

and, in lieu of money, pronounced dubious legal opinions.
Through their fraudulent interpretations, they had destroyed the
rights of the Muslims. They had not only doomed the claimants
and respondents, but had also compromised their own conscious-
ness. The Sultan was not aware of the last two things, because of
the shameless and dishonest qazi, who happened to be his close
confidant. Otherwise, the Sultan would not have tolerated such
violation of the creed of the Prophet.73
Maulana Shamsuddin Turk sent his book and letter to the
Sultan through Bahauddin Dabir. As could be anticipated, Dabir
presented the book to the Sultan, but, owing to his anxiety of
defending the interests of Hamid Multani, did not deliver the
letter. The Sultan, having learnt from Sad Mantiqi about the
arrival of the letter, demanded it. Since Dabir failed to produce
it, the Sultan became furious and intended to punish him along
with his son. Mercifully, the Sultan regretted that the Maulana had
returned in frustration.74
Barani’s narrative of the episode leaves much to be inferred.
Maulana Shamsuddin Turk did not undertake the arduous jour-
ney from Egypt to Multan merely to see some places in Panjab.
Since he had brought a huge stock of 400 books on Hadis, he
intended taking up a job in the judicial or ecclesiastical depart-
ment of the Delhi Sultanate. He resided in Multan for an extended
period, with the aim of culturally attuning himself to a new
environment and understanding the functioning of the political
structure. By enrolling under the tutelage of a Suhrawardi mas-
ter, he desired to benefit from the political influence of the Sufi
network, which had a century long history of collaborating with
the Delhi Sultanate. He also availed himself of the opportunity to
improve his academic credentials by putting together a book. His
case for a job did not find favour with the Khalji regime, owing
to the negative attitude of Hamid Multani, the chief judge of the
kingdom. The appointment of this man, who was the chief of
merchants (malik ut-tujjar), as the head of the justice department
had already caused widespread resentment among the religious
classes. What was equally worrying, the Sultan was personally
338 The Making of Medieval Panjab

indifferent towards Islam, while freethinking philosophers like

Sad Mantiqi had gained ascendancy in the corridors of power.
The Suhrawardis could not give voice to their ideological
concerns, as they had been the most visible beneficiaries of state
patronage in the form of land grants. Therefore, they employed
the services of a frustrated job seeker to question the Sultan’s com-
mitment to Islam, highlight the incompetence of Hamid Multani
and expose the dismal state of the judicial system. Since Maulana
Shamsuddin Turk could not have identified the sources of his
information, he repeatedly stated that he was writing what he had
heard. He could not be accused of prejudice against the Sultan,
as he had adequately highlighted the outstanding achievements
of the Khalji regime. Since he could anticipate the impact of his
sharp criticism, he avoided going to Delhi for a meeting with the
Sultan. In fact, he might have left the Indian shores before his let-
ter could reach its destination. Let us not forget, Barani had every
reason to side with the Maulana and his Suhrawardi hosts on the
issues at stake. Understandably, he gave prominence to an epi-
sode, which has been ignored by other contemporary writers. For
his part, the Egyptian scholar would not have written such a letter
without the sponsorship of his Suhrawardi hosts. Whoever was the
brain behind the controversial letter, it succeeded in articulating a
particular approach to issues concerning the state and religion by
entering the pages of an important chronicle of the period.
The views of the Maulana were similar to those of Barani,
as expressed by the historian in another part of his chronicle.
According to him, Alauddin Khalji had lost his mental equilibrium
during the closing years of his reign and this weakness adversely
affected his choice of incumbents for high offices. Since the post of
the chief judge commanded great prestige in the Delhi Sulatnate,
it behoved only dignified people and their descendents who were
known for their learning, lineage and piety. However, the Sultan
had assigned this office to the chief of merchants Hamiduddin
Multani who, as a household servant, had served as the keeper of
curtains and keys of the royal palace (chakar khana wa pardahdar
wa kalid dar kushk). It was futile to record the qualities of this chief
of merchants. Instead of looking at his descent (nasb wa hasb), the
 Piety Submits to the State 339

Sultan considered merely his services and those of his father. No

one dared to bring it to his notice that mere knowledge did not
constitute the requirements for the post of the Qazi. Rather the
essential qualification (lawazim shart) was piety (taqwa), which
meant distancing oneself from the world along with its sins and
wickedness. A king could not hope for his own salvation if he
did not offer the post of the chief judge to the most pious scholar
of his kingdom. He would fail to play his role as the protector
of the faith (din panahi) if he conferred this post on people who
were greedy, irreligious, or worldly. Towards the end of his reign,
Alauddin Khalji considered only past services in appointing the
Sadr-i Jahan. The subsequent rulers followed the same practice, so
that the requirement of piety was rendered unnecessary.75

Peak of the Suhrawardis

The punishment of a Suhrawardi master, discussed above, must
have dealt a severe blow to the Sufi establishment of Multan in
terms of devotional practices and financial management. Not long
after this unfortunate episode, normal activities were revived at
the hospice and, in fact, there was sufficient evidence of vibrancy
in all spheres of the spirutrual discipline in the middle of the
fourteenth century. In a work entitled Fatawa-i Sufiyya (Legal
Judgements of the Sufis), written about 1350, Fazlullah Majawi
clarified a number of regulations by referring to the practice of his
teachers. According to him, visitors arrived in Multan from many
lands. Sometimes they numbered a thousand at a time, apart from
the permanent inhabitants of the hospice and the workers serving
inside. It was stated that the hospice had roofs, courtyards, cells
and terraces. All parts of the building had doors opening into the
courtyard, so that everyone could follow the leader of worship.
Built like a mosque for prayer and meditation, it was open to all
residents as well as travellers. In addition to the service of God,
it offered a number of advantages – perpetual recitation of the
Quran from beginning to end, continuous remembrance of God,
distribution of food and granting allowance to the family and
dependants of the spiritual head of the hospice.76
340 The Making of Medieval Panjab

The Fatawa-i Sufiyya throws interesting light on activities in

the Suhrawardi establishment. Books were read in an academic
setting, where a tutor instructed students in the correct transmis-
sion of the text to posterity. In a devotional setting, a Sufi elder
wept profusely as he listened to literary evocations of the love of
God. Extra prayers were offered that conformed to the occasions
of liturgical calendar and were prescribed by the local leaders of
the Suhrawardis. On Thursday nights, there was a special reci-
tation of the Quran, which was followed by public prayers and
distribution of sweet pudding (halwa). Once a year, food and
drink was distributed. Feast days with public prayers were limited
to ten in a year. On his own a Sufi could recite the whole of the
Quran in his cell. Every year, a fast of six months was observed
in seclusion. Seekers who undertook the arduous exercise, were
served food of good quality for physical strength. Besides cash
incentives, such desciples were given clothes, or the money to pur-
chase them. Sometimes, the Sufis assembled to listen to poetry and
were agitated by the experience. The leader, who presided over the
function, called out to them and, in response, they regained their
equipoise. The leader himself did not participate in dancing or
any other form of ecstatic or automatic motion. Instead, he super-
vised the proceedings from a distance.77
From the middle of the fourteenth century the Suhrawardi seat
at Uch began to gain importance in the religious, social, and polit-
ical spheres. This was due to the tireless efforts of Syed Jalaluddin
Bokhari, who had returned (1348) from seven years’ sojourn
in west Asia. His grandfather Syed Jalaluddin Surkhposh had
founded the Suhrawardi establishment of Uch. Having migrated
from Bokhara to Multan, Surkhposh became a disciple of Shaikh
Zakariya. In response to the directions of his mentor, he shifted
to Uch and began to propagate the Suhrawardi ideals of Islamic
spirituality. This was not an easy task because Uch was experienc-
ing political instability owing to the intense political conflict in
the new Turkish ruling class and the recurrent Mongol invasions.
Except for the close relations between the Suhrawardi seats of Uch
and Multan, there was little evidence of the activities of Surkhposh
 Piety Submits to the State 341

and his son and successor Syed Ahmad Kabir (the father of Syed
Jalaluddin Bokhari). In the words of a modern writer,
Just as Uch was often subject to Multan‘s authority in the political realm,
so too was the case in the spiritual realm – the city’s two most important
khanqahs were each headed by a khalifah of Bahauddin Zakariya or
his descendants. This relationship between the Sufi establishments
of the two cities was carried forward in successive generations so that
Jalal Surkh’s son, Ahmad Kabir, and grandson, Jalaluddin Bokhari,
were disciples of Bahauddin’s son, Sadruddin Arif (d. 684/1286), and
grandson, Ruknuddin Abul Fateh (d. 735/1334-35).78

Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari had his education in Uch, in Multan,

and in west Asia. At Uch, he learnt the Hadis from his father Syed
Ahmad Kabir and a travelling scholar. He also studied Pazdawi’s
Kanz ul-Wusul and Marghinani’s Hidaya from the local qazi,
Bahauddin Allama. From the age of seven onwards, he benefited
from Shaikh Jamaluddin Uchi,79 a deputy of Shaikh Sadruddin
Arif of Multan. In his later life, Shaikh Bokhari preserved fond
memories of Uchi’s piety and unique method of solving com-
plex issues through divine guidance. When the qazi of Uch died,
Shaikh Bokhari went to Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh in order
to complete his study of the works by Pazdawi and Marghinani.
Since his object was to focus on legal texts, he was not admitted
to the Suhrawardi hospice. Instead he was enrolled in a semi-
nary (madrasa) under the tutelage of Shaikh Musa (a grandson
of Shaikh Ruknuddin) and Maulana Majduddin. He was lodged
in a room at the city gate and provided with food from the
private property of Shaikh Ruknuddin. During a stay of one year,
he completed his study of legal treatises. He was sent back by
Shaikh Ruknuddin to Uch in a hurry, without being granted the
customary affiliation (khirqah) and permission (ijazat). He was
deputed to carry an urgent message to his father Syed Ahmad
Kabir to place himself under the care of Shaikh Jamaluddin Uchi,
so that he could be cured of his uncontrolled emotions. Shaikh
Ruknuddin, who died in 1334, posthumously continued to guide
Shaikh Bokhari through visions and dreams.80
342 The Making of Medieval Panjab

In 1341, Shaikh Bokhari was summoned by Sultan Muhammad

bin Tughluq (r. 1325-51). In the words of Steinfels, ‘This encoun-
ter with the Sultan was a turning point in Bukhari’s life, leading
to his initiation into the Chishti lineage by Shaikh Nasiruddin
Mahmud Awadhi Chiragh-i Dihli, his appointment by the Sultan
to official position and his decision to perform the pilgrimage to
Mecca.’81 Before meeting the Sultan, Shaikh Bokhari met Shaikh
Nasiruddin and expressed his fear at the official attempt to make
the children of dervishes wear clothes that state officials wore.
Shaikh Nasiruddin dressed Shaikh Bokhari in a new apparel – a
robe of blessing (khirqah-i tabarruk), turban (dastar) and his
own cloak (barani-i khas) – to protect him from the Sultan’s
intentions.82 The Sultan appointed Shaikh Bokhari as the Shaikh
ul-Islam of Sind and placed the Muhammadi hospice in Siwistan
and forty additional Sufi lodges under his management. But he
did not accept this assignment as Siwistan fell in the spiritual
jurisdiction of Shaikh Ruknuddin, who had not given his affilia-
tion (khirqah) to him. In these circumstances, Shaikh Nasiruddin
granted a Chishti affiliation to him so that he could take up the
assignment. This shows that the major Sufi orders were not
exclusive and that, from the fourteenth century onwards, a per-
son could receive affiliation from more than one Sufi lineages.
However, Shaikh Bokhari was advised by Shaikh Ruknuddin in a
dream to reject the assignment as it would jeopardize his spiritual
pursuit and directed him to go for Haj.83
During the next seven years, Shaikh Bokhari visited a num-
ber of places in west Asia – Mecca, Madina, Aden, Shiraz, and
Gazrun. Except the last year of his sojourn, he spent his entire
time in the holy cities of the Hejaz. He interacted with profound
scholars and ardent Sufis, many of whom were attached to the
Suhrawardi order and followed the Shafi school of Sunni jurispru-
dence. He was aided in his education by his identity as a Syed, his
command over Arabic, and his affiliation with Shaikh Ruknuddin
and Shaikh Nasiruddin, who were noted for their miraculous
presence in Hejaz. His adherence to the Hanafi school of Sunni
jurisprudence did not pose a hurdle. At Madina, he studied Hadis
from Afifuddin Matari and received affiliation (khirqah) of the
 Piety Submits to the State 343

Suhrawardi and Rifai orders. At Mecca, he took spiritual train-

ing from Shaikh Abdullah Yafai and received affiliation in the
Suhrawardi and Qadiri lineages. He acquired familiarity with such
Sufi texts as Rauzat-i Riahin and Risala-i Makkiya, while he was
kept away from the works of Ibn-i Arabi. He maintained himself by
working as a copyist and earned one silver coin for producing two
quires of papers. Sometimes he received food and money from his
mentor Shaikh Yafai. After six years at Mecca and Madina, Shaikh
Bokhari went to Aden where he met Shaikh Yafai’s teacher who
was popular as Faqih Bassal. He wished to take a ship from Aden
to Sind,84 but on the advice of Faqih Bassal, he stayed in Mecca till
he was permitted by Shaikh Ruknuddin to return. Here he saw a
vision wherein he met Shaikh Ruknuddin who bestowed a khirqah
on him and declared him one of a great saints, and an axis of the
world (qutb-i alam). He received a khirqah from Shaikh Yafai’s
mentor Nuruddin Ali Tawashi and another from Muhammad bin
Ubaid Ghaisi.85
From Aden, Shaikh Bokhari returned to Madina and studied
Awarif ul-Maarif from Afifuddin Matari. During a forty-day
retreat in the Prophet’s mosque, he was provided food by Matari.
After spending a total of seven years in Hejaz, he travelled overland
to Persia. In Shiraz, he gave lessons to a large number of people
and supervised the reading of al-Baghawi’s Masabih ul-Sunna. At
Gazrun, he received two Suhrawardi khirqahs, one from Shaikh
Qiwamudin (a deputy of Shaikh Ruknuddin) and another from
Shaikh Aminuddin Baliani. During the course of his travels,
Shaikh Bokhari appeared to have received nearly forty khirqahs
that were traced to six Sufi orders – Suhrawardi, Chishti, Rifai,
Kubrawi, Qadiri, and Gazruni.86
On retrurning to Uch in 1348, Shaikh Bokhari became head of
the Suhrawardi hospice, managed in his absence by his brother
Syed Raju Qattal.87As a preliminary step, he established a semi-
nary in the hospice. Since the students were attracted from far
and near, a number of teachers and theologians were employed
here. The curriculum comprised the Quran, Hadis, and Islamic
spirituality. To these subjects were added grammar and lexicog-
raphy, so that learners could gain proficiency in Arabic. Shaikh
344 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Bokhari himself delivered lectures on different Islamic sciences.

While teaching Quranic exegesis, he preferred Tafsir-i Madarak
to Tafsir-i Kashaf as the latter was authored by a Mutazilite. He
laid stress on the teaching of Hadis and adopted a distinct pat-
tern – reading a Hadis, explaining the meaning of difficult words,
and the full interpretation. For the study of Hadis, he relied on
Sahih ul-Bokhari, Sahih Muslim, Sunan-i Abu Daud, Mishkat ul-
Masabih and Jami ul-Saghir. Recongnizing the significance of the
Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), he uncovered the differences among
the four schools and, in the process, underlined the universality
of the Hanafi interpretation. He also taught the recitation of the
Quran, having himself mastered the seven methods during his stay
in Hejaz. As the number of students was large and enough suit-
able teachers unavailable, senior pupils were roped in to instruct
the junior batches. He employed all means to enrich the library
of the seminary. From his days in Hejaz, he had brought copies
of Awarif ul-Maarif and Sharh Kabir Chahl Ism, besides arrang-
ing the transcription of Asrar-i Dawat which belonged to Abdul
Rahman Zaffari. He acquired a seven-volume Quranic commen-
tary which was produced by a eminent jurist who visited Uch.88
Two of his disciples produced Persian translations of the sup-
plement to Abdullah Yafai’s Rauzat ul-Riyahin and Qutbuddin
Damishqi’s Risala-i Makkiya. While studying at Mecca, he com-
piled an account of forty Sufis, Arabain Sufiya, which became
extinct. Apart from preparing a compendium of sayings of saints
and litanies, Amal wa Ashghal, he was believed to have done the
first ever Persian translation of the Quran.89
For Shaikh Bokhari, the training of a novice was based on the
twin foundations of knowledge (ilm) and action (amal). He gave
precedence to knowledge, as it determined the legality of any
action. He approved the practice in west Asia (Gazrun, Mecca
and Madina), where a novice was required to study Islamic juris-
prudence (fiqh) according to one of the four schools (mazhabs),
which in practical terms involved the study of the Quran, Hadis,
Arabic language and grammar. Once he became a master (faqih)
of Islamic jurisprudence, he was allowed to engage in action com-
prising recital of litanies (aurad) and other devotional exercises.
 Piety Submits to the State 345

In his own hospice, he might not have prescribed a two-part cur-

riculum, but he laid a considerable emphasis on teaching various
aspects of the Islamic law. Of the 200 books mentioned in his
conversations (malfuzat), one third were compilations of legal
opinions (fatawa) and commentaries, whereas as a quarter of the
texts cited fell in the broad category of Sufism. With regard to his
choice of literature, he was favourably inclined towards standard
textbooks and authoritative reference works, but showed no inter-
est in critical and speculative writings.90
In spite of the availability of a large number of books, it was
essential for a novice to study a particular text under the super-
vision of a recognized authority who, in turn, granted the per-
mission (ijazat) to him for further transmission of the specific
content. As per the convention, a pupil read a portion of a book
and, immediately thereafter, the teacher offered a detailed expla-
nation of the passage. To his own disciples, Shaikh Bokhari taught
as many as twenty-three books that pertained to different aspects
of knowledge. Apart from the Quran, there were books on Hadis
by Raziuddin Saghani, Abu Muhammad Baghawi and Jalaluddin
Bokhari; on jurisprudence (fiqh) by Khatib Baghdadi, Ahmad bin
Ali bin Saati, Burhanuddin Marghinani and Qaduri; on roots of
law (usul-i fiqh) by Abul Hasan Ali bin Muhammmad Pazdawi
and Husamuddin Muhammad Akhsikati; on theology (kalam)
by Hafizuddin Abul Barkat Abdullah Nasafi and Sirajuddin Ushi
Farghani Imam; on Quranic commentary (tafsir) by Hafizuddin
Abul Barkat Abdullah Nasafi; on the mystic path (suluk) by Abu
Hafs Umar Shihabuddin Suhrawardi, Muhammad bin Ishaq
Kalabadhi and Qutbuddin Damishqi; on litanies (aurad) Abu
Hafs Umar Shihabuddin Suhrawardi, Bahauddin Zakariya and
Jalaluddin Bokhari and three compilations of divine names. Not
surprisingly, in a letter of investiture (27 May 1369) to a disciple
who assumed the office of a judge, Shaikh Bokhari offered instruc-
tions that indicated the way in which he embedded Sufi practice in
the structures of legal orthodoxy and vice versa.91
Two compilations of the Shaikh Bokhari’s discourses, Khizanat
ul-Fawaid and Siraj ul-Hidaya, have offered important insights
346 The Making of Medieval Panjab

into his understanding of Islamic spirituality. Organized into

topical chapters and not compiled as daily diary of conversa-
tions, his teachings appeared as discrete statements on different
themes that were frequently interspersed with quotations from
earlier works. Since the original source was often in Arabic, the
quotations were translated into Persian in the explanations. The
inclusion of extracts from a wide range of existing literature aimed
at benefiting the readers, who did not have equal access to books
as well as Arabic. Thus, the sources of South Asian Islamic tradi-
tion were traceable to central Asia. Of the books quoted in the
malfuzat under reference, an overwhelming number belonged
to the discipline of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). This proportion
was more than one-third in Khizanat ul-Fawaid and about two-
third in Siraj ul-Hidaya. This dilution of the distinction between
a Sufi text and a legal treatise pointed towards an intermingling
of two discursive traditions.92 Shaikh Bokhari’s two malfuzat
have not only drawn extensively from the compilations of legal
opinions (fatawa), but also shared a number of structural features
with them. The two distinct categories of texts, malfuzat and
fatawa, often relied on the same sources, particularly the basic
works of the Hanafi school of jurisprudence. The boundaries
between Sufism and jurisprudence seemed to crumble, even as the
respective roles of the Sufi and Alim were intertwined. Bokhari’s
malfuzat tended to acknowledge the supremacy of the Shariat in
the religious sphere, while he himself appeared to appropriate the
authority of the legal expert. While insisting on obedience to the
Shariat, Shaikh Bokhari incorporated the study of law and other
religious sciences into the daily regimen of seekers.93 He played an
active role in securing punishment for holy men who violated the
injunctions of the Shariat.94
Once the novice acquired the requisite knowledge (ilm) of the
Islamic law, he was ready to engage in action (amal), which com-
prised a series of devotional practices. Before he could do so, he
needed to cleanse himself of anything impermissible (haram) and
to achieve absolute concentration on God (huzur-i dil) by keeping
clear of all distracting thoughts. Such a state could also result from
the correct performance of the devotional exercises. Of these, the
 Piety Submits to the State 347

most fundamental was remembrance of God (zikr) by rhythmic

repetition of one of His names. Sufi orders performed zikr in dis-
tinct ways involving different postures of the body and pattern
of breathing. In the initiatory ritual, the zikr was implanted in
the disciple’s heart by the mentor, who had received it from his
elders through a chain of transmission (isnad). Shaikh Bokhari’s
zikr was traced back to Prophet Muhammad and Shihabuddin
Suhrawardi. He used the creedal statement (kalima) for the pur-
pose. The disciple sat cross-legged with his hands on his thighs.
He uttered the negative portion while moving his head towards
the right, while he made the affirmation of God while moving his
head towards the left. While engaged in zikr, the disciple ensured
the purity of his body and heart as well as the purity of his clothes
and place. Though zikr could be done in silence, yet Shaikh
Bokhari preferred it to be done loudly and in a group, so that the
body trembled visibly and others heard it. Seen as a sign of love for
God and the only way to reach Him, it had to be undertaken with
sincerity and reverence. By purifying the heart, zikr prepared the
disciple for the higher devotional exercise involving the recital of
litanies (aurad).95
The regimen of devotion prescribed by Shaikh Bokhari included
retreats of forty days. During this period of seclusion (khilwat),
the practitioner detached himself from all worldly concerns and
immersed himself in a variety of devotions – prayer, remembrance
of God and reading the Quran, besides minimizing the physical
needs of food and sleep. Shaikh Bokhari did not favour a physical
withdrawal to the wilderness, as one was legally obliged to support
one’s family. Possibilities of error in the modes of detachment and
devotion could be prevented by undertaking the retreat under the
supervision of a mentor. Such an exercise could be performed
three times in a year: the last ten days of Jamadi-us-Sani and entire
Rajab; the last ten days of Shaban and entire Ramzan; and the
entire Zialqad and first ten days of Zilhijja. An additional retreat
extended from 15 Zilhijja to 25 Muharram. The disciple was per-
mitted to undertake a shorter retreat of ten days. The ideal place of
retreat was a congregational mosque. Having gone into seclusion,
one could come out only for obligatory prayers or meeting emer-
348 The Making of Medieval Panjab

gent situations. Owing to these interruptions, one was required to

reiterate one’s intention (niyat) for the retreat every day.96
Shaikh Bokhari privileged obligatory prayer (namaz) over
other forms of devotion. His spiritual discourses, as compiled
in the Khizanat-i Jawahar-i Jalaliya, were entirely devoted to
this subject. In their standard format, the five obligatory prayers
comprised seventeen prostrations (rakats) – two of Fajr at day-
break, four of Zuhr at noon, four of Asr in the afternoon, three
of Maghrib at dusk and four of Isha at night. As a matter of tra-
dition, these obligatory prayers were doubled by the addition of
extra prayers (sunnat rakats) which were offered in emulation of
the Prophet. In addition to these, Shaikh Bokhari recommended
supererogatory prayers comprising prostrations ranging from
four thousand to one hundred. The last mentioned one hundred
prostrations included prayers at five additional times – dawn (ish-
raq), mid morning (chasht), afternoon (zawal), twilight (awabin)
and night after waking from sleep (tahajjud) – and prayers to
achieve a variety of worldly and spiritual aims. Shaikh Bokhari
prescribed different prayers for different purposes. Some of these
could protect a practitioner from the punishment of hell and grant
the bliss of heaven. Other prayers could bestow worldly benefits
like health, prosperity, relief from debt and even rain. In order
to attain the desired results, Shaikh Bokhari laid down the time
and day of the week, besides the number of prostrations (rakats),
recitations of Quranic verses (suras) and supplications (duas).
However, a supplicant was required to be morally upright in
his conduct, as he could not take a positive result of prayers for
granted. Prayers held at specific times of the day – dawn, middle
of the night and Friday – were most likely to be answered. It was
not proper to pray for harming someone, even if such a person
was a tyrant.97
An aspirant could achieve the desired results by reciting the
Quran, offering supplications and uttering litanies (aurad) – all
of which required an ability to engage with the Arabic language.
Shaikh Bokhari prescribed readings from the Quran to ward off
invaders, win over the love of a spouse and figure out future events.
In the case of supplications, he used specific formulas handed
 Piety Submits to the State 349

down from the previous generations and traced to Muhammad or

his companions. A formula was normally composed of praise for
God, the Prophet and his family, the first four caliphs, the founders
of Sunni schools of jurisprudence and founders of Sufi orders, and
culminated in a direct request. Like the content of supplications,
the Shaikh recommended litanies that were developed by himself
or Shaikh Zakariya. These formulas comprised the profession of
faith, the names of God, blessings on Muhammad and expres-
sions of repentance. In some cases, the litanies were drawn from
Jewish and Christian traditions that might have been assimilated
by the Islamic practice in west Asia and subsequently adopted by
the Muslims of India. In contrast to the Chishtis, Shaikh Bokhari
showed little interest in the mystical and ecstatic experiences
(ahwal) that were often supernatural in character. Perhaps he
wished to protect his disciples from the controversial ideas of Ibn-i
Arabi on the possibility of union with God and the tendency of
wandering Qalandars to violate social and legal norms. However,
Shaikh Bokhari has recorded cases of strong emotional responses
like weeping or crying, besides autobiographical anecdotes of his
encounters with distant or dead. In view of the Shaikh’s belief
in the efficacy of prayers and supplications in human affairs, it
was implied that he approved the practice of distributing amulets
(tawiz) inscribed with a variety of sacred verses, words, names and
symbols.98
On meeting an aspirant, Shaikh Bokhari admitted his inability
to enroll a disciple, but declared his intention of forming a bond of
brotherhood in accordance a Hadis, ‘Increase the good brothers,
for God is noble and refrains from punishing a man in front of his
brothers.’ The Shaikh clasped the hand of the candidate and asked
him if he accepted him as a brother. After receiving a reply in the
affirmative, he made a statement of repentance. Thereafter, the
two recited the following three times, ‘I ask forgiveness of God,
there is no god but Him, the Living, the Eternal, and I turn in
repentance to Him.’ The Shaikh placed his hand on the disciple’s
chest and beseeched God to lay open his breast. Taking a pair of
scissors, he cut the hair on the disciple’s forehead, while reciting,
‘Oh God, shorten his expectations and protect him from sin.’ After
350 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the haircut, the Shaikh sought blessings of God for Muhammad

and his family. Asking for strength in their repentance and pres-
ervation from sin, he invoked the family of Muhammad as well as
the names of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, Shaikh Sadruddin Arif
and Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh. There was no need to shave
the head of the aspirant, as his repentance was enough. However,
Shaikh Bokhari gave such a permission if the aspirant insisted.
Putting a hat on his head, the Shaikh recited, ‘My God, crown him
with the crown of nobility and happiness and preserve him from
sin and strengthen him in the religion of Islam.’ He placed a piece
of sugar in the mouth of the aspirant and prayed to God for grant-
ing him the sweetness of faith. After the haircut and supplication,
the Shaikh offered instructions (wasiyat) in accordance with the
capabilities and conditions of the aspirant. Someone was advised
to study the law and Quranic recitation, another to engage in the
remembrance of God (zikr) and still another to concern himself
with the litanies of Shaikh Zakariya.99
The ceremony of investiture included three Quranic concepts –
request for forgiveness (istighfar), statement of repentance (tauba)
and request to God for opening of disciple’s heart. The physical
gestures, handclasp, touching the chest, clipping hair and placing
sugar in the mouth, symbolized the creation of an intimate bond
between the mentor and disciple. The disciple, who appeared to be
passive in the hands of the master, underwent a transformation of
his physical appearance and spiritual condition. However, he did
participate in the verbal component of the ceremony by taking the
oath of allegiance, making a statement of repentance and asking
for forgiveness. These verbal expressions, according to Steinfels,
placed the ritual in the context of the Islamic tradition, Prophetic
example and Quranic concepts. Though the ceremony appeared
to create a new relationship between the mentor and disciple, yet
it invoked the express assistance of several other entities – God,
Muhammad and his family, and the Suhrawardi exemplars of
Multan. Since the ritualistic statements were invariably in Arabic,
the aspirants who did not understand the language were given
instructions in the local language and, in some cases, the confer-
ment of hat (kulah) was treated as a suitable alternative.100
 Piety Submits to the State 351

A Sufi master bestowed the Sufi robe (khirqa) on his disci-

ple and it constituted an indispensable part of the institution of
discipleship (piri muridi). It could be bestowed on two different
occasions – first, when a novice was initiated into a Sufi order
under the tutelage of his mentor and second, when, having com-
pleted his education and training, he was given the permission
(ijazat) to establish himself as a Sufi master and enroll disciples.
This kind of Sufi robe, which focused on discipleship, was known
as the khirqa-i iradat. A Sufi robe could also be bestowed as a
blessing and, in such cases, it was known as khirqa-i tabarruk. As
it denoted a loose bond of affiliation and devotion, it was con-
ferred on those who were not likely to seriously pursue the Sufi
path. The khirqa-i tahkim was given to a disciple who had placed
himself under the absolute control of his mentor, while khirqa-i
karahat was given by a Sufi master under duress in response to
the demand of a disciple. Whatever be the kind of the Sufi robe,
it tried to bind the recipient with three entities – his spiritual pre-
ceptor, his peer group of fellow disciples and the initiatic lineage
of the Sufi order which stretched back to Prophet Muhammad or
an eminent Sufi master of the past. Shaikh Bokhari’s discourses
(malfuzat) have recorded the chains of transmission of his several
Sufi robes, names of masters from whom he had received them
and the circumstances in which these were conferred on him.
These records have also noted similar information about his dis-
ciples along with the instructions (wasiyat) given to them. The
khirqas were an authentic proof of the spiritual authority of the
Sufi master in the domain of religion.101
When Shaikh Bokhari bestowed a khirqah on a disciple, it was
not the one which he had actually received from his own mentor.
But it was believed that the disciple had received a khirqah which
had been transmitted from the early masters across the lineage.
Shaikh Bokhari has provided lists of a variety of Sufi robes in dif-
ferent colours and materials, which were bestowed on different
disciples in accordance with their spiritual states and virtues.102
In actual practice, the Shaikh did not try to match a particular
garment with the qualities of the recipient. The object bestowed
on a disciple as khirqah was either a robe or more frequently a hat.
352 The Making of Medieval Panjab

It could be accompanied by such items as a staff, scissors, prayer

rug and prayer beads, all symbolizing authority in different ways.
Irrespective of the form and material of the khirqah, it represented
the recipient’s affiliation to a particular Sufi order and its function
as indicated by the four types mentioned above.103
Unlike the Chishtis, the Suhrawardis did not treat musical
sessions as an essential ingredient of the spiritual pursuit. In a
collection of his discourses Khizanat-i Jawahar-i Jalaliya, Shaikh
Bokhari has expressed his sense on the subject. In his view, none
of the books on Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) or any jurist (faqih)
has ever permitted ecstasy and dance. In no age any jurist has
given a legal opinion in favour of an assembly for dancing. It was
common knowledge that dancers, owing to their greed for easy
money and sumptuous meals, indulged in acts that were heretical.
In return for a small allurement, they ruined their lives and faith,
besides treating the illegal as legal. Those Sufis, who approved the
practice of audition, had prescribed strict conditions under which
it could be held. There could be no audition without conditions,
just as there could be no prayer without ablution, fast without
abstinence, woman without marriage, cultivation without seed,
tree without fruit, house without door and bird without feathers.
If a Sufi wished to devote a part of his life to audition, he was
advised to fast for three consecutive days and to keep away from
food. During this period, he withdrew into a retreat, did not speak
to anyone and immersed himself in meditation. After breaking
this kind of fast by taking a drop of water, he could listen to a
sonnet (ghazal) dedicated to a dervish or a dear one. In no case
should the Qawwal be a stranger. Since the moment of audition
was extremely sensitive, it was essential to take all precautions.
While listening to spiritual music, the listener should not allow
any devilish temptation to enter his heart. Any lack of concen-
tration during the performance caused much offence. After the
conclusion of audition, one must avoid taking food, which was a
habit of the negligent. If one was inclined towards audition, one
should not make it a habit. Instead, one should attend an audition
after a gap of 80 or 120 days.104
In his own mystic circle, Shaikh Bokhari allowed musical ses-
 Piety Submits to the State 353

sions, but did not show any pronounced emotional response to

it. According to an instance recorded in Jami ul-Ulum, a band of
musicians and Quran reciters arrived in Shiraz and performed
in the presence of Shaikh Bokhari. They began with a recitation
of Quranic verses and followed it up by some poetry. When they
played on the flute (nai), the participants began to dance and weep.
Maulana Tajuddin Muhammad, who was overcome by emotion,
behaved in an unusual manner. He rolled on the ground, cried
aloud and foamed at the mouth, while the others tried to calm
his passion. Shaikh Bokhari, who had been absorbed in medita-
tion (muraqba), was disturbed by the commotion and asked for
its cause. When he was informed about the situation, he led the
gathering in prayer for strength to the Maulana until he regained
consciousness. Meanwhile, the musicians were applauded for
their performance.105
The Sufi establishments differed widely regarding the means
of their financial support. It was known that Baba Farid lived in
self-chosen poverty and rejected the state offers of land grants,
while Shaikh Zakariya accumulated wealth and received large
material assistance from rulers and traders. Shaikh Bokhari,
according to Steinfels, adopted the middle position between these
two extremes. He was inclined to receive donations, provided the
source was legal (halal). If a Sufi received articles – food, clothing
and shelter – from an illegal source (haram), his devotions became
invalid. Not surprisingly, he refused to accept food from the hos-
pice, which had been built for him in Uch by Malik Mardan, the
governor of Multan during the 1370s. Probably, he did not impose
this rule on his disciples. Since he was convinced of the piety of
Firoz Shah Tughluq (r. 1351-87), he received both land grants and
funds for his hospice, but only for the benefit of worshippers.106 He
consented to wear robes received from the Sultan, because it was
obligatory to obey the ruler. He approved the endowment of hos-
pices by the merchants, but such a practice (which was prevalent
in Mecca) was not found in India. Before accepting a donation,
the recipient was expected to assess the donor’s intention. It was
possible to accept four types of donations – as blessings, as votive
offerings, for the removal of problems and as assistance – pro-
354 The Making of Medieval Panjab

vided a condition was met in each case.107 Once a donation was

accepted, the recipient had to spend or distribute it immediately,
failing which it would be not be proper for him to accept another
donation.
For Shaikh Bokhari, the source of the donation determined the
head of expenditure. The donation from merchants, farmers and
artisans was spent on living expenses, children and inmates of the
hospice; that from kings and officers to pay debts and feed the
dervishes of the hospice and guests; from unknown sources on
beggars and mendicants. The Shaikh did not want his disciples to
rely on donations, but to earn their livelihood (kasb). He approved
of four occupations – holy raid, trade, agriculture and craft.108 But
he disapproved the work of weavers (haik) and revenue officers
(ahl-i diwan).109 He also recommended borrowing money on loan,
even though it involved the illegality of the interest involved. When
he visited Delhi in 1379-80, he felt worried about the burden of his
own debt and promised not to borrow again. Yet he did not hesi-
tate to seek financial assistance for his disciple Syed Shamsuddin
Masud, who was always short of money and constantly pestered
his mentor for help.110
Walking in the footsteps of his Suhrawardi elders, Shaikh
Bokhari took a keen interest in the contemporary politics. During
a visit to Shiraz, he offered a novel interpretation of the Quranic
verse (4: 59) ‘Obey Allah, the Apostle, and those charged with
authority among you.’ The Shaikh argued that if one did not ren-
der obedience to the last one, that rendered to the first two became
futile. The ruler of Shiraz, who had never heard of such an explana-
tion of the verse, came to pay his respects to the Shaikh and made
an offering of two trays of coins, one of gold and the other of sil-
ver. On this occasion, he admitted having stated only what he had
heard from his teachers at Mecca.111 He observed that the people
must pray for the kings and disapproved wishing ill of them, as it
could bring a disaster.112 On another occasion, the Shaikh referred
to a Hadis which held that the time spent in the company of the
king was a time of grace.113 When questioned about the unjust
kings, the Shaikh again took a firm stance in favour of royalty. In
his view, the kings of the world were the chosen ones of God and,
 Piety Submits to the State 355

therefore, it was not permitted to show disrespect to them or diso-

bey them in matters laid by the Shariat. God had authorized the
kings to conduct such acts of worship as the Friday and Id prayers,
besides collecting taxes for the public treasury. These acts became
valid only if organized under the authority of the king. Any oppo-
sition to the king, whether overt or covert, was not permissible. If a
person received rewards (inam) and land grants during the time of
his need and, if he did not assist the king and fight for him against
his enemies, the collection and expenditure of the entire income
became unlawful.114 In his malfuzat entitled Khizanat ul-Fawaid
ul-Jalaliya, Shaikh Bokhari has included a chapter on the respect
due to the rulers and cited a Hadis, ‘He who honours the Sultan
is himself honoured by God, and he who humiliates the Sultan is
humiliated by God.’ He believed in expressing gratitude to God if
the ruler was just and to practice patience if he was unjust.115
Shaikh Bokhari did not support rulers in all circumstances. On
some occasions, he took a firm stance in favour of the common peo-
ple and, in the process, emphasized the dispensation of justice and
elimination of oppression emanating from unjust rule. Referring
to the wide impact of the state administered justice, he believed
that the benefit of worship was confined to the worshipper, but
the benefit of justice was shared by all the people and creatures.
He also held that a state could subsist with infidelity (kufr), but
it could not subsist with injustice (zulm). Though he approved
Shaikh Junaid Baghdadi’s view to the effect that it was unlawful
(haram) for Sufis to maintain contact with the people connected
with the state, yet he permitted Sufis to meet the rulers for three
objects – guidance towards good conduct, warning against evil
deeds, and meeting the needs of the people. In a categorical state-
ment, he disapproved partaking eatables and beverages offered by
the Sultans of the times on the ground that the sources of income
of the rulers were tainted by cruelty and injustice. In this context,
he provided a long list of taxes that were unanimously held illegal
by the scholars of Islam (ulama-i din-i islam).116
We have seen that Shaikh Bokhari, owing to his differences
with Muhammad bin Tughluq, refused to be assimilated in the
political structure and lived for seven years (1341-8) in West Asia.
356 The Making of Medieval Panjab

In 1348, he returned to Uch and, being the head of the Suhrawardi

centre, appeared to have acquired some influence among the rul-
ing classes. At this time, he received a letter from the historian
Ziauddin Barani who had fallen from grace and had been impris-
oned at Bhatner. In this letter, Barani praised Shaikh Bokhari as
an ideal Syed and indirectly sought his help in his misery. Since, at
this stage, the Shaikh was not in a position to approach the Sultan,
he sent for Barani a Meccan turban and some money, besides
praying for his early release.117 After a few years, he received a let-
ter from Ain ul-Mulk Mahru, the governor of Multan. The Shaikh
was asked to persuade some Syeds to pay their land tax, failing
which they could be punished.118 It was not known if the Shaikh
intervened in this matter. However, he did intervene in the affairs
of Sind, where he had gained a loyal following, particularly among
the local elite. Alauddin Jam Juna and Sadruddin Banbhaniya, the
two Samma chiefs of Sind, who had been reduced to straits during
the second military campaign of Delhi, invited the Shaikh to inter-
cede with Firoz Shah Tughluq on their behalf. The Shaikh, having
accepted the role of a mediator, reached the scene of conflict in
Thatta. As the soldiers made a beeline to pay their respects to him,
he assured that an agreement would be signed in two days. When
the Sultan came forward to welcome him, he revealed that the
Delhi army could not subjugate Thatta, as a pious woman of the
place had blocked his prayer; since she had died three days back,
the Sultan would be victorious. Meanwhile, the people of Thatta
sent regular messages to Shaikh Bokhari regarding their travails.
The Shaikh conveyed the sad state of inhabitants to the Sultan.119
In accordance with the terms of peace, the two Samma chiefs were
sent to Delhi following their submission.120
In contrast to the official chronicle, Shaikh Bokhari’s discourses
contained a different version of the nature of his intervention.
One of them, Malfuzat-i Makhdum-i Jahaniyan, attributed the
Shaikh’s intervention to his desire to prevent the repetition of
bloodshed that occurred in Thatta during the reign of Muhammad
bin Tughluq and to the people’s expectation from him to set the
things right.121 But another record of the Shaikh’s discourses,
Siraj ul-Hidaya, has offered a different version. It indicated that
 Piety Submits to the State 357

the people on both sides welcomed the Shaikh’s intervention,

as they hoped for the establishment of peace by a descendant of
the Prophet. After offering his midnight prayer (tahajjud), the
Shaikh put on Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh’s turban and prayed
to God for bringing Jam Juna and Banbhaniya to the Sultan. A
voice from the unseen (awaz-i ghaib) announced that the prayer
had been accepted. Next morning Jam Juna presented himself
before the Sultan. But the nobles expressed concern about the
absence of Banbhaniya. Next night, the Shaikh prayed again and
directed Syed Qasim to call out for Banbhaniya seven times. As a
result, Banbhaniya arrived with his associates and, after submit-
ting before Imad ul-Mulk, met the Sultan.122 This surrender of the
rebel chiefs did not bring peace to Sind. Rai Tamachi, a brother
of Banbhaniya, who had been left to administer Sind, rose up in
revolt. The Shaikh, who stood as a guarantee for the subservience
of the local chiefs, was summoned by the Sultan to Delhi. He was
deputed to Thatta along with Jam Juna and succeeded in bringing
Rai Tamachi to the capital in 1371.123
In his dealings with state officials, Shaikh Bokhari used his spir-
itual power to assert his superiority. He enjoyed the patronage of
Malik Mardan Daulat, who succeeded Ain ul-Mulk Mahru as the
governor of Multan. The new governor not only built a hospice for
the Shaikh, but also endowed it with land grants. But the Shaikh
did not eat at this hospice, as the governor was found lacking in
religious observances. In spite of this flaw, the Shaikh employed
his spiritual power to protect Daulat from the wrath of Sultan
Firoz Shah Tughluq. He also interceded with the spirit of Daulat’s
mentor who had been offended for some reason. He went on to
establish the Syed identity of Daulat’s adopted son Sulaiman, who
was the father of Khizr Khan, the founder of the Syed dynasty.124
The Shaikh’s ability to puncture the ego of power drunk bureau-
crats was manifested in his contact with the Sultan’s wazir Khan-i
Jahan Maqbul. For unstated reasons, Maqbul was hostile towards
the Shaikh and even used bad words for him. Once Maqbul
imprisoned the son of a petty officer (maharrir) and tortured him.
Responding to the request of victim’s father, the Shaikh agreed
to intercede with Maqbul on the issue. When the Shaikh reached
358 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the bungalow of Maqbul, he was denied a meeting and asked not

to come again with any recommendation. The Shaikh was said to
have gone nineteen times to Maqbul’s residence, but he received
the same reply. When he went for the twentieth time, he was ridi-
culed for showing a lack of dignity. The Shaikh replied, ‘My dear!
On every visit I get a just reward, but the aim of the victim remains
unmet. I wish to get him released from your custody, so that the
reward of this act is credited to you.’ Maqbul felt ashamed of his
arrogance and, seeking forgiveness, became a devoted follower of
the Shaikh. He released the prisoner and honoured him with a
robe and horse. He also presented a cash offering to the Shaikh
who, however, passed it on to the victim.125
The Shaikh did not hesitate to use his spiritual power to punish
any unjust officer. Once during the month of Ramzan, he was sit-
ting in contemplation in a mosque along with a number of Sufis
and students. Sumra, the administrator of Uch, came to meet the
Shaikh. He felt angry at the presence of a large number of Sufis
and turned some of them out of the mosque. Incensed at this
highhandedness, the Shaikh cursed Sumra in such a manner that
he became insane and even had to be chained. After a few days,
Sumra’s old mother met the Shaikh and requested that her son be
restored to her. In accordance with the Shaikh’s advice, Sumra was
given a bath and fresh clothes, after which he was escorted to the
tomb of Shaikh Jamaluddin Uchi (a teacher of Shaikh Bokhari).
Sumra returned to the mosque and, falling at the feet of the Shaikh
and other Sufis, regained his sanity.126 Thus, the Shaikh reformed
an oppressive officer and converted him into a faithful disciple.
Shaikh Bokhari was on intimate terms with Firoz ShahTughluq
(r. 1351-88). Over a long period, a strong bond of affection devel-
oped between the two, each trying to strengthen it from the core of
his heart. After every one or two years, the Shaikh travelled all the
way from Uch to Delhi in order to meet the Sultan. During these
occasions, the events were organized in accordance with a specific
pattern. As soon as the Shaikh reached Firozabad, the Sultan came
upto Mand and, after receiving him with great courtesy, escorted
him to the city. During his visits, the Shaikh stayed in one of the
three places – the palace of Firozabad, the hospital and tomb of
 Piety Submits to the State 359

Prince Fateh Khan. When the Shaikh arrived at the spot meant for
the chamberlains, the Sultan got up from his throne and welcomed
the visitor with utmost respect. The two sat down on a carpeted
floor and engaged in friendly conversation. When the Shaikh got
up to leave and reached the spot for chamberlains, the Sultan also
stood up and, after bidding farewell, remained standing while the
Shaikh was in view. It was only at this moment that the Sultan
resumed his seat on the throne.
After every second or third day, the Sultan visited the abode
of the Shaikh. The two men exchanged thoughts on matters of
mutual concern, while the meeting exuded a lot of warmth and
cordiality. A number of people, who belonged to Uch and Delhi,
put forward their requests to the Shaikh. In his turn, he directed
his servants to convert the verbal demands into written applica-
tions and these were duly placed before the Sultan. The Sultan,
after careful examination of the petitions, noted his orders for the
fulfillment of the needs of applicants. After a few days the Shaikh
left for Uch and, once again, the Sultan saw him off upto a dis-
tance of one stage. This particular arrangement between the two
continued for several years and, on each occasion, the Shaikh’s
sojourn became longer than the previous one. During the last
visit, the Shaikh told his host that this should be their last meeting
as he was near the end of his life and the Sultan too had become
old. He felt that it was no longer desirable for the Sultan to travel
far out of Delhi on his hunting trips. This was, in fact, the Shaikh’s
last piece of advice to the Sultan.127 This account, which inciden-
tally forms the concluding portion of Afif’s history, showed that
the Shaikh faithfully carried forward the Suhrawardi tradition of
building a mutually beneficial relationship with the highest ech-
elons of power. The Shaikh walked in the footsteps of the senior
Suhrawardi master Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh in acting as a
bridge between the needy supplicants and the Delhi Sultanate.
The case of Nawahun showed Shaikh Bokhari in an unfavour-
able light. This man was a Hindu officer, who was posted at Uch
and served as a copyist in Persian. Once he went to enquire about
the health of Shaikh Bokhari during the latter’s illness. As soon as
he arrived and took his seat, he exclaimed, ‘May God grant good
360 The Making of Medieval Panjab

health to you. You are the seal of saints just as Muhammad is the
seal of Prophets.’ Shaikh Bokhari understood that Nawahun, by
uttering these words, had become a Muslim in accordance with
the Shariat. Turning towards his brother Raju Qattal, he asked if
he had heard what Nawahun had said. Raju Qattal replied in the
affirmative and added that one or two Muslims, who had heard
the statement, stood as witnesses. Nawahun immediately left the
scene and, rushing to Delhi, narrated the occurrence to Firoz Shah
Tughluq. The Sultan, who was friendly towards Nawahun, asked,
‘If it is proved that you have really uttered those words, will you
become a Muslim?’ Nawahun replied that he would not become
a Muslim, whatever the circumstances. During those days, Shaikh
Bokhari passed away. After observing the last prayer, Raju Qattal
travelled all the way to Delhi along with the witnesses. When
the Sultan learnt about this visit, he guessed that it was related
to Nawahun. He summoned a few prominent theologians and
sought their advice on the ways to save Nawahun from the crisis.
Acting in accordance with the suggestion of Shaikh Muhammad,
the son of Qazi Abdul Muqtadar Thanesari, the Sultan asked Raju
Qattal if he had come in connection with an infidel (kafir). Raju
Qattal replied that he was concerned with that Muslim. Shaikh
Muhammad intervened to assert that the fact of his religious
identity had not been proved. Outraged at this remark, Raju
Qattal cursed Shaikh Muhammad in a manner that he instantly
developed a stomach ache and died. The Qazi pleaded for the long
life of his only son, but in vain. Nawahun refused to admit that
he had embraced Islam, despite the contention of the witnesses.
Ultimately he was executed, while Raju Qattal returned to Uch.
Steinfels treats the incident as highly unlikely, because it did
not accord with the personality of Shaikh Bokhari as documented
in his conversations (malfuzat); it was one of the several stories in
the hagiographical accounts that claimed superiority of a Sufi over
the contemporary state through miraculous power. The present
writer does not agree with this view and feels that Shaikh Bokhari
read too much into a simple expression of courtesy. Raju Qattal
pursued the case with fanatical zeal and Firoz Shah Tughluq
was too weak to stand up to the undue pressure exerted by the
 Piety Submits to the State 361

Suhrawardis of Uch and merely followed the principles laid out

in the Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi. A convergence of these factors led to
the execution of Nawahun.

NOTES
1. The sons of Baba Farid tried to prevent Syed Muhammad Kirmani, the
grandfather of Amir Khurd, from meeting the saint who was critically ill.
Kirmani virtually forced his way into the cell. The sons, being shocked at the
sudden decision regarding the nomination of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya,
directed their anger against Kirmani. They blamed him for depriving them
of what they coveted the most. Kirmani tried his best to prove his non-
partisan role in the decision, which had been taken solely by Baba Farid.
Amir Khurd, Siyar ul-Auliya, Persian text, Delhi: Matba-i Muhibb-i Hind,
1885, pp. 121-2 (hereafter cited as Amir Khurd).
2. Amir Khurd, p. 90.
3. The shrine of Baba Farid was transformed into a highly profitable enterprise,
since the congruence of Baba Farid’s jamaatkhana and shrine in a single
premises tremendously enhanced the sacredness of the architectural
complex. Tanvir Anjum, Chishti Sufis in the Delhi Sultanate 1190-1400:
From Restrained Indifference to Calculated Defiance, Karachi: Oxford
University Press, p. 346.
4. Amir Khurd, p. 90.
5. Ibid., p. 188.
6. Ibid., pp. 171-2. Maulana Badruddin Ishaq was incomparable in his service
to Baba Farid. He groomed the children of his mentor. He often remained
in tears during meditation. Fond of poetry, he composed a book entitled
Tasrif-i Badri at the instance of his intimate friend Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya. He was held in high esteem by the elders of Amir Khurd, who has
recorded a number of his miracles. He was buried in the Jama Masjid of
Ajodhan, where he spent much of his time. Amir Khurd, pp. 170-8.
7. Amir Khurd, pp. 188-9.
8. Ibid., pp. 193-5.
9. Ibid., p. 195.
10. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, English translation, Mahdi Husain, entitled The Rehla of
Ibn Battuta: India, Maldive Islands and Ceylon, Baroda: Oriental Institute,
1976, p. 20.
11. Amir Khurd, p. 196.
12. Ibid., p. 193.
13. Barani, p. 347.
14. Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi, Akhbar ul-Akhyar, Urdu translation,
Subhan Mahmud and Muhammad Fazil, Delhi: Noor Publishing House,
1990, pp. 207-8.
362 The Making of Medieval Panjab

15. Amir Khurd, pp. 196-7.

16. Richard M. Eaton, ‘The Political and Religious Authority of Baba Farid,’ in
Essays on Islam and Indian History, New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2000, pp. 206-7.
17. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, p. 20.
18. Eaton, op. cit., pp. 220-3.
19. Amir Khurd, p. 197-8.
20. Ibid., pp. 198-201.
21. Ibid., pp. 202-3.
22. Muhammad Ali Asghar Chishti, Jawahar-i Faridi, Urdu translation,
Fazluddin Naqshbandi Mujaddidi, Pakpattan: Maktaba Baba Farid, n.d.,
pp. 488-90.
23. Ibid., pp. 390-2.
24. Pritam Singh, Sri Guru Granth Sahib Wale Sekh Farid Di Bhaal, Amritsar:
Singh Brothers, rpt., 2010, pp. 210-12; the author of this book has acquired
this information from Syed Afzal Haidar, an ardent devotee of the shrine
and possibly a resident of Ajodhan, who has been visiting the sacred place
regularly over several decades since the middle of the twentieth century.
25. Ibid., pp. 203-6. During the last few decades, the supplicants prayed for peace
and prosperity in Pakistan, besides victory for the crusaders (mujahidin)
who were involved in major struggles in Palestine and Afghanistan.
26. Ibid., pp. 207-8.
27. Ibid., pp. 208-10
28. Miles Irving, ‘The Shrine of Baba Farid Shakarganj at Pakpattan,’ Journal of
the Punjab History Society, no. 1, 1911; I have consulted the reprint which
was published in The Panjab Past and Present, vol. VII, pt. 2, October 1973,
pp. 410.
29. Ibid., p. 411.
30. Ibid., pp. 412-13.
31. Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi, Akhbar ul-Akhyar, pp. 139-40.
32. Ibid., p. 141.
33. Ibid., pp. 141-2.
34. Jamali, p. 128; Jamali did not agree with the view that a disciple could snatch
spiritual bounties of his mentor, who then was rendered empty of these
virtues. Such an idea did not carry any weight in the balance of Sufism.
When a mentor conferred spiritual bounties on any disciple, these were in
fact transferred from God’s inexhaustible treasure, which never suffered
from any paucity.
35. Jamali, pp. 129-30.
36. In the Quran, this chapter has been inscribed as, ‘In the Name of God, the
Compassionate, the Merciful. Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds, the
Compassionate, the Merciful, Master of the Day of Judgement. Thee we
worship and from Thee we seek help. Guide us upon the straight path, the
path of those whom Thou hast blessed, not of those who incur wrath, nor
 Piety Submits to the State 363

of those who are astray.’ Constituting the opening of the Quran, it is recited
at the beginning of each cycle of prayer, besides such diverse occasions as
funeral, wedding, birth, inauguration of official event, signing of contract
and beginning of individual endeavour. Seyyed Hossein Nasr et al., eds.,
The Study Quran, pp. 3-5.
37. FF, Faruqi, pp. 452-3; Lawrence, pp. 368-9.
38. Jamali, pp. 130-1.
39. Jamali, pp. 131-2; during his visit to Multan, Jamali found Maulana
Fatehullah established as a teacher. The three sons of the Maulana were
among his students. He had a lot of affection for Jamali.
40. Jamali, pp. 134-5.
41. Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi, Akhbar ul-Akhyar, pp. 142-3.
42. Ibid., pp. 144-5.
43. Ibid., pp. 145-6
44. Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, Persian text, ed. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami,
Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1959, pp. 75-6. While differing with
Shaikh Ruknuddin, Shaikh Nasiruddin highlighted the case of Najibuddin
Mutawakkil (the brother of Baba Farid), who had settled in Delhi. He lived
in a small thatched house in extreme poverty. When he had no money to
feed the mendicants, he unsuccessfully tried to sell his clothes and those of
his wife. When he could not feed his sons on Id, he resigned himself to the
mercy of God. Compare with Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, The Life and Times of
Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh-i Delhi, Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delhi, 1991,
pp. 101-2, 114-15.
45. Jamali, pp. 140-2; in contrast, Shaikh Alauddin did not approve of Shaikh
Ruknuddin’s involvement with the state. After a meeting in which the two
embraced, Shaikh Alauddin took a fresh bath and changed his clothes.
Without feeling offended at this reaction, Shaikh Ruknuddin admitted that
he himself smelt of worldliness, while his Chishti counterpart remained
insulated from it. Amir Khurd, p. 195.
46. Amir Khurd, p. 530; on the basis of his travels in Turkey and Syria, Maulana
Ilmuddin stated that the Shaikhs of these countries listened to audition
since the times of Junaid Baghdadi (d. 910) and Shaikh Shibli (d. 945). In
fact, some of them used musical instruments like the clarinet (shabana) and
drums (daf), while no one stopped them from doing so.
47. Jamali, p. 143.
48. In a conversation with Shaikh Ruknuddin, Ibn Battuta learnt that the Shaikh
was present at the site with Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq and his favourite
son Mahmud. The Shaikh further related that Muhammad bin Tughluq
requested him to come down from the pavilion, as it was time for the Asr
prayer. As soon as the Shaikh emerged from the pavilion, the elephants
entered in accordance with a premeditated plan, leading to the collapse
of the structure. The Shaikh, who returned without saying his prayer, saw
Muhammad bin Tughluq ordering pickaxes and shovels to be brought to
364 The Making of Medieval Panjab

dig out the Sultan. But he signalled to the servants to delay their task, so that
the implements were brought only after sunset. When the Sultan was dug
out, the prince was seen bending over to save the life of the victim. Some
people presumed that the Sultan was already dead, while others suspected
that he was rescued alive and then finished off. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, p. 55.
49. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, p. 97.
50. Barani, p. 479; it was difficult to accept Isami’s narrative of the event.
According to him, Shaikh Ruknuddin, who had gone into a seclusion for a
week, learnt the infliction of terrible retribution on the people whose blood
flowed in torrents. Without wearing his turban or putting on his shoes, he
appeared as a supplicant before the Sultan and, expressing his horror at the
bloodshed, pleaded for an end to the mayhem. The Sultan accepted the plea
for mercy and stopped further punishment. Isami, III, pp. 671-2.
51. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, p. 97.
52. The Sultan, who was hostile towards Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, openly
spoke against him. He forbade his nobles from visiting the Shaikh at
Ghiaspur. While in a state of inebriation, he offered a reward of 1,000
tankahs to the person who would bring the Shaikh’s head. When the Sultan
met the Shaikh in the hospice of Shaikh Ziauddin Rumi, he did not show
any respect to him and did not even respond to his greetings. In order
to harm the Shaikh, he made Shaikhzada Jam (a known detractor of the
Shaikh) a royal confidant. Barani, p. 396.
53. Dara Shukoh, while elaborating the Qadiri mode of meditation, has con-
ceived of the seeker’s spiritual journey through five successive stages –
physical plane (alam-i nasut), plane of counterparts (alam-i misal),
astromental plane (alam-i malkut), plane of bliss (alam-i jabrut) and plane
of absolute truth (alam-i lahut) – each of which required its own set of
meditational techniques. Bikrama Jit Hasrat, Dara Shikuh: Life and Works,
New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, rpt., 2013, pp. 72-5.
54. Amir Khurd, pp. 136-7.
55. Ibid., pp. 137-40.
56. Ibid., pp. 140-1.
57. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya,
New Delhi: Oxford University Press, New Edition, 2007, pp. 96-7.
58. Amir Khurd, p. 155.
59. Qazi Javed, Panjab Key Sufi Danishwar, Lahore: Fiction House, 2005, p. 98.
60. Jamali, pp. 143-4.
61. Ibid., pp. 144-6.
62. It was factually wrong to connect Amir Husain with Shaikh Zakariya, as
Jamali has done. He appeared to have been born in 1272, ten years after
the demise of Shaikh Zakariya. As this year of his birth seemed correct, his
adulthood coincided with the life of Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh, who
assumed the headship of the Suhrawardi hospice in 1285. His literary works
 Piety Submits to the State 365

were written during the first quarter of the fourteenth century. Saiyid Athar
Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, vol. I, New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1978, p. 206.
63. Ibid., pp. 207-9.
64. Barani, pp. 341-2.
65. Ibid., pp. 343-4.
66. Ibid., pp. 345-7
67. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, p. 90.
68. In a reexamination of the relations between the early Chishtis and the state,
it has been shown that Muhammad bin Tughluq continued to show respect
to the Chishtis, that a number of his leading nobles were disciples of Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya and that many ordinary disciples of the Chishtis had
accepted government jobs. The Sultan only sought moral support from
the leading Chishtis for the implementation of his projects, but did not
force them to accept official assignments. The fault lay with the Chishtis of
Delhi, who were not only rigid and self-contradictory in their attitude to the
state, but also failed to show resilience and adaptability to new conditions.
Ishtiyaq Ahmad Zilli, ‘Early Chishtis and the State,’ in Sufi Cults and the
Evolution of Medieval Indian Culture, ed. Anup Taneja, New Delhi: Indian
Council of Historical Research & Northern Book Centre, 2003, pp. 75-95.
69. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, p. 91; this observer perceived the capital punishment of
Shaikh Hud as just one of the several executions ordered by the Sultan and,
by doing so, tried to prove that the Sultan was a bloodthirsty tyrant. The
list of the victims included Masud Khan (the Sultan’s brother), 350 army
desterters, Shaikh Shihabuddin, jurist Afifuddin along with two colleagues,
two jurists of Sind, sons of Shaikh Shamsuddin, Shaikh Ali Haidari, Toghan
of Farghana and his brother, Ibn Malik ut-Tujjar and the chief orator. Ibn
Battuta, Rehla, pp. 85-93.
70. A native of Ghazni, the Shaikh was forced to leave the city by his grandfather,
who opposed his tendency to display miracles. After migrating to Multan,
he continued his engagement with miracles. He was said to have converted
stones into gems, provided instructions to djinns, enrolled disciples even
after his death and worked a Persian wheel without bullocks. He would
push his hand out of his grave to bless his followers. It was believed that
Shaikh Sarduddin Arif, who was a strict adherent of the Shariat, stopped
this practice. Farhat Multani, Auliya-i Multan, Multan: Kutbkhana Haji
Niyaz Ahmad, 1980, pp. 58-62.
71. Qamar-ul Huda, Striving for Divine Union: Spiritual Exercises for Suhrawardi
Sufis, pp. 128-9.
72. Barani. pp. 297-8.
73. Ibid., 298-9.
74. Ibid., p. 299.
75. Ibid., p. 352.
366 The Making of Medieval Panjab

76. Fazlullah Majawi, Fatawa-i Sufiyya, MS Oxford, Bodleian Uri 321; quoted
in Julian Baldick, Mystical Islam: An Introduction to Sufism, London: I.B.
Tauris & Co., rpt., 2000, pp. 95-6.
77. Ibid., p. 96.
78. Amina M. Steinfels, Knowledge Before Action: Islamic Learning and Sufi
Practice in the Life of Sayyid Jalal al-Din Bukhari Makhdum-i Jahaniyan,
Columbia (South Carolina): The University of South Carolina Press, 2012,
p. 20.
79. During their first meeting, Shaikh Jamaluddin Uchi offered dried dates
to Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari, who ate them and even swallowed the seeds.
On being questioned about it, the boy replied that the seeds received from
eminent persons like Shaikh Jamaluddin Uchi could not be thrown away.
The teacher predicted that the pupil would bring fame to his own family
and those of his mentors. Jamali, p. 155.
80. Steinfels, op. cit., pp. 23-7.
81. Ibid., p. 29.
82. According to another account, the meeting between Shaikh Bokhari and
Shaikh Nasiruddin did not take place before the former’s sojourn in the
west, but after his return (1348) to India. It was at the advice of Abdullah
Yafai that Shaikh Bokhari decided to meet Shaikh Nasiruddin. During this
meeting, Shaikh Bokhari received the Chishti robe of affiliation (khirqah).
Jamali, pp. 155-6.
83. Steinfels, op. cit, pp. 30, 34-5.
84. Interestingly, there was a significant overlap between the itineraries of
Shaikh Bokhari and Ibn Battuta. Every place visited by the former was
visited by the latter a decade or so earlier. Many of the persons encountered
(Abdullah Yafai, Afifuddin Matari and Majduddin Baghdadi) were the
same. Though Ibn Battuta was an Arabic speaker from Morocco and Shaikh
Bokhari was a Persian speaker from India, yet they were enculturated into
a social order that spanned the Muslim world. The Muslims shared a
Islamicate civilization that was characterized by three common elements –
Sunni scholarship, Arabic and Sufism. Steinfels, op. cit., p. 56.
85. Ibid., pp. 41-51.
86. Ibid., pp. 51-5.
87. Syed Raju Qattal has reported that Shaikh Bokhari, during his travels,
benefited from over 300 scholars. In Mecca, Madina, Baghdad and other
places, Jamali claimed to have seen the abodes where Shaikh Bokhari had
stayed. He has stated that even during the middle of the sixteenth century,
the attendants cleaned these places and lighted candles in them. Evidently,
the memory of Shaikh Bokhari had been kept alive by the people of these
localities. Jamali, pp. 155.
88. Muhammad Ayyub Qadiri, Makhdum-i Jahaniyan Jahangasht, Karachi:
Idarah Tahqiq wa Tasnif, 1963, pp. 191-95; Aneesa Iqbal Sabir, ‘Suhrawardi
Mysticism in South-Western Punjab: Contribution of Syed Jalaluddin
 Piety Submits to the State 367

Bukhari Makhdum-i Jahaniyan,’ in Sufism in Punjab: Mystics, Literature

and Shrines, ed. Surinder Singh and Ishwar Dayal Gaur, Delhi: Aakar
Books, 2009, pp. 113-15.
89. Muhammad Ayyub Qadiri, op. cit., pp. 261-3.
90. Steinfels, op. cit., pp. 63-5.
91. Ibid., pp. 67-9.
92. Ibid., pp. 70-2.
93. Ibid., pp. 74-6, 80.
94. Ibid., p. 78.
95. Ibid., pp. 81-2.
96. Ibid., p. 83.
97. Ibid., pp. 86-8.
98. Ibid., pp. 88-90.
99. Ibid., pp. 94-5.
100. Ibid., pp. 95-7.
101. Ibid., pp. 93-4.
102. Ahmad Muin Siyahposh Alavi, Siraj ul-Hidaya, Persian text, ed. Qazi Sajjad
Husain, Delhi: Indian Council of Historical Research, 1983, pp. 122-3.
This work was transcribed by Maulana Ahmad Muin Siyahposh Alavi on
the basis of a copy of the conversations of Shaikh Bokhari provided to him
by the saint’s son Makhdumzadah Abdullah. It is an amalgamation of the
accounts by Abdullah and Siyahposh. Comprising of nine chapters, the
themes included Prophetic traditions, canonical laws, jurisprudence and
origin of sects. Besides the character of polity and nobility, it dealt with un-
Islamic customs and the Thatta campaign of Firoz Shah Tughluq. Khaliq
Ahmad Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983, pp. 188-92.
103. Steinfels, op. cit., pp. 100-2.
104. Muhammad Aslam, Malfuzati Adab Ki Tarikhi Ahmiyat, Lahore: Idarah
Tahqiqat-i Pakistan, 1995, pp. 230-1.
105. Steinfels, op. cit., p. 84.
106. Alavi , Siraj ul-Hidaya, p. 262.
107. Steinfels, op. cit., p. 105.
108. Alavi, Siraj ul-Hidaya, p. 107.
109. Ibid., pp. 307, 337.
110. Steinfels, op. cit., p. 107.
111. Syed Alauddin Ali Husaini, Jami ul-Ulum, Persian text, ed. Qazi Sajjad
Husain, New Delhi: Indian Council of Historical Reasearch, 1987, pp. 545-
6.
112. Ibid., p. 647.
113. Alavi, Siraj ul-Hidaya, p. 86.
114. Ibid., pp. 61-2.
115. Riazul Islam, Sufism in South Asia: Impact on Fourteenth Century Muslim
Society, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2nd edn., 2003, pp. 280-1.
368 The Making of Medieval Panjab

116. Alavi, Siraj ul-Hidaya, pp. 111-12.

117. Ahmad Baha bin Yaqub Bhatti, Khizanat ul-Fawaid ul-Jalaliya, ff. 196-
198b, quoted in Steinfels, op.cit., pp. 126-7.
118. Ain ul-Mulk Mahru, Insha-i Mahru, Letter no. 22, p. 47.
119. Afif, pp. 240-2.
120. Ibid., pp. 243-6.
121. Riazul Islam, Sufism in South Asia: Impact on Fourteenth Century Muslim
Society, p. 287.
122. Alavi, Siraj ul-Hidaya, pp. 360-1.
123. Riazul Islam, op. cit, p. 288.
124. Khizr Khan, the founder of the Syed dynasty, was the son of Malik Sulaiman,
who was the adoptive son of Malik Mardan Daulat. Once when Syed
Jalaluddin Bokhari visited Malik Daulat, the latter asked Malik Sulaiman
to wash the hands of the guest. The saint did not permit Malik Sulaiman to
do the errand as, being a Syed, he was not fit for the task. When the head of
the Syeds testified to Malik Sulaiman’s Syed origin, there could be no doubt
about his pedigree. Besides, he possessed numerous qualities – bravery,
generosity, humility, equanimity and adherence to his words – that were
conspicuous in Prophet Muhammad. Sirhindi, p. 182.
125. Jamali, p. 156.
126. Ibid., p. 161.
127. Afif, pp. 514-16.
 CHAPTER 6

Making and Breaking of

Political Structures

Cracks in the Edifice

Following the death (21 September 1388) of Firoz Shah Tughluq,
the political focus of the Delhi Sultanate shifted to Panjab and
remained so for several decades. During the last days of the Sultan,
his son Sultan Muhammad came to the throne. But the resolute
opposition of Firozi slaves forced him to seek asylum in the hills of
Sirmur. The new ruler, Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah, sent a punitive
expedition against the fugitive under the wazir Malik Firoz Ali
and Bahadur Nahir. A number of nobles who held iqtas in Punjab
– Sultan Shah Khushdil of Samana, Rai Kamaluddin Muin and
others – were directed to join the campaign. Sultan Muhammad
retired to the higher mountains and, passing through Baknari and
Sakhet, secured himself in the fort of Nagarkot. The Delhi army
entered the Sirmur hills and, marching northwards, fought minor
battles against the fugitive, but ultimately gave up the pursuit.1 At
Delhi, the Firozi slaves replaced Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah with
Abu Bakr. In reaction, the sadah amirs of Samana threw their lot
with Sultan Muhammad with promises of assistance. Encouraged
by this support, Sultan Muhammad returned from Nagarkot and
carried out his second coronation on 4 April 1389 at Samana, which
had emerged as the centre of his growing power. He managed to
garner the support of diverse elements based in Panjab – sadah
amirs of Samana; muqtis like Ghalib Khan of Samana and Shams
Khan of Hissar Firuza; prominent nobles like Zia ul-Mulk Abu
Rija and Mubarak Khan Halajun; local chiefs like Rai Juljain Bhatti
370 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and Rai Kamaluddin Muin. He mustered a large retinue of 50,000

men and made three attempts to occupy Delhi. However, he failed
to achieve his object owing to the continued opposition of the
Firozi slaves. In response to his order, a large number of Firozi
slaves, who were stationed in the important cities and towns of
Panjab – Lahore, Multan, Samana, Hissar Firoza and Hansi – were
massacred by the governors and inhabitants. With southeastern
Panjab in his firm grip and Firozi slaves effectively subjugated,
he succeeded in occupying Delhi on 31 August 1390, and ruled
for the next three or four years. He consolidated his personal
authority by expelling the Firozi slaves from the capital, putting
an end to the former ruler Abu Bakr and eliminating a number of
local chiefs of the Doab.2
Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah, who was enthroned on
23 March 1394 and ruled for twenty years, sought to establish his
authority over distant provinces in the west and east. The wazir
Khawaja-i Jahan was conferred the title of Sultan ush-Sharq and
authorized to govern territories from Kanauj to Bihar. Sarang
Khan, who had been placed in charge of Dipalpur, was dispatched
to recover Lahore from Shaikha Khokhar. In this military expe-
dition, Sarang Khan was joined by a few prominent local chiefs
– Rai Juljain Bhatti, Rai Kamaluddin Muin of Ludhiana and Rai
Daud of Jalandhar – who crossed the Satluj at Tirhara and Beas
near Dohali as they advanced towards Lahore. Shaikha Khokhar,
who had drawn up his forces, ravaged the suburbs of Dipalpur
and besieged Ajodhan. As soon as Sarang Khan reached and plun-
dered Bhandoit, Shaikha Khokhar fell back on Lahore. A battle
was fought between the two armies at Samuthala, which was situ-
ated at a distance of 12 leagues (kurohs) from Lahore. As Sarang
Khan emerged victorious, Shaikha Khokhar retreated towards
Lahore and, taking his wife and children along, fled in the direc-
tion of Jammu hills. Sarang Khan occupied the fort of Lahore and
placed the city under the charge of his brother Khandu who was
given the title of Adil Khan.3
Not long after, a vertical division in the ruling class at Delhi
manifested among the leading muqtis of Panjab.4 Sarang Khan,
who had recovered Lahore in 1394 from Shaikha Khokhar,
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 371

attacked Khizr Khan, the governor of Multan. Having won over

the slaves of Malik Mardan Bhatti, he added Multan to his charge
of Dipalpur. Flushed with this success, he fell upon Ghalib Khan in
order to bring Samana under his control. Ghalib Khan secured the
assistance of Tatar Khan (the wazir of the rival king Nusrat Shah)
and, having defeated Sarang Khan in a battle on 8 October 1397
at Kotla, forced the intruder to retreat to Multan. In a few weeks
(December 1397), Sarang Khan was forced to surrender the fort of
Multan to Pir Muhammad, the grandson of Timur, after facing a
siege of six months. While he became a prisoner in the hands of
the invaders, his brother Mallu Iqbal Khan fared better. By a series
of clever manipulations and treacherous acts, he converted Sultan
Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah into a puppet, killed Muqarrab Khan,
pushed Nusrat Shah from Firozabad to the Doab and forced Tatar
Khan to leave Panipat for Gujarat.5 This was the situation when
Timur crossed the Indus and entered Panjab.

Invasion of Timur
Timur had assigned a vast area,6 which included entire Afghanistan
and lands extending to the Indian border, to his grandson Pir
Muhammad. As the prince utilized the resources of this large
territory to muster fighting men from different places, he was
deputed to subjugate southwestern Panjab. He crossed the Indus
and laid siege to the fort of Uch, which fell under the jurisdiction
of Sarang Khan, the muqti of Dipalpur. Ali Malik, who held the
fort on behalf of Sarang Khan, offered resistance for one month.
Sarang Khan sent a reinforcement of 4,000 cavalry under his deputy
Malik Tajuddin and others to assist the garrison in defence. As
this army approached Uch, Pir Muhammad raised the siege and
fell upon it at Tarmtamah on the Beas. Malik Tajuddin sustained
defeat, as a number of his men were killed and some others were
carried away by the river. Malik Tajuddin retreated to Multan
with a small force, while Pir Muhammad followed in pursuit.
Sarang Khan, who did not dare to oppose the victor, withdrew
into the safety of the fort. Pir Muhammad laid siege to the fort,
but could not capture it for six months. When the garrison was
372 The Making of Medieval Panjab

faced with acute shortage of provisions (ba sabab tangcheh ulf wa

ghalla), Sarang Khan initiated a move for making peace on 5 June
1398. However, he was put in prison along with a large number of
dependants including his family, soldiers and ordinary people. Pir
Muhammad occupied Multan and stationed an army in the city.7
Timur left Samarqand in March 1398 and, marching through
Naghz and Banu, reached the banks of the Indus on 20 September
1398. Interestingly, he camped at the same site where Jalaluddin
Mangbarni had crossed the river, and Chingez Khan had refrained
from following suit. In response to the orders of Timur, a bridge
of boats and bamboos was constructed in two days. The emissar-
ies of Sikandar Shah, the ruler of Kashmir,8 brought a message
promising submission and loyalty. Timur directed Sikandar Shah
to reach Dipalpur with his forces. On 24 September 1398, Timur’s
army crossed the Indus and set up camp at Chaul-i-Jalali, which
was a vast desert (biyaban) without human habitation and water.
This place had acquired its name from Jalaluddin Mangbarni who,
after crossing the Indus and eluding his pursuers, had acquired
relief from his difficulties on reaching here. Timur received the
local chiefs (muqaddaman wa rayan) of Koh-i-Jud who offered
tributes (peshkash wa sharait malguzari wa khidmatkari) that
reflected their obedience. Timur allowed them to depart after
giving instructions regarding the facilities required from them
during the impending march of the invaders through their ter-
ritories. A month back, these very chiefs had provided a variety of
services to Timur’s commander Rustam Taghi Bugha Barlas, who
was marching through Koh-i-Jud on way to Multan.9
Timur’s army travelled across Chaul-i-Jalali and reached the
bank of Jhelam, where he clashed with Shihabuddin Mubarak Shah
Tamimi who ruled over an island in the river. A few months back,
Tamimi had expressed his obedience to Pir Muhammad as the lat-
ter marched through his domain. Soon after, he reversed his stance
and began to resist the invaders. Supported by ample resources
in retinue and wealth, he surrounded his fortification by a deep
moat. On 26 September 1398 Timur ordered Shaikh Nuruddin
to deal with Tamimi without any delay. This commander entered
a large lake at the head of 10,000 cavalry and delivered a series of
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 373

assaults. Tamimi failed to withstand the attacks, as several of his

men jumped into the river and lost their lives. He prepared a fleet
of 200 boats and, boarding them with his followers, descended
down the Jhelam towards Uch. Shaikh Nuruddin continued to
attack the fugitives from the bank and managed to kill several of
them. When Tamimi’s convoy approached Multan, its path was
blocked by Pir Muhammad and his leading nobles. Tamimi’s reti-
nue was captured and put to death. He himself saved his life by
crossing the river on a boat along with his family. Those of his
men, who had fled into the neighbouring jungle, were pursued
and killed. A large booty – grain, money and slaves – that had
been loaded on boats fell into the hands of the victors.10
Timur’s troops marched for five or six days and reached the
confluence of Jhelam and Chenab on 6 October 1398. A bridge was
thrown across the broad channel, a feat which could not be per-
formed by any previous ruler including Tarmashirin Khan. The
invaders moved across the bridge and encamped on 13 October
1398 near the town of Talmi (Talamba),11 which was situated at a
distance of 35 leagues from Multan. At the outset, Timur did not
permit any violence. Prominent citizens – Maliks, Rais, Syeds and
ulama – presented themselves before Timur and agreed to pay
a ransom of 2 lakhs (do lak mal ba-rasm amani). A part of this
amount had been paid when innumerable invaders poured into
the streets. Since the soldiers stood in urgent need of foodgrains,
they were permitted to enter houses and loot them. Some peo-
ple were taken prisoner. None except the Syeds and clerics could
escape from the atrocities. Meanwhile, it was learnt that the nota-
bles and chiefs (rausa wa sardaran) of the surrounding areas, who
had offered submission to Pir Muhammad, had adopted the path
of resistance. In compliance with Timur’s order, Amir Shah Malik
and Shaikh Muhammad Iku Timur penetrated the countryside in
order to chastise the opponents. In this combing operation, nearly
2,000 people were killed and their sons were made prisoners,
while an unlimited quantity of wealth and valuables was gathered
(ghanim basiyar wa nafais beshumar).
Timur then advanced towards the Beas and set up camp at Jal.
Jasrath Khokhar (the son of Shaikha Khokhar) had entrenched
374 The Making of Medieval Panjab

himself here beside a big reservoir along with 2,000 men. Anti-
cipating an armed encounter in the open field, Timur arranged
his troops in battle array – the right was placed under Shaikh
Nuruddin and Allah Dad; the left was commanded by Shah Malik
and Shaikh Muhammad Iku Timur; Ali Sultan Tawachi stood in
the centre at the head of footmen from Khurasan. In a military
engagement on the bank of the reservoir, a thousand soldiers
of Jasrath Khokhar were attacked by the infantry of Ali Sultan
Tawachi, who was reinforced by Shaikh Nuruddin and Allah Dad.
Having emerged victorious, the invaders burnt the houses of the
defenders after looting their goods. On 22 October 1398 Timur
arrived at Shahnawaz, a large village conspicuous for its huge
heaps of food grain (anbar ghalla basiyar bud). Timur permitted
his troops to collect as much grain as they could and to burn what-
ever they could not. Timur also deputed some nobles to pursue
the men who had escaped from the retinue of Jasrath Khokhar, so
that there was another bout of killing and looting.12
On 25 October 1398, Timur left Shahnawaz and proceeded
towards Jinjan on the Beas. The entire army crossed the river
either by boat or by swimming across, but did not suffer any casu-
alties. While camping at Jinjan, Timur became familiar with the
affairs of Pir Muhammad. The prince had occupied Multan after a
siege of six months, but an epidemic (pisha kali azeem) destroyed
all the horses in his camp. Taking advantage of this setback, the
local chiefs on the borders of India (hukkam wa sardaran-i hudud
hind wa aan hawali) started opposing the invaders and even killed
the superintendents (daroghas) at a few places. On 30 October
1398 Pir Muhammad hosted a banquet in honour of his grand-
father and presented a number of gifts – crowns, golden belts,
Tazi horses with saddles, vessels of gold and silver, costly clothes
and a wide range of novelties – which had been plundered. The
accountants took two days to prepare a list of these items. Timur
distributed the entire stock of trophies among his nobles and
officers. He also provided 30,000 horses to Pir Muhammad’s sol-
diers, who had travelled either on bullock or on foot.13 During the
course of his march to Dipalpur, Timur passed through Sehwal,
Aswan and Jehwal. The inhabitants of Dipalpur, encouraged by
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 375

the epidemic in Pir Muhammad’s army, had turned against the

invaders and killed the prince’s superintendent Musafir Kabuli
along with his 1,000 soldiers. Fearing a terrible revenge they had
fled towards Bhatner in order to save their lives. The arrival on
5 November 1398 of Timur at Ajodhan at the head of 10,000
horsemen caused panic among the inhabitants. On the advice
of mystics like Shaikh Munawwar and Shaikh Saaduddin (the
grandsons of Shaikh Nuruddin), a majority of people escaped
towards Bhatner. Another group, who comprised of Syeds and
theologians, relied on Timur for their safety and stayed back.
Timur appointed two of them, Maulana Nasiruddin Umar and
Khwaja Shihab Muhammad, as administrators (daroghas) of the
town, with the dual function of providing protection to the people
and offering facilities to the invading army. Timur paid a visit to
the mausoleum of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar and, after
praying for assistance, advanced towards Bhatner. Timur spared
Ajodhan violence and plunder, most probably owing to its sacred
character.
Crossing the large river of Ajodhan (Satluj) and encamping at
Khalis Kotli, Timur covered a distance of 60 kos to reach Bhatner
on 7 November 1398. This place had acquired fame all over
Hind for its impregnable fort. It was surrounded upto a radius of
50 kos by a vast desert. The entire area was so dry that water was
not available upto a 100 kos. The local inhabitants met their needs
from a large lake. Yazdi would have us believe that no Indian or
foreign ruler had ever led his army to this place. It was on account
of this reason that the people from towns such as Dipalpur and
Ajodhan – had converged here for safety. In fact, the number of
fugitives was so large that it was not possible to accommodate all
of them. Not only this, many of them were forced to leave their
cattle and goods-laden carts behind in neighbouring places. Rai
Dulchin, the ruler of the principality, commanded a sizeable army
and numerous supporters. Besides a complete control over his
domain, he received taxes from merchants and travellers. As the
invaders approached the fort, they destroyed whatever was avail-
able outside. They surrounded the fort and, having established
their control over the boundary wall, killed a number of defend-
376 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ers. Rai Dulchin, who stood at the gate with his commanders,
wished to jump into the fray. But, on seeing his soldiers dying
in action, decided to sue for peace. He sent a Syed as an emis-
sary to Timur, with the promise of appearing in person the next
day. Timur accepted the proposal and, terminating the hostilities,
withdrew from the scene. When Rai Dulchin failed to fulfil his
promise the next day, Timur ordered every noble to dig a trench
in order to reach the base of the rampart. The defenders rained
stones and arrows on the attackers, but failed to make any impact.
Rai Dulchin again sought a peaceful settlement and sent his son
to Timur for this purpose. He himself emerged from the fort and,
accompanied by Shaikh Saaduddin of Ajodhan, surrendered
before Timur.14
The submission of Rai Dulchin failed to save the lives of hun-
dreds of fugitives who had arrived from different parts. Though
they appeared in Timur’s camp with the hope of securing forgive-
ness, they were handed over to his nobles in groups. Nearly 500
inhabitants of Dipalpur, who were alleged to have killed Musafir
Kabuli along with 1,000 soldiers, were put to death. Of the inhab-
itants of Ajodhan, some were executed and others imprisoned.
Shocked at these atrocities, Rai Dulchin’s brother (Kamaluddin)
and son resumed the resistance and closed the gate of the fort.
Timur took two steps to pressurize the defenders into submission
– Rai Dulchin (who was in Timur’s camp) was thrown into prison
and trenches were dug to demolish the boundary wall of the fort.
These measures had the desired effect, as Rai Dulchin’s kinsmen
came out of the fort and surrendered its keys. However, this ges-
ture failed to prevent another round of cruelties. When Timur’s
representatives, Shaikh Nuruddin and Allah Dad, entered the fort
to collect the ransom (mal amani), the Rai did not appear for the
payment. A fullscale battle broke out. Timur’s soldiers climbed
over the ramparts with the help of rope ladders (kamand-ha wa
tanab-ha) and fell upon the people inside. Simultaneously, the
gate of the fort was brought down and fierce fights erupted. The
inmates consigned their women, children and property to the
flames (zan wa farzand wa mal khud ra atish zada ba-sokhtand)
and, then performed the rite of mass self-immolation (jauhar).
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 377

Those who claimed to be Muslim did not lag behind; they slashed
the heads of their women and children as if they were goats.
Hindus and Muslims showed exemplary unity and determined to
fight to the last man. It was estimated that 10,000 defenders were
killed, leaving behind mountains of corpses and rivers of blood.
Buildings and houses were burnt to ashes or razed to the ground.15
The magnitude of bloodshed and destruction was unprecedented.
Leaving Bhatner on 14 November 1398, Timur entered south-
eastern Panjab and spent nearly one month in this region. He
raided small places, killed or captured the inhabitants and looted
their goods, particularly grain. When he reached the town of
Sarsuti the people, who reared pigs for their livelihood, fled away
in panic. Many of them were chased and killed, while their horses
and goods were captured. Timur covered a distance of 18 kos and
reached Fatehabad. As people took to flight, they were pursued.
Many of them were deprived of their lives as well as property. On
18 November 1398, Timur targeted Ahroni where the inhabitants
were subjected to death or captivity. A large quantity of grain was
looted and houses were set on fire, leaving behind heaps of ashes.
Thereafter, Timur encamped at the plain of Tohana. The inhab-
itants, who were Rajputs and engaged in highway robbery, fled
to the neighbouring jungles. In the ensuing military operations,
200 fugitives were killed, many were captured and their cattle
were taken away. On 20 November 1398 Timur left Tohana and,
passing through Mung, moved northwards to Samana. The invad-
ers penetrated the jungles and killed nearly 2,000 Jats who had
concealed themselves. The families of the victims were captured,
while their cattle and goods were plundered. A group of Syeds,
who presented themselves before Timur, were honoured as the
descendants of Prophet Muhammad. The invaders proceeded
to the town of Samana which was situated near the Ghaggar. On
23 November 1398 Timur left Samana and, passing through Pul
Kopla and Fol Bakran, arrived at Kaithal after covering a distance
of 17 kos. During this march, three different armed divisions – one
each from Kabula, Dipalpur and Tohana – merged with the main
force.16
Travelling through Asandi and Tughluqpur, Timur reached
378 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Panipat on 5 December 1398. A majority of people, who inhabited

the tract from Samana to Panipat, burnt their houses and rushed
southwards to take shelter in Delhi. The invaders confiscated
a huge stock of 10,000 maunds (160,000 man sharai) of wheat,
which had been stored in the fort of Panipat. On 8 December
1398, Timur’s right wing attacked the palace of Jahanuma, which
had been constructed by Firoz Shah Tughluq on a hill near the
Jamuna about 2 farsakh from Delhi. Two days later, Timur crossed
the Jamuna and encamped at the fort of Loni, which was situated
between two rivers, the Jamuna and Haikan. He overcame a feeble
resistance from the local garrison and, having dug trenches for
gaining access, occupied the fort. Inside the citadel, the Hindus
burnt their houses along with women and children. The lives of
the Muslims, particularly the Syeds, were spared, but the fort was
consigned to the flames. Timur spent the next two days in identify-
ing an appropriate spot for crossing the Jamuna and a suitable site
for the impending battle against the Delhi army, besides collect-
ing adequate quantity of grain for his forces. In two brief military
encounters near Jahanuma and the Jamuna on 12 December 1398,
the commanders of Timur forced Mallu Iqbal Khan (who led a
detachment of 4,000 cavalry, 5,000 infantry and 27 elephants) to
retreat into Delhi. Timur established himself at the fort of Loni
and issued instructions regarding the placement of his troops and
methods of repulsing his opponents. It was feared that nearly one
lakh people, who had been captured during Timur’s march from
the Indus to the Jamuna and who were present in his military
camp, could shift their loyalty to the Delhi Sultanate. In accord-
ance with his orders, these people were massacred in cold blood.
One-tenth of his soldiers were placed in guard over the captured
women, children and animals.17
Timur crossed the Jamuna on 16 December 1398 and, choosing
Firozabad as the site of his camp, made elaborate arrangements
for its protection. A trench was dug and the earth was used to
construct an embankment. Behind it a wall was raised with the
help of palisades and branches of trees. In front of the trench
stood a row of buffaloes, their necks and feet tied together. Tents
were fixed behind the fortified wall. Having ensured the protec-
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 379

tion of his army, Timur placed his soldiers in battle array and took
his position in the centre. On the other side, a similar exercise
was undertaken by Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud and Mallu Iqbal
Khan, who had mustered 10,000 cavalry, 40,000 infantry and 125
elephants. The elephants were armed with several weapons of
offence.18 Poisoned knives were fastened to their trunks. On the
back of each elephant was placed a wooden structure (pushtah)
which protected an archer (navak) and wheel handler (charkh
andaz). On the side of each elephant walked a rocket man (takhsh-
dar) and a grenadier (raad andaz). The towering presence of a
large number of armoured elephants caused a wave of consterna-
tion among Timur’s soldiers. He took immediate steps against any
onslaught of the elephants. A second fortification – comprising
pillars, trenches and buffaloes with their necks and feet shackled
with hides – was raised. The footmen were provided with large
iron nails, which could be thrown on the ground to block the
advancing elephants. At the onset of hostilities, Timur sent rein-
forcements to strengthen his advance guard and the right wing.
As a result, they ambushed the adversaries in a manner that nearly
600 of them were killed. Targeting the elephant corps, they pulled
down the drivers (mahouts) from their tall seats and forced the
black giants to flee like oxen. Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud and
Mallu Iqbal Khan, fearing an imminent defeat, withdrew into the
city and closed the gates. Since a recovery of the military fortunes
was ruled out, they escaped at midnight through two differ-
ent gates, Hudrani and Barka. A detachment, which was sent to
pursue them, succeeded in capturing the two sons of Mallu Iqbal
Khan.19
The next day (19 December 1398), Timur held open court
near the gate of Jahanpanah and Hauz Khas. Prominent citizens
– including Syeds, mystics, theologians and government officers
– prayed for protection. Amidst a celebration of victory, Maulana
Nasiruddin Umar recited the sermon (khutba) in the name of
Timur. Clerical staff (batikchiyan diwan) prepared an account of
ransom and appointed collectors (muhasilan) to undertake the
collection. Timur permitted a group of his soldiers to enter the city
and collect provisions, while another was ordered to capture those
380 The Making of Medieval Panjab

who had escaped from the battlefield. The highhanded conduct

of these soldiers led to conflict and violence. Local inhabitants
began to offer resistance at Siri, Jahanpanah and old Delhi. Acting
out of desperation, many of them burnt their houses, property,
women and children. In violation of Timur’s orders, the remain-
ing segments of his army rushed into the city and let loose an orgy
of destruction that continued for two days. They inflicted cruel
atrocities in the above mentioned three localities. Every soldier
captured 20 to 150 persons. It was impossible to estimate the value
of plunder – precious stones, vessels of gold and silver, costly cloth
and Alai tankas. Thousands of artisans (ahl hirfat wa peshawaran)
who had been captured were handed over to princes and nobles.
Since Timur wished to construct a Jama Masjid of carved stones
at Samarqand, he set aside stone cutters (sangtarashan) who were
to be carried back to his capital. On the eve of his departure from
Delhi, Timur ordered the Muslim elite – Syeds, judges, clerics and
mystics – to assemble in the Jama Masjid of Jahanpanah, where
they were given an assurance of safety during the withdrawal of
his troops.20
After staying in Delhi for two weeks, Timur marched on 2 Jan-
uary 1399 north along the Jamuna and, passing through small
places – Firozabad, Wazirabad, Maudula, Katta, Baghpat and
Asar – turned east to Meerut. He deputed a detachment of 10,000
cavalry under Rustam Taghi Bugha, Shah Malik and Allah Dad
to capture the famous fort of Meerut. Three local commanders
– Ilyas Afghan, Safi and a son of Maulana Ahmad Thanesari –
made preparations to defend the fort. The invaders, on reaching
(6 January 1399) their destination, began digging trenches of 10
to 15 yards opposite the domes and towers. They gained access
to the interior of the fort by climbing over the ramparts by using
rope ladders (kamand). In the ensuing conflict, Ilyas Afghan and
son of Thanesari were captured, but Safi lost his life. In a flush of
victory, the invaders began to kill members of the garrison, while
the women and children were made captive. The boundary wall
was levelled to the ground and fire was ignited in the trenches
so that the entire structure could be burnt.21 Leaving Meerut on
10 January 1399, Timur covered a distance of 14 kos and crossed
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 381

the Ganga near Firozpur. Having marched 15 kos on his way to

Tughluqpur, he learnt that a group of people was advancing on
48 large boats. At Timur’s orders, his archers shot arrows at the
boats from the bank. Some soldiers swam through the river and,
climbing into the boats, slew the inmates and captured their
women and children.22
After the victory at Meerut, Timur appears to have divided his
vast army into smaller segments, each of which was sent to ravage
a particular settlement. In such a situation, it was not surprising
that Timur was required to fight three battles on a single day (14
January 1399). While proceeding towards Tughluqpur, Timur
learnt that a local administrator or chief Mubarak had mustered
10,000 horsemen and footmen with the intention of giving battle.
Timur, who at that time had just a small group of 1,000 troopers,
was fortunate to receive reinforcements from Prince Shahrukh.
The invaders acquired the upper hand, a large number of their
adversaries were either killed or fled into the jungles, while their
women and children were captured. The second battle of the day
was fought at Kopla (Haridwar),23 a sacred place of the Hindus
on the Ganga, where a large number of people had congregated.
A small detachment of Timur’s army, which was led by Amir
Shah Malik and Ali Sultan Tawachi, defeated them and looted
their property. While a group of 100 troopers were engaged in
gathering the booty, a company of 100 horsemen and footmen fell
upon them like a suicide squad (fidaiyan). It was declared without
proper investigation (tahqeeq) that the leader of the attackers was
Shaikha Khokhar. On hearing this, a part of Timur’s troops left the
scene for the hills, providing an opportunity to Shaikha Khokhar
to kill some of his opponents. In a counter attack, Timur managed
to capture this man, but he died before answering any question
about his identity.24 From this place, Timur advanced towards the
pass of Kopla, where a large group of people had gathered to offer
resistance. The task of the invaders became hazardous, because
the short path of 2 kos lay through a impenetrable jungle and the
number of soldiers available was too small. The unexpected arrival
of a detachment under Pir Muhammad and Sulaiman Shah, which
had been dispatched to a distant place three days ago, enabled
382 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Timur to overpower and plunder the adversaries. Besides these

three battles in which Timur himself participated, a successful
raid was conducted at the pass of Kopla to deprive a prosperous
people of their wealth and cattle.25
Having decided on marching back to Samarqand, Timur with-
drew on 15 January 1399 from the Ganga and turned towards the
Siwaliks. His object was to target the principality of Rai Bahroz,
who relied on the strength of the mountain and the large size of
his retinue. Timur did not meet much resistance and succeeded
in collecting a considerable amount of wealth. He ordered his
soldiers, who had acquired 300 or 400 cows, to share these with
their weaker brethren. As a result, all categories of troops were
able to benefit from the campaign. Since the army was loaded with
excessive booty, it could not cover a distance of more than 4 kos
on any single day.26 Travelling through little known villages Timur
crossed the Jamuna and thus entered another part of the Siwaliks
on 23 January 1399. The local ruler, Rai Rattan, was reported to
have mustered a big contingent of soldiers, many of whom had
arrived from other places to join him and had taken shelter in
the hills and jungles. Timur’s forces exerted themselves during
the night and, working under the light of burning torches, cut
the trees and made a 12 kos long passage. On 24 January 1399,
they reached a valley between the Siwaliks and Koka ranges,
where Rai Rattan had organized his men in battle formation. On
the arrival of the invaders, the local contingent took to flight. In
the ensuing pursuit, many of them were killed. A huge amount
of wealth fell into the hands of the victors, so that each soldier
acquired 100 to 200 cows and 10 to 20 slaves. At the orders of
Timur, Pir Muhammad and Jahan Shah raided two different
passes and returned with sizeable amount of spoils.27 Soon after
on 25 January 1399 Timur advanced to a pass between two hills
15 farsakh this side of Nagarkot. The area was covered with a thick
forest. The invaders, who were motivated by the prospect of plun-
der, did not hesitate to penetrate it. Timur chose two detachments
who had not acquired much booty in the previous campaigns. He
deputed them to attack two different targets where a large number
of local inhabitants had gathered. The invaders encircled them
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 383

and, having slain several of them and making the rest flee, brought
back a rich catch of valuables. Though every soldier collected as
much booty as he could, a special effort was made to ensure that
the Syeds got their due share of the loot.28
During the next one month (25 January to 23 February 1399),
Timur’s army appeared between two mountain ranges – Siwaliks
and Koka – and fought as many as twenty battles before reaching
Jammu. During this period, Timur occupied seven forts, each of
which was quite strong. These forts were separated by a distance of
1 or 2 farsakhs. But these were under the control of political mas-
ters who were opposed to each other. A majority of inhabitants
of these places paid tribute (jaziya) to the previous Sultans, but
they had stopped this payment in recent times. One of these forts
belonged to Shaikha Khokhar, but it was in the possession of his
kinsmen. The inhabitants, who mediated through a group of local
Muslims, offered their submission. At this juncture, Timur sent
an officer to receive the ransom. This man induced the inhabit-
ants to bring out their valuables which were sold, so that they were
left with little of consequence. Not only this, as many as forty of
them were ordered to join the retinue of Shah Khazin, apparently
the officer who had been sent to receive the ransom. A conflict
erupted between the two sides, culminating in the death of a few
invaders. In an elaborate act of revenge, Timur’s soldiers not only
occupied the fort, but also killed 2,000 people.29
As Timur’s army approached the town of Jammu, it passed
through the village of Mansar and camped on 23 February 1399
at Paila, whose inhabitants were known for their bravery and had
made vigorous preparations for a military showdown. Having
fortified their position in the jungle, they had constructed some
temporary sheds (chappar-ha dar kinara jangal tarteeb karda) at
the edge of the wilderness. On the arrival of Timur on the scene,
they fled from the village and took refuge in the wasteland. A
group of invaders destroyed the structures and, standing guard in
front of the jungle, enabled the main force to march into the town
of Jammu.30 Timur’s army attacked a village that was situated in
the foothills. The residents burnt their houses and took to flight,
while the invaders laid their hands on a large quantity of grain.
384 The Making of Medieval Panjab

A similar attack was made on two neighbouring villages, which

yielded grain as well as goods.31
When Timur reached the outskirts of Jammu, it was found that
the cultivated fields were spread upto an expanse of 4 farsakhs,
so that a sufficient quantity of fodder was acquired for the royal
stables. Timur’s army forded the Tawi on 27 February 1399 and
found that the town itself lay on the foothills on the left, while
the village of Mannu stood on the right. Any access into the inte-
rior was rendered difficult by a combination of mountains and
jungles. The Rai had taken up a strong position on a hill and was
inclined to put up a fight with the help of his retinue. In view of the
impending military contest, the inhabitants had sent their women
and children to the safety of the thickly wooded hills. Timur sent
a body of soldiers into the forest, where they could ambush the
unsuspecting opponents. Another party ravaged the village of
Mannu and, having collected provisions and fodder, returned to
Jammu. The next day (28 February), Timur covered a distance of
4 kos and set up his camp on the bank of the Chenab. The retain-
ers of the Rai felt that invaders had retreated from the jungle and,
giving up caution, emerged from their fortifications. Within no
time, they were ambushed and decimated. Daulat Timur Tawachi
and Husain Malik Quchin captured 50 persons including the
Rai. They were brought before Timur who ordered them to be
put to death. But the life of the Rai, who had been wounded in
the encounter, was spared. In fact, he was provided with medical
treatment, so that a ransom could be settled through negotiations.
Acting under fear, the Rai converted to Islam and, in his anxiety
to display his commitment to the new creed, partook of beef along
with the Muslims.32
As Timur prepared to leave the principality of Jammu, he learnt
that his commanders had achieved a major success at Lahore.
They had occupied the city, extracted a ransom and even captured
Shaikha Khokhar. It may be recalled that the Khokhar chief, being
faced with the enmity of Sarang Khan, had submitted to Timur
during the latter’s entry into Panjab. Having secured the permis-
sion to travel with the royal entourage as a guide, he conducted
himself in a manner that his clout grew with every passing day.
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 385

Wherever the local inhabitants declared their subordination to

Shaikha Khokhar, they were given immunity from captivity and
plunder. However, Shaikha Khokhar lost the goodwill of Timur
on account of two controversial acts. First, he had been permit-
ted to leave the royal camp from the Ganga-Jamuna Doab, as he
promised to join Timur’s army at the Beas. But he failed to keep his
promise. Second, he did not pay any attention to a group of visitors
from Mawra ul-Nahr comprising Maulana Abdullah Sadr, Hindu
Shah Khazin and other eminent persons.33 In these circumstances,
Timur ordered that he be arrested along with his family and that
his principality be ravaged. Having settled the matter regarding
Shaikh Khokhar, Timur crossed the Chenab on 3 March 1399 and
encamped at the edge of a forest. Since the locality possessed rich
hunting grounds, he engaged himself in hunting a great variety of
animals and birds. At the same time, he was joined by a number
of princes and nobles, who arrived from different directions along
with their contingents and presented large quantities of plundered
goods. He appreciated their services during the year long military
expedition and rewarded them with robes of honour (khilats) and
gifts. At this moment, the Indian elite – nobles and Syeds – who
had joined the royal camp at different points of time, were per-
mitted to return with all marks of respect. Khizr Khan, who had
transferred his allegiance to Timur, was treated with favour and
given the districts (wilayat) of Multan and Dipalpur. Thereafter,
Timur resumed his return journey on 7 March 1399 and, travel-
ling through Koh-i Jud and Chaul-i Jalali, crossed the Indus by a
bridge that was specially constructed for the purpose on 12 March
1399.33 After the retreat of Timur, the suburbs of Delhi and all
places ravaged by the invaders suffered from plague and famine
(waba wa qehat). Many people died due to sickness, while many
others died due to hunger. For many months, Delhi presented a
scene of desolation and misery.35

Political Developments after Timur

After the retreat of Timur, Mallu Iqbal Khan began to enjoy
unbridled power in Delhi as Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud was
386 The Making of Medieval Panjab

unable to assert himself beyond the city of Kanauj and Nusrat

Shah had died. In fact, the stage was set for a conflict between
Mallu Iqbal Khan and Khizr Khan, with Panjab as the bone of
contention. The former, after achieving a limted success against
the chiefs of Doab and Gwalior, turned his attention towards
Panjab. His aim was to punish the governor of Samana, Bahram
Khan Turkbacha, who was a partisan of Khizr Khan and therefore
hostile towards Mallu Iqbal Khan. Bahram Khan Turkbacha fled
to the mountains of Harnor, while Mallu Iqbal Khan encamped in
the neighbouring town of Arubar. Shaikh Ilmuddin, the grandson
of Shaikh Jalaluddin Bokhari of Uch, made peace between them, so
that they joined in a meeting. Mallu Iqbal Khan marched towards
Multan and, on reaching Talwandi, imprisoned not only Bahram
Khan Turkbacha, but also a number of local chiefs including Rai
Daud, Rai Kamaluddin Muin and Rai Hinu, the son of Rai Juljain
Bhatti. Soon after, he got Bahram Khan Turkbacha flayed alive
and carried the others as prisoners. When he reached the bank
of Dahinda near Ajodhan, Khizr Khan opposed him with a large
army. In a battle fought on 12 November 1405, Mallu Iqbal Khan
was defeated in the first charge. He made a desperate attempt to
escape, but his wounded horse got stuck in the mire. His pursuers
fell upon him and lost no time in killing him. His severed head was
sent to Khizr Khan, who sent it to his headquarters at Fatehpur.36
Though a major hurdle in the path of Khizr Khan was removed,
yet he continued to face opposition from the Delhi regime. Sultan
Nasiruddin Mahmud, who was caught between the expansionist
designs of the rulers of Jaunpur and Gujarat, felt threatened by the
rising power of Khizr Khan in Panjab. He sent Daulat Khan to fight
against Bairam Khan Turkbacha, who had replaced Bahram Khan
Turkbacha in Samana and who was an ardent supporter of Khizr
Khan. In a battle on 22 December 1406, fought at a distance of
2 kurohs from Samana, Bairam Khan Turkbacha was defeated and
withdrew to Sirhind. Khizr Khan, on learning about the reverse
suffered by his ally, marched against Daulat Khan at the head of a
big force. As soon as he reached Fatehabad, Daulat Khan retreated
across the Jamuna to the Doab. In another setback, a number of
his officers transferred their loyalty to Khizr Khan. What was
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 387

more significant, Khizr Khan redistributed the iqtas among his

own partisans: Sirhind and a few parganahs were assigned to
Bairam Khan Turkbacha, Samana and Sunam were placed under
Zirak Khan and Hissar Firoza was entrusted to Qiwam Khan.
Khizr Khan, by usurping what was essentially a privilege of the
Sultan, had established his sovereign status in Panjab and began
to perpetuate it with all the resources at his command. For exam-
ple, when Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud took Hissar Firuza on
December 1408 from the hands of Qiwam Khan, Khizr Khan was
so incensed that he retaliated by besieging the Sultan in Siri and
Ikhtiyar Khan in Firozabad. It was true that Khizr Khan did not
press the siege and withdrew to Fatehpur, he took suitable lessons
from this action and applied them during the next half a decade.
During this period, he occupied Rohtak after a siege of six months
and, marching into Mewat, ravaged such places as Tijara, Sarhath,
Kharol and others. He secured the submission of Ikhtiyar Khan,
who held the fort of Firozabad. He also succeeded in making ter-
ritorial gains in the Doab as well as the environs of Delhi. After
the death of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud in October 1412, he
consolidated his control over his new possessions during the next
eighteenth months. He besieged the new ruler Daulat Khan in the
fort of Siri for four months and, after securing his surrender, sent
him to Hissar Firoza in the custody of Qiwam Khan. As a result,
he occupied Delhi on 6 June 1414 and thus inaugurated the rule
of the Syed dynasty.37
Khizr Khan,38 who was familiar with the ground realities in
Panjab, took effective measures to establish order in different
parts of the region. Early in his reign, he appointed Malik Abdul
Rahim (an adopted son of the late Malik Sulaiman) to the iqtas of
Multan and Fatehpur. In 1416 he placed under Prince Mubarak
the districts of Firozpur, Sirhind and the iqtas held by the late
Bairam Khan Turkbacha. The task of administration was assigned
to the prince’s deputy Sadhu Nadira who was posted at Sirhind
and Zirak Khan who was serving as the amir of Samana. The kins-
men of the late Bairam Khan Turkbacha, who treated Sirhind as
their patrimonial fief, killed Sadhu Nadira and took forcible pos-
session of the district. The Sultan deputed Zirak Khan and Daud
388 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Khan to punish the miscreants. The Turkbachas, instead of offer-

ing resistance, fled across the Satluj and took shelter in the hills.
Zirak Khan chased the rebels for two months, but discontinued
the pursuit as the hills were found impregnable. After a gap of
one year, Tughan Rais Turkbacha and some other Turkbachas,
who had earlier killed Sadhu Nadira, again raised the standard of
revolt. On this occasion, they besieged Kamal Badhan, who held
the charge of Sirhind on behalf of Prince Mubarak. Zirak Khan,
the amir of Samana, was again deputed to suppress the insurrec-
tion. As soon as he reached Samana, the rebels raised the siege of
Sirhind and retreated into the hills. Zirak Khan chased them up to
Pail and forced Tughan Rais Turkbacha to accept three conditions
– to pay a fine, to expel from his camp those Turkbachas who had
killed Sadhu Nadira, and to surrender his son as hostage. Zirak
Khan returned to Samana after sending the money and hostage to
Daud Khan.39
There was no respite, however, for the officers who had been
posted in the various iqtas of Panjab. In early 1419, the scene of
rebellion shifted from cis-Satluj tract to the foothills of Hoshiarpur.
A man, who gave himself out as Sarang Khan, started rebellious
activities at Bajwara, which was a dependency of Jalandhar. A
number of people, who did not care to verify his real identity,
joined his bandwagon. Sultan Shah Lodi, who had been assigned
the iqta of Sirhind, was dispatched to deal with the fresh problem.
As Sarang Khan and his rustic followers emerged from Bajwara
and advanced towards the Satluj, the inhabitants of Ropar joined
the rebels. In a military engagement at Sirhind, Sultan Shah Lodi
worsted Sarang Khan who retreated to Lahori, one of the depend-
encies of Sirhind. Though Sarang Khan had lost the battle, yet his
appearance caused much confusion within the ruling class. It was
not surprising that Khwaja Ali Andrabi, the amir of Chhat, had a
meeting with Sarang Khan along with his followers and threw his
lot with the rebel. This was a signal for pro-Khizr Khan elements
to close their ranks. Zirak Khan, the amir of Samana, and Tughan
Rais Turkbacha, the amir of Jalandhar, began to cooperate with
Sultan Shah Lodi. As the combined force approached Sirhind,
Sarang Khan took to flight and turned towards Ropar. Khwaja
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 389

Ali Andrabi deserted Sarang Khan and joined the detachment

of Zirak Khan. The loyalists rushed in pursuit of Sarang Khan,
who disappeared into the hills. The victorious army encamped at
Ropar, where it was reinforced by fresh troops under Khairuddin
Khani. This large army marched into the hills in order to appre-
hend Sarang Khan, but the pursuit was given up owing to the
obstacles posed by a difficult terrain. Sultan Shah Lodi established
himself at the head of a military outpost (thana) at Ropar, while
Zirak Khan returned to Samana and Khairuddin Khani to Delhi.40
Sarang Khan, who could not be brought to obedience in spite
of a relentless military onslaught, met his end (1420) in dramatic
circumstances. He fell into a trap laid by Tughan Rais Turkbacha,
the amir of Jalandhar, and was murdered in a treacherous man-
ner. Tughan Rais Turkbacha thus performed a crucial service for
the Delhi Sultanate, but he himself revolted a second time.41 He
besieged the fort of Sirhind and ravaged (1420) the area lying
between Mansurpur and Pail. Once again Khairuddin Khani and
Zirak Khan were deputed to suppress the rebellion. Tughan Rais
Turkbacha crossed the Satluj near Ludhiana, as the waters were
at low ebb, but he was shocked to find himself facing the impe-
rialists. Having met with reverses in a sharp encounter, he fled
from the battlefield and rushed towards the territory of Jasrath
Khokhar. The iqta of Jalandhar, which was held by the fugitive,
was transferred to Zirak Khan, while Khairuddin Khani returned
to Delhi.42

Rebellion of Jasrath Khokhar

Jasrath Khokhar, the son of Shaikha Khokhar, played a dominant
role in Panjab for nearly two decades (1421-42). Several times,
he descended from his mountainous stronghold beyond Sialkot
and ravaged the plains of Panjab. In the process, he targeted the
senior officers who held iqtas in different districts as well as the
local chiefs who collaborated with them. As a result, he emerged
as the most potent threat to the existence of the Delhi Sultanate.
Long before a more active phase of his political career, he had
made a brief appearance on the political stage of Panjab and had
390 The Making of Medieval Panjab

given adequate proof of his ambition and ability. He confronted

Timur’s army between Tulamba and Dipalpur, while the invader
was marching through southwestern Panjab. In spite of a defeat in
battle, he assisted his father in occupying Lahore. He was carried
as a prisoner to Samarqand, while his father was put to death.
Showing remarkable resilience and extraordinary courage, he
escaped from the prison and returned to assume the leadership
of the Khokhars. He began to assess the political situation in
Panjab and initiated clever moves to widen his political space.
First, he provided support to Tughan Rais Turkbacha (the amir of
Jalandhar) who had twice revolted against the Syed ruler of Delhi
and had given anxious moments to the pro-Delhi officers. Second,
he intervened (1420) in a succession dispute in Kashmir and
assisted Shahi Khan to replace his brother Ali Shah on the throne.
Not only this, he imprisoned Ali Shah and plundered his baggage,
while he was returning from a visit to Thatta along with a large
entourage. Seen as a short sighted rustic who showed symptoms
of intoxication and foolhardiness, Jasrath Khokhar was believed
to be cherishing visions of conquering Delhi.43
Hearing the news of Khizr Khan’s death, Jasrath Khokhar
mustered columns of cavalry and infantry. Crossing the Beas and
Satluj, he overran Talwandi Rai Kamaluddin Muin and forced Rai
Firoz Muin (governor of Ludhiana) to flee towards the desert.44
He ravaged the tract from Ropar to Ludhiana along the Satluj.
After a few days, he returned back across the Satluj and besieged
Zirak Khan in the fort of Jalandhar. Having set up camp on the
bank of the Bein at a distance of 3 kurohs from Jalandhar, he
started negotiations for peace. At length, it was settled that the fort
of Jalandhar would be surrendered to Tughan Rais Turkbacha,
that Zirak Khan would bring Turkbacha’s son to Delhi and that
Jasrath Khokhar would send a tribute to Delhi. In accordance with
these terms, Zirak Khan emerged out of the fort of Jalandhar on
4 June 1421. But Jasrath Khokhar violated the agreement and car-
ried Zirak Khan as a prisoner to Ludhiana. He followed up this
action by besieging Sultan Shah Lodi in the fort of Sirhind, but
failed to capture it. The new Sultan, in response to Lodi’s request
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 391

for assistance, left Delhi and, in spite of the monsoons, marched

towards Sirhind. On hearing this, Jasrath Khokhar raised the siege
of Sirhind and, having released Zirak Khan, advanced towards
Ludhiana. He forded the Satluj and appeared before the impe-
rial army. He secured all the boats on the bank, so as to block
the movement of the opponents across the river. The two sides
engaged in armed skirmishes for forty days, even while remaining
entrenched in their respective positions.45
With the retreat of the monsoon, the Sultan marched along the
Satluj towards Qabulpur, so that he could match the movement of
the force on the other side. On 9 October 1421, the Sultan ordered
the leading nobles – Zirak Khan, Sikandar Tohfa, Mahmud
Hasan, Malik Kalu and others – to cross the Satluj at Ropar along
with strong reinforcements and six elephants. The command-
ers forded the river, while the Sultan followed suit on the same
day. The sudden appearance of this large army unnerved Jasrath
Khokhar, who fell back on Jalandhar and crossed the Beas. During
the course of this hasty retreat, several of his followers were killed
and a large part of his baggage was captured. Rushing back across
the Ravi and Chenab, he withdrew to his mountainous retreat at
Tilhar. On his part, the Sultan marched in hot pursuit and, travel-
ling along the foothills of Panjab, crossed the Beas and Ravi. He
also received the submission of Rai Bhim, the chief of Jammu,
who volunteered to act as a guide for the imperial troops in their
westward march. In fact, Rai Bhim led the assault on Tilhar dur-
ing which the fort was demolished and many defenders were
captured. Laden with booty, the Sultan returned to Lahore. It was
found that the city had suffered immense damage in recent times.
It had been deserted by its inhabitants, while it had become the
abode of inauspicious owls. The Sultan encamped at the bank of
the Ravi for nearly a month and oversaw the restoration of the
city, which was renamed as Mubarakabad. The fort and gates were
repaired, while several buildings were reconstructed. A number
of original inhabitants returned to the city and settled in their
old houses. The iqta of Lahore was assigned to Malik ush-Sharq
Mahmud Hasan, who was placed over a contingent of 2,000 horse-
392 The Making of Medieval Panjab

men. Appropriate arrangements were made for the maintenance

of the fort and army.46 Similar steps had been taken by Ghiasuddin
Balban for the rehabilitation of the city of Lahore 150 years earlier.
The above military and administrative measures failed to under-
mine the spirit of Jasrath Khokhar. Within three months, he
returned at the head of a large body of cavalry and infantry,
besides some zamindars. After crossing the Chenab and Ravi, he
encamped near the tomb of Shaikh Husain Zanjani. During the
next five weeks, he led numerous attacks on a mud fort (hissar
kham) which became the scene of a prolonged military conflict.
Since he did not intend to lay a siege, he remained content with
petty skirmishes with the royalists and destruction of the neigh-
bouring places. Failing to make a substantial headway in Lahore,
he marched to the fort of Kalanaur, where Rai Bhim of Jammu had
arrived to assist the royalists. There was some fighting between
the two sides, but there was no decisive result. Jasrath Khokhar
retreated to the Beas in order to mobilize his Khokhar tribesmen.
Sikandar Tohfa, who had arrived from Delhi at the head of a large
force, crossed the Beas at Buhi and advanced to join Mahmud
Hasan near Lahore. Several prominent men – Malik Rajab, the
amir of Dipalpur, Sultan Shah Lodi, the amir of Sirhind, Rai Firoz
Muin and some zamindars – also joined Sikandar Tohfa. The
combined troops proceeded along the Ravi and, crossing the river
between Kalanaur and Bhoh, reached the frontiers of Jammu,
where they were joined by Raja Bhim. This strong army defeated
a group of Khokhars at the bank of the Chenab and, without try-
ing to pursue their chief, returned to Lahore. Since the Sultan was
dissatisfied with the conduct of senior officers, he made a number
of transfers. Sikandar Tohfa was appointed to administer the city
of Lahore, with instructions to garrison the fort with an armed
retinue. Mahmud Hasan was assigned the iqta of Jalandhar and, in
view of his experience at Lahore, was directed to serve under the
new governor of the city. For unknown reasons, Sikandar Tohfa
was soon replaced by Malik ush-Sharq Sarwar ul-Mulk as the gov-
ernor (shahna) of the city. The new officer was succeeded by his
son in the same position.47
Jasrath Khokhar appeared to have felt humiliated at his failure
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 393

to make any political gains in Panjab. He looked for an opportu-

nity to retrieve his honour and to assert his power in the region.
In 1423, he attacked the neighbouring principality of Jammu
and killed his arch enemy Rai Bhim, who had been actively col-
laborating with Panjab officers in the campaign against him. He
also acquired a large booty, which included horses and weapons.
Encouraged by this success, he joined hands with Shaikh Ali of
Kabul and ravaged the districts of Lahore and Dipalpur. Sikandar
Tohfa marched out of Lahore with the intention of crushing
Jasrath Khokhar, but retreated from the Chenab without achiev-
ing anything. The neighbouring governor Mahmud Hasan (who
held the extensive districts of Multan, Bhakkar and Siwistan) fared
somewhat better. Shaikh Ali, who had descended from Kabul
with the object of attacking upper Sind, posed a serious threat to
the security of Multan. Mahmud Hasan undertook the renova-
tion of the fort of Multan and won over the local inhabitants by
distributing rewards, pensions and allowances (inam wa idrar
wa mawajib). Owing to the restoration of order and confidence,
Shaikh Ali thought it prudent to retreat without any contest.48
Jasrath Khokhar did not rebel during the next five years
(1423-8). Apparently he was engaged in consolidating his position
in his own tribal domain and in garnering fresh military resources.
In the middle of 1428, he emerged from Tilhar and, bypassing
Lahore, laid siege to Kalanaur. Sikandar Tohfa, the amir of Lahore,
marched to Kalanaur for providing relief to the besieged. Jasrath
Khokhar retreated from Kalanaur and, in an encounter with his
adversary, came out victorious. As Sikandar Tohfa fell back on
Lahore, Jasrath Khokhar crossed the Beas near Jalandhar and
sacked the place. Since he was unable to occupy the impregnable
fort of Jalandhar, he captured some local people and withdrew to
Kalanaur. When the Sultan was apprised of the latest round of
the rebellion, he deputed Zirak Khan, the amir of Samana, and
Islam Khan, the amir of Sirhind to proceed with their respective
contingents to Lahore and assist Sikandar Tohfa. Before these
reinforcements could reach their destination, Sikandar Tohfa had
advanced to Kalanaur and, uniting his forces with the horsemen
and footmen of local chief Rai Ghalib Kalanauri, rushed in pursuit
394 The Making of Medieval Panjab

of the rebel. Jasrath Khokhar drew up his forces near Kangra on

the bank of the Beas. In the ensuing battle, his retinue faced defeat
and destruction. Leaving behind the spoils that he had secured at
Jalandhar, he retreated to his stronghold at Tilhar.49 Meanwhile,
Mahmud Hasan, whose iqta of Multan had been transferred to
Rajab Nadir in 1427, was compensated with the iqta of Hissar
Firoza. In view of his distinguished services in Biana as well as
his past record against Jasrath Khokhar and Shaikh Ali in Panjab,
Mahmud Hasan was conferred the iqta of Multan along with the
title of Imad ul-Mulk in 1429. Since his presence in Panjab was
regarded as indispensable, two large iqtas, Multan and Hissar
Firoza, were placed under his charge.50
The span of four years (1430-3) turned out to be critical for the
Delhi Sultanate because diverse anti-state elements – disaffected
officers, local chiefs and foreign invaders, i.e. Faulad Turkbacha,
Jasrath Khokhar and Shaikh Ali – became active at the same time
and even joined hands with one another. The trouble started with
the death of Syed Salim (March 1430), a senior noble who held
extensive iqtas in Bathinda, Doab, Sarsuti and Amroha. He was
reputed to have accumulated a huge amount of money and com-
modities in the fort of Bathinda. The Sultan, in accordance with
the current practice, distributed the iqtas of Syed Salim between
his two sons who were present in the court. Faulad Turkbacha, a
slave of Syed Salim, raised the standard of revolt in Bathinda at
the instigation of his master’s sons. The Sultan, having placed the
instigators in prison, deputed Malik Yusuf Sarwar and Rai Hinu
Bhatti to win over the rebel and to confiscate the wealth piled up by
Syed Salim. Faulad Turkbacha trapped the two officers in a round
of negotiations but, acting with cunning and perfidy, emerged out
of the fort and fell upon them. Malik Yusuf Sarwar and Rai Hinu
Bhatti were forced to flee towards Sarsuti, while their baggage and
cash fell into the hands of the rebel.
The Sultan set out from Delhi and, covering the distance in
a prolonged march, reached Sarsuti where he was joined by the
leading nobles. Faulad Turkbacha entrenched himself in the fort
of Bathinda and made preparations for standing a long siege.
A number of Panjab officers Zirak Khan, Islam Khan, Kamal
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 395

Khan, and Malik Kalu, the superintendent of elephants (shahna-i

feel) besieged the citadel. Mahmud Hasan, the amir of Multan,
arrived on the scene to advise the besiegers on technical matters in
August 1430. Faulad Turkbacha expressed his willingness to meet
Mahmud Hasan and negotiate the terms of his surrender. In an
interview held at the gate of the fort, the two sides arrived at an
agreement, which stipulated that Faulad Turkbacha would relin-
quish the fort and offer submission to the Sultan. Since Faulad
Turkbacha suspected the designs of Mahmud Hasan, he changed
his mind and determined to continue the resistance. The Sultan
returned to Delhi and Mahmud Hasan left for Multan, while the
Panjab officers carried on the siege. Mahmud Hasan returned to
Bathinda and, providing suitable instructions to the commanders,
pressed the siege to an extent that no living being could leave the
fort. Satisfied at the progress of military operations, he returned to
Multan after successive marches.51
That Faulad Turkbacha resisted the siege for six months under-
scored the strength of his military resources and exposed the
weakness of the Delhi Sultanate. He could go to any extent to
undermine the position of his employers. He sent his ambassa-
dors to Shaikh Ali, the ruler of Kabul, and sought his assistance
in return for 2 lakh silver tankas. Shaikh Ali, who had failed to
make any gains during his incursion eight years earlier, accepted
the offer and arrived at the Jhelam in February 1431. It was sig-
nificant that a number of Khokhar notables (who were probably
related to Jasrath Khokhar) – Ainuddin, Abul Khair and Khajeka
– jumped into the fray. Having mustered a big retinue of men
from Seor and Salwant, they joined hands with the invaders and
began to serve as their guides. Shaikh Ali advanced along the Beas
and, passing through the town of Qasur, crossed the river at Buhi.
He ravaged the territory of Rai Firoz Muin, forcing him to leave
Bathinda without the permission of the other nobles (baghair
ijazat umra-i deegar), with the object of bringing in more retain-
ers.52 This action demoralized the commander supervising the
siege. As soon as Shaikh Ali arrived within 10 kurohs of Bathinda,
they raised the siege and retired to their homes. Faulad Turkbacha
came out of the fort and, during a meeting with Shaikh Ali, paid
396 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the stipulated amount of 2 lakh tankas. But the invader was not
satisfied. Carrying the women and children of Faulad Turkbacha
as hostage, he plundered a substantial part of the territories
(wilayat) of Rai Firoz Muin. He crossed the Satluj near the town of
Tirhana and captured the inhabitants of the tract extending from
Jalandhar to Jaran Manjhur. In March 1431, he crossed the Beas
and reached Lahore, where Sikandar Tohfa offered the custom-
ary annual tribute (khidami keh har sal mi dad). Still the invader
did not retrace his steps to Kabul. Instead, he marched through
Qasur and reached Tilwara, which stood opposite to the famous
city (shahr mashhur) of Dipalpur. He encamped at this place for
twenty days and kept on plundering the countryside.53
Mahmud Hasan (now referred to as Malik ush-Sharq Imad ul-
Mulk), who had been serving as the muqti of Multan, decided to
confront the invader, particularly after learning the devastation
of the territory of Rai Firoz Muin and the iqta of Jalandhar. He
advanced to Tulamba with the intention of giving battle to Shaikh
Ali. Since he was instructed by the Sultan to avoid a military encoun-
ter, he returned on 7 May 1431 for the defence of Multan. Shaikh
Ali proceeded along the Ravi and passed through Tulamba and
Khatibpur. Thereafter, he advanced towards Multan, now largely
desolate on account of the drying up of the Ravi (beshtar vilayat
Multan ba-sabab-i khushki-i Ravi kharab bud), he destroyed the
habitations on both sides of the Jhelam and arrived at a distance of
ten kurohs from Multan. Mahmud Hasan dispatched Sultan Shah
Lodi (an uncle of Bahlol Lodi) as advance guard to assess the situ-
ation. In an encounter with the enemy, he was killed along with
several companions, while the others retired to Multan. On 15
May 1431, Shaikh Ali occupied Khusrauabad and, mustering all
troops for a decisive battle, penetrated as far as the prayer ground
(namazgah) in Multan. Mahmud Hasan failed to give an adequate
response to the threat. Some of his foot soldiers, who were ordered
to move forward, suffered from fatigue and failed to return to the
fort, being induced to retire to Khusrauabad. Not only this, his
soldiers forcibly carried away cattle and grain from the people of
the locality and from those living on the banks of the Jhelam. On
6 and 8 June 1431, Shaikh Ali led two assaults into the interior of
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 397

Multan. Mahmud Hasan and his troops, with the support of the
inhabitants of the city, rallied out with vigour and pushed back the
invaders with considerable losses.54
Hearing the news of these developments in western Panjab,
the Sultan sent a large reinforcement under Fateh Khan (the son
of Sultan Muzaffar of Gujarat), Zirak Khan, Malik Kalu, Islam
Khan, Kamal Khan, Yusuf Sarwar and Rai Juljain Bhatti. This
royal army reached the district (khitta) of Multan on 7 July 1431
and, after encamping for a week, advanced to the prayer ground
and tried to enter Kotla Ala ul-Mulk. When they faced the forces
of Shaikh Ali, the royalists positioned themselves in battle array
– Mahmud Hasan in the centre; Fateh Khan, Yusuf Sarwar and
Rai Hinu Bhatti on the right; Zirak Khan, Malik Kalu, Islam Khan
and Kamal Khan on the left. As soon as Shaikh Ali caught sight
of this impressive display of military power, he lost his nerve and
fled. His retreat was so hasty that it caused a stampede among his
troops. The royalists fell upon the fleeing horde and succeeded
in killing several commanders of Shaikh Ali, while the remnant
of his forces took shelter in the fortifications (hissar) which had
been raised round the baggage. When the royalists reached the
spot, the invaders could not put up any resistance and fell back
on the Jhelam. In a desperate attempt to save their lives, many
were drowned in the river and those who survived the calamity
were either killed or captured. Shaikh Ali and his nephew Amir
Muzaffar managed to retreat across the river with a small cavalry
unit to Seor, while their baggage and weapons fell into the hands
of their opponents. A disaster of this magnitude, in the eyes of
Sirhindi, had never struck any army on any previous occasion.
Mahmud Hasan and other nobles caught up on 14 July 1431 with
the fugitives at Seor and besieged the place. Shaikh Ali, who was
demoralized by the series of setbacks, took the road to Kabul with
a few adherents.55As the Sultan was dissatisfied with the handling
of Shaikh Ali, he replaced Mahmud Hasan by Khairuddin Khani
as the muqti of Multan. Sirhindi felt that this decision of trans-
fer was imprudent and inconsiderate, as rebellions broke out in
Multan in a short time.
In spite of this military success, the Delhi Sultanate could not
398 The Making of Medieval Panjab

establish peace in Panjab, because its three major opponents –

Jasrath Khokhar, Faulad Turkbacha and Shaikh Ali – revived
their opposition at the same time. Jasrath Khokhar, who had been
lying low for almost four years between 1428 and 1431, was quick
to take advantage of Faulad Turkbacha’s revolt and Shaikh Ali’s
invasion. Descending from the northwestern hills in November
1431, he crossed the three rivers of Panjab – Jhelam, Ravi and Beas
– and arrived near Jalandhar on the bank of the Bein. Sikandar
Tohfa, the muqti of Lahore, showed negligence at the outset, but
ultimately opposed the Khokhar chief with a small force. He suf-
fered a big reverse in battle and, since his horse got stuck in the
mire, he became a captive in the hands of his adversaries. Some
of his men were slain, while others retreated to Jalandhar. Jasrath
Khokhar, accompanied by Sikandar Tohfa and other prisoners,
marched back to Lahore and laid siege to the city. The citadel was
defended by Sikandar Tohfa’s deputy Syed Najmuddin and his
slave Khushkhabar Khan. Every day the two sides were involved
in armed clashes.
It was precisely at this time that Shaikh Ali marched into Panjab
and ravaged the environs of Multan. He captured the people of
Khatibpur and other villages on the Jhelam. On 23 November
1431, he delivered a fierce assault on Tulamba and occupied the
fort. To begin with, he made false promises of making peace with
the inhabitants, but soon after put them to death and imprisoned
their leaders. Even young women and children were separated
from their families and dragged to the abode of Shaikh Ali. The
invaders neither showed any fear of God, nor any respect for Islam.
Religious leaders of the Muslim community – Syeds, theologians
and qazis – were made prisoners. As if this was not enough, the
fort of Tulamba was raised to the ground. Anguished at the terrible
atrocities on the inhabitants and the destruction of the religious
life of the Muslims, Sirhindi prayed for the total destruction of the
accursed infidels and preservation of the ruler of the Muslims and
their religion (badshah-i musalmanan wa din Islam).56
Now it was the turn of Faulad Turkbacha to fish in troubled
waters. He emerged out of Bathinda and overran the country
(vilayat) of Rai Firoz Muin. The latter encountered the intruder
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 399

with a body of cavalry and infantry, but lost his life in the ensuing
conflict. Faulad Turkbacha not only carried away the severed head
of the Rai to Bathinda, but also captured a number of horses and
stocks of grain. In retaliation for this outrageous act, the Sultan
marched (January 1432) towards Lahore and Multan, besides
deputing Yusuf Sarwar as an advance guard to crush the revolt. As
the royal army approached Samana, Jasrath Khokhar raised the
siege of the fort and, carrying Sikandar Tohfa with him, retreated
to the hills of Tilhar. Shaikh Ali relinquished his interest in Multan
and fell back on Bartot. On his part, the Sultan registered his dis-
pleasure at the handling of the situation by the senior officers. On
the one hand, he deprived Malik ush-Sharq Shams ul-Mulk of
the iqta of Lahore and, on the other, appointed Nusrat Khan to
take charge of the fort of Lahore and the iqta of Jalandhar. The
new commander fulfilled the Sultan’s expectations by repulsing
Jasrath Khokhar’s fresh attack on Lahore (July 1432). Soon after,
the Sultan himself marched from Delhi to Samana to contend
with the disturbances caused by some unidentified rebels. At his
orders, Yusuf Sarwar besieged the fort of Bathinda, where Faulad
Turkbacha had secured himself with the goods and grain (asbab
wa ghalla) acquired from his recent incursion into the territory of
Rai Firoz Muin. While the siege of Bathinda was underway, Yusuf
Sarwar sent the leading commanders – Zirak Khan, Islam Khan
and Kahun Raj – to join the Sultan at Panipat. At this juncture,
the Sultan took the iqtas of Lahore and Jalandhar from Nusrat
Khan and assigned them to Allahdad Kaka Lodi. Having reached
Jalandhar, the new officer turned towards Bajwara in order to
fight against Jasrath Khokhar. But he was defeated and forced to
retire to the foothills of Kothi, while the Khokhar chief continued
to gain strength.57
In January 1433, it was reported that Shaikh Ali was march-
ing through Panjab with the intention of attacking the nobles
who were besieging the fort of Bathinda and thus to reduce the
pressure on his ally Faulad Turkbacha. The Sultan decided to pre-
empt the move, lest these nobles should get alarmed and abandon
the siege, as they had done in the recent past. In response to his
order, Mahmud Hasan reached Bathinda with reinforcements, so
400 The Making of Medieval Panjab

that the morale of the nobles was boosted. Shaikh Ali gave up his
target of Bathinda. Instead, he overran the country from Seor to
the bank of the Beas and, during this march, took a number of
prisoners from Sahniwal and other places. Thereafter, he turned
towards Lahore and besieged the fort which was defended by
Yusuf Sarwar, Malik Ismail (a nephew of Zirak Khan) and Malik
Raja, the son of Bahar Khan. Since the inhabitants of the city had
failed to keep watch during the night, the commanders relin-
quished their duty and fled. Shaikh Ali sent a detachment in their
pursuit. A number of horsemen were killed and many others were
taken prisoner, including Malik Raja. Next day, he captured a big
number of non-fighting inhabitants, both men and women.58 He
repaired the damaged portions of the fort and, leaving a garrison
of 2,000 horse and foot for standing a siege, turned to Dipalpur.
Yusuf Sarwar was willing to abandon the fort, as he had abandoned
Lahore too a few days earlier. Mahmud Hasan, then occupied in
the siege of Bathinda, sent his brother Malik Ahmad with a large
force to defend Dipalpur. Since Shaikh Ali had escaped with
great difficulty from the hands of Mahmud Hasan and, therefore,
stood in fear of this general, he gave up the intention of targeting
Dipalpur.59
At this stage, the Sultan took the affairs of Panjab in his own
hands. Leaving Delhi in January 1433, he stayed at Samana for a
few days and then encamped in the Talwandi of Rai Firoz Muin.
He was joined by Mahmud Hasan and Islam Khan Lodi, who were
besieging Bathinda, but instructed the other commanders to stick
to their task in all circumstances. As he crossed the Beas at Buhi
and reached the vicinity of Dipalpur, Shaikh Ali fell back across the
Jhelam. The Sultan bestowed the iqtas of Dipalpur and Jalandhar
on Sikandar Tohfa (who had been released by Jasrath Khokhar)
and sent him in pursuit of Shaikh Ali. The Sultan deputed a
strong force against the invaders who were entrenched in the
fort of Lahore. Meanwhile, the Sultan himself proceeded to Seor,
which was in the possession of Shaikh Ali. As soon as the Sultan
approached Tulamba, Shaikh Ali left his nephew Amir Muzaffar
in command of the fort of Seor and fled,60 so that his horses and
goods fell into the hands of his pursuers. Amir Muzaffar, after
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 401

defending the fort of Seor for a month, opened negotiations for

peace. In addition to paying a large tribute, he gave his daughter
in marriage to a son of the Sultan. Soon after, the invaders with-
drew from Lahore and the fort came into the hands of Sikandar
Tohfa. The Sultan went on a pilgrimage to the tombs of eminent
mystics of Lahore (barai ziyarat mashaikh-i kibar). While visit-
ing Dipalpur, he provided the local officer Kamal ul-Mulk with a
number of foot soldiers and elephants, besides a sizeable baggage
and other necessaries, so that these could be used in any future
exigency. The iqtas of Lahore and Jalandhar, which were held by
Sikandar Tohfa, were assigned to Mahmud Hasan.61
After four months (November 1433), the royalists succeeded in
reducing the fort of Bathinda and killing Faulad Turkbacha. The
victorious nobles sent the severed head of the rebel to the Sultan,
who marched back to settle the disturbed affairs of Bathinda.62
The siege of Bathinda had continued for nearly four years. It had
been besieged by the best commanders, while the Sultan also took
a considerable personal interest in the matter. But the siege could
not be brought to an early conclusion, as the attention of the Delhi
Sultanate was often diverted towards the opposition of Shaikh
Ali and Jasrath Khokhar, besides the difficulties in the Doab and
Mewat. The Sultan not only led some military campaigns in per-
son, but also asserted his authority by transferring the governors
from one place to the other. By transferring the iqtas, he tried to
prove that he was in full control of the administration. His attempt
aimed at creating an aristocracy loyal to the king. But as his trans-
fers were too rapid, they did not allow an officer to show the work
of which he was capable.63
As for Jasrath Khokhar, ever since his victory against Allahdad
Kaka Lodi (the muqti of Lahore and Jalandhar) at Bajwara in 1432,
he had maintained a low profile till his death in 1442. During this
period of ten years, he made only two appearances on the political
stage of Panjab and that too after two gaps of four or five years
each.64 It was only when Sultan Muhammad Shah went on a pil-
grimage to Multan in 1436 that he learnt about the disturbances
caused by Jasrath Khokhar. The Sultan, on returning to Samana,
dispatched an army to suppress the rebellion. The troops marched
402 The Making of Medieval Panjab

westwards and sacked the territories under the Khokhar chief.65

However, the Delhi Sutanate was forced to change its attitude
towards the arch rebel owing to the rising threat of Bahlol Lodi.
Sikandar Tohfa, who was deputed to chastise Bahlol Lodi, sought
the assistance of Jasrath Khokhar to meet this fresh challenge. The
combined forces turned out to be so powerful that Bahlol Lodi was
compelled to retire to the Siwalik foothills.66 Ironically, the Delhi
Sultanate felt constrained to alter its political choices when Bahlol
Lodi forcibly occupied much of Panjab and Jasrath Khokhar
rose up in revolt. In 1441, Sultan Muhammad Shah confirmed
Lahore and Dipalpur on Bahlol Lodi in return for undertaking
military operations against Jasrath Khokhar. The Khokhar chief
made peace with Bahlol Lodi and promised to support his bid for
the throne of Delhi. In return, the Lodi potentate promised not
to interfere in his territories.67 The neutrality of Jasrath Khokhar
contributed, at least to some extent, in the establishment of the
Lodi dynasty at Delhi. It was significant that an aspirant to the
office of the Sultan regarded Khokhar support as valuable, if not
indispensable. It might be recalled that, more than a century
back, the Khokhar chiefs had played an active role in bringing the
Tughluqs to the seat of sovereign power in Delhi.

From Sirhind to Delhi

After the departure of Timur, Panjab witnessed not only the
rebellious activities of senior nobles and local chiefs, but also the
unprecedented rise of the Lodi Afghans, who went on to achieve
sovereign power in Delhi. The story of their progress began with
an Afghan merchant Malik Bahram, who took up a job under
Malik Mardan Daulat, who was appointed as the governor of
Multan towards the end of Firoz Shah Tughluq’s reign. Of the
sons of Malik Bahram, Sultan Shah entered the service of the next
governor of Multan, Khizr Khan. In a military encounter near
Ajodhan, which took place between Khizr Khan and Mallu Iqbal
Khan, Sultan Shah showed exemplary bravery in killing the latter.
As a reward for his services, Sultan Shah received the title of Islam
Khan and the governorship of Sirhind. Islam Khan never looked
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 403

back. He entrenched himself firmly in Sirhind, and made it the

nucleus of his power. He mobilized an armed contingent of 12,000
Afghans most of whom were his clansmen. He also managed to
get suitable assignments for his brothers who also lived with
him. Though he had a number of sons, yet he chose his nephew
Bahlol Lodi as his successor through a will. After the death of
Islam Khan in 1431, his adherents were divided into three camps
that respectively supported Bahlol Lodi, Qutb Khan and Malik
Firoz. Qutb Khan reported to the Syed ruler Muhammad Shah
(r. 1434-1443) that the Afghans were gathering in large numbers
at Sirhind with apparently bad intentions. The Sultan deputed an
army under Sikandar Tohfa to send these Afghans to Delhi and,
in the event of resistance, to drive them out of Sirhind. Abiding by
a royal order, Jasrath Khokhar also joined the punitive expedition.
As expected, the Afghans left Sirhind and took shelter in the
hills. The royalists asked them to return, as they had not commit-
ted any offence. The Afghans sought an assurance of their safety.
Sikandar Tohfa and Jasrath Khokhar, while swearing in the name
of faith, gave the required guarantee. Malik Firoz left his family
under the care of his son Shahin Khan and nephew Bahlol Lodi
and, thereafter, reached the camp of the royalists. Acting at the
instigation of Qutb Khan, the two commanders violated their
promise and imprisoned Malik Firoz. They also attacked the
Afghans and killed Shahin Khan along with many Afghans, while
many others were made captive. The severed heads of Afghans
killed in action were despatched to Sirhind. Malik Firoz, while
speaking to Jasrath Khokhar, gave the names of the Afghans killed.
He saw the head of his son Shahin Khan, but refused to identify it.
When Jasrath Khokhar’s soldiers revealed that the man had fought
bravely, Malik Firoz started crying. On being asked, he explained
that he did not name his son, because he feared that he might have
shown cowardice in military encounter. As he learnt that his son
had displayed valour on the battlefield, Malik Firoz had no hesita-
tion in owning the deceased as his son. Deeply hurt at his tragic
loss, Malik Firoz now pinned his hopes on Bahlol Lodi, who was
equipped to take the revenge from the adversaries.68
Persian chronicles have attributed the rise of Bahlol Lodi to
404 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the blessings of a dervish (majzub) of Samana. According to their

story, which has been located in the time of Islam Khan, Bahlol
Lodi visited the dervish along with his friends. The dervish wished
to know if there was anyone who would purchase the throne of
Delhi for 2,000 tankas. Bahlol Lodi offered a sum of 1,600 tankas
that he had in his pocket. The dervish accepted the offering and
conferred the kingdom of Delhi on his promising visitor. The
friends of Bahlol Lodi began to make fun of him. In his response,
Bahlol Lodi asserted that he had not made a bad bargain. If the
prophecy of the dervish turned out to be true, he would get pre-
cious jewels at the price of peanuts. If the prophecy turned out to
be false, he would not suffer any loss, as it was always meritorious
to serve a holy man.69
A recent study seeks to place the rise of Lodis in the context
of distinctive social structure of the Afghans and migrations of
Afghan tribes to India. It has been argued that the Afghans were
basically a pastoral nomadic society in which kinship was the main
organizing principle of tribes and not territory. There was no place
for a king or chief. When population outstripped resources or
powerful rivals exerted pressure, tribes migrated without leaving
a trace and, thus, maintained kinship solidarity. Pressure of the
Ghilzais in Ghazni platueau drove the Lodis out of Roh and, join-
ing Timur, they provided him with horsemen and also supplied
horses. Being averse to agriculture, manual labour, shopkeeping
and moneylending, the Afghans combined pastoral nomadism
with horse trade. In fact, the Afghan tribes had monopolized the
horse trade between Turan and India.70 The Afghan warriors, who
took over Delhi in the middle of the fifteenth century, hailed from
a small area in the northwest frontier near the Gomal River and
Sulaiman mountains. Owing possibly to disturbances in Kabul,
this narrow and difficult pass became the main centre for horse
caravans between two terminal points, Bokhara and the Indus
plain. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the caravans
arriving in north India had to be sufficiently powerful in arms
and fighting tactics to be able to defeat any local ruler, who would
rather confiscate their horses and other goods rather than pay for
them.71
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 405

According to the author of the Tarikh-i Daudi, Bahlol Lodi

(during his youth in the household of his uncle Islam Khan)
engaged in the horse trade. He imported horses from the north-
western lands (wilayat) and, after fattening them, sold them to the
buyers in northern India.72 Once he sold a batch of horses to Sultan
Muhammad Shah (r. 1434-43) in Delhi. In lieu of the price, the
officers issued to him a payment order (barat). A fellow merchant,
who reached the stipulated subdistrict (pargana) in Lahore to col-
lect the requisite amount of money, failed in his aim as the locality
was in a state of rebellion. On learning this, the Sultan asked
Bahlol Lodi to supress the insurrection and, in return, offered the
pargana along with the prisoners and booty. Accompanied by a
group of merchants Bahlol Lodi, marched to Lahore and, entering
the affected pargana, punished the rebels and collected the land
revenue as mentioned in the payment order. When he returned
to Delhi and presented himself before the Sultan, he was allowed
to keep the entire booty, including the slaves and cattle, with him.
Impressed with the valour of Bahlol Lodi, the Sultan began to
patronise him. As a result, Bahlol Lodi came out of the class of
merchants and entered that of the officers and nobles (az hirfat-i
saudagari barawardah dar zimrah-i naukaran wa umara-i khud
sakht). Bahlol Lodi was assigned a few paraganas in fief, so that his
affairs began to progress. Every year, he mobilized a contingent of
fresh troops and presented it before the Sultan. In return for this
service, he claimed fresh parganas as remuneration for the grow-
ing body of soldiers. As a result, he came to control a majority of
the parganas that were situated near Lahore.73
After the defeat of the Afghans at the hands of Sikandar Tohfa
and Jasrath Khokhar, Bahlol Lodi compensated himself by plun-
dering the highway merchants and distributed the loot among his
followers. He also succeeded in winning over the other two fac-
tional leaders (Malik Firoz and Qutb Khan) and thus brought all
the Afghans under his banner. He reestablished himself in Sirhind
and, following in the footsteps of his uncle, made the town a fount
of the rising Afghan power. He defeated the wazir Husam Khan
in a battle near Khizrabad and occupied the area extending from
Sirhind to Panipat.74 Playing a dual game, he kept on increasing
406 The Making of Medieval Panjab

his territorial possessions and military resources and, at the same

time, maintained cordial relations with the Syed ruler Muhammad
Shah. He persuaded the Sultan to kill his wazir Husam Khan and
confirm Sirhind and neighbouring areas as his fief (jagir). He
assisted the Sultan at the head of 20,000 troops against Mahmud
Khalji of Malwa and earned the title of Khan-i Khanan. On
returning to Sirhind, he brought a number of important places –
Lahore, Dipalpur, Sunam and others – under his control without
the permission of the Sultan. He made an unsuccessful attempt
to occupy Delhi. On returning to Sirhind, he assumed the title of
Sultan without claiming the other symbols of royalty. When Sultan
Alauddin Shah ascended the throne in 1443, Bahlol Lodi practi-
cally controlled a vast tract in Panjab comprising Lahore, Sirhind,
Samana, Sunam and Hissar Firoza.75 He made a second attempt in
1447 to occupy Delhi, but failed to achieve his aim and retraced
his steps to Sirhind. Meanwhile, a tussle between the Sultan and
his wazir Hamid Khan culminated in the retirement of the former
to Badaun. Hamid Khan thought of inviting the ruler of Jaunpur
or Malwa to occupy the vacant throne. Bahlol Lodi, seeing his
opportunity, went to Delhi. Having learnt the right lessons from
his two failures, he did not resort to any military action. Instead,
he won the confidence of Hamid Khan and began to live peace-
fully in the city. The two political rivals appeared to have evolved a
power sharing arrangement that remained in place for some time.
Bahlol Lodi worked patiently according to a clever stratagem and,
entering the fort with his followers, made the unsuspecting Hamid
Khan a prisoner.76 He ascended the throne on 19 April 1451 and
thus inaugurated the first Afghan empire in India.

The Transformation of a Sufi as Ruler

Sometime in the second half of the fifteenth century, Shaikh
Sadruddin Sadr-i Jahan (d. 1508), who was popular as Haidar
Shaikh, carved out the principality of Malerkotla,77 not far from
Sirhind. Contemporary evidence on the rise of this Suhrawardi
saint to political prominence is unsatisfactory. But Khwaja
Niamatullah Harvi, the author of a detailed history of the Afghans,
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 407

has included a brief account of Haidar Shaikh. He has stated that

Shaikh Sadr-i Jahan Malneri, who was the pivot of those who
had obtained divinity, was a proof of the seekers and a master of
strange miracles. He was not only familiar with divine secrets,
but he was also a mountain of courage and bravery. Owing to his
excessive meditation and submission (ibadat wa taat) as well as
the company of saints, he had reached the status of Qutbiyat. On
account of the teachings and guidance of this spiritual mentor, a
large number of people acquired nearness to God and a number
of amazing miracles (karamat ghariba wa khwariq ajeeba) were
revealed by him. It was stated that Sultan Sikandar Lodi presented
a gift of one Iraqi horse and a bag of cash to the Shaikh. The latter
immediately distributed the cash among mendicants and ordered
the horse to be slaughtered and cooked so as to be offered as food
to the dervishes. He instructed his servants to preserve different
parts of the horse’s body at a particular spot. The officers of the
Sultan, who had brought the gifts, observed the incident with
their own eyes. They returned to the Sultan and reported it as it
had happened. The deeply offended Sultan wrote to the Shaikh,
demanding that the horse be returned alive. After reading the
letter, the Shaikh wrote back, ‘I am not a merchant (saudagar)
or soldier (sipahi) who could have kept an eye on the horse. It
had come from God and accordingly spent in the path of God.’
Outraged, the Sultan deputed a few men to bring the horse back.
One day, when the Shaikh was absorbed in a high spiritual
state, the Sultan’s men reached the place and demanded that the
horse be sent along with them. The Shaikh, who was sitting beside
a reservoir (hauz) in front of his abode, was immersed in medita-
tion. He held the hand of one of the men and asked him to look for
the horse in the water. Should he succeed in identifying the horse,
he could untie it and carry it away. The man peered into the water
and saw a stable. He observed thirty horses that were similar in
colour and form to the Sultan’s horse. The man descended into
the tank but tried to identify the Sultan’s horse unsuccessfully. He
climbed out feeling ashamed of himself. The Shaikh saw the man’s
distraught condition and, speaking from where he stood, revealed
that the Sultan’s horse had been tied at the end of the row. The
408 The Making of Medieval Panjab

man descended again into the tank and brought out the Sultan’s
horse after putting in a great deal of effort. The Shaikh asked the
men to convey his message to the Sultan, ‘Do not interfere in the
affairs of saints (fuqra). It is not proper to place them under the
scanner of investigation.’ When the horse was presented before
the Sultan, he was amazed and instantly became a devoted fol-
lower of the Shaikh. From then onwards, the Sultan began to send
gifts and offerings (nazr wa futuh) to the Shaikh every year. Even
now a reservoir was found inside the Shaikh’s house in the town
(qasbah) of Malner. A stable has been constructed at the site.
Some people believe it was the same stable that existed in the times
of the Shaikh and was famous as Jhalora. Even at this juncture,
the descendants of the Shaikh, who were reputed for possessing
miraculous powers, were engaged in providing spiritual instruc-
tions to the people (bar sajjada-i irshad wa hidayat).78
This account is regarded as the most acceptable version of
Haidar Shaikh’s rise to spiritual and temporal authority. But this
does not entitle us to overlook another version of the story, which
was communicated by one of the descendants (khalifas) of Haidar
Shaikh.79 According to it, Haidar Shaikh served as a military com-
mander before he established himself as a saint at Malerkotla.
Owing to his absorption in religious devotions, he neglected his
military duties. The ruler, who remained unidentified, deputed
Haidar Shaikh to march to a certain place where a rebellion had
raised its head. When the royal order reached him, he took it and
threw it on one side, as he was immersed in the remembrance
(zikr) of God. The followers of Haidar Shaikh, who happened to
be djinns, picked up the order. Believing that the order was meant
for them, the djinns marched to the scene of the insurrection and,
having won a victory, brought back a large booty. The ruler was
amazed at this result and wished to know how the conquest was
achieved when Haidar Shaikh and his contingent did not even
undertake the march. Haidar Shaikh replied, ‘Your command
came, but I was praying and threw it on one side, and my followers
thought the command was for them, so they went there and con-
quered.’ The perplexed king ordered that Haidar Shaikh should
not be assigned any work and that he should only rest. At this,
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 409

Haidar Shaikh gave up the king’s service. Since the secret of his
miraculous power had been revealed, this could not be accepted
in the case of a genuine Sufi. His spiritual mentor directed him
to go to Malerkotla, spread Islam there and engage in prayer. At
this place, there was water every where, except the spot where the
shrine (dargah) stood. Since it was dry, he established himself
there.80
According to Anna Bigelow, the story as narrated by the
descendants of the saint encompassed multiple levels and pro-
vided insights into generally the advent of Islam in South Asia
and particularly the foundation of Malerkotla. On the one hand,
Haidar Shaikh possessed unlimited powers. He ignored the orders
of the ruler, commanded the djinns and won battles without mov-
ing out. At the same time, he humbly obeyed his spiritual mentor
and went to spread Islam in an uninhabited area. On the other
hand, the narrative evoked a common trope in Sufi hagiographies:
a holy man established himself in a wild forested land and became
instrumental in its social and cultural development.81 Viewed in
this sense, Haidar Shaikh appeared to have played a role similar
to the spiritual exemplars (Muslim pirs) who transformed the
swampy delta of East Bengal into an agriculturally productive
zone and thus triggered the twin processes of agrarian expansion
and Islamization. It might be suggested that Haidar Shaikh would
have been familiar with the descendants of Baba Farid who, utiliz-
ing their land grants, transformed the pastoral groups (Jat clans)
of south western Panjab into sedentary cultivators. Haidar Shaikh,
who had received ample land grants in Malerkotla, was mandated
by the Delhi Sutanate to bring about the socio-economic develop-
ment of this particular subregion in central Panjab. Since he
succeeded in achieving these objectives, his name had become
inseparable from the early history of Malerkotla.
A former ruler of Malerkotla had advanced a third version of
the story of the rise of Haidar Shaikh.82 We have seen that when
Bahlol Lodi was the governor of Sirhind, he kept increasing his
military resources and extending the areas under his control. It
was precisely at this time that another Afghan, Haidar Shaikh, was
rising to prominence at Malerkotla, not far from Sirhind. Haidar
410 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Shaikh belonged to the Sherwani clan of the Afghans. Sometime

during the early thirteenth century, the Sherwanis emerged from
the interior of the Sulaiman Range and carved out a small princi-
pality round the town of Daraban. During the next century and a
half, the Sherwanis fought against neighbouring rivals in order to
maintain their existence. In these circumstances, Haidar Shaikh’s
grandfather Shaikh Ali Shahbaz migrated to India along with
some associates. Shaikh Ahmad Zinda Pir, Haidar Shaikh’s father,
was employed by the Delhi Sultanate and received Chhat and
Banur as revenue assignments.83 Haidar Shaikh, who was born at
Daraban in 1434, received his early education here. Thereafter,
he migrated to Multan and enrolled himself as a disciple of a
Suhrawardi saint, who was a descendant of Shaikh Ruknuddin
Abul Fateh. After completing his spiritual training, he took the
advice of his mentor and shifted to eastern Panjab. He began to
live in a hut on the banks of Bhumsi, a tributary of the Satluj. As he
engaged himself in spiritual pursuits, the people of the neighbour-
hood were attracted towards him. At this juncture, a miraculous
event proved a turning point in his life. Bahlol Lodi,84 who was
firmly entrenched in Sirhind and had occupied large parts of
Panjab, had encamped in the area along with his army. At night, a
severe storm lashed the place, so that the tents were uprooted and
the camp was thrown in disarray. What was surprising, the storm
failed to damage the hut of Haidar Shaikh who kept on reading
the Quran in the light of a lamp. Impressed by the miraculous
power of the saint, Bahlol Lodi went to the hut next morning and
sought his blessings for an impending bid for the throne of the
Delhi Sultanate. He also promised to give his daughter in marriage
to him if he achieved his cherished aim. Since Bahlol Lodi was met
with success, he fulfilled his promise. Haidar Shaikh married the
daughter (Taj Murassa Begum) of the new Sultan and received 69
villages in dowry. Two children were born out of this marriage, a
son named Shaikh Hasan and a daughter called Bibi Mangi.
As far as the grant of 69 villages was concerned, what Haidar
Shaikh had received was not a petty kingdom, but a land grant.
According to the contemporary administrative practice, the
grantee was entrusted with the right of collecting land revenue
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 411

from the villages. Technically, the land grant was not permanent,
as the grantee could hold it only until he enjoyed the goodwill of
the sovereign power. An exception seems to have been made in
the case of Haidar Shaikh, since he was an eminent mystic and
a son-in-law of the reigning Sultan. Haidar Shaikh appeared to
have utilized his special position in a manner that a formal land
grant was converted into an informal petty kingdom. Whatever
be the nature of the land grant and the status of Haidar Shaikh,
he was entitled to enjoy the land revenue yielded by the grant.
The only difference between the two situations was that the degree
of state control was more in the former case than in the latter. In
view of the autonomy enjoyed by the Shaikh, he appeared to have
emerged as a zamindar.
The worldly affairs of Shaikh Haidar as a zamindar pros-
pered in terms of power and wealth. His counterparts, who were
based in different places, sought to benefit from his progress. Rai
Bahram Bhatti, a powerful zamindar of Kapurthala, formed an
alliance with Haidar Shaikh and, as a part of the agreement, gave
his daughter in marriage to him. Two sons were born out of this
marriage, who were named Isa and Musa. In due course, Haidar
Shaikh’s own daughter Bibi Mangi was married in the family of a
prominent zamindar of Tohana. Unfortunately, the young woman
became a widow just after five years of her marriage. Her parents-
in-law proposed that she be married to the younger brother of
her deceased husband. Bibi Mangi rejected the proposal and, as
it appeared from the circumstances, could no longer live in her
marital home. It has been suggested that in India, as in other ori-
ental countries, the marital bond was regarded as strong enough
to be classed as spiritual. The eastern mind made it incumbent on
ladies of high families to shun the very idea of a second marriage.
The stance of Bibi Mangi, therefore, was not surprising, even
though it offended her parents-in-law. Haidar Shaikh intervened
in the matter and asked Shaikh Hasan to bring his sister back from
Tohana. For unknown reasons, Shaikh Hasan refused to obey his
father on this issue. However, Shaikh Isa and Shaikh Musa (the
foster brothers of Bibi Mangi) performed the delicate task with
credit. They rescued her from the control of her parents-in-law
412 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and escorted her back to Malerkotla. Haidar Shaikh was delighted

to meet her and showered his blessings on these two sons.85
According to another version, Bibi Mangi did leave Tohana
along with Shaikh Isa and Shaikh Musa, but she did not reach
Malerkotla alive. During the course of her journey, she implored
the earth to open and receive her, which it did. Though her moti-
vation in seeking internment in this manner was unspecified, it
was assumed that she was driven by the tendency to blame widows
for their husbands’ deaths and to regard them as bad omens. As
a pious woman and devoted daughter, she did not wish to bring
shame on her father’s household. There was a shrine to her at the
spot where she was believed to have entered the earth. Haidar
Shaikh disinherited his son Shaikh Hasan for refusing to help his
sister.86
The above discussion indicated that there were at least three
versions of the historical role of Haidar Shaikh. In the first ver-
sion, Khwaja Niamatullah Harvi has accepted the Shaikh as one of
the several Afghan mystics. The chronicler has portrayed him as
a Sufi who, through a miracle, forced Sikandar Lodi to treat him
with respect and advised the Sultan to refrain from investigating
his affairs. The writer did not allude to the Shaikh’s involvement
in politics, with reference to Bahlol Lodi and other zamindars.
The Sultan followed his advice and maintained cordial relations
with the Shaikh. In the second version, narrated by a present-day
descendant of Haidar Shaikh, the Shaikh was said to have begun
his career as a military commander of an unnamed Sultan. Since
the Shaikh was inclined towards spirituality, he neither performed
his official duties, nor showed respect to the regime. His official
duties were performed on his behalf by a group of djinns loyal to
him. Therefore, the state was constrained to relieve him from ser-
vice. The Shaikh, acting on the advice of his mentor, established
himself as a Sufi in the unsettled land of Malerkotla and worked
for the spread of Islam. The third version holds that Haidar Shaikh
began his carrer as a Sufi at Malerkotla. He not only impressed
Bahlol Lodi, the governor of Sirhind, with his miraculous powers,
but gave his blessings that enabled the Lodi challenger to win the
throne of Delhi. In consequence, he received the daughter of the
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 413

new Sultan in marriage as well as a grant of 69 villages in dowry.

As he embarked on a political career, he entered into matrimonial
relations with the zamindars of Kapurthala and Tohana. Soon he
converted his position as a land grantee into that of a zamindar, so
that his descendants inherited this position and served the Mughal
governor (faujdar) of Sirhind.
With his death in 1508, the dual role of Haidar Shaikh as a Sufi
and zamindar was bifurcated between the male offspring of his
two wives. Shaikh Hasan (the son of Bahlol Lodi’s daughter Taj
Murassa Begum), who had been disinherited in the lifetime of
Haidar Shaikh, became the spiritual head (sajjadah nishin) of the
Sufi establishment. His lineal descendants continued to hold this
office until today. On the other hand, Shaikh Isa (the younger son
of Rai Bahram Bhatti’s daughter) inherited the landed estate in
accordance with the will of his father. Contrary to expectations,
the arrangement did not satisfy the former and he made repeated
attempts to acquire a larger share of the patrimony. The history of
Haidar Shaikh’s household was often plagued by bad blood and
acrimony. Shaikh Hasan filed a legal suit in the court of the qazi of
Malerkotla and, some time later, his sons submitted a complaint
to the governor of Sirhind. These pleas were rejected on legal
grounds. Acting out of sheer frustration, the sons of Shaikh Hasan
(Mirza Khan and Sulaiman Khan), assassinated Amir-i Maler who
served as a representative of the Delhi Sultanate in the area. The
landed estate was confiscated by the Delhi-based sovereign and it
was restored in 1543 to the rightful claimant Khan Muhammad
Shah only after the payment of a large sum of money.87
There was a positive side to the situation. Shaikh Isa and his
successors employed a number of strategies to establish peace on
the estate and, while doing so, they displayed a keen sense of polit-
ical management and considerable sagacity. They witnessed the
protracted armed conflict between the Afghans (Lodis and Surs)
and Mughals, but remained scrupulously neutral and focused
their attention on their own possessions. They forged alliances
with prominent Rajput zamindars of central Panjab (Morinda
and Nabha) and did not hesitate in accepting their daughters
as wives. As Mughal rule underwent consolidation during the
414 The Making of Medieval Panjab

second half of the sixteenth century, the chiefs of Malerkotla col-

laborated in various administrative measures, particularly relating
to the land revenue system. In their role as zamindars, they acted
under the supervision of the governor (faujdar) of Sirhind. They
diligently collected the land revenue from the estate (zamindari)
and faithfully deposited it with the governor of Sirhind. They
also maintained a contingent of armed retainers, which was
placed at the disposal of the Mughals during any exigency. They
persuaded the leading zamindars, Chain Singh of Gumti and
Chaudhari Phool of Patiala, to throw in their lot with the gov-
ernor of Sirhind and, in this manner, strengthened the roots of
the Mughal empire in the area. Nawab Muhammad Bayazid Khan
(r. 1600-59) provided escort services to Jahangir during the latter’s
march to Kashmir and supported Aurangzeb in his conflict with
Dara Shukoh. In return, Bayazid Khan, earned a series of rewards
– the titles of Asadullah Saif ul-Mulk and Nawab, additional fiefs
(jagirs) in Qadirabad and Naugawan – besides permission to build
a fort and boundary wall at Malerkotla. I hasten to point out how-
ever that, on a few occasions, the disgruntled members of the
family bypassed their chief and cultivated direct relations with the
Mughal governor of Sirhind, creating suspicion and dissension.88
In addition to the several popular stories, Haidar Shaikh has
left an important legacy in the form of his shrine. The shrine has
evolved over five centuries as a leading centre of pilgrimage in the
cis-Satluj tract of Panjab. It is somewhat surprising that Haidar
Shaikh, who acquired a lot of prominence on account of his spir-
itual attainment and political gains, could not be provided with
a suitable tomb after his demise. On account of his multifarious
commitments, he was unable to groom a group of spiritual suc-
cessors (khalifas) who could have raised a memorial for him. At
the same time, Haidar Shaikh’s lineal descendants were so deeply
involved in internecine conflict and struggle for survival that they
could not spare a thought for their great ancestor.
Until the partition of the Indian subcontinent, the grave of
Haidar Shaikh was covered merely by a tent. After 1947, a pil-
lared structure, which appeared like a canopy, was constructed.
In 2007, this small building was dismantled and a new edifice has
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 415

been raised. Only two structures, the boundary wall and grave
of Haidar Shaikh, have survived from pre-Mughal times. The
boundary wall, constructed with boulders without any cement-
ing material, shows all the marks of its age. At present, the shrine
has been provided with two gateways, outer and inner. The outer
gateway, which was located on the northern side and was built of
small bricks, appears to be a century old. It can be approached by
climbing fifteen steps. It is topped by a lintel which joins the roof
of small rooms on two sides. Beyond it spreads a courtyard which
surrounds the mausoleum on all sides. The inner gateway, which
stood on the southern side, is an impressive modern structure.
The arched entrance bears a marble slab on which Haidar Shaikh’s
name is inscribed. Its upper portion has been provided with a
ornamental central canopy and flanking towers on two corners.
The tomb was an octagonal structure, covered by an onion shaped
dome. The inner side of the dome was decorated with multi-
coloured glass work. The grave of Haidar Shaikh was raised on a
three feet high platform. Made of marble and gilded with granite,
it remained covered with thick embroidered sheets of cloth. This
sanctum sanctorum was lit by a big chandelier that hung down
from the roof. In the eastern courtyard, there was a prayer room
(ibadatgah) where Haidar Shaikh sat for meditation. Here also are
the graves of his three sons, Shaikh Musa, Shaikh Isa and Shaikh
Hasan. In the eastern courtyard are the graves of Haidar Shaikh’s
wife Taj Murassa Begum, grandson Shaikh Sulaiman and three
other relatives. Along the northern wall, there are a few rooms and
a verandah. Beyond the shrine complex, two structures came up
in recent times, a mosque for offering prayers and a pillared hall
for accommodating pilgrims during the festivities.89
The shrine has, thus, emerged as an important centre of pilgrim-
age in central Panjab. It is managed by hereditary office holders
(khalifas) who traced their descent from Shaikh Hasan, the eldest
son of Haidar Shaikh. The attendants (mujawirs), descended from
the original caretakers, oversee the multifarious activities at the
shrine. Voluntary servants (sewadars) undertake a variety of duties
and functions, which were related to maintenance and cleanliness,
while a number of mendicants (faqirs) were observed in the prem-
416 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ises at different times. Occasional visitors come to the shrine on

any day of the week, but a large number of devotees registered
their presence on Thursday evenings. The most significant festival
is the annual fair (mela) which marked the death anniversary (urs)
of Haidar Shaikh. Held during the month of May-June (Jeth), it
coincides with the Hindu festival of Nirjala Ekadashi. At this par-
ticular time of the year, the peasants looked forward to a bountiful
monsoon which, in turn, could guarantee the success of the paddy
crop. Pilgrims arrive from different parts of Panjab as well as dis-
tant provinces. The markets of the town wear a festive look, as
shops displayed household commodities, including utensils and
sweetmeats. The memorabilia of Haidar Shaikh – pamphlets con-
taining the biography and miracles of the saint, audio cassettes
and CDs of Qawwalis in his praise and colourful posters depicting
the shrine – are for sale. The pilgrims made obeisance at the tomb
of Haidar Shaikh and, making an offering in cash or kind, seek the
intercession of the saint for the fulfilment of their wishes, the birth
of a son or a cure of ailment. Besides the musical assemblies where
Qawwalis are presented in the traditional style, groups of singers
(Toomba Parties who used a single stringed instrument) regale
the audience with tales regarding Haidar Shaikh, Yusuf Zulaikha,
Daud Badshah and Tota Maina.90 A special category of devotees
(chelas) performed the somewhat strange rite known as Haidar
Shaikh Ki Chauki. These devotees worked themselves up into a
state of trance and, while communicating with the spirit of Haidar
Shaikh, answered the queries of people who were afflicted with
physical and mental ailments.91

Political Turmoil in Multan

During the second half of the fifteenth century, the inhabitants
of Multan and local zamindars persuaded Shaikh Yusuf Qureshi,
a descendant of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, to assume the reins
of administration in his hands. This unprecedented development
was brought about by a number of factors. In Delhi, the last Syed
ruler Sultan Alauddin Shah (r. 1443-76) ascended the throne. The
Syed regime, which was engulfed in a serious crisis owing to the
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 417

pressure of neighbouring kingdoms and internal challenges, failed

to establish its authority in Multan and could not even appoint a
governor for the region. The local chiefs (Langahs and Balochis)
did possess military resources, but did not show any inclination
to take responsibility. The people, both high and low, thought it
prudent to fill the political vacuum by turning to the descendants
of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, who were held in high esteem.
Shaikh Yusuf Qureshi managed the affairs of the extensive
Suhrawardi hospice (khanqah) in Multan and also exercised
supervision over the area surrounding the sacred mausoleum. He
began to perform his duties with enthusiasm. He ensured that the
public prayers were recited in his name from the pulpits of the
Suhrawardi spiritual domain (vilayat) which comprised Multan,
Uch and other towns. He won over the local chiefs and enlarged
his army by recruiting fresh retainers. In short, his rule gained
strength and legitimacy with every passing day.92
In the above circumstances, Rai Sehra, the chief of the Langah
tribe who held the town of Sewi and neighbouring areas, offered
to form an alliance with the mystic turned ruler. He was reported
to have sent a message in the following words,
As from the time of my ancestors, the relationship of discipleship and
belief to your family has remained on firm basis; and the empire of Delhi
is not free from disturbances and disorder; and they say that Malik Bahlol
Lodi has taken possession of Delhi, and has had public prayers read in
his name; if His Holiness the Shaikh would with utmost promptitude
turn his attention to the tribe of the Langahs, and consider me among his
soldiers, I shall not in every service and expedition, which may take place,
consider myself excused from rendering loyal and devoted service, even
to the extent of sacrificing my life. Also, at present, in order to strengthen
the relationship of being disciple and of devotion and loyalty, I shall give
my daughter to you (in marriage) and will accept you as my son-in-law.93
It is possible to draw the following inferences from the above
statement. Rai Sehra had begun to feel insecure ever since Bahlol
Lodi assumed sovereign power in Delhi. His position would be
severely undermined, should the Lodi ruler decide to consoli-
date his hold in western Panjab. However, he could secure his
own position by aligning himself with the new ruler of Multan.
418 The Making of Medieval Panjab

This could be done by invoking the long standing discipleship of

his family to the family of Shaikh Yusuf Qureshi, by promising
to provide him military services in all future expeditions and by
offering his daughter in marriage to him. Yusuf Qureshi accepted
the offer of alliance with the Langah chief, while the marriage
was duly solemnized. Sometimes Rai Sehra came from Sewi to
Multan with the object of seeing his daughter and, on these occa-
sions, he brought suitable presents for Yusuf Qureshi. In spite of
these gestures of goodwill, Yusuf Qureshi did not have trust in his
father-in-law. Acting with caution, he did not permit Rai Sehra to
acquire a mansion in the city of Multan. Instead, he was required
to reside outside the city and visit his daughter without any per-
sonal retinue.
Rai Sehra abided by these conditions only for some time.
Thereafter, he forged an elaborate plan to usurp power from his
son-in-law. It was not known if he made his daughter a party to
the conspiracy. He arrived in Multan with all the members of his
tribe. He requested Yusuf Qureshi to inspect these armed men, so
that they could be allotted duties in accordance with their qualifi-
cations. An unsuspecting Yusuf Qureshi obliged his father-in-law,
who succeeded in displaying the grandeur of his retinue. One
night, he came to see his daughter escorted by a single servant.
During the course of his stay in the palace, he complained of a
sudden sickness and groaned loudly as if he was on the verge of
death.94 The representatives (vakils) of Yusuf Qureshi, being taken
in by the ruse, permitted the Langah tribesmen to enter the palace
and bid farewell to their master. Rai Sehra, while lying on the sick
bed, deputed his trusted adherents to guard all the four gates, so
that Yusuf Qureshi’s men were prevented from entering the city
from the outer fort. Once the entry points were sealed, Rai Sehra
barged into the private apartments and, seizing his own son-in-
law, brought an end to a rule of two years.95 As he shifted from
the rural hinterland of Sewi to the urbanized world of Multan
and as he graduated from the rank of a tribal chief to that of a
sovereign ruler of the kingdom of Multan, he discarded his non-
Muslim name of Rai Sehra and adopted the Islamic name of Sultan
Qutbuddin. A change in his political status was accompanied by
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 419

a corresponding change in his religious identity. It was significant

that his successors, who ruled over Multan till they were displaced
by the Arghuns at the instance of the Mughal invader Babur, were
known only by their pure Islamic names. There was no need for
them to retain the non-Muslim names that corresponded well
with their former occupation as tribal chiefs, who spent their lives
in the rural hinterland.
As Sultan Qutbuddin was engaged in consolidating Langah
rule in Multan, he was required to decide the fate of his royal
prisoner. He was not in a position to treat Yusuf Qureshi in a
harsh manner on account of two reasons – first, Yusuf Qureshi
was his son-in-law and, second, he was a lineal descendant of
Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya who was held in high esteem by the
people of Multan. Sultan Qutbuddin allowed Yusuf Qureshi to
leave for Delhi through the northern gate of the fort, which was
near the mausoleum of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya. However, he
made sure that this gate was henceforth closed permanently, being
sealed with burnt bricks. By undertaking this bold and unusual
step, which had a considerable symbolic meaning, the new Langah
ruler proclaimed that he would not permit the Suhrawardi estab-
lishment to play any role in the secular affairs of the government.
Yusuf Qureshi found that his position had become so untenable
that he could not even resume the headship of the Suhrawardi
hospice. What was more probable, he might have been released by
Sultan Qutbuddin on the condition that he would leave Multan
for good. Moreover, the new Langah ruler could not feel secure
when the former ruler was also staying in the city and, that too, in
such close proximity to the seat of power. In these circumstances,
Yusuf Qureshi had no alternative but to leave for Delhi. Bahlol
Lodi not only received the fugitive with great honour, but also
gave his daughter in marriage to his son, Shaikh Abdullah.96
Bahlol Lodi employed every possible means to boost the morale
of Yusuf Qureshi and, giving repeated assurances, promised to
reinstate him in Multan. However, Bahlol Lodi could not put
his words into practice, as the first Langah ruler succeeded in
ruling for sixteen long years and in winning the support of the
local populace. However, Bahlol Lodi saw an opportunity when
420 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Sultan Husain (the son of Sultan Qutbuddin, who assumed power

in 1460) was involved in suppressing the local rebels at Shor,
Khanewal, Kot Karor and Dhankot.97 Accepting the latest request
of Yusuf Qureshi for concrete action, Bahlol Lodi deputed his son
Barbak Shah (the future Sikandar Lodi) and Tatar Khan Lodi (the
governor of Panjab) to occupy Multan by assault. On the other
side, Sultan Husain managed to defeat his rebellious brother
at Kot Karor and, rushing back with speed, entered the fort of
Multan. Barbak Shah and Tatar Khan Lodi, who had encamped
at a prayer ground in the neighbourhood of Multan, made prepa-
rations for occupying the fort. Sultan Husain, who had returned
back from Kot Karor, crossed the Indus and entered Multan. He
placed a part of his army to guard the fort, while the remaining
10,000 troops, comprising both cavalry and infantry, emerged
out of the citadel. Assuming the offensive, they dismounted from
their horses and shot thousands of arrows simultaneously at their
opponents. The Delhi army failed to withstand the deadly bar-
rage of arrows and fled towards Khanewal, leaving behind a huge
amount of war material in the hands of the defenders. The Delhi
army, in an attempt to recover its credibility, attacked the fort of
Khanewal and managed to kill over 300 defenders in a treacher-
ous manner. However, it could not make any further gains in the
region.98
On the other hand, Sultan Husain succeeded in consolidating
his power in the kingdom of Multan by forging alliances with local
chiefs and neighbouring principalities. He received the allegiance
of the Baloch chief Malik Sohrab Dudai and his numerous adher-
ents and, in return for their services, assigned to them the territory
from Sitpur to Dhankot. He also received the allegiance of the
chiefs of the Thathawa tribe99 – Jam Bayazid and Jam Ibrahim
– and assigned the tract of Shor to the former and that of Uch
to the latter. What was more important, he sent condolences to
Sikandar Lodi on the death of Bahlol Lodi and went on to sign a
treaty of friendship and non-aggression with the Delhi Sultanate.
In these circumstances, it became impossible for Yusuf Qureshi to
be reinstated as the ruler of Multan. The Langah regime did not
cease to respect the family of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya. In fact,
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 421

it was grateful to God for the presence of some descendants of the

saint in Multan. But, in its opinion, they were superior in all noble
qualities to Yusuf Qureshi, to whose son Bahlol Lodi had given his
daughter in marriage and whom he held in great honour. In the
same manner, some Bokharis, the Suhrawardis who belonged to
Multan and Uch, were superior in physical and mental perfections
to Haji Abdul Wahab.100 In a situation where the prominent Sufi
families were represented by several descendants, it was easy for
the Langah regime to develop its stance. It could favour anyone of
the several successors of the Sufi masters, keeping its own polit-
ical interests in view. It could not tolerate any natural or spiritual
descendant of the founders of Sufi orders who, like Yusuf Qureshi,
nurtured political ambitions. This message was broadcast to all
stake holders when Sultan Qutbuddin bricked up the northern
gate of the fort that opened towards the Suhrawardi hospice and it
was so visible even as late as 1593.
Sultan Husain, owing to old age, abdicated in favour of his son
Firoz Shah. The change marked the beginning of a long factional
conflict from which Multan could not recover. The new ruler,
driven by inexperience and anger, engineered the murder of Bilal,
the son of the wazir Imad ul-Mulk. In retaliation, the wazir got
his new master poisoned to death. Sultan Husain emerged from
his retirement and resumed the reins of the government in his
hands. He began to work for stabilizing the kingdom and aveng-
ing the death of his son. Taking the help of his maternal uncle
Jam Bayazid, he imprisoned Imad ul-Mulk. He rewarded Jam
Bayazid with the office of the wizarat along with the guardianship
of Mahmud Khan, the minor son of the late Firoz Shah. After the
death of Sultan Husain, Mahmud Khan ascended the throne of
Multan. Since the new ruler began to differ with the wazir Jam
Bayazid, the latter left the city and, setting up his camp on the
Chenab, began to handle the administrative affairs. In an attempt
to collect the land revenue, he summoned a few turbulent head-
men and, getting their heads shaved, paraded them around the
city. Since the Sultan regarded the headmen as loyal servants of
the state, he retaliated by subjecting Alam Khan (the son of Jam
Bayazid) to severe beating and humiliation. In the scuffle, the
422 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Sultan was accidentally hit by the dagger of Alam Khan, who

escaped from the scene to join his father. This episode cleared the
way for the partition of the kindom of Multan.101
Jam Bayazid had no alternative but to shift his troops to
Shorkot. Sultan Mahmud sent an army in pursuit of the fugitives.
In the ensuing battle, the Sultan’s force was defeated. Jam Bayazid,
having consolidated his position in Shorkot, had the public prayer
read and coins struck in the name of Sikandar Lodi (r. 1489-
1517). He also sent a petition to Delhi and explained his position.
Sikandar Lodi, pleased at the prospect of recovering Multan, sent
a letter of encouragement and robe of honour for Jam Bayazid. He
also sent a royal order (farman) to his governor of Panjab, Daulat
Khan Lodi, directing him to acquaint himself with the conditions
prevailing in Multan and, in case of need, to provide military
assistance to Jam Bayazid. Sultan Mahmud advanced to Shorkot
at the head of his soldiers. Jam Bayazid and his son Alam Khan
emerged out of Shorkot and, marching ten leagues, encamped on
the Ravi. Daulat Khan Lodi arrived on the scene with the aim of
bringing about an amicable settlement. As a result of his media-
tion, Daulat Khan Lodi succeeded in effecting peace by notifying
the Ravi as the boundary between the warring parties. After this
agreement, Daulat Khan Lodi sent Sultan Mahmud to Multan
and escorted Jam Bayazid to Shorkot. In spite of the intervention
by the Lodi governor of Panjab, peace was not stabilized. In the
attempts to widen their respective support base, the two regimes
sought the help of Baloch chiefs. Sultan Mahmud had won over
Malik Sohrab Dudai, while Jam Bayazid received the allegiance of
Mir Jakar Zand (along with his two sons Mir Allahdad and Mir
Shahdad) who was granted a fief from the crown lands. A man
of high moral character and generous disposition, Jam Bayazid
attracted men of learning and piety from Multan. From Shorkot,
he sent gifts by boat to the city in order to encourage distinguished
persons to settle in his capital.102
When Babar occupied Panjab and advanced to Delhi, he
bestowed Multan on Mirza Shah Husain Arghon, the ruler of
Thatta. Accordingly, Mirza Arghon crossed the river near Bhakkar
and marched towards Multan. Sultan Mahmud collected his
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 423

troops and, marching two stages out of the city, sent two emissar-
ies Shaikh Bahauddin Qureshi (a descendant of Shaikh Bahauddin
Zakariya) and Maulana Bahlol to salvage a critical situation. Mirza
Arghon, explaining the object of his arrival, stated that he had
come to oversee the training of Sultan Mahmud and pay homage
at the tomb of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya. The two representa-
tives persuaded Mirza Arghon to put his intentions on hold. Sultan
Mahmud, who suddenly died in 1524, was suspected of being poi-
soned by Langar Khan, a senior functionary of the kingdom. In
fact, Langar Khan and Qiwam Khan Langah, the commanders of
the army of Multan, transferered their loyalty to Mirza Arghon
along with a number of towns. In Multan, the officers enthroned
Sultan Husain, the infant son of Sultan Mahmud. The real power
was exercised by the wazir Shaikh Shuja ul-Mulk Bokhari, who
was the son-in-law of the deceased.103 Meanwhile, Mirza Arghon
laid siege to the fort and, pressing it with rigour, reduced the gar-
rison of 3,000 soldiers to dire straits. Some defenders, who could
not endure the distress, jumped from the ramparts into the ditch
below. After a siege of one year and a few months, Mirza Arghon
entered the fort and plundered the populace, leaving little pos-
sibility of rehabilitation of the city. As the Langah rule came to an
end, Mirza Arghon placed the administration under the charge of
Khwaja Shamsuddin and Langar Khan. With the establishment of
the Mughal rule, Mirza Kamran was appointed as the governor of
Panjab. The prince brought Multan under his control and allowed
Langar Khan to reside in Lahore as a pensioner.104
The above discussion on the political developments during the
fifteenth century would best reach its conclusion in the words of
Guru Nanak (1469-1539). He took a keen interest in the structure
and functioning of the contemporary political structure. He was
acutely critical of the poltical system presided over by the Lodi rul-
ers, though he did not name any individual member of the ruling
class. Very often, he expressed his anguish at the negative features
of the Lodi regime and suffering of the people at the hands of the
Mughal invaders. He felt like living in an dark age which acted like
a knife, as the kings were ruthless like butchers and righteousness
had flown away. Since truth was not visible in the moonless night
424 The Making of Medieval Panjab

of falsehood, a common man was bewildered at his inability to

find his path in the pervasive darkness.105 The king sat in consul-
tation with his ministers and bureaucrats, making dubious plans
in the name of administration. They were able to have their way,
because the masses, being blind and bereft of wisdom (andhi raiyat
giyan vihooni) fed the greed of officials with bribes.106 If the kings
were rapacious like lions, the village headmen, who collaborated
with the state in the collection of land revenue from the peasants,
were guity of oppression. The muqaddams were comparable to
dogs, who violently intruded into the lives of the innocent and
disturbed their peaceful sleep. The king’s servants (chakar), who
behaved like ferocious dogs, inflicted wounds with their nails and
licked way the oozing blood. If the conduct of these men was ever
examined in the higher court, the noses of these untrustworthy
persons would be chopped off.107
What was more disrurbing, the Lodi regime was charged with
adopting discrimination on religious grounds. The practice of
Islam was seen in the form of ablution pots, calls for prayer, prayer
rugs and prayer, so that even the Lord seemed to appear in a blue
apparel. In every house, people said that the Miyan used a different
language. As God came to be designated as Allah, it was the turn
of the Muslim saints to assert themselves (adi purakh kau allah
kahiye sekhan aayi). The state began to levy a tax on temples and,
thus, introduced a new practice.108 The Brahmins felt pressurized
into adopting a dual life. Inside his house, a Brahmin wore a loin
cloth and, putting a frontal mark on his forehead, carried a rosary
in his hands. He blew the conch and performed worship conform-
ing to his custom. He did not allow anyone to enter his kitchen
and, plastering its floor, drew boundary lines around it. If anyone
dared to trespass, he forbade him from touching anything, lest it
should get polluted. Once he stepped outside his house, he tried
his best to be acceptable to the Muslims. He wore blue clothes and
studied Islamic books. He not only ate the bread received from the
Muslims, but also consumed the goat slaughtered in accordance
with the Islamic injunctions.109
Guru Nanak’s graphic description of the suffering of people at
the hands of Babur’s army has, by implication, exposed the failure
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 425

of the Lodi regime to defend the frontier against the Mughals and
protect its own subjects in the crisis. Babur, after having ravaged
Khurasan, terrorized Hindustan. Descending like the agents of
death, the Mughals inflicted unspeakable atrocities on the vulner-
able inhabitants. When a powerful lion fell upon the defenceless
herd of cattle, only God could be questioned in the absence of
a competent ruler. Dogs had spoiled a priceless country, while
nobody paid any attention to the dead.110 When Babur attacked
India at the head of a vast horde, even a million religious precep-
tors (pir) could not halt his advance. In the battlefield, the Mughals
fired their guns and the Pathans (Afghans) fought with their ele-
phants. The Lodi rulers lost their wits in colourful revelleries. As
the princes were cut to pieces, tall edifices – palaces, gates, houses
and inns – were pulled down. When Babur’s rule was proclaimed,
the Pathan notables could not eat their food. Some lost the time
of five prayers, while others could not observe the rituals of their
worship. In a moment, the victorious plundered and distributed all
the wealth. All signs of power and riches – sports, stables, horses,
chariots, drums, bugles, red uniforms and sword belts – were lost.
Beautiful faces, shining ornaments, comfortable beds and fragrant
betel leaves vanished like shadows.111
Women belonging to different ethnic groups, Hindus, Turks,
Bhattis and Thakurs – lost their husbands. Their dwellings were
converted into cremation grounds and their clothes were torn
from head to foot. The Hindu women could neither bathe, nor
apply their frontal marks. Some returned to their homes and
enquired after the safety of their relatives, while others bewailed
their losses in pain. Upper class women suffered great humilia-
tion. At one time, they spent their lives in the lap of luxury on
account of their wealth and beauty. When they were married, their
bridegrooms appeared handsome besides them. They travelled in
palanquins adorned with ivory. Water was sacrificed over their
heads and glittering fans were waved above them. They were gifted
lakhs when they sat down and offered the same amount when they
stood up. They ate coconuts and dates, besides enjoying the joys
of the bridal beds. Their heads were adorned with tresses and
vermilion was poured in the partings. Wealth and beauty, which
426 The Making of Medieval Panjab

afforded them pleasures of life, now became their enemies. Their

heads were shaven with scissors and their throats were filled with
dust. Ropes were put around their necks, while their pearl strings
were broken. Turned out of their places, they were not allowed to
sit near their former abodes. In compliance with the royal orders,
the Mughals dishonoured them and took them away.112

NOTES
1. Yahya bin Ahmad bin Abdullah Sirhindi, Tarikh-i Mubarak Shahi, Persian
text, ed. M. Hidayat Hosain, Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1931,
pp. 141-2 (hereafter cited as Sirhindi); Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-i
Akbari, vol. I, English translation, B. De, Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1973, p.
261 (hereafter cited as Nizamuddin Ahmad); Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah
Firishta, Tarikh-i Firishta, Urdu translation, vol. I, Lahore: Al-Mizan, 2004, p.
330 (hereafter cited as Firishta).
2. Sirhindi, pp. 145-53; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 267-71; Firishta, I, pp. 332-4.
3. Sirhindi, pp. 157-8.
4. A severe conflict between the factions of nobles led by Saadat Khan and
Muqarrab Khan led to the emergence of two Sultans – Nasiruddin Mahmud
Shah at Delhi and Nasiruddin Nusrat Shah at Firozabad. The writ of the
former was confined to the forts of Delhi and Siri, while his rival controlled
the parganas of Doab, Sambhal, Panipat, Rohtak and Jhajjar upto 20 leagues
from Delhi. Every day, there were armed clashes between the partisans of the
rival camps and, in spite of frequent casualties, neither could win a decisive
victory. The nobles established themselves as rulers and began to appropriate
tribute and taxes (mal wa mahsul). Such a situation prevailed for three years.
Sirhindi, pp. 160-1; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 276; Firishta, I, p. 337.
5. Sirhindi, pp. 161-4; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 276-8; Firishta, I, pp. 337-8.
6. Amir Timur (1334-1405), who was the son of a chief of the Turko-Mongol
clan of Barlas, built his power on the ruins of the four Mongol Khanates.
Acquiring undisputed leadership over the Ulus Chaghtai, he established his
control over Transoxiana. Before invading northern India, he had carried
out elaborate military campaigns in Sistan, Afghanistan, Herat, Khurasan,
Mazandran, Azarbaijan, Baghdad, Anatolia, Georgia, Siberia and Southern
Russia. For an analysis of his political power, see Beatrice Forbes Manz, The
Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989,
pp. 148-53.
7. Sirhindi, pp. 162-3.
8. Owing to the devastating conquests of Timur, a large number of Muslims
from Central Asia and Persia, migrated to Kashmir. Sikandar Shah (r. 1389-
1413) provided them financial support and land grants to many of them,
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 427

so that they built houses, hospices and graveyards. Mohammad Habib and
Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, eds., A Comprehensive History of India, vol. V: Delhi
Sultanate, ad 1206-1526, pp. 745-6.
9. Sharfuddin Ali Yazdi, Zafar Nama, Persian text, ed. Muhammad Ilahdad,
Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1888, vol. II, pp. 46-8 (herafter cited as
Yazdi).
10. Yazdi, pp. 49-52.
11. Talamba, a town on the left bank of the Ravi, was situated 51 miles northeast
of Multan. Its fortress once possessed great strength and its antiquity was
vouched for by the size of its bricks. Its ruins consisted of an open city,
which was protected on the south by a lofty fortress of 1,000 feet square.
The outer rampart of earth had a thickness of 200 feet and a height of 20
feet. A second rampart of earth of equal elevation stood on its summit. Both
were originally faced with large bricks. When Timur plundered Talamba
and massacred its inhabitants, he left the citadel untouched. According
to tradition, the site was abandoned due to a change in the course of the
Ravi during the time of Mahmud Langah (r. 1510-25). Imperial Gazetteer
of India, Provincial Series: Punjab, vol. II, Calcutta: Superintendent of
Government Printing, 1908, p. 244.
12. Yazdi, pp. 53-8.
13. Ibid., pp. 59-64.
14. Ibid., pp. 67-71.
15. Ibid., pp. 72-6.
16. Ibid., pp. 77-83.
17. Ibid., pp. 84-92.
18. The number of war elephants in the pilkhana had declined from 470 early
in the reign of Firoz Shah Tughluq to 120 on the eve of Timur’s invasion.
The invaders, by making special arrangements, rendered them ineffective
and, after their victory, captured all of them. Laden with treasure and
carved stones, they were carried away to Samarqand. As a result, the ruler
of Delhi stood on terms of equality with the kingdoms of Gujarat, Malwa
and Jaunpur. The north Indian Sultanates had to build the pilkhanas from
a scratch. Simon Digby, War Horse and Elephant in the Delhi Sultanate: A
Study of Military Supplies, Oxford: Oxford Monographs, 1971, pp. 81-2.
19. Yazdi, pp. 103-16.
20. Ibid., pp. 116-24.
21. Ibid., pp. 128-31; in this manner, the fort, which could not be occupied
even by Tarmashirin Khan, was reduced by Timur. Interestingly, Timur
admonished the writers who, while drafting the letters of victory, tried to
assert the superiority of Timur over Tarmashirin Khan as a general. Timur
made it a point to alter the draft, so that the contribution of a distinguished
ancestor was recognized.
22. Yazdi, pp. 139-42.
428 The Making of Medieval Panjab

23. The pass (darrah) of Kopla was situated in the expanse of mountains from
where the Ganga flowed out. At a distance of 15 kos from this spot, there
was a stone which was shaped like a cow. The water of the Ganga emerged
from this stone. People of India (diyar hind) worshipped this stone and,
through this act, hoped to gain proximity to God. They cremated the dead
and poured the ashes in the river, as they believed this act as a source of
salvation (vaseela najat). They also threw gold and silver in the river. The
pilgrims shaved the hair of the head and beard. They bathed in the river
and poured the water over their heads. This ritual had the same sanctity in
their eyes as Haj among the Muslims. Abul Nasr Utbi, the author of Kitab-i
Yamini, had described the state of Hindus and their beliefs regarding this
river. Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, towards the end of his reign, led his army
to this place. Yazdi, pp. 145-6.
24. Yazdi, pp. 139-42.
25. Ibid., pp. 143-4.
26. Ibid., pp. 149-56.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid., pp. 157-9.
29. Ibid., pp. 160-1.
30. At this juncture, Shaikh Nuruddin, an emissary of Sikandar Shah (r. 1389-
1413), the ruler of Kashmir, presented himself before Timur and conveyed
a message of submission. During the ensuing negotiations, it was decided
that Sikandar Shah would offer a tribute comprising 30,000 horses and one
lakh Kashmiri coins weighing 2.5 misqals each. Timur felt that the amount
of ransom was much more than could be borne by the resources of the
kingdom. It appears that Sikandar Shah was given a period of four weeks to
pay the tribute, when Timur’s army was likely to reach the Indus on its way
to Samarqand.
31. Yazdi, pp. 163-5.
32. Ibid., pp. 66-9. According to a regional history, Raja Mal Dev (r. 1360-1401),
who ruled over Jammu at this time, offered to submit. As Timur invited
him to embrace Islam, the negotiations collapsed and the Rajputs prepared
for battle. Clad in Gulnari apparel and embroidered turbans, they applied
saffron marks on their foreheads. Uttering ‘Ram Ram’ and carrying swords,
they galloped down the hills in a dreadful appearance and overwhelming
numbers. They fought so ferociously that the battlefield was strewn with
corpses of Muslims like the desert of Karbala. When Timur realized that the
situation had gone out of hand, he took to treachery and prayed for safety.
Raja Mal Dev, having carried the day, went atop the mountain and took
refuge in a jungle. Timur pursued the victors to the foot of the mountain
and, at the advice of his nobles, turned back and crossed the Chenab. In
a fierce attack, the Raja’s army killed several invaders upto the bank and
captured much booty. Several invaders perished in the flood, while the fame
of the Raja spread far and wide owing to his achievements on the battle-
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 429

field. Ganeshdas Badehra, Rajdarshani, English Translation, Sukhdev

Singh Charak and Anita K. Billawaria, Jammu: Jay Kay Book Store, 1991,
pp. 101-2.
33. Yazdi, pp. 169-72.
34. Ibid., pp. 173-82.
35. Sirhindi, pp. 167.
36. Sirhindi, pp. 173-4; Nizamuddin Ahmad, vol. I, pp. 285-6.
37. Sirhindi, pp. 176-80; Nizamuddin Ahmad, vol. I, pp. 287-90.
38. Khizr Khan was the son of Malik Sulaiman, who had been adopted as a
son by Malik Mardan Daulat. During the reign of Firoz Shah Tughluq, the
iqta of Multan was assigned to Malik Mardan Daulat. After the death of
this muqti, Multan was assigned to his adoptive son Malik Sulaiman and,
following his demise, it came into the hands of Khizr Khan. The Persian
chronicles have assigned a Syed identity on Khizr Khan on two grounds.
Firstly, Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari (the Suhrawardi saint of Uch) declared
Malik Sulaiman to be a Syed and, owing to this, did not allow him to wash
his hands. Secondly, Khizr Khan possessed laudable virtues – bravery,
generosity, humility, equanimity and adherence to his words – that were
conspicuous in Prophet Muhammad. Sirhindi, p. 182; Nizamuddin Ahmad,
vol. I, 292; Firishta, vol. II, p. 365.
39. Sirhindi, pp. 183-7; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 293-6; Firishta, II, p. 366.
40. Sirhindi, pp. 189-90; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 297-8; Firishta, II, p. 367.
41. During the course of his second rebellion, Tughan Rais Turkbacha
joined hands with the impostor Sarang Khan. On learning that his new
ally possessed a large quantitity of wealth, Tughan Rais Turkbacha was
overpowered by greed and got him killed. However, only Firishta has
mentioned this particular cause of the murder. Firishta, II, p. 367.
42. Sirhindi, pp. 191-92; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 298-9; Firishta, II, p. 367.
43. Sirhindi, p. 194; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 300-1.
44. Sirhindi, who has been followed by other writers, stated that Rai Kamaluddin
Muin was attacked at Talwandi. But in the next sentence, he wrote that
Rai Firoz Muin, who was the zamindar of that place, fled towards the
east. Kishori Saran Lal, Twilight of the Sultanate, New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, rpt., 1980, p. 86, fn. 15.
45. Sirhindi, pp. 195-6; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 300-1.
46. Sirhindi, pp. 196-7; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 301-2.
47. Sirhindi, pp. 198-9; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 302-4.
48. Sirhindi, pp. 201-02; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 305.
49. Sirhindi, pp. 212-13; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 310-11.
50. Sirhindi, p. 214; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 311.
51. Sirhindi, pp. 214-17; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 312-13.
52. In pursuance of a clear strategy, Shaikh Ali took particular care to ravage
the districts of the nobles, who were investing the fort of Bathinda and thus
succeeded in his object. Kishori Saran Lal, Twilight of the Sultanate, p. 92.
430 The Making of Medieval Panjab

53. Sirhindi, pp. 217-18; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 313-14.

54. Sirhindi, pp. 218-20; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 314.
55. Sirhindi, pp. 220-21. Deeply influenced by the changing political fortunes,
Sirhindi reflected on his times that revealed strange feats through its
bicoloured sheets and multicoloured veils. As he argued, owing to the
negligence of youth (ghaflat jawani) one should not trust this world, which
was comparable to a coquettish old woman, an attractive young maiden and
a deceitful whore. This woman had removed the valiant warriors from their
kingdoms and powerful emperors from their thrones, pushing them into
their coffins. She had also deprived numerous young damsels and newly
married brides of their beauty and inflicted on them the blows of autumn,
imprisoning them in the dust of extinction (aseer khak fana). Sirhindi,
p. 222.
56. Sirhindi, pp. 223-24; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 315-16.
57. Sirhindi, pp. 224-26; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, 317.
58. Sirhindi has alleged that Shaikh Ali was a despicable and irreligious man,
that his real object was to destroy the seat of Islam and that he achieved it
by taking all the Muslims as prisoners. The writer has complained that God,
who is the most high and a helper of Islam, had increased the malevolence
of that accursed person. He prayed that God might assist those who helped
the religion of Prophet Muhammad and disgrace those who discredited
his religion. Sirhindi’s narrative of the episode was in line with the
familiar rhetoric that was adopted by the official chronicles in describing
the Mongol invasions of northwestern India during the thirteenth and
fourteenth century. Yet these lines underscored Sirhindi’s deep anguish
at the atrocities inflicted by the invaders on the helpless populace which
had been left without defence by its own local administrators. Sirhindi,
pp. 228-9.
59. Sirhindi, pp. 228-9; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 318-19.
60. Shorkot was situated among the lowlands of the Chenab, about 4 miles from
the left bank of the river and 36 miles southwest of Jhang. The modern town
stood at the foot of a huge mound of ruins, marking the sight of an ancient
city, which was surrounded by a wall of large antique bricks, and so high
as to be visible for 8 miles around. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial
Series: Punjab, vol. II, p. 218.
61. Sirhindi, pp. 230-31; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 319.
62. Sirhindi, p. 233; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 321.
63. Mohammad Habib and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, eds., A Comprehensive
History of India, vol. V: The Delhi Sultanate, ad 1206-1526, p. 658.
64. The only contemporary source, Yahya bin Ahmad bin Abdullah Sirhindi’s
Tarikh-i Mubarak Shahi, which provided a useful account of the political
developments in the early fifteenth century, terminated at 1434. The later
sources, which were written in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, have
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 431

made only brief references to the role of Jasrath Khokhar in his last phase.
We have no alternative but to rely on this inadequate evidence.
65. Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 327; Badauni, I, p. 398; Firishta, II, p. 380.
66. Kishori Saran Lal, Twilight of the Sultanate, p. 118.
67. Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 328; Badauni, I, p. 399; Firishta, II, p. 381.
68. Firishta, II, p. 386.
69. Ibid., p. 386; Shaikh Rizqullal Mushtaqi, Waqiat-i Mushtaqi, Persian text,
ed. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui and Waqar ul-Hasan Siddiqi, Rampur: Raza
Library, 2002, p. 3.
70. Andre Wink, ‘On the Road to Failure: The Afghans in Mughal India,’ in
Islamicate Traditions in South Asia: Themes from Culture and History, ed.
Agnieszka Kuczkiewics Fras, New Delhi: Manohar, 2013, pp. 272-4, 297-8.
71. Simon Digby, ‘After Timur Left: North India in the Fifteenth Century,’
in After Timur Left: Culture and Circulation in the Fifteenth Century
North India, ed. Francesca Orsini and Samira Shaikh, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2014, p. 51.
72. At this point in his narrative, Abdullah has inserted the story of the dervish
of Samana, who conferred the kingdom of Delhi on Bahlol Lodi in return
for an offering of 1,600 tankas.
73. Abdullah, Tarikh-i Daudi, Persian text, ed. Shaikh Abdur Rashid and
Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1969, pp. 3-5;
Shaikh Rizqullah Mushtaqi, Waqiat-i Mushtaqi, p. 4. However, Nizam-
uddin Ahmad and Fririshta did not support the statement regarding the
involvement of Bahlol Lodi in horse trade.
74. Abdullah, Tarikh-i Daudi, 5-6; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, pp. 332-3; Firishta,
II, p. 386.
75. Abdullah, Tarikh-i Daudi, pp. 6-7; Nizamuddin Ahmad, I, p. 334; Firishta,
II, p. 387.
76. In a banquet hosted by Hamid Khan, Bahlol Lodi was accompanied by a
group of Afghans. According to a premeditated plan, these Afghans began
to behave in a crude and comical manner. Hamid Khan became convinced
that the Afghans were a bunch of simpletons who would not harm him
in any way. He permited a free access to the Afghans in his quarters and,
falling into a trap, became a prisoner in their hands. Bahlol Lodi achieved
his aim in a bloodless drama. Abdullah, Tarikh-i Daudi, pp. 8-10; Shaikh
Rizqullah Mushtaqi, Waqiat-i Mushtaqi, pp. 5-7; Firishta, II, pp. 387-8.
77. The princely state of Malerkotla was bounded by the district of Ludhiana
on the north and by Patiala territory elsewhere, except for a few miles on
western border, where it marched with some Nabha villages. The country
was a level plain, unbroken by any hill or stream, but varied only by sand
drifts occurring in all directions. The chief town of Malerkotla was divided
into two parts, Maler and Kotla, which were united by the construction of
Moti Bazar. The former was founded by Shaikh Sadruddin and the latter
by Bayazid Khan in 1656. The principal buildings were the residence of
432 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the ruling chief, an administrative block in Kotla and the tomb of Shaikh
Sadruddin. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series: Punjab, vol. II,
pp. 398-400.
78. Khwaja Niamatullah bin Khwaja Habibullah al-Harvi, Tarikh-i Khan Jahani
wa Makhzan-i Afghani, Persian text, ed. Syed Muhammad Imamuddin,
Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1962, vol. II, pp. 787-8.
79. Members of the families of Haidar Shaikh’s descendants (khalifas) have
preserved a large stock of stories about their progenitor. These tales, which
were not related by other inhabitants of Malerkotla, tended to emphasize
Haidar Shaikh’s spiritual power over worldly authority. Ahmad, who served
as a revenue collector (nambardar) and whose father and grandfather were
Sufis, was a prominent source of such stories. It was Ahmad who narrated
this particular story. Anna Bigelow, Sharing the Sacred: Practicing Pluralism
in Muslim North India, New York: Oxford University Press, 2010, pp. 46-7.
80. Ibid., p. 47.
81. Ibid.
82. Nawab Iftikhar Ali Khan, History of the Ruling Family of Sheikh Sadruddin
Sadar-i Jahan of Malerkotla (1449 ad to 1948 ad), ed., R.K. Ghai, Patiala:
Punjabi University, 2000, pp. 1-10.
83. The ancient name of Banur was Pushpa or Popa Nagari or Pushpavati (the
city of flowers). Once it was famous for pefume distilled from Chambeli
gardens. As observed in the early twentieth century, the ruins surrounding
Banur testified to its former importance. The tomb of Malik Sulaiman, the
father of the Syed ruler Khizr Khan, was found here. Mentioned in Babur’s
memoirs, Banur became a subdistrict (mahal) of the government of Sirhind
under Akbar. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series: Punjab, vol. II,
p. 303.
84. Official papers, which were in the possession of the ruling family of
Malerkotla, have incorporated the story of the horse, but have recorded the
name of Bahlol Lodi instead of Sikandar Lodi. Remaining elements of the
story – gift of the horse, its slaughter and consumption by the followers
of the Shaikh, the Sultan’s attempt to recover the horse and the Shaikh’s
miracle of showing more than a hundred horses – have been repeated.
Bahlol Lodi became a disciple of the Shaikh and offered his daughter in
marriage to him. Three years after securing the throne of Delhi, Bahlol Lodi
passed through Malerkotla and solemnized the marriage of his daughter Taj
Murassa Begum with the Shaikh. Nawab Iftikhar Ali Khan, op. cit., pp. 4-5.
85. Nawab Iftikhar Ali Khan, op. cit., pp. 6-8.
86. Bigelow, Sharing the Sacred: Practicing Pluralism in Muslim North India,
pp. 33-4.
87. Nawab Iftikhar Ali Khan, op. cit., pp. 11-13.
88. Ibid., pp. 15-22.
89. Salim Mohammed, ‘Shrine of Shaikh Sadruddin at Malerkotla: History,
Politics and Culture,’ in Sufism In Punjab: Mystics, Literature and Shrines,
 Making and Breaking of Political Structures 433

ed., Surinder Singh and Ishwar Dayal Gaur, New Delhi: Aakar Books, 2009,
pp. 363-5.
90. Ibid., pp. 366-70.
91. Bigelow, Sharing the Sacred: Practicing Pluralism in Muslim North India,
pp. 177-82.
92. Nizamuddin Ahmad, II, pp. 788-9.
93. Ibid., p. 788.
94. Rai Sehra directed the servant to cut the throat of a lamb with his knife in a
corner of the house and to bring the blood in a cup after heating it. When
the servant carried out the order, Rai Sehra drank off the cup, resulting in
a fake illness.
95. Nizamuddin Ahmad, II, pp. 789-90.
96. Ibid., pp. 790-1.
97. Sultan Husain attacked the fort of Shorkot, which was held by Ghazi
Syed Khan. The latter advanced 10 leagues and, after fighting bravely
for a while, fled to Bhera. His followers continued to resist the besiegers,
hoping for reinforcements from Bhera, Khanewal and Khushab that were
in the possession of Syed Khani nobles. Failing to secure any help, they
surrendered the fort and went to Bhera. Sultan Husain settled the affairs of
Shorkot and, besieging the fort of Khanewal, captured it from Malik Majhi
Khokhar, who was a representative of Ghazi Syed Khan. Nizamuddin
Ahmad, II, pp. 792-3.
98. Nizamuddin Ahmad, II, pp. 791-5.
99. The Thattawa tribe controlled the greater part of the area between Bhakkar
and Thatta. Considering themselves as descendants of Jamshed, the
Thattawas were superior to other tribes in bravery and administration. The
two Thattawa chiefs were angry with Jam Nanda, the Samma ruler of Sind,
who also regarded himself as a descendant of Jamshed and backed another
faction of the Thattawa tribe. Nizamuddin Ahmad, II, pp. 795-6.
100. On behalf of Multan, its wazir Imad ul-Mulk Tawalak claimed that the
region had given rise to a number of eminent Sufis and scholars, who had
earned unprecedented fame in Hindustan. This statement was made in
retaliation to the arrogance of Sultan Muzaffar of Gujarat, who felt that the
entire revenue of Multan could not finance a single building matching the
palaces of Gujarat. It was argued that God had distinguished each kingdom
with some excellence, which was respected in other kingdoms. The states
of Gujarat, Deccan, Malwa and Bengal were known for their fertility
and materials of enjoyment. Yet the kingdom of Multan had produced
great men (Sufis and scholars) who were honoured wherever they went.
Nizamuddin Ahmad, II, pp. 797-8.
101. Ibid., pp. 799-802.
102. Ibid., pp. 802-4.
103. Ibid., pp. 805-6.
104. Ibid., pp. 810-11.
434 The Making of Medieval Panjab

105. Guru Arjan Dev, ed., Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Original text with English and
Punjabi translations, Manmohan Singh, Amritsar: Shiromani Gurudwara
Prabandhak Committee, 2nd edn., 1981, p. 145.
106. Ibid., pp. 468-9.
107. Ibid., p. 1288.
108. Ibid., p. 1191.
109. Ibid., pp. 471-2.
110. Ibid., p. 360.
111. Ibid., pp. 417-18.
112. Ibid., p. 417.
 CHAPTER 7

Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab

South of the Satluj, the towns of Hansi and Panipat emerged as

centres of Islamic spirituality during the middle of the thirteenth
century. Baba Farid had established a Chishti seat at Hansi, situated
on the Delhi-Multan route and the headquarters of a revenue
assignment (iqta), which was once entrusted to Ghiasuddin
Balban. Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi and his successors nourished
this establishment with care and commitment. At Panipat on
the Delhi-Lahore route, Bu Ali Qalandar set up a hospice and
shaped a tradition of opposition to the Islamic orthodoxy. Both
Shaikh Hansavi and Bu Ali Qalandar employed their pens to
record mystical ideas, while their popularity is epitomized in
shrines that have survived upto the present. An equally significant
development was the arrival from Kaliyar of the Sabiris, who
worked from Panipat throughout the Sultanate period, and
went on to establish new seats at Shahabad and Thanesar. The
Sabiri tradition, extending from Shaikh Alauddin Ali Ahmad
Sabir to Shaikh Abdul Quddus Gangohi, percolated into several
hagiographies only centuries after the demise of the early masters.
During the second half of the fifteenth century, Malerkotla rose to
prominence owing to the efforts of a Suhrawardi exemplar Shaikh
Sadruddin.

The Chishti Seat of Hansi

Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi (d. 1261) was a prominent disciple of
Baba Farid. A descendant of Imam Abu Hanifa, he had served as
a sermonizer (khatib) before devoting himself to mysticism. Baba
Farid took pride in the spiritual excellence of Shaikh Hansavi. He
436 The Making of Medieval Panjab

often said that Jamal was his beauty and that he wished to revolve
around his head. It was on account of his deep attachment to
Shaikh Hansavi that Baba Farid spent twelve years of his career as a
Sufi at Hansi.1 The fame of Shaikh Hansavi had spread to different
parts of northwestern India. Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya was said
to have written to Baba Farid, offering to exchange all his disciples
for Shaikh Hansavi and proposed an immediate settlement of the
matter. Rejecting the proposal, Baba Farid asserted that Jamal
(Shaikh Hansavi) was his beauty and that a deal could be finalized
in case of property, but not in case of Jamal (beauty).2 Not sur-
prisingly, Baba Farid made Shaikh Hansavi an integral part of his
organizational activities. Whenever he conferred a certificate of
succession on a disciple, Baba Farid directed him to visit Hansi
and show the document to Shaikh Hansavi for approval. In the
case of one unnamed disciple, Hansavi tore up the document on
the ground that it was secured by exerting undue pressure on
the preceptor. Deeply frustrated at this unexpected outcome, the
man returned to Ajodhan and, showing the torn letter, sought
assistance of his mentor. Baba Farid expressed his inability to
intervene in the matter, because he could not sew what had been
torn by Shaikh Hansavi.3 On the other hand, the experience of
another distinguished disciple of Baba Farid, Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya, was quite happy. When Shaikh Nizamuddin showed his
certificate of succession to Shaikh Hansavi, the latter treated the
visitor with kindness and said:
Khudai jahan ra hazaran sipas
Keh gauhar sapurde ba-gauhar shanas
Thousands of thanks to the Lord of the world
For assigning the jewel to one who understood its value.
After this pleasant experience, Shaikh Nizamuddin recalled
a change in the attitude of Shaikh Hansavi towards him. When
he came to Hansi before his succession, Shaikh Hansavi would
stand by way of respect; but after he earned his succession, Shaikh
Hansavi did not stand. Shaikh Nizamuddin began to wonder why.
Shaikh Hansavi explained. Now that Shaikh Nizamuddin had
received the succession, the two had become equal in status. A
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 437

relationship of love had been established between them and they

had become one. So it was not appropriate for Shaikh Hansavi to
stand in his own honour.4 In the circle of Baba Farid’s disciples,
Shaikh Hansavi was remembered for his gentleness and hospital-
ity. On one occasion, Shaikh Nizamuddin went to Hansi to meet
his friend. It was the time of prayer on a cold winter morning.
Shaikh Hansavi turned to the visitor and recited the following
couplet:
Ba-raughan gau andareen roz khanak
Neko bashad harisa wa naan tanak
Cooked on a cold day in ghee of cow’s milk
It is good to eat harisa and crisp baked bread.
Shaikh Nizammuddin felt that speaking of something which
was not there was like whispering about an absent person. Shaikh
Hansavi replied that he had already asked his servants to bring
these dishes and soon after these were served in trays. This appar-
ently minor incident is understandable if read with another
incident. Once at Ajodhan, a man was invited by Baba Farid to
join him for meals. When the loaves of bread were brought, Baba
Farid instructed that they be placed on the ground. The guest
said it would have been better if there were a tablecloth (sufrah).
Baba Farid drew a design on the ground with his index finger and
asked the guest to treat it as a tablecloth. Baba Farid did not fail
to remark that the man was yet a novice and had just begun his
spiritual journey.5
As soon as Shaikh Hansavi became a disciple of Baba Farid,
he began to follow the Chishti principle of poverty and starva-
tion in letter and spirit. His attendant, a woman of piety known
as Madar-i Mominan, often travelled from Hansi to Ajodhan
and carried messages of her master to Baba Farid. Once, Baba
Farid asked her about the activities of his disciple. The woman
replied, ‘Ever since he has entered the circle of your discipleship,
he has snapped all ties with worldly matters. He has renounced
his job as a sermonizer (khatib) as well as his material posses-
sions. Indeed, he is voluntarily facing starvation and performing
a variety of austerities.’ Baba Farid was satisfied at the state of
438 The Making of Medieval Panjab

his disciple and remarked that he was leading a happy life.6 Even
when Shaikh Hansavi established himself as a mystic in his own
right, he continued to adhere to the spiritual path of his mentor.
On one occasion, Shaikh Nizamuddin stopped at Hansi on his
way to Ajodhan. Shaikh Hansavi, who was not able to meet the
expenditure of his hospice, requested his friend to inform Baba
Farid about his financial difficulties and to seek his prayer for
the necessary remedy. Baba Farid reflected, then replied, ‘When
a spiritual territory (wilayat) is assigned to anyone, it becomes
incumbent on him to turn it towards himself.’7 In other words,
the solution of Shaikh Hansavi’s travails did not lie in mobilizing
larger material resources, but in dedication to the spiritual welfare
of the people with greater vigour. Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud
(the leading disciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya) was asked to
identify the solace of the king of the hereafter (Sufis). He replied
that this consolation lay in diverting one’s heart to God in abso-
lute terms. While admitting that the spiritual accomplishments of
Shaikh Hansavi were famous, he felt that these were less virtuous
than those of the prophets.8
In accordance with a practice current among the Sufis, a pre-
ceptor gave advice (wasiyat) to a disciple who embarked on a
journey. If the preceptor himself gave the advice, if unsolicited,
the advice was considered a blessing. If he did not do so, then the
disciple made a formal request to that effect. Once, Shaikh Hansavi
wished to travel southwards from Ajodhan along with a group of
disciples, including Shaikh Nizamuddin and Shamsuddin Dabir.
Baba Farid directed him to keep Shaikh Nizamuddin happy dur-
ing the course of the journey. Accordingly, Shaikh Hansavi (as
also Dabir) treated Shaikh Nizamuddin with kindness. The group
reached near Agroha, where a friend of Shaikh Hansavi, whose
name was Miran, served as the administrator. This man wel-
comed the visitors and spent a lot of money on hospitality. Shaikh
Hansavi gratefully acknowledged the kind gestures of the host
and sought his permission to resume their journey. During those
days, the area had not received its share of rainfall and the people
had been suffering on account of the drought. Miran declared that
he would permit the visitors to leave only when it rained. Shaikh
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 439

Hansavi did not say anything, but inwardly turned his attention
towards the problem. Before the night was over, it rained so heav-
ily that the area was covered with water. Next morning, every
one was found to be happy. In order to show their gratitude to
Shaikh Hansavi and his companions, the people arranged for their
transport as well as luggage. From a village near Agroha to Hansi,
the group covered the distance on horses. Unfortunately, Shaikh
Nizamuddin was separated from the rest owing to a recalcitrant
horse and an upset stomach.9 The entire episode, besides pointing
to the miraculous powers possessed by Shaikh Hansavi, shows that
he commanded respect among the people of his spiritual domain
(wilayat) including lower bureaucracy of the Delhi Sultanate.
Shaikh Hansavi had developed a deep love and intimate friend-
ship with Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi, who had established a beautiful
hospice (khanqah) on the Jamuna, adjacent to Indarpat. This
man possessed several qualities of saintliness, but his mystical
engagement had nothing to do with the Haidaris. The affection-
ate relations between Shaikh Hansavi and Shaikh Tusi had been
brought about by the former’s disciple Maulana Husamuddin
Indarpati. Whenever Shaikh Hansavi came to Delhi with the object
of paying homage at the shrine of Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiar
Kaki, he had a meeting with Shaikh Tusi. Since Indarpati regarded
these occasions as a blessing, he organized a lavish feast in honour
of Shaikh Tusi and his friend. Interestingly, Shaikh Nizamuddin
was also present in these meetings. Once, Shaikh Hansavi came to
visit Shaikh Tusi. Indarpati, who was then in the village Kilokheri
on the bank of the river, came out to welcome the guest. The two
were separated by the river. Shaikh Hansavi enquired about his
white falcon (Shaikh Tusi). In response, Indarpati stated that
Shaikh Tusi had decided to perform the Haj. Shaikh Hansavi
asked Indarpati to meet Shaikh Tusi on the other side of the river
and communicate the following couplet:10
It would be much better to sacrifice one head at your feet.
It would be even better if there were a thousand heads instead of one.
Make the cave of your abode like Abu Bakr Siddiq.
It is only in the cave that Abu Bakr is Abu Bakr Muhammadi.
440 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Endowed with a creative mind, Shaikh Hansavi produced a large

corpus of Persian poetry that runs into two lithographed volumes.
But his masterpiece is Mulhimat (Divine Inspirations), a small
book of aphorisms in simple and catchy Arabic. In the words of
Bruce Lawrence, ‘Like the Usul al-Tariqah of Hamiduddin Suwali
Nagauri, the Mulhimat of Jamaluddin Hansavi must have served
a propaedeutic function in the expansion of the new silsilah.’11
In the first half of the thirteenth century, Shaikh Shihabuddin
Suhrawardi’s treatise Awarif ul-Maarif was avidly taught in the
Sufi estrablishments in Panjab. The Mulhimat, though composed
in Arabic like the Awarif, differed from Shaikh Suhrawardi’s
prestigious work in many respects. Specifically addressed to the
novice, it consisted of a series of instructions that were presented
in an accessible idiom. It identified the qualities of a genuine
seeker, who assumed the garb of a true lover engaged in the search
of his Beloved. Shaikh Hansavi was quick to draw parallels from
the struggle of legendary lovers, while he was conversant with
the mystical thought of Khwaja Hasan Basri and Abu Saeed Abul
Khair. He underlined relations between the seeker and his men-
tor, emphasizing the inner meanings of a variety of rituals that
were seen as the hallmark of Sufism. Adding a personal touch, he
opened every argument by addressing the seeker as Ahmad, who
was none other than himself.
Shaikh Hansavi drew a distinction between three types of
people: the seeker of the world (talib al-duniya), the seeker of the
hereafter (talib al-aqiba) and the seeker of God (talib al-maula).
These three categories displayed different characteristics. The
seeker of the world was arrogant, base and avaricious. Deprived
and chained, he was also condemned and spurned. The seeker
of the hereafter was wise, auspicious and wealthy. Treading the
right path, he was befriended, forgiven and exalted. The seeker of
God was perfect, laudable and secure. Being a master and chief, he
was ranked higher than all others. Seekers of the world were the
most numerous, seekers of the hereafter less so and seekers of God
were few. Similarly our Shaikh drew a distinction between ascetics
(zahid) and gnostics (arif). The ascetic renounced the world for
the hereafter, cleansed the exterior with water and traversed the
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 441

spiritual path. He perpetually endeavoured to come out of his self

and continuously strove to behold God. The gnostic renounced
the world for God and purged his interior of carnal desire asso-
ciated with Satan. By focusing his gaze on the Creator of earth
and heaven, he reached his destination. The vocation of a gnos-
tic comprised six elements. When he remembered God, he felt
elated; when he remembered his own self, he considered it worth-
less; when he saw signs of God, he acknowledged them; when he
inclined towards sin or lust, he reprimanded himself; when he
remembered God, he congratulated himself, and when he recalled
his sins, he sought forgiveness. The gnostic transcended the world,
emerged out of his self and saw the beauty of the Beloved for ever.
A gnostic was known by three signs – his food was that of a sick
person; his sleep was that of saints; and his crying was that of a
woman whose son had died.12
Every human being was endowed with good and bad qualities.
The good ones could be preserved by submission (taat) and devo-
tion (ibadat), while the bad ones could be removed by spiritual
exercises (riyazat) and contemplation (mujahidat). This object
could be achieved by means of prayer (salat), which personified
a collection of all devotional acts (majmua al-taat) and treasure
of worship (makhzan al-ibadat). The most crucial element in
prayer was the absorption of the heart. In fact, prayer was like a
body and absorption was like the soul. Prayer was the highest of
all devotional acts and the key to felicities (miftah al-saadat). It
could be maintained only by believers with absolute faith, and
devout Muslims. A person gifted with blessings, felt inspired to
offer prayer. If his heart was fully absorbed in prayer, he acquired
the felicity of supplication (lazzat al-munajat). Prayer was like
an eye whose light was absorption and this absorption, in turn,
was like the light embedded in the verses of the Quran. Such
an absorption in prayer was experienced by Hazrat Musa at the
mountain of Toor. A prayer without absorption was compara-
ble to moon from which light had disappeared, as well as food,
which did not have the basic ingredients of oil and salt. When
God held a person in the ambit of his guidance, He inspired him
to pray. But when God was angry with a person, he pushed him
442 The Making of Medieval Panjab

into sinful acts. Next in importance to prayer was remembrance of

God (zikr), which was sweetness for the tongue (halwat al-lisan)
and felicity for the heart (rahat al-jinan). Remembrance was like
a furnace for the heart and proof of friendship. The three letters
of the word remembrance (zikr) stood for sagacity, intelligence
and feeling. Remembrance was rewarded with purification of
the heart, elimination of the carnal self and sensitivity of feeling.
Remembrance was of two kinds. Remembrance of man stood for
repentance and return to God, while remembrance of God meant
the acceptance of one’s repentance. A person who remembered
God at night received happy tidings. A person who spent the night
in sin received bad tidings.13
There were two types of people – those who were given to the
gratification of self (ashab al-nafus) and those who were spiritually
awakened (arbab al-qulub). Those who craved for self sought to
satisfy their carnal desires. As their hearts underwent decay, they
were separated from God and deprived of His mercy. Associating
with the profane led to loss, as the company of self culminated in
a wound. The self was as dangerous as a mad dog and its domina-
tion was more detrimental than Satan. In fact, such people were
as good as dead. On the other hand, the spiritually awakened pos-
sessed healthy hearts and were close to God. Engrossed deeply in
the Lord of the two worlds, they were forgiven their lapses. They
were human beings in the real sense, as they had succeeded in
suppressing the self. Three letters comprising the word man (rajl)
stood for devotion, liberality and commitment to good deeds. A
real man was one who gave away what he received in the way of
God without hoarding, and made the worship of God incumbent
on himself as long as he lived. He did not derive any benefit from
gold and silver, because they were no better than stones in his
eyes. One whose belly was full performed the journey of the world
(safar al-duniya) and one who remained hungry performed the
journey of the hereafter (safar al-aqiba). Excessive consumption
was the fare of the world, while accepting hunger was provision
of the hereafter. Therefore, one who ate less was honoured by all.
Food itself was of two kinds – that of the self and that of the heart.
The former included eatables, while the latter comprised remem-
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 443

brance of God who was the creator (zikr khaliq al-makhluqat).

Absolute faith in God (tawakkul) lay in giving up the pursuit of
livelihood. This was the way of those who were noble and it was
a characteristic of prophets. This kind of faith was born out of
Islam. It was nothing but calmness, with no trace of unrest. Faith
meant replacing material means by mental repose – a state free
from anxiety.14
Shaikh Hansavi has examined the nature of love (ishq), the state
of the lover (ashiq) and obstacles in the pursuit of the Beloved.
Love was a fire which was lighted by the fuel of passion and burnt
in the breast of the lover. The word love comprised of three letters
of the alphabet that reflected affliction, hardship and exhaustion
respectively. These three forms of suffering manifested in the
person who fell in love. Yet his heart experienced exhilaration by
the excess of love. Love itself was of two kinds, that of the com-
mon (shauq al-awwam) and that of the elect (shauq al-khwass).
Love of the common was associated with houris and palaces, while
that of the elect was focused on the Lord who was forgiving (rab
al-ghafur). Love was a great destroyer, as it uprooted homelands
(watn) and razed homes. It turned the wise into restless and
brought immense torment. It was an ailment which did not have
a cure and, since the physician was helpless, recovery from it was
impossible. A lover was bound with the anguish of heart and rope
of friendship. As the door of calamity was open to the lover, his
blood was shed by the sword of love (saif al-ishq). It was imagined
that the lover and Beloved were two spirits that had entered one
body. When anyone saw the lover, he also saw the Beloved and
vice versa.
Unfortunately, love and reason were not found together in one
heart. When the king of love dominated, reason fled. A person
who fell in love was deprived of happiness and plunged into a sea
of woe. He was buried under the weight of sorrow and his breast
was loaded with pain. It was not possible for him to be happy
when he was separated from his Beloved. He was like a fish that
had fallen in the pit of fire. His state was similar to that of Majnu,
who was stricken with madness on being separated from Laila.15
For him, the separation from his Beloved was like poison, whereas
444 The Making of Medieval Panjab

a union with Him was an antidote. In other words, the life of a

lover was synonymous with union, but separation amounted to
death. In these circumstances, the lover had no alternative but to
face hardship and resign himself to the will of the Beloved. If he
could develop the faculty of patience, it could prove as effective as
prayer.16
In the view of Shaikh Hansavi, the role of the spiritual precep-
tor (Shaikh) was indispensable in any discussion on Sufism, an
exercise comparable to the salt in food, light in darkness and spirit
in the body. A disciple (murid) was bound to hold his preceptor
in reverence, which was unconditional and deep. He subjected his
will to the will of his preceptor. He absorbed in his mind what-
ever was inculcated by the preceptor and also acted upon it as
long as he lived. During the course of his training, he adorned
his exterior with good qualities and corrected any evil disposition
by contemplation (muraqba). Since the hair on his head appeared
as a veil (hijab), getting it shorn served as an act of devotion and
piety (iradat wa sawab).17 He was required to remain engaged in
remembrance of God (zikr) and other religious obligations day
and night. He should regulate his life on the basis of strict rules
of discipline. He should learn to see without eyes, hear without
ears, speak without tongue, hold without hands and walk without
feet. In other words, he should plunge into his avocation with such
commitment that he became a stranger to his surroundings and
channelized his natural abilities towards the spiritual quest. He
should separate himself from his self (nafs) so that his spiritual
status rose above fellow beings and djinns.
A disciple should not oppose his preceptor in word or deed.
If he did so, it meant that he was lacking in his devotion towards
him. If anyone levelled false allegations against a preceptor (or
his successor) he suffered loss both in this world and hereafter. If
anyone offended a preceptor or his successor, this act amounted
to offending God and His messenger. When a disciple went to his
preceptor’s place, he should not look right and left, but sit with
head bowed and eyes closed. If the disciple sat in front of him, he
should focus his mind and attentively listen to his advice. When
the disciple walked with the preceptor, he remained behind. He
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 445

should neither be ahead of him, nor on the left or right, because

doing so amounted to disrespect. If the disciple looked at the pre-
ceptor or looked right and left, without being attentive, it was a
show of bad manners leading to the loss of all benefits. A disciple
who did not obey his preceptor was rejected in the mystic path
(tariqat).18
Generally common people identified Sufis by their woollen
garments (suf) and staff (asa). In Shaikh Hansavi’s discussion,
emphasis has been laid on their inner meanings and implied con-
ditions. The three letters comprising the word wool (suf) denoted
purity, fidelity and self annihilation. The saint (faqir) who pos-
sessed these qualities reaped the benefits of saintliness. The saint
who put on a woollen garment only for fame (shohrat) and embel-
lishment (zeenat) was forced to weep over his self. The saint who
wished to overpower his self should wear the woollen garment
and, in so doing, follow the practice of Hazrat Isa.19 Wearing it
for the purpose of acquiring fame was forbidden. A woollen robe
(khirqah) should be worn by a disciple only with the permission
of his mentor (Shaikh) and, with the understanding that, it had no
importance of its own and it was the preceptor’s order that carried
weight. Wearing a woollen garment should be accompanied by
purifying the heart. Otherwise, the wearer would be a Sufi in the
eyes of the common people, not in the eyes of God. Abu Saeed
Abul Khair held that a woollen robe (khirqah) was a shroud (kafn)
of the living,20 heritage of the prophets and saints (miras al-anbiya
wa al-auliya), weighing balance of religion and a mark of believers
(alamat ahl al-yaqeen). It served as a covering of faults and key of
the Unseen. It symbolized purity of both the worlds and terror for
the dissolute.
As regards the benefits of carrying the staff (asa), Shaikh
Hansavi mentioned its six qualities as identified by a famous mys-
tic named Hasan Basri.21 In Sufi practice it was a weapon against
dogs and snakes, a support for the weak, a distress for the dissem-
bler (munafiq), and an addition to virtuousness. It was believed
that if anyone had a staff, the Satan ran away from him and the
seditious stood in his fear. That it had thousands of benefits has
been shown in an episode concerning Hazrat Musa.22 When asked
446 The Making of Medieval Panjab

what he carried in his right hand, he replied that this was his staff
on which he relied to drive his goats and perform many other
tasks related to spiritual gains.23
During the course of their spiritual quest, the Sufis followed a
number of rituals and practices. Each one of them had two aspects,
an outer and an inner. The ordinary people felt satisfied only by
focusing on the outer aspect, while the Sufis concentrated their
minds on the inner aspect. Shaikh Hansavi uncovered the distinc-
tion between these two aspects of religious practice and provided
a number of examples to illustrate his point. In his understanding,
there were two kinds of bath, that of the Shariat (ghusl al-sharia)
and that of the Tariqat (ghusl al-tariqa). In the former, one poured
water over the head and body. In the latter, one pleased the pre-
ceptor (Shaikh) after committing a sin. In a similar manner, the
ablution (wuzu) was of two types, that of the Shariat and that of
the Tariqat. The former comprised washing one’s face, hands and
feet with the water of a well or pond. The latter involved bathing
the heart with the water of devotion and passion for God. Solitude
(tajrid), which was often recommended for contemplation, was
of two types, external (suri) and internal (maanvi). In the former,
observed by beginners, one removed clothes from one’s body. In
the latter, associated with the adept, one’s mind was cleansed of
base qualities and bad habits. In this kind of solitude, the seeker
(salik) divested his mind of lustful thoughts and subjected it to
spiritual exercises (riyazat al-mujahidat). The pursuit of asceti-
cism (tajrid) required that the heart be distanced from all forms
of creation (al-makhluqat wa al-maknunat) and turned towards
the Creator of heaven and earth. The practice of seclusion (uzlat)
brought seven benefits. It protected the creation from him. It
averted his gaze from what was forbidden. It prevented his ears
from listening to what was false. It restrained his tongue from
backbiting and foul words. It made him unmindful of moving
about. It ensured his perpetual engagement with devotion and
prayer. It involved him in the love of God. Travel, the opposite
of solitude,24 was of two kinds viz. outer and inner. The first one
meant a journey through villages and towns, while the second one
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 447

implied moving through the heart and cutting the trees of desires
and whims.25

Friction with the Rulers

After the death of Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi, the Chishti seat of
Hansi continued to flourish under his lineal descendants, but it
came under the influence of Ajodhan and Delhi. This transition
occurred in specific circumstances. Shaikh Hansavi was survived
by two sons. Though the elder one was endowed with wisdom
and intelligence, his perpetual absorption in higher spiritual states
made him appear insane.26 The younger son Khwaja Burhanuddin
was a child. His nurse, known as Madar-i-Mominan, took the boy
to Ajodhan. Baba Farid showered him with affection and received
his allegiance (bait). He not only enrolled him as a disciple, but
also conferred his spiritual succession (khilafat) on him. On this
occasion, he granted a prayer carpet and staff to him and thus
formalized his appointment as the head of the Chishti spiritual
domain (wilayat) of Hansi. These two items had been originally
gifted by Baba Farid to Shaikh Hansavi and had now been brought
by the nurse to Ajodhan. The step had apparently been taken in
anticipation of a final settlement of succession at Hansi. Once
this had been done, Baba Farid declared Khwaja Burhanuddin to
be his shadow like his father and advised him to live under the
tutelage of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. The nurse doubted if the
incumbent could carry the onerous responsibilities as he was still
a child (bala). Baba Farid allayed her apprehensions by saying that
even the full moon was small on the first night and grew to its
fullness on the fourteenth night (Punnu ka chand bhi bala hota
hai).
In accordance with the advice of Baba Farid, Khwaja Burhan-
uddin went to Delhi every year and received instructions from
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. However, even after reaching adult-
hood and acquiring numerous virtues, he did not enrol disci-
ples. He could do so because a Sufi of the eminence of Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya was there. Owing to his modesty, he did not
448 The Making of Medieval Panjab

lie on the cot in the living space (jamaat khana) of his mentor’s
hospice at Delhi. However, on such occasions, he invariably wore
fine clothes and anointed himself with perfume, because this was
the proper conduct while meeting a spiritually accomplished saint.
He repeated this act as many times he met his mentor in a day.27
Shaikh Qutbuddin Munawwar, the son and successor of Khwaja
Burhanuddin, had been brought up in an environment imbued
with mysticism and therefore had developed an early interest in
the discipline. Following the footsteps of his father, he trained
under the tutelage of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Interestingly,
he completed his training at the same time as Shaikh Nasiruddin
Mahmud (who later became popular as Chiragh-i-Delhi) and
also received his certificate of succession (khilafatnama) on the
same day. In accordance with prevailing conventions, Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya summoned Shaikh Munawwar and, after
giving him the document and suitable instructions, directed him
to offer the double prayer (dogana). Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud
was then asked to undergo the same exercise. Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya asked them to congratulate each other for receiving their
mandates of succession and to embrace each other. The mentor
made it clear that they were equal like brothers and that there was
no difference between them on account of any difference in their
respective periods of discipleship. The ceremony over, Shaikh
Nasiruddin Mahmud suggested to his colleague that they should
share the advice (wasiyat) given by their mentor, so that both of
them benefited. Shaikh Munawwar did not accept the proposal,
saying, ‘The instructions of the spiritual master are secret, which
have been revealed to this slave. This secret cannot be divulged
to anyone else. Your secret is for you, whereas mine is for me.’28
Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud agreed that the parting advice of the
Chishti examplers to their disciples differed from case to case and
that its content was possibly determined by the ability and apti-
tude of each as an individual.
Before Shaikh Munawwar departed for Hansi, Shaikh Nizam-
uddin Auliya gave a copy of the manuscript of Awarif-ul-Maarif
to him and related the background of this gesture. The manuscript
had been originally given by Baba Farid to Shaikh Jamaluddin
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 449

Hansavi (the grandfather of Shaikh Munawwar) when the latter

received his certificate of succession. During the course of Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya’s visit to Hansi,29 Shaikh Hansavi presented
this manuscript to his friend and requested, ‘I give this valuable
manuscript along with all the blessings of our mentor. I hope
that when one of my sons comes to you, you will not deprive
him of the worldly and religious beneficence possessed by you.’
Amir Khurd has stated that the then living descendant of Shaikh
Hansavi, Shaikh Nuruddin, had preserved this manuscript with
reverence.30 The Chishtis of Hansi treated the manuscript as a
sacred treasure and family inheritance. It served as a link of the
Chishtis of Hansi with Ajodhan on the one hand and with Delhi
on the other.
Shaikh Qutbuddin Munawwar was a mystic of high order. His
personality was marked by knowledge, wisdom, love, abstinence
and sorrow. He did not believe in ceremony and artificiality. He
remained unaffected by crowds and noise. He kept away from
people who were worldly. Following the footsteps of his ancestors,
he remained immersed in the remembrance of God (zikr). He
was content with whatever was received from the divine source.
He avoided any contact with the powerful and privileged. He
remained confined to his hereditary abode and left it only to offer
Friday prayer or visit the tombs of his forefathers. It was another
matter that the people living in the surrounding areas visited Hansi
to benefit from his spiritual excellence. His eloquence had such a
mesmerizing impact on the listeners that the fire of spiritual love
was ignited in them. He loved his preceptor Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya with the intensity of his entire being. On hearing just his
name, Shaikh Munawwar would begin to weep with such passion
that even the members of the gathering would follow the suit. He
would feel the presence of his mentor even when the latter was
physically absent. Acting in conformity with the Chishti practice,
he enthusiastically participated in musical sessions (sama). His
presence was noted at the death anniversary of his mentor, held
at the mausoleum of the great Sufi in Delhi. It was also attended
by fellow saints like Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud and Shaikh
Shamsuddin Yahya. The chorus had such a deep impact on Shaikh
450 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Munawwar that he started weeping and tears flowed through his

beard like genuine pearls. In this state of ecstasy (wajd), he began
to place his head on the feet of other members of the assembly
and, while doing so, repeatedly intoned:
Zinda am man ba-yaad shaikh bale
Jan-i man yad shaikh shud aare
Yes, I am alive in the remembrance of my shaikh,
My life has become a remembrance of my shaikh alone.
Amir Khurd, who was present in this assembly, nurtured fond
memories of Shaikh Munawwar’s joyous state as well as his refer-
ence to the spiritual secrets of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. On this
occasion, Shaikh Munawwar was staying in a building adjacent to
the dome of late Khwaja-i Jahan. Amir Khurd, whose father had
sent food for Shaikh Munawwar, was deeply impressed on find-
ing that the saint’s face reflected his love soaked interior. While
relishing the food, Shaikh Munawwar kept on smiling and said
to Amir Khurd, ‘Many times I have eaten meals cooked by your
grandmother who was a disciple of Baba Farid. Since we have
claims on each other, we must strengthen our mutual relations. I
look forward to divine forgiveness in accordance with a Prophetic
tradition, which stated that a person who ate food with a forgiven
one is also forgiven.’31 This episode, on the one hand, underlined
the Chishti saint’s humanism and, on the other, showed his prox-
imity to the family of Amir Khurd.
True to the Chishti tradition, Shaikh Munawwar was kind to a
fault and provided material help to the needy. In this context, there
were two cases which provided insight into the social attitude of
the Chishti order in general and Shaikh Munawwar’s interaction
with different social groups in particular. In the first incident, a
Qalandar suddenly appeared before Shaikh Munawwar when the
latter was engaged in meditation. Acting without any provoca-
tion, the Qalandar began to hurl abuses on the Shaikh. The next
moment, he paused with the hope of receiving some alms. Keeping
his cool, Shaikh Munawwar started giving him one item after the
other. The Qalandar refused to be satisfied. When his meanness
crossed all limits, Shaikh Munawwar asked him to spend what he
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 451

had tied to his waist. A disciple Syed Kamaluddin began to grapple

with the Qalandar. A purse, which had been tied to the Qalandar’s
girdle, opened and several silver coins (tankas) fell out. According
to the second incident, Khwaja Kafur and three companions had
been jailed by the contemporary ruler for an unspecified crime.
The prisoners had suffered to such an extent that they lost all
hope of escaping with their lives or preserving their property.
Convinced that they could be saved only by the prayers of a saint,
the four sent an emissary to Shaikh Munawwar and requested
him to pray for their welfare. They took care to conceal the fact
of their punishment and imprisonment. The emissary travelled
to Delhi and persuaded Shaikh Munawwar to do the needful. The
saint offered a prayer and declared that the three persons would
secure their freedom, but the fourth one (who incidentally was a
disciple) would not be released as the journey of his life had come
to an end. The emissary returned and related the good news to the
four persons. After a few days, the prophecy turned out to be true.
Three prisoners were released from jail, while the fourth breathed
his last.32 These incidents showed that the Chishtis went out of
their way to help people in distress, even though the beneficiaries
did not always nurture honest intentions.
Amir Khurd has provided us with the context in which Shaikh
Munawwar was offered a grant of two villages by Muhammad bin
Tughluq. This offer was made neither to encourage the Shaikh to
continue his spiritual activities, nor to improve the management
of his hospice at Hansi. In fact, the Sultan had been giving his
ear to false reports communicated by people who were envious of
the Shaikh. The Sultan did not like what he heard and therefore
wished to proceed against the Shaikh. Since he did not have a suit-
able excuse, any direct action against the Shaikh was not possible.
He decided first to entangle the Shaikh in worldly matters and
then to punish him by employing state power. In pursuance of this
plan, he prepared a royal order (farman) granting two villages to
the Shaikh. He deputed Qazi Kamaluddin, the Sadr-i Jahan, with
specific instructions to use every device to persuade the Shaikh
to accept the said sinecure. Having arrived in Hansi, the Qazi
wrapped the document in a handkerchief and concealed it in his
452 The Making of Medieval Panjab

sleeve. He did not wish to reveal the purpose of his visit just at
the beginning of the meeting. When the Shaikh learnt about the
arrival of the Qazi, he came out and sat at the spot which had
been sanctified by the presence of Baba Farid. The Qazi placed
the order in front of the Shaikh and conveyed the Sultan’s senti-
ments of affection. The Shaikh, while refusing to accept the grant,
quoted the precedent of Baba Farid. Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud
(r. 1246-66) and Ghiasuddin Balban, during the course of their
visit to Multan and Uch, had offered a grant of two villages to
Baba Farid, who said, ‘Our senior mentors had never accepted
such offers. There are many others who stand in need of these.
The grant should be given to them.’
Shaikh Munawwar did not stop at reiterating the Chishti posi-
tion regarding financial assistance from the state. He admonished
the royal emissary in strong language. The Qazi was reminded
that he, in addition to holding the office of Sadr-i-Jahan, was also
a preacher for the Muslims. If someone deviated from the practice
of his spiritual teachers, it was his duty to stop him from such a
conduct and give him suitable advice. But he was not expected
to encourage the act. Ashamed, the Qazi apologized and took his
leave. On meeting the Sultan, the Qazi described the spiritual emi-
nence of the Shaikh in such an effective manner that the Sultan’s
mind was cleared of misgivings about the Chishti saint of Hansi.33
However, the Sultan’s new state of mind did not last long, as the
following episode showed.
Once Muhammad bin Tughluq encamped at village Bansi,
which was situated at a distance of 4 kos from the town of Hansi.
He sent Nizamuddin Nadarbari, who was a personification of
tyranny, to inspect the fort of Hansi. While this officer was per-
forming the task, he reached the house of Shaikh Munawwar and
felt surprised at the failure of the saint to call on the Sultan. While
presenting his report to the Sultan regarding the state of the fort,
he complained that Shaikh Munawwar, who was a disciple of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, had not cared to pay the customary
visit to the Sultan. Conscious of the royal privilege, the Sultan sent
an arrogant person Hasan Sarbarhana to bring Shaikh Munawwar
to his presence. Hasan reached Shaikh Munawwar’s house and,
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 453

after offering salutation and shaking hands, conveyed the Sultan’s

summons. Shaikh Munawwar, who was taken by surprise, wished
to know if he had any right in the invitation. Replying in the nega-
tive, Hasan asserted that he was under royal orders to escort the
saint to the Sultan. Shaikh Munawwar was shocked at the answer
and declared that he was accepting the summons against his will
and, addressing the members of his family, said that he was leav-
ing them under the care of God. Placing the prayer carpet on his
shoulder and carrying the staff in his hand, Shaikh Munawwar
set out to meet the Sultan. When Hasan discerned the signs of
spirituality on the saint’s forehead, he requested him to ride on
one of the horses. Shaikh Munawwar refused the offer as he pos-
sessed the strength that was needed to walk. On the way, he sought
leave to pay homage at the tombs of his ancestors. Having secured
the permission, he stood at the edge of the graves and respectfully
submitted, ‘I am not leaving your sacred precincts by my own
free will, but I am being carried from here by force. I am leaving
my dependents without the means of expenditure.’ As soon as he
emerged from the graveyard, he saw a man holding some money
in his hands. The man said, ‘I had taken a vow and, since it has
been fulfilled, I have brought this offering for you as a token of my
gratitude.’ Shaikh Munawwar accepted the offering and asked the
man to deliver it to his family, which did not have anything for
their maintenance.
Thus freed from worries regarding his household, Shaikh
Munawwar left Hansi and covered the distance of 4 kos upto Bansi
on foot. The Sultan was informed about the arrival of the saint,
while Hasan Sarbarhana related his personal observations about
him to his master. Owing to the arrogance of power, the Sultan
did not show the courtesy which was due to the visitor. Instead
of inviting the saint for a meeting, he abruptly left for Delhi. It
appeared that the Sultan avenged himself for the humiliation he
might have felt at the failure of Shaikh Munawwar to honour him
by a visit at Hansi.
On reaching Delhi, the Sultan again summoned Shaikh
Munawwar to his presence. The Shaikh left for Delhi, but he
had apprehensions regarding the impending meeting in view
454 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the recent unpleasantness. He said to the Sultan’s cousin Firoz

Shah,34 who held the post of Naib Barbak, ‘We are saints. We are
not familiar with the customs of the royal courts and the man-
ner of conversing with kings. We would act in accordance with
your advice.’ Referring to the misinformation spread by the vested
interests, Firoz Shah replied, ‘Some people have put in the mind
of the Sultan that you do not pay any regard to kingly authority
and royal protocol. It would be appropriate for you to conduct
yourself with equanimity and gentleness.’ When the Shaikh
entered the precincts of the royal palace, his son Shaikh Nuruddin
panicked on seeing large crowds of high ranking nobles and their
aristocratic bearing. The Shaikh assured him that the real great-
ness belonged only to God, so that the boy overcame his fear of the
royal court and saw the mighty nobles as docile goats.
When the Shaikh reached the stipulated place, the Sultan made
another attempt to slight the visitor and began to practice with his
bow. As soon as he saw the signs of saintliness on the Shaikh’s fore-
head, the Sultan changed his attitude and began to show respect.
During the formal handshake, the Shaikh held the Sultan’s hand
in an unusually tight grip. The author of Siyar-ul Auliya observed
that the Sultan, who sought to bring the saints of God under his
sword through sheer tyranny, turned into a devotee from the core
of his heart. Complaining in a mild tone, the Sultan said, ‘I came
to your town, but you did not give me your advice. Nor did you
honour me with a meeting.’ The Shaikh replied, ‘First take a look
at my town of Hansi and then cast a glance at this son of a saint of
Hansi. I do not consider myself fit to meet the kings. I am residing
in a corner, but engaged in praying for the welfare of the king and
Muslims. Kindly treat me as helpless.’ The Sultan’s attitude was
softened by this reply. He wished to know the Shaikh’s immediate
desire which could be fulfilled. The Shaikh stated that his object
was three fold – to serve God, to serve the legacy of his ancestors
and to serve his spiritual guide Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. This
was a most cogent articulation of the Chishti mystic ideology and,
by implication, the attitude of Chishtis towards the state, which
had been making a brazen display of hegemonic pretensions.35
Amir Khurd would have us believe that the Sultan was deeply
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 455

impressed by Shaikh Munawwar on account of his fearless dispo-

sition, a powerful handshake and spiritual excellence. The Sultan
also blamed the people who, out of jealousy, had conveyed false
reports about the Shaikh. In order to make amends for his wrong
judgement and seal a new relationship, the Sultan sent Firoz Shah
and Ziauddin Barani with a gift of one lakh tankas for the Shaikh.
As expected, it was unthinkable for the Shaikh to accept such a
large amount of cash from the ruler of the Delhi Sultanate. The
Sultan sent the emissaries a second time with a gift of 50,000
tankas. On this occasion too, the Shaikh stuck to his guns. The
Sultan was perplexed. He feared that his credibility would be
undermined in the eyes of the nobles and Sufis, besides the people
at large. The Sultan, with the object of retrieving the prestige of
the state, deputed Firoz Shah and Ziauddin Barani to persuade
the Shaikh to accept the gift of cash. After much discussion, the
amount was brought down to 2,000 tankas. The two representa-
tives pleaded their inability to inform the Sultan that the Shaikh
would not accept even a sum of 2,000 tankas. Still adamant, the
Shaikh asked, ‘What would a mendicant, who needed just two
seers of khichri and a little clarified butter, do with thousands of
tankas?’ In the end, the Shaikh accepted the amount of 2,000 tan-
kas in order to erase any traces of unpleasantness and meet the
importunities of sincere friends. This unsolicited charity (futuh)
was fragmented into four parts for distribution – one portion for
the tomb of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, second for the tomb of
Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki, third for Shaikh Nasiruddin
Mahmud and the last one for different individuals.36
Shaikh Nuruddin, the son and successor of Shaikh Qutbuddin
Munawwar, was the spiritual guide of the historian Shams Siraj
Afif. While managing the Chishti hospice of Hansi, he followed
the precedents of his ancestors in remaining aloof from the ruling
elite. This became evident from a visit of Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq
(r. 1351-88) to Hansi and his meeting with Shaikh Nuruddin.37 As
the Sultan reached the vicinity of the hospice, the Shaikh wished
to come out and welcome the royal visitor. The Sultan, out of
respect, insisted that the Shaikh should not descend from his
seat (sajjadah). After the customary exchange of pleasantries and
456 The Making of Medieval Panjab

handshake, the two men designated as two kings chosen by the

sublime court, engaged in conversation. The Shaikh delivered a
sermon like an eminent mystic, while the Sultan spoke like a ruler.
The latter stated, ‘I have founded the city of Hissar Firoza for the
benefit of Islam and comfort of the people. If the Shaikh resides in
the new city, a hospice will be built for him and adequate grant will
be provided for its maintenance. The town of Hansi is just 10 kos
from there. Owing to the Shaikh’s blessings, Hissar Firoza will be
saved from calamities, besides becoming populated and prosper-
ous.’ The Shaikh asked if this was a royal command or whether he
had a choice. The Sultan pleaded his inability to issue an order to
the Shaikh who was free to take a decision. In response, the Shaikh
expressed his intention to continue residing at Hansi which was
the place of his ancestors and it had been bestowed on them by
Baba Farid and Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. The Sultan admit-
ted that it was proper for the Shaikh to stay in Hansi and hoped
that Hissar Firoza would also flourish owing to his blessings. The
Sultan’s hope was adequately realized. Afif would have us believe
that when Timur plundered the Muslims and Hindus of Delhi,
the people of Hansi and the part of Hissar Firoza that had been
administratively merged with Hansi, remained safe as they con-
stituted the spiritual domain of Shaikh Nuruddin and therefore
enjoyed the blessings of God.38

Bu Ali Qalandar and His Masnavi

It is difficult to reconstruct a sober account of the life of Bu Ali
Qalandar, owing to the near absence of reliable contemporary
evidence and profusion of miraculous stories in later hagio-
graphies. In particular, there are difficulties in establishing his
parentage, chronology of career, allegiance to existing Sufi orders
and the name of his mentor. He was said to have been the son of
Fakhruddin Iraqi, the Sufi poet who lived in Multan under the
tutelage of Shaikh Zakariya.39 It was more certain that he lived in
the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century, as some events
linked him to the Khalji rulers, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Amir
Khusrau, Shamsuddin Turk Panipati and Sharfuddin Yahya
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 457

Maneri. The author of Akhbar ul-Akhyar has rejected the tradition

according to which Bu Ali Qalandar had offered allegiance (bait) to
Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki or Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.
Since, unlike most mystics, he did not join any spiritual preceptor,
he was categorized as an Uwaisi, i.e. one who was instructed by
the spirit (ruhaniyat) of a spiritual master. According to a popular
tradition, Bu Ali Qalandar stood for twelve years in a river waiting
for a spiritual guide and, during this period, the fish nibbled away
the flesh on his calves. An old man, who revealed his identity as
Hazrat Ali, helped him emerge out of water and communicated
some divine secrets. Bu Ali Qalandar offered a prayer in gratitude
to God and kissed the feet of Hazrat Ali and, in view of this, earned
the suffix of Bu Ali (fragrance of Ali) to his name Shah Sharfuddin.
In contrast to the Uwaisi tradition, Abul Fazl has sought to place
the career of our saint in a more conventional mould. Writing on
the authority of the saint’s autobiographical account, Abul Fazl
stated that he studied in Delhi under the care of several scholars
and, after receiving their permission, served as a teacher and judge
for twenty years. On receiving an unexpected call from God, he
threw his books into the Jamuna and set out on travels. While in
Roumelia, he met Shamsuddin Tabrezi and Jalaluddin Rumi, who
presented him with a robe, a turban and many books. However,
he threw the books into a river in their presence and returned to
settle in Panipat.40 During this phase of his life, he might have
adopted the path of Qalandars. He discarded the typical Qalandari
garb of the perpetual wanderer and went on to establish a hospice
at Panipat in line with the distinguished Chishtis of Panjab and
Delhi. Yet he did not distance himself from his association with
the Qalandari path, as confirmed by a permanent addition of a
second suffix to his name, Qalandar. As such, it became under-
standable that he be recognized as a prominent representative of
a distinct offshoot of the Chishti order, Chishtiyya Qalandariyya.
Like other Sufis, Bu Ali Qalandar was reputed to possess
miraculous powers. Hagiographies attribute a large number of
incredible feats to him. Many of them were too outlandish to be
accepted, but they provided subtle insights into his contribution
to Islamic spirituality, his relations with diverse sections of society
458 The Making of Medieval Panjab

(contemporary rulers, fellow mystics and ordinary folk) and the

construction of his memory by posterity. If the hagiography was
any indication, Bu Ali Qalandar was a colourful figure who exer-
cised wide influence, so that the doors of his hospice were open to
one and all. Let us take a quick look at some of his miracles. On
one occasion, while sitting on the top of a wall, he made it move
up and down as if it was offering salutation to a mendicant. On
another occasion, he caused the Jamuna to recede 7 miles from its
course, because the fish had injured his legs during penance. He
succeeded in infusing fresh life into a servant’s son, who had died
for disobeying the saint. He forced a marriage party to disappear
for creating intolerable noise, but brought it back after it agreed to
make an offering of three maunds of provisions (faqiri niyaz) for
his hospice. His blessings enabled a number of barren women to
bear sons, as he gave them betel leaf chewed by him. He became
directly instrumental in converting a Hindu boy Amar Singh to
Islam along with his entire clan, so that the convert was able to
marry within his kinship group and also secure his parental prop-
erty.41
Bu Ali Qalandar was held in high esteem by Sultan Alauddin
Khalji (r. 1296-1316), who expressed his feelings by constructing a
mausoleum for him. A deep bond of affection had grown between
him and Prince Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji. But the Prince, it was
believed, died for violating the saint’s order of throwing away the
leftovers of his food. The Prince was buried within the precincts
of the hospice and, the saint, after his death, was laid to rest along-
side in accordance with his passionate desire. It was believed that
the members of the Tughluq royal family (Ghiasuddin Tughluq,
Muhammad bin Tughluq and Firoz Shah Tughluq) paid a visit to
the hospice and Bu Ali Qalandar expressed his joy at the sight of
three kings eating together from the same platter. Not only this,
Bu Ali Qalandar prevented Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq from con-
summating his marriage with a woman who happened to be his
(Sultan’s) own daughter. Bu Ali Qalandar and Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya had a lot of mutual regard, as the two exchanged views on
Islamic mysticism. He was visited by Amir Khusrau, the great-
est Persian poet of the times, and left a deep impact on him by
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 459

his own verses. His blessings were said to have contributed to the
spiritual eminence of two contemporary Sufis, Shaikh Sharfuddin
Yahya Maneri and Lal Shahbaz Qalandar. It was claimed that
Bu Ali Qalandar assumed the form of a lion in the presence of a
mystic Shaikh Jalaluddin, who was passing through the Bhagwati
jungle in the vicinity of Panipat. Since he did not wish to frighten
the visitor, he resumed the human form and received the loving
attention of four lions. He developed a special relation with Shaikh
Shamsuddin Turk, a spiritual successor of Shaikh Alauddin Ali
Ahmad Sabir. The latter was said to have sent a disciple to the
saint with a message, ‘If you see Bu Ali Qalandar riding a tiger,
ask him that a tiger should live in the jungle.’ The disciple, on
seeing the saint in this condition, conveyed the message. In
response, Bu Ali Qalandar left the town and went into the jungle.
This miraculous story showed that he did not oppose the arrival
of Shaikh Shamsuddin Turk to Panipat and, instead of harbouring
any rivalry, indicated that both could exist in the same spiritual
domain (wilayat).
It was not surprising that the ways of Bu Ali Qalandar should
have given offence to the orthodox elements. There were instances
when he came into conflict with the Muslim theologians. Abdul
Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi has recorded one such incident. Since Bu
Ali Qalandar did not pay any attention to his physical appearance,
his moustaches grew beyond the permissible limits. His disciple
noticed the transgression, but could not muster the courage to ask
his master to trim it down to the proper length. Maulana Ziauddin
Sunami, who was a strict adherent of the Shariat as well as a Mufti
(interpreter of canonical law), took the matter in his own hands.
He went up to Bu Ali Qalandar and asked for a pair of scissors. He
held his beard with one hand and trimmed his moustaches to per-
missible length. Interestingly, Bu Ali Qalandar was not offended.
From that day onwards, he often kissed his beard and declared, ‘It
has been caught in the path of the Shariat.’42 However, his sense
of humour did not rule out another clash with the orthodoxy.
He happened to see a beautiful woman (the wife of his servant)
and, slipping into a long trance, discontinued his normal food
and prayers. When anyone inquired about his dramatic change,
460 The Making of Medieval Panjab

he merely repeated a single phrase, ‘Only God is faultless. The

rest is all lust (be aib zat allah ki, baqi hawas).’ Maulana Ziauddin
Sunami confronted Bu Ali Qalandar and tried to bring him to the
right path. But the saint argued that he, being intoxicated (mast
al-mast), was exempted from the obligation of prayers. He went
on to assert his superiority by working a miracle. He agreed to
offer the prayer only if the Mufti could bind him with a rope by
his miraculous ability. When this was done, Bu Ali Qalandar
unwound the rope and thus embarrassed the Mufti. However, he
relented and offered the prayer while the jurist acted as the leader
(imam) for the occasion. The Mufti finished the task, but found
that Bu Ali Qalandar continued in the same state. On being asked
to explain his strange conduct, the saint turned the tables on the
Mufti by revealing that even he (the Mufti) did not have his heart
in the prayer, as he was constantly worried about his newly born
foal who could fall into a pit of grain.
The Mufti, who had repeatedly been put to shame, tried to
retrieve his credibility. Securing the support of the local cler-
ics and common people, he prepared a decree (mahzarnama)
in which Bu Ali Qalandar was accused of violating the tenets
of Islam and was directed to fall in line with the Shariat. Bu Ali
Qalandar expressed his helplessness on the grounds that he was
in a state of intoxication, that this state was a gift of God and that
he was merely following God’s will. He received the support of
Khwaja Ali Ansari, but the Mufti filed a case in the court of the
qazi. Accepting the plea of the Khwaja, which itself was based on
a Quranic verse, the qazi ruled that the accused was not bound by
the Shariat on the issue of prayer, as he was not in his senses. The
accused was exonerated of the charges, while the Mufti was put to
shame.43
Fortunately for us, Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi has included
a section (maktubat) in his biographical sketch of Bu Ali Qalandar.
Structured in the form of sixteen pieces of advice, the saint laid
down the fundamental postulates of his mystical thought. His aim
was to instruct the seeker, who was repeatedly addressed as ‘Oh
Brother’ and who stood at the threshold of his spiritual journey.
He touched upon a variety of themes – the beauty of creation, the
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 461

quest of the lover for the Beloved, the damaging impact of earthly
pleasures and the concept of heaven and hell – that were con-
nected with one another. He urged the seeker to open his eyes
and see the manner in which God had created the world out of
sheer love and, in the process, constructed an amazing spectacle.
God concealed his love for the creation in every tree and imparted
every fruit with a distinct taste. But He did not let this fact be
known to the tree itself. He injected sweetness in sugarcane as well
as various types of fragrance in musk deer, sea horse and sandal-
wood. But He did not let these plants and animals know that they
were endowed with these bounties. It had to be understood that
the creation appeared before humankind in different shapes and
forms, yet it was able to discern the same divine element in each
of them.44 One might take a piece of jaggery and fragment it into
a hundred balls. Further, one might mould these balls into differ-
ent forms and give them different names. So long as these objects
retained shapes and names, they appeared entirely distinct from
one another. Once these objects were combined into one, they lost
their individual identity and the single ingredient remained, i.e. a
piece of jaggery.45
A seeker was required to gain true knowledge which, in fact,
involved becoming familiar with one’s own true self. Once this was
achieved, the secrets of love were automatically revealed to him.
The seeker must become a lover and seek the Beloved in himself,
so that immense beauty was reflected in the mirror of his heart.
The seeker had to realize that it is God who, owing to His mercy,
had saved him from selfishness and filled his heart with love and
thus made him see the magnificence of beauty. As soon as he was
able to discern love, he became a true lover of the Beloved. He
must recognize that God had created the Beloved in his (seeker’s)
image and that He had placed the Beloved inside the seeker, so
that he was guided on the right path. He must understand that
God (Beloved) had created him out of His love for him, so that he
was able to observe His beauty in the mirror of his heart, to make
him a confidant of His secrets and thus to assert His presence in
his glory.46
462 The Making of Medieval Panjab

He is that Beloved who is coveted by all.

He is the same who has covered His face with your sheet.
Why should we go to the jungle owing to the grief of separation,
Because the Beloved is very much in your embrace.
It was incumbent on the seeker to become a true lover and to
focus perpetually on the beauty of the Beloved. He must view the
day of judgement as the domain of Prophet Muhammad and this
world as that of the devil. He must endeavour to discover the cause
underlying the existence of these two domains, each of which was
the antithesis of the other. He must identify his baser instincts
(nafs) and soul (ruh), the former for understanding the nature of
this world (duniya) and the latter for comprehending the import
of the day of judgement (akhirat). God is constantly engaged in
cleansing the mirror of the seeker’s heart, so as to reveal His beauty
to him and to reassure the love stricken lover that He is really the
Beloved. The seeker was expected to fill His heart with the love
and beauty of the Beloved and, immersing himself entirely in this
love, overlook everything else. Further, he must try to discern the
happenings in the unseen world and to conduct himself in accord-
ance with this rare form of knowledge.47
Bu Ali Qalandar came down heavily against attachment to the
material world and gratification of senses. When man was over-
powered by his baser instincts, he was entangled in the mundane
matters of this world and fell into the depths of degradation.
While enjoying the physical pleasures of life, he was not aware
of his inner plight. He was merely attracted to the outward glitter
of his physical environment. Oblivious of his real loss, he failed
to distinguish between right and wrong. In this state, he did not
know what to love and what to shun. His condition became so
irreversible and unredeemable that he refused to fear death and
the day of judgement. He became blind to the fact that the true
Beloved (God) exercises unquestioned sovereignty over this world
and that He is free to impose His will in his vast kingdom. Only
when struck with misfortune, he realized that his miserable condi-
tion was caused by his own impure thoughts and baser instincts.
The visible beauty of this world was, in fact, the beauty of infidelity
(kufr). Whoever fell in love with this world had, in reality, adopted
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 463

the beauty of infidelity (husn-i kufr) as his beloved. Only the true
lover could discriminate between the two kinds of beauty – sub-
lime and false, divine and worldly. However, it was possible for
him to extricate himself from the worldly trap if he came across a
spiritual mentor, who was not only kind and sympathetic, but who
also made him understand the real nature of the physical world.48
In an insightful analysis of a wide range of Sufi literature, Bruce
Lawrence has drawn our attention to the works of Bu Ali Qalandar.
In his view, two of them, Hukmnamah and Hikmatnamah, are
spurious. But the other two, Masnavi and Maktubat, have all the
markings of authenticity. These compositions are concise and
direct, besides retaining a lyrical softness even when the poet’s
mood became sardonic.49 He writes, ‘Bu Ali Qalandar storms the
world of literary conformity, just as his reclusive but chiding pres-
ence must have affronted the comfortable Muslim saints of the
Punjab. He is fresh, outrageous and uncompromising.’50 These
traits were forcefully reflected in the verses of his Masnavi. A
perusal of its text shows that he discerned God in the beauty of
plants and animals. A seeker could approach God by developing
a relation of intense love, provided he shunned material tempta-
tions and practiced abstinence. He was deeply concerned about
the moral decadence of the society in general and warned the
seekers against the charlatans who posed as Sufis. However, the
entire poem deserved a closer look.
According to our poet, when the seeker suppressed his worldly
passion, the picture of the Beloved was reflected on the mirror of
his heart. When the person of faith (ahl-i yaqeen) opened his eyes,
he saw the beauty of the Beloved in every direction, besides feel-
ing His presence in the inflamed notes of every melody. Whatever
became visible was nothing but the essence of God (zat-i haq).
God is present not only on the earth and in the sky, but also where
nothing exists. He is found in every particle, whether manifest or
concealed. The Beloved shows His splendour (jalwa) in every-
thing. The seeker needed to be vigilant if he wished to experience
the divine presence.51 He was required to know that God possesses
unmatched creative power. God had created innumerable forms,
whether the mystic saw them as attractive or repulsive, blissful or
464 The Making of Medieval Panjab

baneful, good or bad. God had created rain, lightning and springs.
He had created the darkness of night and the light of sun and
moon. He had created stones, diamonds, gems and pearls. He had
created water, fire, and air. He had created living creatures like
birds, fish, snakes, ants and lions. Such was His creative power
that he used merely a drop of water to generate a pearl in a sea-
shell (sidaf). The treasure of His secrets was discerned in the mine
of life.52 In His role as the Beloved, God had conferred specific
qualities on flowering plants that fascinated the medieval poets.
Hyacinth (sumbul) acquired its intricate pattern from His curls.
Water lily (lala) acquired its stains from His face. The fir tree
(susan) employed a hundred tongues to describe His eminence.
The rose bud (ghuncha) blossomed into a flower out of its yearn-
ing for Him. The flower of narcissus (nargis), which was afflicted
with divine love, opened the inner eye and placed the golden cup
in the silvery palm. The cypress tree (saru), owing to its impressive
height, received a rich green foliage from head to toe. The nightin-
gale (bulbul) and dove (qamri) lamented their distinct voices and
raised much noise in the garden but, in doing so, they appeared
to sing God’s praise. When the musical notes emanated from the
rebeck (rubab) and harp (chang), the pain springing from the lis-
tener’s heart singed his chest.53
Har che bini dar haqiqat jumla u ast
Shama wa gul wa parwana bulbul ham az ust
Har che ayad dar nazar az juz wa kul
Bum sehra bulbul bostan wa gul54
In reality everything that is observed with the eye
Flame, flower, moth and nightingale had come from Him.
Whatever came within the vision whether complete or part
Includes land, desert, nightingale, garden or flower.
Since God is beautiful, He remains present in the heart of the
seeker who, however, is unaware of this reality and wanders in
confusion.55 He was expected not to love anyone other than God.
He had to recognize that God is his greatest benefactor. God
not only provides him with necessities of life, but also confers a
number of boons on him. On the one hand, God provides him
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 465

with the means – eyes, ears, nose and tongue – to enjoy the
senses. On the other hand, God reveals the hidden secrets (asrar
nihan) to him. Unfortunately, the seeker is unmindful of God’s
kindness. He does not realize that God, in spite of His position
as the Beloved of the world (mashuq majaz) gazes at him with
pride (naaz) as if He is Himself the lover. The seeker, who goes in
pursuit of the Beloved, transforms his entire self into an eye and
sees the face of the Beloved. If the inner eye of the seeker opens,
he realizes that the Beloved is Himself in love with him and that
He is present in him like the life in his body. In fact, God’s desire
for the seeker is greater than that the seeker has for God. If he fails
to look at God with the proper gaze, his vision is blocked even if
God remains unveiled. The seeker, while engaged in his pursuit of
God, is advised to die before his death. If he sacrifices his life for
his Beloved, the Beloved manifests (jalwagar) Himself in his self.56
The seeker is further instructed to see himself with the eye of the
Beloved. The union of the seeker and the Beloved is a moment of
joy. If the seeker is unable to feel happy, he can undertake mourn-
ing of separation (matam hijran). It is important for the seeker
to realize that the abode of His beloved is only a step from him
(manzil janan bud yak gam tu). What is equally favourable, his
cup is overflowing with the wine of mystical knowledge (badah-
irfan). He is required to drink the cup of love every moment and
take a step forward to unite with the Beloved. In such a situation, a
person, who is as insensitive as a stone, cannot remain unaffected.
However, sometimes the fault lies with the seeker who is not able
to avail of the opportunity. His condition is that of a hunter, whose
bow is full of arrows and who had spotted the hunted animal, but
his arrows miss the target. Therefore, the seeker has to open the
eye of his heart, so that he is able to see the face of the Beloved in
every direction. The need is to possess an eye that can discern the
splendour (jalwa) of the Beloved in every form of creation. The
face of the Beloved is not concealed. Yet the seeker does not suc-
ceed in his aim as his eye does not have the ability to see and his
cold heart does not have the passion needed for the grand vision.
His condition is as miserable as the ass that is stuck in mud. So
long as he remains attached to worldly desires (nafs), his eye of
466 The Making of Medieval Panjab

faith (chashm-i yaqeen) remains blind to the existence of God. So

long as he does not develop the instinct to succeed, he will repent
at his dismal state until the day of judgement (hashr).57
The love (ishq) of the seeker for the Beloved is characterized by
passion and intensity. So long as the lover retains his own exist-
ence, he is unable to merge with the Beloved. Once he erases his
own existence, the possibility of his union with the Beloved opens
up. The lover seeks to acquire such nearness to the Beloved that
he does not feel separate from Him even for a moment. The lover
prays for the love of the Beloved to injure his heart in a manner
that he ceases to live. He wishes being pulled towards the Beloved
as he himself has lost the way. He hopes that his heart, which has
withered owing to separation from the Beloved, can be revived by
his love. A lover, whose heart is illuminated by the light of love
(nur ishq), receives fresh life for all times owing to the kindness of
the Beloved. Since this love is true and sublime, it is not profane or
superficial. It has nothing to do with physical penance – like stand-
ing upright with head down and feet up – that fascinates others
and brings fame. Such love can not be compared with the actions
of worldly lovers: Majnun who excelled in pursuit of physical love,
Laila who was driven by her intense longing (niyaz), Shireen who
underwent unprecedented suffering, or Farhad who struck his
own head with a hammer (tesha). A true lover does not pick flow-
ers of different varieties, nor sees himself in different roles. Instead
he endeavours to enter the house of unity (khanah-i wahdat) and
loose himself in the quest for union with the Beloved.58
The lover needs a heart that leads him to the Beloved with the
musical instrument of love (saz ishq). This love displays extraor-
dinary characteristics and, in this sense, it is a rare phenomenon.
It can tear the apparel of life (jama-i hasti) and fly without wings.
It can lead the lover to omnipresent God (la makan). It can impart
perfection to reason. It can push the seeker to a state of madness.
It can raise the lover above the distinction between piety and evil.
It can push the lover to the state of intoxication (halat-i mastaan)
and forgetfulness (framoshi). However, the wine of love is differ-
ent from the alcoholic beverage, which causes only a momentary
inebriation. For the lovers, it means nothing but the pain received
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 467

from the Beloved. In an effort to trace the origin of love (asl ishq),
one is led to conclude that it is the Beloved who imparts the beauty
of life to love. When the beauty of the Beloved gazes at itself, He
is attracted to Himself and causes the manifestation of love. This
love, like that of Jibrail,59 is the ascension of beauty (miraj husn).
It places a hundred crowns on the head of the lover. It enables the
lover and Beloved to merge into each other, so that everything else
cases to exist.60
Once the seeker becomes familiar with the secrets of love (asrar-
i ishq), he ought to surrender himself to love and embark on its
quest in the right earnest. This task cannot be performed by the
ignorant (kham tabiyan) and sensual (bu ul-hawas). A seeker, who
loses his life in the path of love, receives a fresh life every moment
from the other world.61 Fortunate is the seeker, who plunges into
the gamble of love (qimar-i ishq) and, losing everything, achieves
union with the Beloved. Since the seeker adopts the path of absti-
nence and faith (zuhd wa taqwa), he needs to suppress his worldly
desires. His heart becomes oblivious of both the worlds so that,
owing to his preoccupation with the reality (haqiqat), discards all
that is profane (majaz). Since he has spent a large part of his life in
negligence, he is bound to make the best use of the remaining part
that is relatively smaller. His life is like the water of a canal (ab ju)
which, having flowed out of its channel, can not flow back into it.
In this situation, the seeker has to overpower his worldly passion
and expel evil thoughts from his heart. He must ensure that every
hair of his body transforms into a tongue that repeats the name of
God (zikr-i khuda).62
The followers of Bu Ali Qalandar appeared to have been curious
about the meaning of piety and abstinence (zuhd wa taqwa), terms
that figure frequently in discussions on the nature of Sufism. This
issue has been assigned a considerable importance, having been
taken up right in the beginning of the Masnavi under reference
and treated separately from other themes related to Sufism. In the
opinion of Bu Ali Qalandar, a seeker (mard-i faqir), who adopted
the path of piety and abstinence, scrupulously kept away from the
ruling elite. He did not compromise his dignity (abroo) in return
for his basic needs. He shunned the company of the rich (sohbat
468 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ahl-i dul) and withdrew into a corner. He did not go to the door
of the king and did not even see his face, even if he was offered
the treasure of Qarun and even if he faced death due to starva-
tion.63 He should sacrifice his head, but should not give away his
self-esteem (namus). He should not covet the food of others like
a fly, because a bitter taste was better than the sweetness of the
sherbet made from rose. The best course for him was to feed only
at the dining table of solitude (khwan qanaat), so that he did not
feel guilty of disobeying God. He should refuse to come out of his
self-imposed loneliness and avoid any attachment to the world.64
The greatest human weakness was worldly passion which, in
turn, generated the greed for wealth and ambition for power. If
one looked at fire from a distance, it appeared like a garden. In
reality, it was nothing but a burning furnace. The same was the
case with wealth. If a person did not possess wealth, he should
not complain of poverty. After all, wealth did not bring any virtue
in its train. The wealthy did not have mercy in their hearts. They
employed deceitful means to acquire their riches. They did not
hesitate to inflict inhuman cruelty in order to grab wealth, power
and status. The brothers of Yusuf of Kinaan threw him alive in a
well out of sheer enmity.65 One who wore a golden crown on his
head did not tolerate anyone else. In the footsteps of Nimrod,66 he
was likely to turn away from God and loose his sense of mercy.
An increase in wealth led to a corresponding increase in greed. A
person, who fell in love with wealth, ceased to have affection for
his kith and kin. The rulers, in their passion for wealth and power,
deemed it just to kill their own fathers and brothers. No powerless
mendicant (gada-i benawa) had ever claimed the seat of God for
himself. Wealth not only generated arrogance, but also led to the
denial of religion. When a person was overpowered by the love of
this world, his heart became as hard as stone and his eye of faith
(chashm-i yaqeen) became blind and, ultimately, the doors of reli-
gion were closed to him. So long as a person lived in the company
of worldly passion (nafs kafir), his life was vulnerable to the fire of
hell (atish-i dozakh). If he was a man of courage, he could destroy
this worldly passion and, in this struggle, he was assisted by the
strength of his knowledge and action (ilm wa aml).67
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 469

Bu Ali Qalandar expressed anguish at the prevailing moral

degeneration. He observed that a number of virtues, which con-
stituted the foundation of any society, had disappeared leading to
a moral crisis. We did not come across love, loyalty and friendship
any more. Shame had departed from the eyes. The disposition
of the people, who were known for the nobility of their charac-
ter, had undergone a change. A disturbance had occurred in the
domain of gentleness (diyar-i hilm), while a famine had struck the
kingdom of charity. The field of love and loyalty (mehr wa wafa)
had dried up. The sword of miserliness had cut the tree of benefi-
cence (shajrah-i ihsan). Courage had flown away from this earth
like the rare fabulous bird (anqah). Both the king and beggar had
lost the quality of courage. Those distributing charity had been
transformed into starving mendicants. Productivity had gone out
of agriculture. Compassion had been erased from the hearts, as the
human beings had become as stern as stones. Love was not visible
in the hearts of wives and sons, while the daughters quarreled with
their mothers. As pious habits disappeared from the world, the
nature of human beings became as foul as that of an impure dog.
Taken together, these symptoms were the signs of the impending
day of judgement. The moral crisis could be overcome only if the
human beings discarded their greed for material gains.68
Bu Ali Qalandar was concerned about the waywardness of the
seeker engaged in making and breaking vows. Such a person often
felt guilty for his past conduct and promised to make a fresh start
in life. He promised to wash his heart with the water of repentance.
He vowed to injure his heart with the thorn of God’s love and,
in pursuit of this aim, decided to suppress his carnal desires and
extraneous thoughts. He promised to offer the obligatory prayer
(namaz) only after performing the ablution (wuzu) with the blood
of his heart. However, these promises were short lived. As soon as
the night fell, he succumbed to his carnal desires. He was drowned
in a colourful spectacle which was dominated by the moon faced
bartender (saqi), cups of pure red wine, melodious voice of the
singer (mutrib), sweet sounds of the harp (rabab) and bewitching
beauty of the beloved. If the means of pleasure were freely avail-
able during the night, he spent his money carelessly and enjoyed
470 The Making of Medieval Panjab

momentary happiness. However, if the means of pleasure were

not available, he remained in a state of depression until morning.69
The case of such a seeker was similar to that of a woman whose
chastity could not be guaranteed by her covering sheet (ismat-i
bibi bud be chadar). Since he remained a slave to his weaknesses,
he was constrained repeatedly to break his promises. On the one
hand, he ignored meditation (ibadat) and, on the other, he kept
company with lasciviousness (shahwat). In fact, he was more
depraved than Iblis.70 His habit was akin to the impure dog that
fed on the dead and ran across the streets and jungles. His disposi-
tion was like that of a donkey who wandered without any aim. It
was from him that the devil (shaitan) had learnt the craft of deceit
and betrayal (makr wa fareb). Such a shameless person could not
sleep in peace, as death was chasing him. Yet all was not lost for
him. Before it was too late, he could fall in love with the Beloved
and thus become the ruler of the kingdom of life. If he broke
free from the stranglehold of worldly passion, he could achieve
his spiritual aims in the future (aqibat). If he wished to know the
divine secrets (sirr-i haq), he needed to shut his eyes, ears and lips.
In other words, he had to suppress the gratification of his senses.71
As Bu Ali Qalandar observed the social environment, he found
that some Sufis were fake. Maintaining the outward appearance of
a Shaikh, such a person did not possess any spiritual quality. He
wore an old woollen cloak (kuhna dilq), a jacket (jubba) and a tur-
ban (dastar). Apart from a comb and toothbrush, he held a rosary
(tasbih) in his hands. He was always surrounded by disciples and
attendants (khadims) who ran all around like him. Carrying out a
false propaganda in his favour, they claimed that he was a mystic
of the time (shaikh zaman), who had already achieved the high
spiritual state of annihilation and subsistence (fana wa baqa) and
his ultimate object was to climb to the highest state of spiritual-
ity (lahut). He boasted of his miracles to trap innocent men and
women in the net of his fraudulent spirituality. He delivered mor-
alistic sermons (waaz goi), but did not follow these in his own
life. While offering the obligatory prayer, he sat on the prayer rug
(mussalla) and, closing his eyes, turned his face towards the holy
city of Mecca. But his heart hovered around petty worldly matters.
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 471

He did bend in prostration (sajda), but he did not rub his forehead
in humility, nor did he see with the eye of faith (chashm-i yaqeen).
His prayer only aimed at inducing people to recognize him as a
man of faith, piety and abstinence (muttaqi parhezgar wa parsa).
Therefore, he was advised to look at his own faults, to discard his
hypocrisy and to undertake a flight towards his origin (parwaz
su-i asl).72
Such a mystic claimed to be a Sufi, but his heart was not pure.
He took pride in his ancestry (asl wa nasb) and hankered after
fame. He raised his hands in supplication (dua) for people, but he
did so only with the hope of monetary gain. He forced the people
into his subordination by promising to stand as an intercessor
(shafi) for them before God. He claimed to be a Shaikh merely
by keeping the Quran in his armpit and holding a rosary in his
hand. He was so presumptuous that he compared himself with the
doyen of spiritual masters Bayazid Bistami (d. 874). There were
serious doubts about his faith in Islam, as he was guilty of making
idols and worshipping them. That was why the light of God (nur-i
khuda) did not enter his heart and the secrets of God (asrar-i
khuda) had not been revealed to him. In fact, he was stuck in the
mud like a mindless ass.73 Such a mystic could have emerged from
this impasse only if he had broken the idols and demolished the
idol house (butkhana) and followed this action by constructing
a new Kaaba like Khalilullah.74 However, his biggest failing was
greed and ambition (hirs wa hawas). Though he had been get-
ting his share of worldly goods, yet he failed to adopt the path of
contentment (qanaat).75
This world was like an old woman (pir zaal) who, by her deceit,
had reduced the old and young to a state of desperation. The mys-
tics had divorced her a hundred times, because anyone who fell in
love with her became defiant towards God. All young men ought
to heed what Jalaluddin Rumi had stated on the basis of his experi-
ence: it was not possible to desire God as well as this mean world
at the same time, because this object was not achievable and it was
tantamount to madness. Hazrat Ali discarded worldly pleasures
and, in consequence, ruled the kingdom of Prophet Muhammad
(wali mulk-i nabi) because he had kicked away this old woman.
472 The Making of Medieval Panjab

On the other hand, Yazid took this old woman in marriage and
went on to destroy true religion and massacre the innocent.
One who partook from the dining table of Yazid came to grief.76
Anyone who received the help of this old woman lost both worlds.
Once the veil was removed from the face of this world, hatred was
generated against this old woman. As soon as anyone saw the ugly
face of the old woman, it became necessary for him to seek the
protection of God.77

Arrival of the Sabiris

During the period under study, the Sabiri branch of the Chishtis
disseminated the principles of Islamic spirituality in southeast
Panjab. However, modern writings have tended to concentrate on
the Chishti lineage extending from Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti
to Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud. The contribution of the Sabiri
branch, which flourished on both sides of the Jamuna – Panipat,
Shahabad, Kaliyar and Gangoh – has been largely ignored.
According to a leading authority, the disciples and devotees of
Shaikh Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir failed to write his biography.
During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, hagiographical
literature appeared on his life with profuse details, but allegedly
relied on miracles and hearsay.78 However, in case of this lack of
contemporary evidence, one could fall back on the later works as
a last resort. The following discussion, which aimed at filling large
gaps in the role of the Sabiris, is based on the the writings of Allah
Diya Chishti, Abdul Rahman Chishti and Muhammad Akram
Quddusi.
Shaikh Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir was the son of Baba Farid’s
elder sister Bibi Hajira. His father Syed Abdul Rahim Abdul Salam
was a native of Baghdad and, after a prolonged sojourn in Herat,
travelled to Panjab. He stayed with Shaikh Jamaluddin Sulaiman
(Baba Farid’s father) and studied traditional subjects. He married
Bibi Hajira and, accompanied by her, returned to Herat where he
established himself as a teacher. The couple was blessed with a
son named Alauddin Ali Ahmad. The child was born mystic. He
consumed little food, often repeated God’s name and spent entire
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 473

nights in prayer. At the age of five, he lost his father.79 His mother
travelled all the way to Kahtwal and placed the boy under the care
of Baba Farid. He was thus initiated into the spiritual pursuits.
In addition to involvement in obligatory prayers and hard pen-
ance (mujahida), he managed the community kitchen (langar)
where nearly 300 people ate twice a day. As for himself, he did
not consume even a single grain from the common stock and
relied on the leaves and fruit found in the neighbouring jungle.
His mother, during the course of a visit, complained to Baba Farid
regarding her son’s poor physical condition. The lad intervened to
explain that he had been ordered to distribute food to the needy,
but he had not been asked to partake of it himself. Baba Farid was
impressed at his nephew’s commitment to the Chishti principles
and, conferring the title of Sabir (the patient one), enrolled him as
a disciple. From then onwards, Sabir intensified his spiritual quest
and, owing to his solitude (tajrid) and self annihilation (istagh-
raq), began to experience divine epiphanies (tajalli) and divine
light (anwar-i ilahi). However, his exalted spiritual state began to
show traits of wrath (jalal), so that none could enter the confines
of his spiritual world. As a result, he could not assume the respon-
sibilities of a married life with his cousin (Baba Farid’s daughter),
failed to get his succession certificate (khilafatnama) approved by
Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi and was unable to take charge of the
spiritual domain (wilayat) of Delhi.80
In these circumstances, Baba Farid issued a new succession
certificate to Shaikh Sabir and sent him to establish a new spiritual
domain at Kaliyar, a pleasant town situated in the foothills beyond
the Jamuna. On reaching Kaliyar, Shaikh Sabir began to deliver
sermons (rushd wa hidayat) at the Jama Masjid and, owing to his
erudition and enthusiasm, left a deep impression on the congrega-
tion. The local notables, who were led by the prayer leader (imam)
Qazi Tabarruk and the administrator Raees Qiwamuddin, placed
obstacles in the path of Shaikh Sabir. They objected to his attempt
at assuming leadership of prayer (imamat) at the Jama Masjid and
seeking the allegiance (bait) from the Muslim community. They
treated Shaikh Sabir’s presence as a threat to their social domina-
tion and, after mobilizing a majority of the Muslims behind their
474 The Making of Medieval Panjab

cause, adopted a hostile attitude towards this outsider.81 Finding

himself at the receiving end, Shaikh Sabir sought the advice of
Baba Farid. The veteran mystic assured Shaikh Sabir that once the
spiritual domain of Kaliyar had been assigned to him, he had full
authority to take any measure deemed necessary on the ground.82
Matters came to a head when Shaikh Sabir was denied a decent
place to sit for prayer in the Jama Masjid. According to hagi-
ographical sources, Shaikh Sabir caused a series of tremors and a
collapse of the mosque, leading to the death of all those who were
present. Soon after, he caused the destruction of the town, first
by a massive fire and then by a deadly plague. He withdrew to a
neighbouring forest and began to live among the wild animals.
He undertook hard penance, which involved constant fasting and
standing still while holding the branch of a Golar tree. Baba Farid
sent a disciple Shamsuddin Turk to bring him back to normal
state. The visitor assumed the task of serving Shaikh Sabir in a
variety of ways – assisting in ablutions, providing boiled fruit of
the Golar tree and building a hut for shelter. Having softened the
rigours of his austerities, Shaikh Sabir accepted Shamsuddin Turk
as a disciple and began to treat him like a son. This disciple lived
with his mentor till the end of latter’s life.83
The spiritual quest of Shaikh Sabir was manifested in the prac-
tice of solitude (tajrid), starvation (faqa), absorption (jazb wa
istaghraq), penance (mujahida) and wrath (jalal). It was difficult
for anyone to approach him. Though he had mastered traditional
and esoteric knowledge, yet he did not teach the Islamic law (sha-
riat) and mystical path (tariqat) to the ordinary people. His life
was characterized by extreme simplicity. His apparel consisted
of a sheet (tehband) around the waist, a shirt (kurta) and a cloak
(khirqa). The last piece of overgarment was of orange colour (gul
izmani), which was known to the followers of the Sabiri order as
Sabiriyya. While at Ajodhan, he wore a turban and green band
(sabz imamah) but, on shifting to Kaliyar, he remained bare
headed and bare footed. Fond of composing and reciting Persian
verses (sonnets and couplets), he employed Ahmad as his nom de
plume (takhallus), but later on substituted it by Sabir.84 It has been
claimed that he was held in great regard by Shaikh Nizamuddin
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 475

Auliya and his disciples. When Amir Khusrau returned to Delhi

after paying a visit to Kaliyar, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya kissed
the poet’s hands and eyes as these had been blessed by the touch
of Shaikh Sabir.85 In spite of this display of mutual comraderie
between the two branches (Sabiri and Nizami) of the Chishti
order, there was a marked difference in their practice of the spir-
itual path. This became evident when Baba Farid’s audition party
(Qawwals) related its experiences at Delhi and Kaliyar. In Delhi
they found themselves in the midst of a large number of people,
enjoyed sumptuous meals and received rich awards. In Kaliyar,
however, they found themselves in the midst of a deserted jungle,
where they could not meet Shaikh Sabir for five days and even
failed to get the minimal amount of food. The Qawwals were
constrained to revise their judgement when Baba Farid explained,
‘Nizamuddin took care of your worldly needs (duniya), while
Alauddin sought to handle your hereafter (aqibat). But owing to
your misfortune, you could not appreciate the superiority of the
latter.’86
The author of the Mirat-ul-Asrar, while identifying the reasons
for opposition to Shaikh Sabir at Kaliyar, has built a strong case in
his (Shaikh Sabir’s) favour. He has argued that the spiritual prac-
tices of Shaikh Sabir conformed to those of eminent mystics and,
in fact, these were superior in several ways. In his view, the roots
of the opposition of some clerics and Sufis of Kaliyar lay in Shaikh
Sabir’s inclination towards the Qalandars and association with
the Abdals. Owing to this tendency, Shaikh Sabir was so deeply
immersed in inner purification that he did not pay attention to
outer ornamentation. This conduct was in line with the Prophetic
tradition according to which the real saints of God had neither
any fear nor any sorrow. In fact, this was the method followed by
the majority of saints (qutb abdal) of every age and the same was
reflected in the spiritual states of Shaikh Shamsuddin Tabrezi and
Shaikh Fakhruddin Iraqi. The companions of Shaikh Sabir were
fearless in living upto this ideal. The level of spiritual accomplish-
ment of the Sufis made them immune to the praise or reproach
of the people. If any Sufi, owing to lack of courage, paid atten-
tion to the response of the people, he fell from his spiritual state.
476 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya also believed that the aspirant (salik)

was unable to approach higher spiritual states if there was even
a trace of concern for the people. The genuine Sufis were rightly
treated as the descendants of the prophets, because their words
and deeds conformed to the divine revelation (Quran) and they
did not deviate from the injunctions of the prophets. Since they
did not violate this position in their (inner and outer) conduct and
always searched for the divine object in all forms of creation, they
remained entirely free from any kind of sin. Since Shaikh Sabir
was one of these saints, he acquired a considerable fame and a
large number of followers. The local clerics and Sufis, who were
motivated by sheer jealousy, joined hands and conspired to harm
Shaikh Sabir, leading to negative consequences as mentioned
above.87
Abdul Rahman Chishti has tried to show, on the authority of
Baba Farid, that Shaikh Sabir’s spiritual state was more exalted
than that of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. When Baba Farid directed
Nizamuddin Auliya to take charge of the spiritual domain of
Delhi, he formally advised him to undertake penance (mujahida),
to always give to others and to avoid receiving anything, so that
God would not make him dependent on anyone. However, Baba
Farid did not give any advice (wasiyat) to Shaikh Sabir. Instead, he
merely asked him to go as he would enjoy himself (ba-ro bhogha
hawa hi karo). According to a well entrenched practice among
Sufis acclaimed for their piety, when a disciple reached the stage of
perfection and optimized his faith in divine contemplation (iman
mushahida haqiqi), which amounted to proximity with God, he
did not require any advice. Abdul Rahman Chishti admitted that
the advice could be interpreted in different ways, depending on
the meaning assigned to just one word (bhogha). The word in
question had at least three meanings – (i) comforts of the world
and the hereafter; (ii) the lustre of majestic beauty that was show-
ered on the seeker at the different stages of his spiritual journey
and (iii) the intense attraction of God that was experienced by the
seeker during contemplation, so that he felt immersed in sublime
joy or shone like lightning owing to his passion. Each of these
three meanings is suitable as they faithfully reflect Baba Farid’s
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 477

blessings for Shaikh Sabir. According to a different view, the best

form of comfort (rahat) was amazement (tahayyur), experienced
by a perfect Sufi (arif kamil) when absorbed (fana) in the oneness
of God (tauhid) in a manner that he was lost to himself and his
state was similar to sleep. In fact, Prophet Muhammad prayed to
God to increase his sense of wonder.88
During the course of his training at Kaliyar, Shamsuddin
Turk was directed by Shaikh Sabir to join the army of the Delhi
Sultanate. He participated in the siege of Chittor, where the Sultan
(Ghiasuddin Balban or Alauddin Khalji) was supervising opera-
tions. It was found that the ropes of tents had decayed due to the
prolonged siege and heavy rains. The soldiers needed a large
quantity of yarn for making rope. They went into a neighbouring
village and pressurized the inhabitants to part with their yarn. In
order to protect the people from harassment, a local Sufi offered
to do the needful. He placed a single roll of yarn in a pot and, cov-
ering its head, gave it to the soldiers. They were asked to pull one
end of the yarn through a small hole in the pot. The soldiers were
able to pull out long lengths of yarn from the pot. The Sultan paid
a visit to the Sufi and requested him to pray for his victory. The
Sufi advised the Sultan to seek the help of a saintly person who
was present in the camp and revealed how he could be discovered.
During a stormy and wet night, all tents would collapse except the
one in which a lamp would be seen burning.
According to another version, a water carrier (saqqa) discov-
ered Shamsuddin Turk who possessed miraculous powers. The
water carrier, while desperately looking for fire required in the
military kitchen during the mighty storm, saw a lamp burning
only in one of the tents. He was amazed at the site as lamps in the
entire camp had been blown out by the strong wind. Anyhow, he
borrowed the fire and delivered it at the kitchen. Next morning,
he set out in the same direction to satisfy his curiosity. He saw the
same man (Shamsuddin Turk), who had lent the fire, performing
ablutions at a pond near his tent. When this man left the place,
the water carrier was astonished to find that the entire pond had
frozen into ice, while water was warm only at a small spot. After
washing his hands and feet, he narrated the miracle to the nobles.
478 The Making of Medieval Panjab

The news reached the Sultan, who rushed to Shamsuddin Turk

and sought his intervention for victory. The Sultan was advised to
lead an assault on the fort and, as a result, it was occupied.89
Shaikh Sabir nominated Shaikh Shamsuddin Turk as his prin-
cipal successor (khalifa) and, after communicating the spiritual
insights received from Baba Farid, sent him to establish a Chishti
hospice at Panipat. The incumbent expressed his reservation
about shifting to Panipat, which had been under the spiritual
care of a distinguished Sufi named Bu Ali Qalandar. Shaikh Sabir
allayed these doubts by stating that the time of Bu Ali Qalandar
had come to an end and that he would leave Panipat as soon as he
reached there. Three days after the death of Shaikh Sabir, Shaikh
Shamsuddin arrived in Panipat and, owing to the lack of any place
to stay, sat besides a wall. He filled a cup with milk and, placing
a flower on top, sent it to Bu Ali Qalandar. He wished to convey
that the spiritual domain of Panipat had been assigned to him,
that his functions as a Sufi would in no case interfere in the exist-
ing arrangement under the senior saint and that he would himself
stay in the place like a flower on the surface of milk.90 In spite of
this friendly gesture, Bu Ali Qalandar picked up his goods and
prepared to leave the town. An attempt was made to stop him by a
young devotee, who was a seller of sweetmeats (halwa farosh). Bu
Ali Qalandar explained his resolve to look for another destination
as Panipat had been handed over to another person. Identifying
the newcomer, he revealed that the man, with specific features
and wearing the leather apparel of Qalandars, was sitting besides
a wall in a particular street. When the boy reached the spot, he
saw a royal falcon being protected by two lions. Dazzled by the
radiance of the scene, the boy turned back and reported that it was
no longer appropriate to stay in the town. In these circumstances,
his mentor left Panipat and settled in village Bodha Khera where
he died shortly after.91
Shaikh Shamsuddin acquired popularity due to his ability to
help the needy. Any person, who was in distress owing to any rea-
son, had only to recite his name ‘Ya Shamsuddin Turk’ one lakh
times, either alone or collectively. When this method was put to
test, it was found that a wish was fulfilled even before the figure
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 479

reached one lakh and sometimes even before it reached fifteen or

twenty thousand. The recitation of the saint’s name proved par-
ticularly effective in problems related to livelihood. Allah Diya
Chishti, the author of Siyar-ul-Aqtab, was so confident about the
efficacy of this remedy that he offered an open invitation to the
people to go in for it. As the only condition, the concerned person
was required to undertake the recitations with a clean body and
pure heart. He could then place his petition before God through
the mediation of Shaikh Shamsuddin. The beneficiary, after secur-
ing the solution of his problem, made a simple offering comprising
baked bread and semolina pudding in accordance with his means.
This practice was common among the community to which Allah
Diya Chishti belonged.92 His account of three miraculous deeds
of the saint provides some insight into the attitude of the Sabiris
towards the problems of the ordinary people.
According to the first story, a certain widow was in dire
need of money to arrange the marriage of her daughter. Shaikh
Shamsuddin, who learnt about the cause of her distress through
his inner faculties, sent his horse to her. She was directed by a
voice from the unseen world to sell the horse and use the pro-
ceeds to meet her needs. She abided by the advice and overcame
her difficulty. Interestingly, Shaikh Shamsuddin could provide
assistance even several centuries after his death in 1317. Shaikh
Yusuf narrated the following experience to Allah Diya Chishti.
One night, Shaikh Yusuf went to Kamil Bagh and took his bath
at a well. He was terrified on seeing thousands of devils near the
wall of a mosque. At first, the devils had faces of children but, after
a while, assumed the form of pigs and bears. On being attacked
by these creatures, he sought divine protection by reciting ‘Ya
Shamsuddin Turk.’ He saw a man who had a radiant face and was
riding a horse. This mysterious person ordered the devils to leave
the garden and guided Shaikh Yusuf on the road leading to the
city. When Shaikh Yusuf asked the stranger to reveal his iden-
tity, he learnt that he was Shaikh Shamsuddin who had appeared
in the hour of crisis. On his way to the city, Shaikh Yusuf was
waylaid by the same devils. He again recalled the name of Shaikh
Shamsuddin. This time, the saint recited sacred words over water
480 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and sprinkled it on the face of the victim who recovered his com-
posure. In yet another instance, Shah Ala (the mentor of Allah
Diya Chishti) was saved from an enemy who had appeared with
a sword in his hand. When Shah Ala went to pay homage at the
tomb of Shaikh Shamsuddin, a hand emerged from the grave. This
hand was found to be the same that had pushed away the enemy.93
Shaikh Jalaluddin Panipati, the principal successor of Shaikh
Shamsuddin Turk, came from an aristocratic background. His
family appears to have enjoyed extensive land grants and pos-
sessed vast material assets comprising goods, camels and horses.
A handsome man, he paid a lot of attention to his physical appear-
ance and lived in great comfort. He was fond of riding Arab
horses, wearing fine clothes and rubbing perfume on his body. It
was in this state that he had appeared before the hospice of Shaikh
Shamsuddin Turk. The Shaikh, who was impressed by the looks
of the young man, attracted him by the force of his inner qualities.
Jalaluddin alighted from his horse and, placing his head at the feet
of the saint, enrolled himself as a disciple. Though he undertook
hard spiritual exercises during the course of his training and often
sank into absorption (istaghraq) typical of Qalandars,94 yet he did
not give up the aristocratic habits of his youth. His love for hunt-
ing continued unabated. After every ten or fifteen days, he rode
into wilderness of the desert. He remained engaged in hunting for
ten days at a stretch. A huge quantity of food became available and
numerous companions were invited to the dining place. At home,
he maintained a large establishment where food was cooked for
one thousand persons every day. If the number fell short of this
figure, servants fanned out in the streets and bazaars, so as to col-
lect people for the communal meal. A large variety of dishes were
cooked and these were served in covered trays. Shaikh Jalaluddin
was invariably present in these gatherings, but did not eat any-
thing.95
On one occasion, Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq (a prominent
disciple of Shaikh Jalaluddin) was invited to a feast by some of
his companions. He was shocked to find alcoholic drinks along
with other items of food on the dining cloth. He felt so offended
that he went to his mentor and, returning his turban of disciple-
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 481

ship (kulah-i iradat), left the town for the jungle. However, on
being guided by a supernatural source, he retraced his steps to the
hospice. Shaikh Jalaluddin received him with affection, conferred
on him a new turban and explained the divine secrets. Treating
him like an honoured guest among other disciples, he organ-
ized a sumptuous feast in which all types of culinary delights
and intoxicating liquors were laid. As all the disciples sat to eat,
Shaikh Jalaluddin advised Abdul Haq to avoid anything which
was distant from the oneness of God. Abdul Haq was transported
to another world and felt the manifestation of supreme oneness,
as his heart was cleansed of every thing except divine unity.96
According to an anecdote, a person named Ahmad Qalandar lived
in the Lakhi Jungle. He used to serve the saintly persons wherever
they were found. Once he invited a number of such people over
a feast. But the invitees withdrew their hands from the food, as
there was some meat of animals which had been forbidden. As if
by miracle, such animals rose and walked away. Ahmad Qalandar,
while seeking forgiveness, confessed to have done the evil deed
only to identify the perfect among the saints. He became a disciple
of Shaikh Jalaluddin and, after receiving the succession certificate,
left for Multan.97
Right from his childhood, Shaikh Jalaluddin enjoyed affection-
ate relations with Bu Ali Qalandar. He had the good fortune of
being addressed as son by the elderly saint, who availed of every
opportunity of meeting him. Once he learnt that Shaikh Jalaluddin
had gone to his agricultural lands. Bu Ali Qalandar mounted his
horse and reached the spot. Shaikh Jalaluddin brought a vessel of
fresh grams for the horse. Bu Ali Qalandar asked him to find if
the horse wished to eat it. In response to this remark, the horse
said that he had just consumed the grain and was feeling satiated.
Shaikh Jalaluddin was surprised at the horse who could speak like
human beings. Bu Ali Qalandar, who was impressed at Shaikh
Jalaluddin’s kind gesture, declared that he would be blessed with
a large number of descendants who would be as numerous as the
grain in his stock. Since the prophecy turned out to be true, Shaikh
Jalaluddin came to be known as Nuh-i Sani.98
According to another anecdote, once Shaikh Jalaluddin (prob-
482 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ably before he adopted the spiritual path) was going somewhere

on his horse. As soon as Bu Ali Qalandar saw him, he exclaimed,
‘A good horse and a good rider.’ At that very moment, Shaikh
Jalaluddin fell into a state of ecstasy and, severing his worldly
connections and renouncing a luxurious life, embarked on a spirit-
ual journey which continued for forty years.99 In fact, it has been
claimed that Shaikh Jalaluddin had an ardent desire to enroll him-
self as a disciple of Bu Ali Qalandar. On one occasion, he met Bu Ali
Qalandar and pleaded that the spiritual secrets might be revealed
to him. However, Bu Ali Qalandar did not accede to the request
and, instead, predicted that his spiritual aims would be fulfilled by
a person who would arrive from Kaliyar.100 This prophecy, like the
previous one, turned out to be true. The inclusion of these stories
in the Sabiri lore tended to dismiss any rivalry between the Sabiris
and a popular Qalandari spiritualist. In fact, they underscore the
positive role of Bu Ali Qalandar in promoting the activities of
Sabiris in southeast Panjab. This development did not match the
earlier situation when Bu Ali Qalandar was constrained to leave
Panipat to make way for Shaikh Shamsuddin Turk, the mentor of
Shaikh Jalaluddin.101
Shaikh Jalaluddin has earned the credit of affecting a recon-
ciliation between the Sabiris and the Chishti seat of Hansi. This
positive development occurred in the following circumstances.
Once Shaikh Jalaluddin was travelling to Hansi along with a group
of Sufis. Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi, who had been living under
the curse of Shaikh Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir, received an order
from the divine source. He was asked to meet Shaikh Jalaluddin
whose prayer could revive his lineage. He sent an invitation to the
Sufis through a servant. The visitors accepted the invitation and,
leaving their luggage under the protection of Shaikh Jalaluddin,
entered the town. On being asked, they admitted that they had left
behind a dervish to look after their belongings. Shaikh Hansavi
requested them to send a companion to bring the youngman, as
he was particularly interested in him. When Shaikh Jalaluddin
reached the place, Shaikh Hansavi recognized him by the signs
he had seen in a vision. He received the guest with all marks of
respect and, providing him a comfortable seat, served food to all.
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 483

After taking the meals, the Sufis offered a prayer in gratitude and
took their leave. Shaikh Hansavi persuaded Shaikh Jalaluddin
to stay back.102 He narrated an unfortunate incident involving
the tearing of his shawl by Shaikh Sabir. He also recalled Baba
Farid’s statement which prophesied the revival of the Chishti seat
of Hansi by a disciple of the late Shaikh Sabir. Accepting the plea,
Shaikh Jalaluddin offered a prayer in a manner that the spiritual
order of Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi was revived. When Shaikh
Jalaluddin joined the group of Sufis, he was shown greater respect
than before. The Sufis were constrained to change their attitude
on seeing the consideration with which Shaikh Jalaluddin was
treated by the host and also his role in reviving the local branch of
the Chishtis. Earlier they had made Shaikh Jalaluddin carry their
luggage on his shoulders. Afterwards they restrained themselves
from extracting this tedious labour and instead began to serve him
in different ways. One day, he insisted on carrying the luggage as
it was his turn to do so. He had his way in spite of protests. As
he walked ahead with the luggage, it was found that the luggage
floated at a level higher than the top of his head. His companions
were amazed at the miracle.103
Shaikh Jalaluddin and his spiritual successors (khalifas) em-
pathized with the peasantry and, employing their miraculous
powers, fought state oppression. Once he was travelling towards
the east and halted in a village. He found that the entire popula-
tion intended to flee as the local administrator was demanding the
land tax even though the harvest had failed. Of course, they would
not migrate if they were able to pay the governmental dues. In an
attempt to help the villagers, the Shaikh purchased the entire land
of the village from them and sealed the deal in official documents.
In the evening, he asked the villagers to bring iron. They brought
various types of iron implements that were found in their homes.
He placed the metallic tools in a burning furnace and, at midnight,
quietly slipped out of the village. Next morning, the villagers dis-
covered that the pieces of iron had turned into pure gold. They
paid their tax with ease. Their descendants, who were in the pos-
session of the precious metal, were found to be prosperous even in
the early seventeenth century.104
484 The Making of Medieval Panjab

In another instance, the landholders (zamindars) of Bandoli,

complained to Shaikh Jalaluddin that a flooded Ganga threatened
to submerge their village in two days. The Shaikh wrote a letter to
his spiritual successor Shaikh Behram (who was based in village
Ramadah), asking him to go to Bandoli and stay on the bank of the
Ganga. Shaikh Behram went to the place along with the affected
people and settled at the site. He affixed a pole in the ground as
a result of which the river receded two kos and never advanced
towards Bandoli. Shaikh Behram lived in the village for the rest
of his life and provided spiritual guidance to the inhabitants.
His tomb became a source of medical remedy for the sick. It was
believed that a bath in the neighbouring well provided instant cure
to the sick.105 Shaikh Behram might have led the people in making
arrangements to protect the village from the floods of the Ganga.
These stories acknowledge the identification of Shaikh Jalaluddin
with the poor people inhabiting the rural areas. It appears that
the descendants and dependants of Shaikh Behram, owing to
their influence in the locality and popularity of the shrine of the
saint, had acquired a land grant in Bandoli. In 1647, they got into
a major conflict with Mirza Muzaffar, the governor of the Mughal
province of Delhi, who made an unsuccessful bid to confiscate
their land grant. Employing the miraculous power of the shrine
of Shaikh Behram, they taught a bitter lesson to the governor and
secured an increase in the sinecure.106
Towards the end of his days, Shaikh Jalaluddin wished to
transfer a part of his life to Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari, a prominent
Suhrawardi saint of Uch. His desire was motivated by two fac-
tors – firstly, the life of Shaikh Bokhari was nearing its end and,
secondly, he was a namesake. Before he could finalize his plan,
he sought the opinion of his two sons, Shaikh Abdul Qadir and
Shaikh Shibli. The former did not agree with the proposal of his
father and, instead, suggested that they (the sons) be permitted to
make this sacrifice. However, the latter asked his father to go ahead
as his action would benefit a friend. In the end, Shaikh Jalaluddin
gave a practical shape to this idea and bade farewell to his fam-
ily. He took Abdul Qadir with him and, assisted by a miraculous
journey, arrived in Delhi. He appeared before Shaikh Bokhari who
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 485

was on the verge of his death. He offered salutations and made a

sign with his ten fingers, so that Shaikh Bokhari immediately felt
an improvement in his condition.
Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq, a disciple of Shaikh Bokhari, came to
enquire about the health of his mentor. Shaikh Bokhari informed
the Sultan that his brother Shaikh Jalaluddin had come all the way
from Panipat and transferred ten years of his life to him, so that
he had regained his health. Deeply impressed at this outcome, the
Sultan went to meet Shaikh Jalaluddin and expressed his gratitude.
He availed of this opportunity to test the piety of the Sabiri saint.
The Sultan wanted to know if he had seen God. The Shaikh replied
that the Shariat ruled out the direct vision of God. Pleased at the
reply, the Sultan offered a gift (nazr) of a tray full of diamonds.
The Shaikh refused to accept the costly gift on the ground that
he, being a Sufi, did not have the guards to protect the valuables
and that these things had been created only for the rulers. Feeling
disappointed at this curt reply, the Sultan tried to present the gift
to the son of the Shaikh. Since this young man was deaf and dumb,
he wished to know the purpose of the gift. He was told that the gift
comprised diamonds that were employed to fill the stomach and
wear clothes. Feeling offended, the youth explained through signs
that the One who had created the stomach would also fill it and
therefore the diamonds were of no use.107 As the tearful Sultan left
the place, he ordered his servants to scatter the diamonds at the
Shaikh’s door. This order was carried out. Even three centuries
after this incident, someone or the other was able to find a dia-
mond at the spot. As soon as Shaikh Bokhari regained his health,
he came to Panipat and visited the hospice of Shaikh Jalaluddin.
Here he performed spiritual austerities (chillah) for forty days and
received blessings of the Shaikh. In fact, this particular site could
be recognized even in the times of the author of Siyar-ul Aqtab.
Having undergone this experience, Shaikh Bokhari left for Uch
where breathed his last (3 February 1384).108
The above development went a long way in raising the stat-
ure of Shaikh Jalaluddin in the Sufi circles as well as the ruling
class. This was reflected in the following incident involving four
important persons, the Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq, his nephew
486 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Fateh Khan, Shaikh Jalaluddin, and Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari. The

last named had brought a sacred imprint of the foot of Prophet
Muhammad from Kaaba. In a solemn agreement between the
Sultan and Fateh Khan, it was decided that whoever of the two
died first would have the privilege of keeping the sacred imprint
on his chest at his burial. The Sultan backed out of the promise
after his meeting with Shaikh Jalaluddin. He asserted his claim
over the sacred imprint and asked Fateh Khan to give up his desire
in exchange for an alternative wish. Disappointed at the Sultan’s
attitude, Fateh Khan went to Panipat in order to seek the help of
Shaikh Jalaluddin. On reaching the hospice, he tied his horse at
the gate and tried to enter the cell (hujra) of the Shaikh. Shaikh
Zeena, who was guarding the gate, warned him not to enter as he
would not return safely. Fateh Khan declared that he would enter
safely and return in the same condition. Shaikh Zeena challenged
that if Fateh Khan returned safely, he would tear his own clothes
and, if he did not, the other would tear his. As soon as Fateh Khan
appeared before the Shaikh, the latter told him to go and take what
he desired. On emerging out of the cell, Fateh Khan declared that
he had returned unharmed. When Shaikh Zeena stated that he
had brought his death along with him, Fateh Khan retorted that
this was precisely his wish and he had achieved the same. On his
way back to Delhi, Fateh Khan rested under a tree and, cover-
ing himself with a sheet, breathed his last. The Sultan, acting in
accordance with the agreement, placed the sacred imprint on his
chest that was seen even in the times of Allah Diya Chishti. It was
the miraculous intervention of Shaikh Jalaluddin that fulfilled the
desires of his devotees.109
In the Sabiri tradition, Shaikh Jalaluddin is remembered for
working several miracles. It was believed that he frequently trav-
elled to Mecca and offered his prayers under the leadership of
Prophet Muhammad. On these moments, he was not found in
Panipat. He wished to offer the Friday prayer at the sacred site,
but he was advised by the Prophet to do so at the tomb of Syed
Mahmud. It was believed that the Shaikh’s wife, who was illiterate,
began to rapidly read the Quran immediately after her marriage;
the miracle was brought about by the Shaikh’s physical touch.110
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 487

On one occasion, the Shaikh saw an old woman who was drawing
water from a well with painful effort. Filled with pity, he pulled
out the bucket from the well and filled her pitcher. Subsequently
the woman was freed from her tedious work, because the pitcher
never became empty. On another occasion, an alchemist (who
often visited the Shaikh’s son) asked the Shaikh to learn alchemy
from him. In response, the Shaikh spat on the wall and its plas-
ter turned into pure gold (talai khalis).111 According to a popular
story, a spark of light burnt on the grave of his spiritual successor
Shaikh Nizamuddin and people visited the village of Siyam to wit-
ness the amazing spectacle. Shaikh Jalaluddin declared that the
deceased did not need light as he had merged into the divine, that
the display brought a bad name to the saints and that the phe-
nomenon did not exist at the mausoleum of the Prophet. As soon
as the Shaikh uttered these words, the spark of light sank into the
grave.112 According to another tale, Shaikh Jalaluddin, travelling
through the hills, met a Jogi who gave him a philosopher’s stone.
As the Shaikh threw it into the river, a quarrel erupted between the
two. The Jogi descended into the river and found that there were
several stones similar to his own. He brought out his own stone
along with another one and emerged out of water. The Shaikh
stated that the men of God ruled over land and sky, that miracu-
lous stones were produced out of the dust of their slippers and
that they did not need such stones. Overwhelmed by the Shaikh’s
argument, the Jogi converted to Islam and, enrolling himself as a
disciple, reached the rank of a saint.113

Looking East
By the end of the fourteenth century, the Sabiri branch of the
Chishtis was firmly established in Panipat. During the next two
centuries, the lineal descendants of Shaikh Jalaluddin held the
spiritual succession (sajjadgi) in their hands without any break.
Unfortunately, our principal source, Siyar ul-Aqtab, provides only
brief notices about them. All of them were distinguished for their
learning, quest for spiritual excellence and training of disciples.
They were also remembered for their ability to perform miracles.
488 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Khwaja Shibli (d. 1448), the son of Shaikh Jalaluddin, could not
make use of his feet owing to paralysis, but stood for several
watches during the ecstasy induced by musical sessions. His
uncle Shaikh Idrees dissuaded him from this practice, as a public
exhibition of miracles was remote from their family conventions
and therefore even an occasional indulgence had to be discarded.
When Khwaja Shibli conferred a boon on Malik Ujhi (an Afghan
who had retrieved the Shaikh’s rosary from a group of Qalandars)
that his arrow would never go waste, the prediction turned out to
be true when an arrow, which was shot up in the sky, fell down
after piercing the body of a snake.114 Khwaja Abdul Quddus (the
son and successor of Khwaja Shibli) was credited with saving the
village of Jhajpur (in the pargana of Panipat) from a massive fire
by giving a timely warning for the inhabitants to shift their cattle
and goods.115 Shaikh Abdul Kabir Auliya (d. 1540), the son and
successor of Khwaja Abdul Quddus, was tested for his piety by
the contemporary ruling class. Three royal guests, Sultan Sikandar
Lodi, his wazir, and Malik Mahmud, imagined three different
dishes in their minds, while the Shaikh produced exactly the same
for each one of them. But the host refused to accept the Sultan’s
offer of a grant of two villages for the attendants of the shrine.
However, he accepted the wazir’s offer of one village and also the
daughter of Malik Mahmud in marriage.116
During the early sixteenth century, the Sabiri establishment of
Panipat was embroiled in a major dispute, which spilled over to
Delhi and even led to violence. Shaikh Usman Zinda Pir succeeded
his father Shaikh Abdul Kabir Auliya as the head (sajjadah nishin)
of the Sabiri hospice. He had three brothers, Shaikh Husain,
Shaikh Ruknuddin and Shaikh Mahmud, who appeared to have
accepted his elevation. But his position was vigorously challenged
by his nephews Shaikh Nuruddin and Shaikh Munawwar. The
discord assumed such a large proportion that it reached the court
of the Delhi Sultanate. The contemporary ruler Ibrahim Lodi
(r. 1517-26) was constrained to travel all the way to Panipat and
undertook an investigation into the dispute. It was found that the
majority of stake holders – the mother of Shaikh Usman, his dis-
ciples, his brothers and prominent citizens of Panipat – extended
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 489

willing support to the incumbent. But owing to unknown reasons,

Ibrahim Lodi was inclined towards the nephew Shaikh Nuruddin.
Both sides seemed to have pressed their respective claims but, in
the end, the spiritual successorship was divided into two parts –
one half under Shaikh Usman and the other half under Shaikh
Nuruddin. The Sultan’s decision failed to bring peace between the
warring factions and the underlying hostility raised its ugly head
on the day of Id. Contrary to local convention, the annual proces-
sion was led by two palanquins (chandol). A fight erupted on the
question of precedence i.e. which one of the two should be in the
front and which one should follow it. Partisans of the two groups
entered into a physical clash and, during the course of violence,
Shaikh Nuruddin fell on the ground and withdrew to his house.
On the other hand, the palanquin of Shaikh Usman reached the
Idgah in the splendour of victory. Since that day, he began to enjoy
the support of a majority of the people and the spiritual succession
remained in the hands of his descendents. During the subsequent
years, the rival palanquin did not appear and the tension subsided.
As the spiritual authority of Shaikh Usman was established, his
personal intervention led to an amicable settlement of all disputes.
It was another matter that his son Shaikh Nizam failed to follow
his advice regarding a wrongly constructed well, which ultimately
collapsed as if by miracle.117
Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq (1374-1434), who was undoubtedly
the most distinguished disciple of Shaikh Jalaluddin Panipati,
established a vibrant Sabiri Chishti centre at Rudauli.118 His
grandfather Shaikh Daud had received a land grant from Sultan
Alauddin Khalji and spiritual training from Shaikh Nasiruddin
Mahmud Chiragh-i Delhi. His son Shaikh Umar had been blessed
with two sons, Shaikh Taqiuddin and Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq.
The elder one migrated to Delhi where he established himself as
a teacher. The younger one was inclined towards mysticism and,
inspired by the example of a pious mother, engaged in long hours
of devotion. As he shifted to Delhi, his brother introduced him to
a number of theologians one after the other. Since he was averse
to theological subjects, he began to look for mystical knowledge.
This search brought him to Panipat where he became a disciple of
490 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Shaikh Jalaluddin. Political disturbances caused by Timur’s inva-

sion, a personal streak of restlessness and an insatiable hunger
for spiritual advancement forced him to live in different parts of
Hindustan. After his sojourns at Sunam in Panjab and Bhakkar
in Sind, he returned to Panipat where he taught his mentor’s son
who headed the hospice.119
Turning towards the east, he travelled all the way to Bengal
where he had a frustrating encounter with Shaikh Nur Qutb-i
Alam. After a short interaction with two holy men (majzub) in
Bihar, he came to Awadh where he served as an attendant at a
local graveyard. Continuing his passion for hard penance, he
stayed in a specially dug grave for six months. As the stories of
his austerities and miracles spread in all directions, he acquired a
considerable fame. Finally he returned to his native place Rudauli
and lived here till the end of his life. He attracted the attention
of Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi of Jaunpur, who offered a lavish grant
of four villages and 1,000 bighas of land. The Shaikh, acting in
conformity with the early Chishti practice, declined the offer.
Similarly, he rejected another royal offer of a gift for his son-in-
law and, out of anger, tore the document to pieces. According to
his logic, a God who provided for the large establishment of the
Sultan, could also meet his humble needs.120
Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq had extensive knowledge about
the spiritual states of past Sufis and made an effective use of this
during the course of his sermons. In his view, Mansur ul-Hallaj
had made a childish mistake in revealing the divine secrets,
whereas mature Sufis could swallow an ocean of such truths with-
out any discomfort. Similarly, he did not agree with the view that
the world had become empty of the pious and that the vessel of
honey had become the abode of sheep. Even in his own times,
true seekers of God were benefited from their association with
Prophet Muhammad just like the latter’s companions. The Shaikh
had devised a difficult course for the training of his disciples. Even
before the formal enrollment, a novice was required to spend sev-
eral years in spiritual exercises and manual work in the hospice,
including drawing water and serving in the community kitchen.
He buried Shaikh Qudwatuddin in the ground for a fortnight
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 491

before awarding the certificate of succession and spiritual domain

of Barnawa.121
Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq claimed that the aspirants, who
came within his mystic circle, remained unaffected by the fire of
hell comprising polytheism and disunion (shirk wa firaq). He was
confident that those who had lived under his tutelage could never
deviate from his loyalty towards himself and never be misguided
into the trap laid by others. Sufis who took pride in their rev-
elations and miracles (kashf wa karamat) exposed themselves as
childish in the comprehension of mysticism. The Chishti masters
had identified as many as fifteen stages (maqamat) in the path of
mysticism. Out of these, the revelation-cum-miracles constituted
only the fifth one, which was revealed to the seeker in the plane of
bliss (alam-i jabrut). A majority of seekers got stuck at this stage.
It was only when he covered the remaining ten stages that the
plane of absolute truth (alam-i lahut) was revealed to him and, at
this juncture, revelation-cum-miracles were rendered irrelevant.
This was the stage of surrender to the will of God when the seeker
became absorbed in the divine unity (ahadiyat) in a manner that
he was lost to himself and failed to find his own self. This was the
condition of those who had covered all the stages of the mystical
path and reached the ultimate destination of divine unity. At this
ultimate stage, their annihilation and merger into the Supreme
Being manifested an acute perception of God’s reality. It was on
account of this state that the Shaikh as well as his sons and dis-
ciples were characterized by a perpetual self-annihilation. This
was the most exalted of all spiritual states, with none being higher
than this. Not surprisingly, the Shaikh continued to exercise his
spiritual power (tasarruf) even after his death from the recesses of
his grave and, in this sense, played a role similar to such eminent
Chishti saints as Muinuddin Chishti, Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki,
Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar and Nizamuddin Auliya.122
Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq remained in a perpetual state of
absorption (istaghraq) and kept away from the crowd. Since he
treated ‘Haq’ as the most perfect expression of God’s numerous
names and attributes, this word was employed most frequently
in his mystic circle. When the time for obligatory prayers arrived,
492 The Making of Medieval Panjab

his disciples informed him by repeating the word thrice. When he

went to the mosque to offer the Friday prayer, his disciples walked
ahead chanting the word. In fact, he advocated its use as the new
form of greeting each other in place of the customary salutation. In
his hospice, he used two different cells for solitary contemplation,
one representing his beauteous disposition (jamal) and the other
personifying his wrathful nature (jalal). Such was his fondness for
musical sessions that, on one occasion, he gifted his maidservant
to the Qawwals. For some time, he prepared a cauldron (deg) and
placed it on the road for the people to satisfy their hunger. He dis-
continued the practice as it brought undue popularity to him and
he would not assume the role of God as the supreme provider. He
employed his miraculous power which enabled a disciple to meet
Prophet Muhammad in a vision.123 Similarly, he revived the life
of a disciple who, contrary to his mentor’s advice, had opted for
death; it was only with his permission that the disciple breathed
his last. The Shaikh’s generosity was matched by his anger and,
for this reason, earned the name of Shaikh Ahmad Qattal (mur-
derer). When Duheja, the zamindar of Narah, attacked Rudauli,
the Shaikh diverted him by a miracle towards Karansa where he
was killed in an encounter with his counterpart. The Shaikh was
instrumental in shifting the entire tribe of the former zamindar of
Bahreela to the villages of Kora and Tehlora. When the Shaikh’s
son-in-law was imprisoned without any reason by the local admin-
istrator of Rudauli, Malik Zakku, he not only caused the death of
the culprit, but also offered the last prayer (namaz-i janazah) for
the burial.124
Towards the close of our period, the Sabiris received a fresh
lease of life while Shaikh Abdul Quddus Gangohi (1456-1537)
lived at Shahabad near Ambala for over three decades. A descend-
ant of Imam Abu Hanifa, he belonged to a family of devout
scholars, who had received a land grant near Rudauli from the
Sharqis of Jaunpur. At a relatively young age, he abandoned his
study of conventional learning and turned towards spirituality.
He entered the hospice of Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq and, while
performing menial tasks, began to receive guidance from the
spirit of the famous Sabiri saint and thus became his Uwaisi. He
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 493

assumed discipleship under Shaikh Muhammad (the grandson

of Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq) and went on to marry the sister
of his mentor.125 He also benefited from the company of Shaikh
Piyare, a senior inmate of the hospice. He attracted a number of
Afghan soldiers into his mystical circle. At the invitation of the
Afghan noble Umar Khan Sarwani, he migrated to the town of
Shahabad near Ambala in 1491 and resided here for more than
thirty years. In 1524, he was persuaded by another Afghan noble
Usman Karrani to shift to Gangoh (40 miles southeast of Shahabad
across the Jamuna), where he lived till the end of his life. During
the Lodi-Mughal warfare, he fell into the hands of the Mughals,
who dragged him from Panipat to Delhi. Later on, he developed
cordial relations with the new Mughal ruler Humayun.126
In matters of religious practice, Shaikh Gangohi was an ardent
follower of Prophet Muhammad and the Shariat. He was so strict
in observing the religious rites that he did not tolerate even the
slightest deviation from the righteous path (sirat-i mustaqim). At
the onset of his religious life, he channelized his energies towards
supererogatory prayers (nawafil), besides the regimen of obliga-
tory devotions. He performed eight hundred units (rakats) of
prayer, four hundred during the day and four hundred during
the night. After reciting the Fatiha and Surat, he practiced breath
control alongwith silent remembrance of God. He repeated the
exercise during the three postures of standing, genuflexion and
prostration. Sometimes he spent the entire night in performing
the double prayers (dogana). At other times, he recited the loud
remembrance (zikr-i jahri) from the time of Isha and continued
it till daybreak. So strong was the degree of his concentration and
trust in God that he remained unaffected by unfavourable condi-
tions – extremes of weather and presence of reptiles and insects
– in his cell. He undertook forty-day retreats on a regular basis.
Emulating Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq, who contemplated in a
grave for six months, he observed complete isolation in the hole
of a tamarind tree for the same duration. Following in the foot-
steps of the Chishti elders like Baba Farid, he often resorted to
the inverted prayer (namaz-i maakus). From the time of Isha, he
suspended himself upside down and, returning to the normal pos-
494 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ture at daybreak, offered the morning prayer (fajr). During such

austerities, he experienced the state of absorption, annihilation
of annihilation (fana al-fana) and subsistence in God (baqa ba-
allah). At this moment, a supernatural being congratulated him
for achieving a union with the Almighty.127
A characteristic feature of Shaikh Gangohi’s mystical pursuit
was the sultan-i zikr, a term applicable to the impact of devotional
practices. As a manifestation of this impact, a seeker became
oblivious of his physical existence and climbed to the state of
self-annihilation (fana al-fana) and subsistence in God (baqa ba-
allah). In this condition, he felt that his temporal being was merged
into the Supreme Being. This phenomenon had been explained in
Risala-i Makkiya by Shaikh Najmuddin Kubra. Sometimes, it held
the seeker in an overpowering grip and, without displaying any
outward sign, it ended in calmness akin to sleep. At other times,
it appeared in the form of light and, owing to its great power,
subjected the seeker to varying degrees of trembling depending
on his endurance. His bodily existence was shaken to effacement,
as alluded to in the chapter related to earthquake (sura-i zalzala)
in the Quran (99: 1-3). As the seeker was drenched in the rain
of a mysterious lustre, his being was permeated by 18,000 worlds
in different forms. This was his state in the plane of absolute
truth (alam-i malkut), which induced him to feel amazed and
bewildered. His heart received the knowledge of divine myster-
ies, while his human traits were replaced by divine qualities. He
heard sounds of different types and, thinking of resurrection, lost
control over his soul. His heart turned into the divinely ordained
tablet (lauh-i mahfuz) on which God recorded the transactions
of humankind. It began to receive revelations about the sublime
truths that were similar to the revelations of the prophets.128
Normally a seeker felt the sultan-i zikr between sleep and wak-
ing when his outer senses were dilute. When he gained experience
in it, the distinction between sleep and waking receded, so that
he faced it while alert. In the beginning, he was terrified by the
encounter. Frequency of the occurrence dissipated his fear and he
began to anxiously anticipate the event. In this state, he became
unaware of his worldly surroundings, but retained his own con-
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 495

sciousness and knew that he was being overpowered by the sultan-i

zikr. On some occasions, he became entirely devoid of conscious-
ness and reached the stage of supreme annihilation (fana al-fana).
In one of his traditions (Hadis), Prophet Muhammad stated that
sometimes he received the revelation of the Quran in the form of
the ringing of a bell, which was difficult to endure. Sometimes,
he saw the physical form of the angel who spoke to him and he
memorized the words. While receiving the revelation, drops of
perspiration appeared on the Prophet’s forehead, though the
weather was extremely cold. The ordeal was attributed to the rise
of body’s temperature that overpowered the outer chill. The words
revealed to the Prophet were known as wahi, while those revealed
to the saints were termed as ilham.129
A specific method of sultan-i zikr was recommended for all cat-
egories of seekers including the ordinary and the select. When a
seeker learnt the entire technique from his mentor and immersed
himself in this exercise, he underwent a critical transformation.
As the sound of zikr entered his heart, this organ was driven to
a movement that gradually permeated his whole body. Just as
sound echoed from a dome, the sound of zikr reached his ears and
produced a pleasant sensation. Owing to the strength of the zikr,
its dominance increased and various sounds were heard includ-
ing that of a bell. When this dominance went beyond its limits,
it assumed the form of sultan-i zikr. While hearing the sound
of lightning, his body trembled and he became unconscious.
Sometimes, he envisioned lights from different sources like sun,
moon and stars.
It was difficult to describe the unique episode in words, though
it could be recognized through its signs and symptoms. A seeker
overpowered by his passion, struggled to sharpen his percep-
tion of divine secrets. His condition was similar to a tree that
was violently shaken in a storm and a man who was caught in
a flooded river. The impact of sultan-i zikr, which first appeared
in the heart, spread to other parts of the body. The sound, which
was emitted from these parts, rose independently and perpetually
attracted the attention of the seeker. Bereft of words, this sound
was the most exalted form of contemplation, which reflected all
496 The Making of Medieval Panjab

dimensions of mystical knowledge as well as divine light. As the

sound progressed in proportion to increase in the epiphanies, it
was endowed with words. This phenomenon, as embodied in the
beginning of the Quran, indicated that words were external and
sound was internal.130
The above phenomenon has been viewed in comparison to
the experience of Prophet Muhammad in the cave of Hira. After
listening to this sound, he experienced a joy that was beyond
description. The quality of his hearing was transformed into the
quality of vision, while the angel Jibrail appeared on the scene. As
and when he concentrated his attention on this sound, the words
of God were revealed to him, even though his body endured severe
pain. This contemplation on the sound was extremely significant
for the seeker who, by this practice, could achieve salvation from
his physical being. Sometimes his body was transformed into ears,
so that every hair could hear the sound. At other times, it was
turned into eyes, so that every hair could see the reality in true
perspective. Such a state was achieved only with hard work based
on courage, aptitude and long life. Not surprisingly, Prophet
Muhammad took forty years to attain the status of Prophet.
However, the Sufis were not unanimous on various aspects of the
sultan-i zikr. They differed on the sequence of hearing and seeing
that was associated with revelation. Thinkers also differed on the
nature of sound (grinding mill, humming bee, cannon, clarinet
and tambourine) accompanying a revelation that culminated,
after appropriate austerities, into a thunderous situation that was
a clear sign of the sultan-i zikr. Evidently, the phenomenon had
to be understood in accordance with one’s aptitude and disposi-
tion.131
Shaikh Gangohi drew a distinction between two types of hun-
ger, low (safli) and sublime (alavi). He held that the former was
found in all the animals. When they were born and the animal
soul entered them, they began to move and experienced warmth.
As they felt the pangs of hunger, they developed the need for food.
Owing to this low category of hunger, they were not able to make
any spiritual progress. In contrast to the animals, the humans were
endowed with sublime hunger. On taking birth, they travelled
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 497

from the realm of invisibility to that of love, and from the world
of movement to that of stagnancy. At this stage, the unity of God
was revealed along with innumerable divine secrets, including the
reality of prophethood. As a beginning of the world of unity, this
was the stage of human soul and it was designated as the plane
of bliss (alam-i jabrut). Though this was an exalted state, yet its
power of proximity was inadequate and did not guarantee enough
benefits. Associated with the human soul was the plane of absolute
truth (alam-i malkut), which offered the knowledge of lower self
and promised proximity to the praise of God. Here the manifesta-
tion of love did not progress, nor did it reach the peak of divine
knowledge. As a result, the seeker was reduced to a mere physical
being engaged in consumption and, having suffered a deficiency
in knowledge, failed to distinguish between binaries – reality and
metaphor, unity and multiplicity, right and wrong, presence and
absence. In this predicament, the lover grasped the skirt of the
Beloved.132
Shaikh Gangohi went on to argue that the human being, by his
very nature, was permeated by this hunger. Hotter than the fire
of hell, this feeling transformed impure hunger into pure hunger,
bondage into freedom and human into divine. It was through
this hunger that man reached God. This ability was found only in
humans, because the animals were governed solely by their physi-
cal needs. Even the angels and souls, who had been placed in the
category of the sublime beings (alavi), failed to progress beyond
their given state, as they had been deprived of this hunger. This
hunger was, in fact, a fire that fuelled any movement. The power
of fire also resided in the seeker’s love and pain. Continuing in
this vein, Shaikh Gangohi classified hunger into three levels. The
first, being physical, was satisfied by the consumption of food and
drink. The second, associated with the pain of love, was satisfied by
the blood of the liver and chips of straw. The third was connected
with the Beloved, and its food comprised the perfections of beauty
and virtue. According to a verse, the incomparable God was the
lover of his own beauty and, therefore, served as the beholder of
His beauteous persona.133
Endowed with a wide outlook, Shaikh Gangohi absorbed ideas
498 The Making of Medieval Panjab

from the non-Islamic spiritual traditions. He was intimately

familiar with the content of Amritkunda,134 which he communi-
cated to his disciple Shaikh Sulaiman. This text perceived human
body as a microcosm of the universe and emphasized the disci-
pline of three elements – body, senses and mind – through the
regulation of breath. In his own work entitled Rushdnama, Shaikh
Gangohi demonstrated that Ibn-i Arabi’s unity of being (wahdat
ul-wujud) was identical with the philosophy of Gorakhnath. For
him, the union of Shakti and Shiva, as the basis of three worlds,
was similar to the inverted prayer (salat-i maakus) of the Sufis. Its
Yogic equivalent was a regressive exercise (ulti sadhna) involv-
ing the reversal of human bodily functions. The Shaikh found it
appropriate to rely on terms – alakh niranjan, onkar, sahaj and
sabad – from the Yogic terminology. Alakh Niranjan, like Khuda,
was the unseen Lord who had created the different worlds, while
Onkar was the transcendent Absolute who was approached
through remembrance (zikr). Sahaj, which was the state of perfect
equilibrium and led to ontological immortality, was akin to the
Sufi ideal of subsistence in God (baqa). As the undefinable word,
Sabad was realized by installing truth in the heart through con-
templation. In the eyes of Shaikh Gangohi, Ibn-i Arabi’s wahdat
ul-wujud did not differ from Gorakhnath’s concept of absolute
truth (parbrahma), which was beyond origin, destruction, imagi-
nation, names and forms. This theme of unity was comprehended
by looking at the different forms of water – vapours, clouds and
rain. The Sufi theory of creation, as revealed by God to David
(‘I was a hidden treasure and I wished to be known; so I created
the creation so that I might be known.’), was identical with the
Yogic theme of divine will. The Shaikh’s frequent allusion to the
heart as a mirror was also based on the ideas of Ibn-i Arabi and
Gorakhnath.135
Shaikh Gangohi has paid a considerable attention to the yogic
technique of breath control (pas-i anfas), with reference to the
role of three types of breath. According to a significant statement,
the first breath (prana) came out upwards, the second breath
(apana) went downwards and the third breath (samana) came out
of the whole body along the roots of the hair. A Sufi practitioner
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 499

was required to transform these three breaths into a single one,

which was subsequently turned back. Departing from the stand-
ard Yogic explanation, the Shaikh held that the third breath was
not engendered by the first two, but it operated in the human
frame before joining. The three corners (trikuti), according to the
Yogic parlance, stood for the junction of three cords – ida, pin-
gala, and susumna – that served as conduits for the three breaths.
Sometimes, the Shaikh conceived of the junction as a penultimate
circle above the eyebrows and, at other times, situated it in the
navel. Irrespective of the location of the junction, it was a void
that expressed the final liberation. Designated as the fundamental
base (muldwara), it meant the crown of the head, which was the
abode of the brain and a receptacle of the seminal fluid. Owing to
the movement of the breath, the seminal fluid turned into clear
water and suffused through the whole body. In other words, the
reversed breath went back in the opposite way and spread through
the interior. As the body of the seeker became subtle, he received
the illumination of divine mysteries and experienced the state of
annihilation.136

NOTES
1. Amir Khurd, p. 188; Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi, Akhbar ul-Akhyar,
Urdu translation, Subhan Mahmud and Muhammad Fazil, Delhi: Noor
Publishing House, 1990, p. 151; Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar,
vol. II, Urdu translation, Wahid Bakhsh Siyal, New Delhi: Khwaja Hasan
Sani Nizami, 2010, p. 231.
2. Muhammad Ghausi Shattari, Gulzar-i Abrar, Persian text, ed. Muhammad
Zaki, Patna: Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, 2nd rpt., 2001, p. 44;
Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Tarikh-i Mashaikh-i Chisht, vol. I, Karachi: Oxford
University Press, rpt., 2007, p. 203.
3. Amir Khurd, pp. 178-9; Muhammad Ghausi Shattari, Gulzar-i Abrar, p. 44;
Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, p. 231.
4. Amir Khurd, p. 179.
5. FF, Faruqi, pp. 152-3; Lawrence, p. 144; Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-
Asrar, vol. II, p. 233.
6. Amir Khurd, pp. 180-1; Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II,
p. 232.
7. Amir Khurd, p. 180.
8. Ibid., p. 180.
500 The Making of Medieval Panjab

9. Ibid., pp. 179-80; Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, p. 232.
10. Amir Khurd, pp. 181-2; Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II,
p. 233.
11. Bruce B. Lawrence, Notes from A Distant Flute: Sufi Literature in Pre-
Mughal India, Tehran: Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy, 1978,
p. 38.
12. Jamaluddin Ahmad Hansavi, Mulhimat wa Ahwal wa Asar, ed. Sardar Ali
Ahmad Khan, Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005, pp. 11-20. (hereafter
cited as Mulhimat).
13. Ibid., pp. 3-10.
14. Ibid., pp. 28-35.
15. Laila and Majnun fell in love in their school in northern Arabia. Laila’s
parents took her away from school. Majnun, in his sorrow, became a
wanderer. His father could not unite the lovers in marriage. He was instead
married to the daughter of a chief. He fled into the jungle and lived among
wild animals. His parents died in grief. Laila, on hearing a rumour of
Majnun’s death, died of shock. Majnun, who joined her funeral, jumped
into the grave and held her body. The two were buried in the same grave.
16. Hansavi, Mulhimat, pp. 20-8.
17. In accordance with a practice followed by Baba Farid, a seeker who enrolled
himself as a disciple and took the oath of allegiance, had his head shaved. It
was believed that the act erased all traces of arrogance and pride. FF, Faruqi,
pp. 424-5; Lawrence, pp. 346-7.
18. Hansavi, Mulhimat, pp. 67-72.
19. Isa is the Quranic name of Jesus. The Quran refers to him in 15 Surahs
and devotes to him 93 verses, the foundation for Muslim Christology.
Various traditions, containing additions from apocryphal gospels of the
childhood of Jesus from Muslim Christian literature, have enriched this
Christology and, in certain respects, brought it nearer to the Christian
traditions. Islamo-Christian polemic has tended through the years to
harden the positions. Most of these positions have become classic and are
found unchanged in present day Muslim writings. E. Van Donzel et al., eds.
The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. IV, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990, new edition,
p. 81.
20. Abu Saeed Abil Khair (967-1049) made a major contribution to the
theory and practice of Sufism. Born in Maihana, he studied at Merv and
Sarakhs, before finally moving to Nishapur. He vindicated the realization
of Mansur al-Hallaj and expanded the horizons of Islamic sprituality by
adopting a joyful life after achieving enlightenment. While emphasizing the
inner dimension of the Quran, he underlined the secondary status of the
canonical law. He was a strong advocate of musical sessions, but rejected
the necessity of Haj. Opening his hospice to the common people, he made
it a centre of spiritual training and social service. For his controversial acts,
he narrowly escaped trial at the Ghaznavid court. Shuja Alhaq, A Forgotten
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 501

Vision: A Study of Human Spirituality in the Light of the Islamic Tradition,

vol. I, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1997, pp. 161-74.
21. Hasan Basri (642-728), the son of a freed slave, became a famous Sufi. Born
in Madina, he settled in Basra where he acquired fame for his learning.
During the reign of Umayyads when intellectual activity was at a low ebb,
he became a lighthouse that attracted a wide circle of students. He taught
Islamic law, theology and Sufism. He was a link in the transmission of many
Hadis, having known several companions of the Prophet in Madina. Most
of Sufi initiatic chains passed through him. He left no writing, but was
frequently quoted widely by others. Cyril Glasse, The Concise Encyclopaedia
of Islam, London: Stacey International, rpt., 2004, p. 173.
22. Musa was the Prophet who led the Israelities out of slavery in Egypt. The
Quran records him having been placed in a basket, being taken into the
house of Pharaoh, his encounters with the court magicians, the plagues
sent against Egypt when Pharaoh refused to let the Israelites go, the parting
of the sea, the drowning of Pharaoh’s army, Musa’s forty days on the
mountain, the receipt of the Tablets of Law and striking of his staff against
a rock in the desert to obtain water. In the Quranic account, Musa set down
tablets containing God’s commandments, rather than breaking them after
discovering the Israelites worshipping the golden calf. John L. Esposito,
ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, Karachi: Oxford University Press, rpt.,
2007, p. 206.
23. Hansavi, Mulhimat, pp. 79-88.
24. Sufis did not regard travelling as mandatory, but it was recommended for
suppressing the carnal self. Undertaken in accordance with a variety of
rules, it began with proper resolution and aimed at acquiring knowledge
and meeting peer Shaikhs. It enabled the seeker to separate from his kith
and kin, to practice solitude and to read verses on the oneness of God. At
the outset, he bade farewell to brothers of the hospice. He offered prayers
on arriving and leaving a station. Carrying a few essential articles, he bathed
on entering a city. Shaikh Shihabuddin Umar bin Muhammad Suhrawardi,
Awarif ul-Maarif, pp. 42-8.
25. Hansavi, Mulhimat, pp. 72-8.
26. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, who personally knew this elder son, asserted
that when he was in control of his senses, he made sublime statements that
were beyond the capacity of most sane people. Once he said, ‘Al ilm hijab
all al-akbar,’ which meant that knowledge was different from absolute truth
(haq) and something unconnected with absolute truth was nothing but a
veil over truth. The Shaikh recognized him as a frenzied spiritual lover.
Amir Khurd, p. 184.
27. Amir Khurd, pp. 182-4.
28. Ibid., pp. 248-9.
29. It appeared that Shaikh Hansavi would have passed on the manuscript to
his spiritual successor. But he restrained himself from nominating one of
502 The Making of Medieval Panjab

his two sons to this position, as the elder one had turned a frenzied lover
(majzub) and the younger one was a minor. As a temporary arrangement,
he gave it to his colleague-brother Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, so that it
could be preserved as a trust till a suitable descendant assumed the headship
of the Hansi hospice after his death. The manuscript was not to be treated in
the category of such personal possessions of Sufis like patched robe, prayer
rug, staff and sandals, which were granted to a disciple nominated as the
principal successor. Tanvir Anjum , ‘Sons of Bread and Sons of Soul: Lineal
and Spiritual Descendants of Baba Farid and the Issue of Succession, in
Sufism in Punjab: Mystics, Literature and Shrines, ed. Surinder Singh and
Ishwar Dayal Gaur, p. 68.
30. Amir Khurd, pp. 249-50.
31. Ibid., pp. 255-7.
32. Ibid., p. 251.
33. Ibid., pp. 250-1.
34. Barbak was the master of ceremonies at the court. He maintained the
dignity of royal functions. He marshalled nobles in accordance with their
rank. His assistants (hajibs), who stood between the king and his subjects,
introduced visitors to the Sultan. All petitions were presented to the Sultan
through the chief of assistants. Since the post commanded great prestige, it
was reserved for princes of the royal blood or the most trusted noble. Ishtiaq
Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Dehli, p. 61.
35. Amir Khurd, pp. 252-4.
36. Ibid., pp. 254-5.
37. By then, two developments had taken place. Firstly, the arid tract of southeast
Panjab had witnessed agrarian expansion owing to the provision of canal
water and, at the same time, Hissar Firoza had emerged as a vibrant urban
centre. Secondly, the political dispensation had overcome its apprehensions
about the Chishtis of Hansi and had been trying to build bridges with
different Sufi networks. In these circumstances, it was not surprising that
Firoz Shah Tughluq should pay a visit to Shaikh Nuruddin. As discussed in
Chapter 3, the state at this stage was forging alliances with local elements
and, therefore, tried to fraternize with the Sufis and, if possible, to absorb
them into the political structure.
38. Afif, pp. 132-3.
39. The claim, if made by Bu Ali Qalandar or during his lifetime, explained
his identification as a Qalandar. The account of his virtues, including lack
of attachment to a band and sedentary life in a particular locality, made
him fit the category of a Majzub. His exemption from ritual duties of
Islam was traced to an anecdote, wherein he performed seventy ablutions
for several nights after experiencing seventy orgasms in a night. Simon
Digby, ‘Qalandars and Related Groups: Elements of Social Deviance in
the Religious Life of the Delhi Sultanate in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 503

Centuries,’ in Islam in Asia, vol. I (South Asia), ed. Yohanan Friedmann,

Jerusalem: The Magness Press, The Hebrew University, 1984, pp. 101-2.
40. Abul Fazl, Ain-i Akbari, vol. III, English translation, H.S. Jarrett and
Jadunath Sarkar, New Delhi: Oriental Books Rprint Corporation, 3rd edn.,
1978, p. 410.
41. This section has been reconstructed on the basis of stories of Bu Ali
Qalandar’s miraculous feats that have been culled from hagiographical
accounts. Kumkum Srivastava, The Wandering Sufis: Qalandars and Their
Path, Bhopal: Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya & New Delhi:
Aryan Books International, 2009, pp. 147-63.
42. Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi, Akhbar ul-Akhyar, pp. 269-70.
43. Srivastava, The Wandering Sufis: Qalandars and Their Path, pp. 150-2.
44. Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi, Akhbar ul-Akhyar, pp. 280-1.
45. Ibid., p. 282.
46. Ibid., p. 281.
47. Ibid., p. 282.
48. Ibid., p. 283.
49. Lawrence, Notes from A Distant Flute: Sufi Literature in Pre-Mughal India,
p. 79.
50. Ibid., p. 82.
51. Shah Sharfuddin Bu Ali Shah Qalandar, Masnavi, ed. Muhammad Muslim
Ahmad Nizami, Delhi: Kutubkhana Naziriyya, 1963, p. 20 (hereafter cited
as Masnavi).
52. Ibid., p. 25.
53. Ibid., pp. 23-4.
54. Ibid., p. 25.
55. Ibid., pp. 25-6.
56. Ibid., pp. 40-1.
57. Ibid., pp. 42-4.
58. Ibid., pp. 31-2.
59. Jibrail was the angel who was believed to be the medium of the revelation
of the Quran to Prophet Muhammad. He has been mentioned only
twice in the Quran by name i.e. in Surah-i Baqarah (11: 91) and Surah-i
Tahrim (lxvi: 4). He was supposed to have spoken in a few other verses.
In the Islamic tradition, he has been referred to as the Supreme Spirit, the
Honourable Spirit, the Holy Spirit and the Faithful Spirit. Thomas Patrick
Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, p. 133.
60. Masnavi, pp. 33-4.
61. The couplet was somewhat similar to the one attributed to the Iranian
Sufi, Ahmad-i Jam. While repeatedly listening to the latter in a musical
session, Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki breathed his last. Kushtagan-i
khanjar-i taslim ra / Har zaman az ghaib jan-i digar ast (Those slain by the
submission’s dagger / Each moment find new life from beyond.) Carl W.
504 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Ernst and Bruce B. Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love: The Chishti Order in
South Asia and Beyond, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, p. 16.
62. Masnavi, pp. 35-7.
63. Karun occurred in the Quran at xxviii: 76-82, xxix: 38 and xl:25. Along
with Haman, he was an unbelieving minister of Firaun in oppressing the
Israelites. He behaved proudly towards Musa and his people, owing to
his immense wealth, which he believed to have been given to him for his
knowledge. He made a great display of his wealth and was swallowed up
by the earth with his palace. He was an example of those who preferred
the fleeting wealth of this world to gaining alms, humility, righteousness
and abiding riches given by Allah in the world to come. M.T. Houtsma
et al., eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. II, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1927,
pp. 780-1.
64. Masnavi, pp. 6-7.
65. The story of Yusuf, the Joseph of Bible, was narrated with concise beauty
in Surah-i Yusuf of the Quran. A favourite son of Yaqub, he was sold into
slavery and brought to Egypt. He was taken as a slave in the household of
Potiphar, a great man of the country. He was so handsome that women
of Egypt, on seeing him, cut their hands with serving knives. The wife
of Potiphar made advances to Yusuf. He resisted and tried to escape.
His innocence was proved by the fact that his shirt was torn at the back.
Nevertheless, he was put into prison and released after many years for
correctly interpreting Pharaoh’s dreams. His brothers came to him for food
during a famine. His shirt sent to his father restored Yaqub’s sight which
had been lost for weeping for the loss of his son. Cyril Glasse, The Concise
Encyclopaedia of Islam, London: Stacey International, rpt., 2004, p. 487.
66. Nimrod has been mentioned in the Quran (ii: 260 and xxi: 68-69) with
reference to his persecution of Abraham. He created a massive fire in Kusa,
where he tried to burn alive Abraham, who was miraculously saved by
Jibrail. According to Jewish tradition, Nimrod imprisoned Abraham for ten
years. He raised a huge tower to heaven, with the aim of seeing Abraham’s
God, but suffered a great fall. In a battle against Abraham, Nimrod and his
forces were destroyed by a swarm of gnats that was sent by God. Thomas
Patrick Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, pp. 433-4.
67. Masnavi, pp. 16-18.
68. Ibid., pp. 38-9.
69. Ibid., pp. 27-8.
70. Believed to be descended from Jann and named as Azazil, the devil or
Iblis was said to possess authority over the animal and spirit kingdoms.
When God created Adam, the devil refused to prostrate before him and
therefore he was expelled from Eden. He was sentenced to death, but upon
seeking a respite, he obtained it until the day of judgement when he would
be destroyed. According to the Quran, the devil was created of fire, while
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 505

Adam was created of clay. Thomas Patrick Hughes, Dictionary of Islam,

p. 84.
71. Masnavi, pp. 28-30.
72. Ibid., pp. 8-11.
73. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
74. Khalilullah, meaning the friend of God, was the title given to Abraham in the
Quran (iv: 24). It was believed that Abraham, during the times of scarcity,
tried to acquire corn from Egypt through a friend. He sent a few servants
for this purpose, but his friend did not help and made excuses. The servants,
who were ashamed of returning empty handed and, to conceal their faulire
from neighbours, filled their sacks with fine sand. Abraham was depressed,
but Sarah found flour in the bags and set about making bread. She believed
that the flour had been sent by the friend in Egypt, but Abraham declared
that the supply had come from his friend God Almighty. Thomas Patrick
Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, p. 269.
75. Masnavi, p. 14.
76. Yazid bin Muawiya was the second Umayyad caliph (c. 680-3). He con-
tinued the form of his father’s rule, which depended on relations between
the caliph, his governors and tribal notables in provinces. His caliphate
marked the beginning of a crisis, commonly reffered to as fitna, so that
the Umayyads came close to losing the caliphate. He faced continuing
opposition from Abdullah bin Zubair and Husain bin Ali, both then in
Madina. In a battle at Karbala, Husain died fighting against Yazid’s governor
of Iraq, Ubaidullah bin Ziyad. Tradition was hostile to Yazid for the death
of Husain, attack on the two holy cities of Arabia and burning of Kaaba. P.J.
Bearman et al., eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. XI, Leiden: Brill, 2002,
pp. 309-10.
77. Masnavi, pp. 14-15.
78. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Tarikh-i Mashaikh-i Chisht, vol. I, pp. 251-52;
the same difficulties have been reiterated in Carl W. Ernst and Bruce B.
Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love: The Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond,
p. 118.
79. Alam Faqri, Tazkira Hazrat Ali Ahmad Sabir Kaliyari, New Delhi: Farid
Book Depot, 2005, pp. 38-48.
80. According to hagiographical narratives, Shaikh Sabir travelled all the way
to Hansi to get his succession certificate signed by Shaikh Jamaluddin
Hansavi. He offended his host by a series of mistakes – failing to alight from
his horse after entering the hospice, insisting on signatures in poor light
and miraculously removing darkness by lighting his fingure like a candle.
Shaikh Hansavi refused to sign the document as he felt that Shaikh Sabir’s
quick temper rendered him unfit for holding the spiritual territory of Delhi.
In retaliation, Shaikh Sabir cursed that Shaikh Hansavi’s spiritual eminence
would soon be terminated. On learning of the incident, Baba Farid admitted
his inability to sew what had been torn by Shaikh Hansavi.
506 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, Urdu translation, Syed Muhammad

Ali Joyea Muradabadi, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 147-8;
Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, pp. 275-6.
81. Alam Faqri, Tazkira Hazrat Ali Ahmad Sabir Kaliyari, pp. 84-95.
82. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, p. 148.
83. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, pp. 149-50; Abdul Rahman Chishti,
Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, pp. 278-9.
84. Alam Faqri, Tazkirah Hazrat Ali Ahmad Sabir Kaliyari, pp. 119-22.
85. Ibid., pp. 108-9.
86. Ibid., pp. 124-6.
87. Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, pp. 277-8.
88. Ibid., p. 280.
89. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, p. 152. According to another source,
Shaikh Shamsuddin himself rode up to the fort on a horse and, placing
his chest against the gate, uttered the name of God in a loud voice. As a
consequence, the gate fell down and the victorious army gained its much
awaited entry. On the same day, Shaikh Sabir passed away at Kaliyar
and Shaikh Shamsuddin left Chittor in order to arrange the burial of his
mentor. Alam Faqri, op. cit, pp. 114-15.
90. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, p. 152.
91. Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, pp. 351-2.
92. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, p. 151.
93. Ibid., p. 154. Here, it has been added that a prominent noble of Muhammad
Shah, Umdat ul-Mulk Safdar Jang, was a desendant of Shaikh Shamsuddin
Turk. When this noble was travelling to Kabul, where he had been
appointed as the governor, he passed through Panipat. He learnt from
one of his followers that the tomb of the Shaikh was found in the town.
Safdar Jang, who became emotional, asked for the location of the tomb.
He went to the place and, after offering the prayer (fatiha), stated that he
was a descendant of the Shaikh and even showed the genealogical table to
those present. The descendants of the Shaikh were found in the town at
that point of time.
94. Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, p. 439.
95. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, p. 156.
96. Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, 439-40; this episode has
been described with minor differences and more details in Allah Diya
Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, pp. 160-1.
97. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, p. 160.
98. Ibid., p. 156.
99. Ibid., p. 157.
100. Ibid., p. 159.
101. Shaikh Jalaluddin Panipati took concrete steps to develop friendly relations
with neighbouring Sufis, particularly in cases where some friction had
 Islamic Spirituality in Southeast Panjab 507

been existing, e.g. with the Chishtis of Hansi, Bu Ali Qalandar and Syed
Jalaluddin Bokhari. This was a strategy not only for survival, but also for
consolidation and expansion of the Sabiri branch of the Chishtis, who had
been quite active from the middle of the thirteenth century onwards.
102. Allah Diya Chishti has wrongly identified this Chishti saint of Hansi with
Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi (d. 1261), who had died in the lifetime of Baba
Farid. If Shaikh Jalaluddin Panipati lived in the late fourteenth century, was
a contemporary of Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari and died in 1403 as mentioned
by Allah Diya Chishti, then he (Shaikh Jalaluddin Panipati) must have met
a descendant of Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi.
103. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, pp. 157-8.
104. Ibid., pp. 157-8.
105. Ibid., p. 162.
106. Ibid., pp. 162-3.
107. This episode was somewhat similar to the experience of Shaikh Qutbuddin
Munawwar and his son Shaikh Nuruddin when the two met Sultan
Muhammad bin Tughluq. The narrative aimed to show that the Sabiris
were in no way less than the Chishtis of Hansi in their attitude towards the
state and wealth.
108. Allah Diya Chishti, Siyar ul-Aqtab, pp. 164-6.
109. Ibid., pp. 165-6.
110. Ibid., p. 159.
111. Ibid., p. 164.
112. Ibid., p. 163.
113. Ibid., pp. 158-9
114. Ibid., pp. 168-9.
115. Ibid., p. 170.
116. Ibid., pp. 171-2.
117. Ibid., pp. 173-4.
118. Said to have been founded by a Bhar chief Rudra Mal, the town of Rudauli
was situated in Ramsanehighat tahsil and Barabanki district of United
Provinces. It contained two shrines of Muslim saints, viz., Shah Ahmad
who was entombed alive for six months and Zohra Bibi who recovered her
sight miraculously by visiting the shrine of Salar Masud Ghazi at Bahraich.
Large fairs were held at each of these. Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. XXI,
p. 338.
119. This became a precedent, as the offspring of Shaikh Jalaluddin enrolled
themselves under the tutelage of Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq’s descendants,
who were based in Rudauli. In this manner a lasting link was established
between the Panipat and Rudauli seats of the Sabiris. They were schooled
in the spiritual curriculum which was developed for conventional and
mystical learning by Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq. Abdul Rahman Chishti,
Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, p. 444.
508 The Making of Medieval Panjab

120. Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, pp. 522-30; Abdul Haq
Muhaddis Dehalvi, Akhbar ul-Akhyar, pp. 403-8.
121. Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. II, pp. 535-8.
122. Ibid., pp. 539-41.
123. Ibid., p. 532.
124. Ibid., pp. 533-8.
125. Ibid., pp. 561-3. According to popular belief, when Shaikh Gangohi decided
to leave Rudauli in search of a living mentor, Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq
physically emerged from his tomb. He owned Shaikh Gangohi as his own
and, directing him to stay put in Rudauli, revealed the mystical perfections
of his grandson Shaikh Muhammad. This hint was enough for Shaikh
Gangohi, who followed it in letter and spirit.
126. Simon Digby, ‘Abd al-Quddus Gangohi (1456-1537): The Personality and
Attitudes of an Indian Sufi,’ Medieval India: A Miscellany, vol. III, Bombay:
Asia Publishing House, 1975, pp. 2-11.
127. Abdul Rahman Chishti, Mirat ul-Asrar, vol. I, p. 563; Muhammad Akram
Quddusi, Iqtibas ul-Anwar, pp. 615-16.
128. Muhammad Akram Quddusi, Iqtibas ul-Anwar, pp. 616-18.
129. Ibid., pp. 621-2.
130. Ibid., pp. 623-4.
131. Ibid., pp. 624-6.
132. Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi, Akhbar ul-Akhyar, pp. 465-7.
133. Ibid., p. 467.
134. Originally written in Sanskrit, Amritkunda (Pool of Nectar) has been
translated into Persian, Arabic, Turki and Urdu. It dealt with a variety
of practices, which were neither distinctively Indian, nor restricted to
Yoga e.g. fasting, vegetarianism and celibacy. It stressed breath control
to maximize inhalation for achieving long life, besides discussing phy-
siological techniques for purification of human body, with reference to
bodily postures and chakra meditations. Besides quotes from the Quran
and Hadis, the text includes several terms from Islamic religious practices
including Sufism. Carl W. Ernst, ‘Islamization of Yoga in the Amritkunda
Translations,’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, vol. 13,
no. 2, July 2003, pp. 217-20; also see, Yusuf Husain, ‘Haud al-Hayat: The
Arabic Version of Amritkund,’ in On Becoming an Indian Muslim: French
Essays on Aspects of Syncretism, ed. M. Waseem, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2003, pp. 63-74.
135. Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, vol. I, pp. 335-41.
136. Simon Digby, op. cit., pp. 46-9.
 CHAPTER 8

The World of the Zamindars

The story of Hir and Ranjha has been the most popular folktale
of Panjab. The narrative was set in the second half of the fifteenth
century when the authority of the Delhi Sultanate had declined
and, as a result, local chiefs had gained in political influence and
material resources. The plot revolved around the pursuit of love
by the protagonists, with particular reference to the dominance of
patriarchal forces. Though the available versions differ in matters
of detail, its major landmarks were essentially common. Ranjha,
the son of a zamindar of Takht Hazara, abandoned his home in
protest against the unfair distribution of ancestral lands. During
his wanderings, he fell in love with Hir, the daughter of a zamindar
of Jhang Siyal. He worked as a herdsman for Hir’s family in order
to pursue his love. While he grazed buffaloes and played on the
flute, Hir and her friends would come to meet. When the matter
came out in the open, the Siyals married Hir to a Khera youth of
Rangpur Khera. Hir refused to consummate the marriage, while
Ranjha went to Tilla Balnath and became a Jogi. He gained access
to Hir and, with the help of Hir’s sister-in-law Sehti, eloped from
the village. Unfortunately they met a tragic end at the hands of
their opponents. A different version related that they were united
by the intervention of a just local potentate, while still another
held that they left for Haj.
Damodar Gulati was the first to versify the tale in Panjabi. He
claimed to have set up a shop at Jhang Siyal during the reign of
Akbar. It is, however, difficult to believe that he was a contempo-
rary of the lovers and witness to events in their lives. Apparently
Damodar has grafted a century-old story to his own times, with
the aim of imparting authenticity to his narrative. Long before
510 The Making of Medieval Panjab

he took up his pen, the story had entered the collective memory
in northwestern India. This has been attested by Baqi Kulabi
(d. 1579) who,1 while preparing a Persian account of the tale,
asserted that the story (afsana) had caused an uproar (ghogha) in
Hind, as it was found on every tongue.2 Shah Husain (1539-99),
the famous Sufi poet of Lahore, employed episodes from the tale as
metaphors for expressing the love of a seeker for the divine. In this
cultural environment, Damodar produced the first ever account
of the story in Panjabi (western dialect) in over 960 stanzas of four
lines each. In the following pages, an attempt is made to present
this narrative, while staying close to the text. It throws light on sev-
eral aspects of medieval Panjab. The countryside was controlled
by powerful zamindars, who relied for support on their respective
clans. On the one hand, they organized agricultural production
and reared large herds of cattle and, on the other, they aggres-
sively sought to amplify their power. Patriarchal in character, the
clans used every device to impose their will on members. In these
conditions, the lovers survived with the assistance of supernatural
forces as well as spiritual entities like the Sufis and Jogis.

Alliance between the Siyals and Kheras

Jhang town was under the notables (abdaleen) of the Siyal clan.3
The place enjoyed prosperity, reflected in its large population of
buffaloes and cows. Chuchak, who was its chief (sikdar), exercised
his power over the land and rivers. He received his income from a
variety of sources and, thus, challenged the authority of Akbar. He
was blessed with four sons – Khan, Pathan, Sultan and Bahadur.
As the boys grew older, they did not recognize any superior power.
Kundi (the wife of Chuchak) had grown somewhat old, but she
gave birth to a beautiful daughter named Hir. Before she entered
her teens, she attracted offers of betrothal. As the father and sons
pondered over the matter, they hoped to expand their clout in
the locality.4 If she were married in the country of the Afghans,
their sway would extend beyond the Indus. If she were offered in
marriage to Akbar, they would acquire the right of assessing the
land revenue.5
 The World of the Zamindars 511

The Siyal men assembled and advised Chuchak to find a suit-

able match for Hir. Chuchak revealed that two messengers, a
Brahmin and a Doom, had been sent by the Kheras with a written
proposal for marriage. The Siyals declared, ‘There is no reason
to decline the offer of the Kheras. This is a divine opportunity to
form a grand relationship, which would be useful in the future.’
Chuchak secured the concurrence of the women folk and imple-
mented the collective decision of the Siyal clan. The Brahmins and
Dooms of the village hosted the visitors.6
After eight days, Chuchak summoned a meeting of the Siyals.
In accordance with a collective decision, the two emissaries were
given a three-piece apparel and a horse each.7 Chuchak conveyed
a message to the Kheras, congratulating them for the impending
alliance, which was expected to enhance the fortunes of both the
clans. The Khera chief Ali was overjoyed at the acceptance of the
proposal by the Siyals. He gave orders for the circulation of the
good news. Drums were beaten and messengers were dispatched
to summon the Khera clansmen. The Khans assembled and, fol-
lowing a discussion (maslat), decided to visit Jhang Siyal, so as
to formalize the betrothal. Preparations were made for a large
convoy. A number of goods, including horses and cash, were
collected. Weapons were stacked in the wooden slings (behangi)
meant for luggage. Also present was a colourful party of jesters,
pipers, singers and dancers. The Khans, who were the lords of
the land (bhoyen de khawind) left for Jhang Siyal, while the local
populace converged to see the magnificent spectacle.8
Waiting for the arrival of the Kheras, Chuchak made the req-
uisite preparations. The meeting hall (dalan) was given a fresh
coat of clay plaster, mattresses and sheets were spread. All types
of provisions – ghee, sugar, grain, flour, liquor and fodder – were
gathered. The Siyals welcomed the guests in the midst of music
and dance. The festivities transformed the site into the court
(akhada) of Indra.9 The party was brought to the meeting hall,
where the brave warriors, who were masters of land and rivers
(bhoyen nayi de sayin), assembled. As the cups of liquor circu-
lated, the balladeers sang the epical tales (vaaran).
Next morning, the jesters and singers commenced the day with
512 The Making of Medieval Panjab

their performances. The Siyals distributed alms among the beg-

gars, who offered blessings (asees) in return. Chuchak sat among
the Siyal clansmen and decided that, in addition to a camel and
horse, each guest be given a turban and gold based apparel (siro-
pau sunehri). The Kheras were served food and presented gifts.10
Chuchak came forward and, unfolding his turban around his neck,
pleaded in humility: ‘I have released Taazi horses on the land. I
have created many enmities in the world. But I have threshed the
earth with my sword, forcing everyone to submit before me. This
exalted Khan (khan salamat) has never bent on any occasion. It
was only now that Hir has induced me to submit.’ Reciprocating
these sentiments, Ali clasped the hand of Chuchak. This act for-
malized the betrothal ceremony and sealed the proposed marriage
alliance between the Siyals and Kheras.11 Thus far, the prospective
bride and bridegroom were conspicuous by their absence. After
the departure of the Kheras from Jhang Siyal, an identical ritual,
which involved the girl and the boy, was held in both the house-
holds. Dooms sat to sing and felicitations poured in.12 Kundi, the
mother of Hir, summoned all the girls. She prepared a dessert
(kheer) of rice, milk and sugar. As she gave the first morsel to
Hir, she also made an offering of gold ornaments weighing one
maund.13 As soon as the Kheras reached their village, a similar
ritual was held, with the boy and his mother in the centre of the
proceedings. The process of betrothal was sealed.

Conflict between Two Clans

Noora, a Jat of the Sambhal clan,14 held a zamindari in the
neighbourhood of the Siyals. He had a magnificent boat (berha
ajab) built for himself and appointed Luddan, a Jhinwar by caste,15
as his boatman (malah). But the relation between master and
servant turned sour in a dramatic manner. One day, a group of
zamindars appeared on the scene and, with the help of Luddan,
inspected the boat. Outraged at the intrusion, Noora abused
Luddan and gave him a sound beating. Unable to digest the insult,
Luddan ran away with the boat and escaped to the zamindari of
the Siyals. Crying in a loud voice, he sought protection from a
 The World of the Zamindars 513

brave chief (raath) engendered by a noble woman.16 Hir, who was

sporting with a large troupe of her friends on the Chenab,17 took
Luddan in the protection of the Siyals. He asked Hir to call her
elders, as the Sambhals could launch an attack on the Siyals. Hir,
who was acting as the Siyal chief, threw a challenge, ‘Curse the
father and grand daughter of Noora. Why are you afraid? If some
people dare to raid, I will kill them where they stand. I will call my
father and uncles only if an Akbar-born himself leads the attack.’
Having taken the boat in her custody, she got it anchored on the
Siyal dock.18
As soon as the news of the events reached Noora, he was filled
with rage. His existence and authority had been challenged as
never before. People asked: ‘Why has a turban been tied on your
head? Why should your name prevail? The Siyals had captured
your boat and it is in their firm possession.’ He summoned the
leading men (raath) of his clan and resolved to punish the Siyals.
In his view, the Siyals were flirting with death, thirsting for blood
and itching for the taste of iron. He sent a Doom to the Siyals with
a letter in which he demanded the return of the boat and custody
of Luddan, failing which he would use force to recover his right-
ful possession. Chuchak, who was conducting the business of his
chiefdom in the assembly (sath), lost his temper. On reading the
letter, the Siyals fell on the Doom, whose face was blackened and
who was thrashed with shoes. Noora was left with no choice but
to fight the Siyals in order to recover his property, servant and
honour. He mobilized his men and saddled 360 horses.19 Raising
the slogan of ‘Ali Ali,’ the Sambhals rode through 6 leagues at
night.20 They aimed at capturing the boat, tying Luddan with
ropes and retreating in a swift move and, in the process, avoid-
ing any armed encounter with the Siyals. They would resort to
fighting only if they met any resistance from the enemy. While
the Sambhals galloped in the darkness, the normal arrangement
of nature was disturbed. As soon as Luddan heard the sound of
hooves, he warned Hir of the impending danger.
The girls ran from the banks of the Chenab to their houses
and prepared for a contest. They tied gray shawls round their
bodies and armed themselves with swords and shields. Luddan
514 The Making of Medieval Panjab

advised Hir to call her father and brothers, but she rejected the
plea. Irritated at this cowardly suggestion, Hir ordered Luddan to
go away, lest she should kill him. She asked him to watch from a
distance as the girls routed the intruders. In a quick discussion
on the spot, Hir unfolded the plan of making a frontal assault on
the Sambhals. The Sambhals were astounded on seeing a group
of young girls armed to the hilt and ready for battle. When the
hostilities began, Hir ducked the blow of Noora Chaddar (not to
be confused with Noora Sambhal) and, in a quick counter attack,
knocked him down from his horse. Before retaliating, she shouted:
‘Do not run away, O Jatta. Now it is my turn.’ Hassi, the closest
friend of Hir, asked Hir to be more cautious because, if some-
thing happened to her, the band would be left without a leader.
Justifying her action, Hir asserted that it would be matter of shame
for a chief (sikdar) to remain at the rear in battle. Since human life
was in the hands of God, she would not undermine the position
of the other members of the band. In her view, the Sambhals were
the aggressors and their own existence had been threatened by
the attack. God had provided them with an opportunity to prove
themselves and their bravery in battle would earn universal praise.
As the men watched in amazement, the girls fell upon the enemy
while crying ‘Ali Ali.’21
The Siyal girls, crawling forward like iguanas (gohs), blocked
the arrows with their shields. As the swords flew in all directions,
corpses fell and limbs bled. The girls fought like headless mendi-
cants (jogianian) who were notorious for drinking blood.22 Hir
herself killed twelve men, while eight girls lost their lives. The
morale of the Siyal girls kept on rising and, imbued with a furi-
ous killer instinct, they gained an upper hand. The Sambhals lifted
the reins to turn back and release arrows in defense, but the Siyal
girls allowed them to retreat. The Sambhal chief Noora saw the
defeat staring at him. He ordered his men to retreat, leaving the
boat and Luddan behind. After all, getting killed at the hands of
a bunch of girls would be the worst of humiliations. Throwing
a direct challenge to Noora Sambhal, Hir asked him not to flee.
Noora Sambhal was constrained to admit that the girls were as
brave as the Siyal knights. If the girls had fought in this manner,
 The World of the Zamindars 515

one could imagine how their parents would fight.23 Hir directed
her companions to cover their faces with veils and to refrain
from hurling taunts on the vanquished. They had to realize that
the bearded ones had taken to flight, but had lost their honour
in the process. She ensured that the corpses of the enemy were
dragged and thrown in the river. However, when she saw the mor-
tal remains of her companions, she was overcome with emotion.
As she mourned their death, she held them close to her chest and
had them buried.24
As the people of Jhang Siyal heard of the violent episode, they
assembled in a central place. Hir’s brothers confronted their sis-
ter. They wanted to know the reason of being kept in the dark
about the development. Did she think that her brothers had died?
They wished to go after the Sambhals immediately. Fabricating a
credible story, Hir stated, ‘Someone has conveyed a false report to
you. In fact, some starving herdsmen (bhukhe chak) came from
some where and laid their hands on the creepers. The girls threw
them out without much effort. Thereafter, we did not see anyone.
Should I ask some one to tell you that it was Akbar who attacked
us?’ The Siyals had no choice but to disperse. As soon as Hir was
seen alone, Luddan approved her action of dispersing the contin-
gent (kattak) of intruders. Free from all worries, he resumed his
duties as the boatman.25

Rupture in the Zamindari Household

Mojam, who belonged to the Jat clan of Ranjhas,26 was a great lord
of land and rivers. He was blessed with a son Dhido, who was an
epitome of physical beauty and beacon of miraculous powers. As
the child grew up to boyhood, the fame of his charm spread in
all directions. Parents of girls began to send proposals for mar-
riage. However, his three brothers (Tahir, Zahir and Jeevan) were
jealous of Dhido and the attention he was getting.27 They were
helpless so long as their mother was alive. When she died, Mojam
began to keep Dhido close to himself. The three brothers feared
that they would be deprived of the hereditary chiefdom (sikdari) if
Dhido were allowed to live. They conspired to kill Dhido outright.
516 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Mojam considered ways of securing the life and future of Dhido.

He decided to seek the daughter of Yaqub Khan Waraich, a
prominent chief (wadda aha raath),28 as a match for Dhido. He
sent a Brahmin and Doom to negotiate the alliance. He dictated
the letter without letting anyone get wind of his shrewd move.29
The two emissaries travelled for three days and, on meeting
Yaqub Khan Waraich, delivered the letter. Yaqub summoned the
members of his clan (qabila) and sought their opinion on the pro-
posal. Expressing their approval, the clansmen offered their own
daughters as well.30 They were equal partners in the process of
developing relations between clans through the matrimonial alli-
ances. In accordance with the prevailing custom, the emissaries
were hosted for eight days. On the advice of his clansmen, Yaqub
gave gold necklaces (tarag) to the two emissaries, who were seen
off with respect. When they reached Takht Hazara, they conveyed
the happy tidings to Mojam. Ceremonial drums (tamak dhol)
were played and goods were distributed among the large clan
(bahut jamiat lashkar).31 Shocked beyond words, the brothers
became desperate. Forced to act quickly, Mojam decided to place
Dhido in the protective custody of the Waraich chief, who had
been tied in the bond of kinship. He again sent the Brahmin and
Doom to Yaqub in order to fix the marriage. Sensing the cause of
Mojam’s urgency, Yaqub sent the desired knotted strings (gan-
dhiyan), which indicated the final date of marriage. As soon as
Mojam received the knotted strings, he intiated elaborate arrange-
ments for Dhido’s marriage.32
Mojam sent invitations to his brothers and other relatives
through messengers. He accumulated huge stocks of grain, flour,
sugar and clarified butter. Drums, trumpets and pipes were kept
in readiness. Dhido, who was just ten years of age, was placed in
ceremonial seclusion (maiyan). His body was rubbed with per-
fumed paste (watna) and colourful henna (mehandi). He wore
golden bangles on his wrists, danglers in his ears and a ring in his
nose. The curled tresses of his long hair fell on his shoulders like
snakes. His face shone and his eyes flashed. But when seven days
remained before the wedding, Mojam died suddenly and goods
were plundered.33 Emboldened, the three brothers considered dif-
 The World of the Zamindars 517

ferent ways of killing Dhido – administering poison or slaying in

sleep and casting his body in the river. On second thoughts, they
abandoned the plan to kill Dhido owing to the fear of rousing sus-
picion and getting caught. Therefore, they decided to divide their
ancestral landed estate as well as the internal and external wealth
into four parts. By doing so, they could demonstrate to the world
that they just intended to live separately and cultivate the respec-
tive shares of their common inheritance.34
Shocked at the turn of events, Dhido appealed, ‘O Tahir. You
are in the place of our father. I do not know the ways of the world.
I am just a suckling child. You are the keeper of honour.’ The
three brothers, who drew from the ancient theoretician Chanakya,
advised him to earn his livelihood by working like Jats. He was
asked to pick up the spade and hoe to uproot the weeds from his
land. Though he was young in age, yet Dhido understood that
his brothers had already expelled him from the ancestral legacy.35
Therefore, he declared his resolve to leave the village: ‘The land
is yours and the water is yours. You brothers have divided every
thing. My hands and feet are red with henna. How can I wield the
spade? With the death of Mojam, your affection for me ended and
there is no place for me in the lands of the Chenab. Fate does not
let me stay here. Moreover, I am being chased by the tax collector
(muhassil).’36
When Dhido left Takht Hazara, the people of the village con-
gregated in the streets. In their view, Mojam’s death had set the
ball rolling, as the three brothers dispossessed Dhido of his inher-
itance and, separating him from his roots, made him homeless.37
The women of Takht Hazara, while sympathizing with Dhido, felt
that his marriage had been blocked by the death of Mojam. The
common view (lokachari) and popular whispers (cho cho) clearly
indicated that the brothers were huddled in counsel (maslat) and
hatched a conspiracy to eliminate Dhido, who would surely be
murdered.38 Dhido, who sensed the evil designs of his brothers,
slipped out at midnight without any means of expenditure
(kharch). He carried two valuable possessions, a staff (khundi) and
flute (vanjhli). In spite of his depressing mental state, he looked
handsome and impressive in his physical appearance.39
518 The Making of Medieval Panjab

A fugitive from his home in Takht Hazara, Dhido walked day

and night. He reached an unknown place and settled in a mosque
to spend the night.40 Some young girls, who were going to fetch
water, saw him. Sardara, who was the daughter of a Jhinwar, fell for
him. Before the encounter could proceed, a group of Jats appeared
on the scene. Dhido turned pale, fearing that they might be his
brother’s spies deputed to kill him. However, his fears turned out
to be unfounded.41 In response to a question, Dhido told them
that he had become a traveller to save his life, as his brothers had
conspired to kill him after their father’s death. Meanwhile, Sardara
went home and told her mother that she would marry Dhido or
elope with him. After intitial reluctance, she gave her consent on
seeing Dhido. She was deceived into believing that the visitors
were Jhinwars bound for Multan and that Dhido was one of them.
The men agreed to her proposal of Dhido-Sardara marriage in lieu
of a sumptuous meal. The woman went home and arranged the
provisions that were carried to the mosque.42 The Jats felt guilty
of making Dhido a pawn in realizing their immediate aim. They
admitted having told a lie just to fill their stomachs. Shocked at
the behaviour of the Jats, Dhido admonished them for their deceit
and, in protest, did not join in their feast.43 He refused to be a party
to the fraud on a simple Jhinwar woman and would not play with
the life of an innocent young girl.
Dhido departed from the mosque and walking through the wil-
derness, entered a habitation at the edge of a town. He reached the
house of an old couple, who gave him food to eat and bed to sleep.
Next morning, the hosts asked about Dhido’s identity (caste, clan
and father), having guessed that he had forsaken his native place
(vatn) owing to a dispute. Dhido, who had learnt from his bitter
experience at the mosque, refused to reveal his identity and, snap-
ping all social ties, became a homeless wanderer. The Khan invited
Dhido to settle as a cultivator in the village. He offered to provide
all the basic needs – camel, mare, mule, buffaloes, cows and wells
along the silting land. He would even fix his marriage with one of
his sisters or nieces. Dhido felt indebted to the old couple for their
hospitality and warmth, but refused to entangle himself in worldly
 The World of the Zamindars 519

matters. He promised to settle in the village only after returning

from a pilgrimage (ziyarat) to the sacred tombs of the saints.44
Bidding farewell to the old couple, Dhido again embarked on
his journey through the jungle, valleys and moors. He reached the
hereditary domain (sik) of the Siyals and, sitting in contemplation
on the Chenab, started playing the Rag Bambiha on his flute. He
was wonderstruck on seeing a boat moving towards the bank. A
group of five saints, the Panj Pir,45 who were sitting in the boat, was
charmed by the melody of the flute. As the boat docked, the Panj
Pir alighted and sat on the bank. Dhido, who was joined by the
saints, narrated his tale of woe and followed it up by playing the
Rag Lalit on his flute. Pleased, each saint conferred a boon on him
and bestowed Hir in his lappet. At the same time, they appeared
before Hir in a vision and instructed her to accept Ranjha as her
partner, who had been tied to her lappet. They sealed this union
by offering milk to the two and departed.46
Having spent the night on the bank of the Chenab, Ranjha woke
up and boarded the beautiful boat. He told Luddan that he was
a traveller (sailani) observing the world and that his only com-
panions were a staff and flute.47 As the music rose from his flute,
a number of wild animals – tigers, leopards, pythons and cobras
– were attracted to the site. Elevated to ecstasy, Luddan offered
valuable gifts – buffaloes, cows and two women – to Ranjha. But
he would not permit Dhido to rest in the boat out of the fear of
Hir. A daughter of Chuchak and sister of Pathana, she did what
pleased her. She had subjugated the four rivers. Drawn like a bow,
she prowled to hunt. She did not fear Akbar, having rendered the
Mughals powerless. Feeling dejected, Ranjha admitted that he did
not have any claim, document or plough. He was merely the mas-
ter of a mat and fire, with no interest in a luxurious bedstead. The
argument had the desired effect and Luddan allowed him to sleep
on the bed.48
Hir, who was flying high on a swing, was shocked to find a
stranger lying on her bed. She leapt into the river and swam
towards the boat along with her companions. They had armed
themselves with branches of trees to deal with the intruder. Hir
directed her rage at Luddan and asked if he had inched towards
520 The Making of Medieval Panjab

his grave by treating the stranger as a chief greater (rath dadhera)

than herself. Luddan defended himself by referring to the stranger
as a saint (wali khasm da poora) who was fully devoted to God and
whose words never ended in error.49 Rejecting the request of such
a spiritually endowed person would have brought harm to her.
Unimpressed by his defence, Hir gave a severe beating to Luddan
who, with his body covered with blood, became half dead. As soon
as the girls saw Ranjha’s moonlit forehead, they were instantly
ensnared by his beauty. When he leapt out of the boat, Hir held his
arm in a strong grip and asked him to play on his flute. In response
to the lilting notes, all living beings, including animals and plants,
arrived for a pilgrimage (ziyarat) and prostrated themselves as if
offering the salutations of Id.50
Luddan asked Ranjha to stop his music, lest someone should
die. He located Hir and, kneading her limbs, tried to revive her
from a trance. Rising from a swoon, Hir declared that she had
found in Ranjha a partner she was looking for. Putting her shawl
round her neck and bending double till her hands touched her
feet, she apologized to Luddan and gave him a gift of two buf-
faloes. He reminded Hir that he had permitted Ranjha to sleep
on the bed, because he was a suitable (laik) match for her. Ranjha
and Hir, along with her 360 friends (saheliyan), sat on the bank
of the Chenab. The two lovers looked into each other’s eyes and,
without uttering a word, felt that they had been placed into the
lot of each other by the saints (piran). Some girls began to take a
romantic interest in Ranjha and wished to marry him. Another
disapproved their rash manner, as it had put the honour of the
zamindars (rathayen) at stake. Veero advanced her own suit-
ability, because belonging to the menial caste (kameyani) of the
Dooms, she would be a proper match for this poor load carrying
slave (gand gahir ghulam) like Ranjha.51At this moment, class and
caste became crucial. Since Ranjha was seen as a poor and home-
less vagabond, he could not be married to the daughter of any
zamindar. Hence the claims of the lowly placed Doom girl.
Hir was assailed by a range of depressing thoughts. Ranjha
would not be able to prolong his stay in village Chuchakana or her
parents would not accept their relationship or one of her friends
 The World of the Zamindars 521

could claim Ranjha. Her closest friend Hassi enabled her to devise
a plan of action. They brought all the Siyal girls to the bank of
the Chenab, but made them stay at the swings. As Hassi stood
guard, the two lovers met in the boat and locked themselves in
a sexual union.52 Hir underwent a dramatic transformation and
assumed a new social identity. She declared to Ranjha, ‘Let no one
call me Hir. Nor call me as one of the Siyals. Having erased caste
and craft (jat sanaat), I have become the maid of a herdsman. I
am not the daughter of Chuchak and my mother. I am now tied
to your lappet, if you accept this Jat girl.’ She put her shawl round
her neck and touched Ranjha’s feet. Through this physical gesture
of absolute submission, she swore eternal love (ishq) for Ranjha,
which had conferred a new consciousness on her. She broke the
tradition with one stroke and, having discarded all pride, reduced
herself to the dust of earth. She was dyed in Ranjha’s red colour,
just as Ranjha himself had been dyed in red by the saints (Panj
Pir).53 In their love, sexuality and spirituality merged into each
other, creating a new identity, both social and religious.

Grazing Buffaloes in the Meadows

As the romance graduated from one stage to the other, the con-
ventional roles were reversed. Hir assumed the dominant role of
a lover, while Ranjha accepted the passive position of the beloved.
Hir formulated a plan to integrate Ranjha into the socio-economic
life of Jhang Siyal. She made him familiar with the geographical
layout of the place, identifying the major landmarks including the
ancestral meeting place (sath babbani) where three types of tree
– banyan, fig and sirises – were found. She instructed him on the
manner he should conduct himself during his first meeting with
her parents. He must walk slowly, speak softly and ask only for
water. Covering his face with the lappet of his turban, he should
speak little.54 On reaching her house, Hir told her mother that she
had found a herdsman (chak) who possessed numerous virtues.
Every morning, he would get up and graze the buffaloes. Owing to
his charisma (barkat) grass would not dry up, buffaloes would not
drop their calves, they would not catch the mouth and foot disease
522 The Making of Medieval Panjab

and there would be plenty of rainfall. Soon after, Ranjha presented

himself before Chuchak, who was sitting in the common assembly
(sath). Speaking in unison, all the Siyals asked Ranjha the place
from where he had come. Ranjha agreed to answer all queries,
provided his hunger and thirst quenched. Hir served him food
comprising sweetened bread, milk, cream and ghee. As she moved
a fan over his head, she mumbled several auguries and effected
many omens. Wrapping a scarf round her neck, she declared:
‘You are my lord and I am your subject (raiyat), just like an iron
nail fixed in a hoe. My shame (lajja) is in your hands and I am
your votive offering.’55
After eating the simple fare, Ranjha went up to the Siyals
and introduced himself, ‘My name is Dhido and I am the son of
Mojam. My caste is Ranjha who belong to Takht Hazara. No body
leaves his native place (vatn) without a dispute. After the death
of Mojam, my brothers gave me much pain. They even wanted
to kill me. Therefore, I came to you.’56 Chuchak was willing to
give not only a simple protection to Ranjha, but he was inclined
to settle him as a cultivator on his land. This was indicated by
the package, which was offered by Chuchak in his capacity as the
local zamindar. This package, apart from a plough and well in the
riverine land, comprised unspecified number of camels, horses,
cows and buffaloes. He would be free to sow and reap himself. As
a concrete and definite incentive, he would not pay land tax to any
higher authority. Ranjha politely declined the attractive offer, but
proposed to be employed as a herdsman.57 Ranjha would not work
as a farmer because the task was quite back-breaking and would
extract much of his energy and time. He lacked the toughness and
experience that was required to grow crops.58 On the contrary, the
work of grazing cattle was not only less demanding, but it would
open up numerous opportunities of pursuing his love, far from
the prying eyes of the villagers. That was why Hir was herself keen
on employing Ranjha as a herdsman (chak).
Before taking a final decision in the matter, Chuchak sum-
moned his Siyal clansmen and chief herdsmen for consultations.
He informed the gathering that Ranjha was inclined to work as a
 The World of the Zamindars 523

herdsman, but was not willing to settle as a cultivator in spite of

several incentives. At first the Siyal clansmen ridiculed the idea of
wasting a herd of buffaloes by placing it in the hands of an imma-
ture boy. The heads of the herdsmen offered a solution. They felt
that it was possible to accommodate Ranjha in the zamindari, as
a number of projects were under construction. There were eighty
four herdsmen (chaks) in the zamindari. They would dry the bogs
(khubbar) in the pond (chappar). They would fill the gaps in the
embankments, wherever the structure had sunk.59 It appears that
a new servant could be employed only in consultation and with
the approval of the managers of the servants. They were duly con-
sulted by the zamindar on the recruitment of a new servant. This
was not a rule legally binding on the zamindar. It appears to have
been only a matter of procedure, which was sanctioned by practice
in the rural areas.60 This would enable the managers to wash away
an earlier stigma of laziness. A servant could be assigned more
than one task, depending on the changing needs of the farm, as
understood by the zamindar. Thus Ranjha, who was employed as
a herdsman, could also be deputed for other jobs that were unre-
lated to the grazing of buffaloes.
The candidate for a post was duly tested for the skill required
for a particular task. The test was carried out in a discreet man-
ner, so that even the candidate did not know about it. As soon as
the Siyal clansmen and heads of servants granted their approval,
Chuchak publicly announced the terms of Ranjha’s appointment.
Buffaloes would be placed under his charge. In compensation, he
would be given sweet bread (mitha tukkar) in the morning and
evening. On the next Thursday, he would make his debut with
the buffaloes. Having settled the matter, Chuchak put Ranjha to
a discreet test. He was offered a dish of slow-boiled milk, sweet
bread and fine flour.61 As soon as Ranjha took the first morsel
(nivala) in his mouth, he flew into a rage and shouted that he was
fed the milk of a miscarried buffalo (turooi).62 Chuchak expressed
his amazement. How could Ranjha discern the quality of milk?
Was he a spiritual guide (pir) or true saint (wali sachawan) who
could convey messages from the other world? Did he see a dream
524 The Making of Medieval Panjab

or possess miraculous power or learnt the truth from someone?

Ranjha was clear and accurate in his reply. It was the third preg-
nancy of the buffaloe, who was auburn of colour and had a white
spot on her forehead. She had dropped a six month old female calf
and, while the herdsman (majhi) was away, struggled in the moor
(bela) and swallowed the placenta (jeer). Not copulated since then,
it was her milk which had been fed to Ranjha. Impressed with
Ranjha’s veterinary skills, the assembly unanimously approved
his appointment. Chuchak, who was happy at acquiring a singular
herdsman (chak navela), celebrated the occasion by having the
drums beaten.63
Once Ranjha took charge of his duties, people began to specu-
late about him. How could such a good-looking and gentle person
accept the lowly position of a herdsman? The girls, in particular,
wished to be attached to him in love or matrimony. Serving as
a herdsman, Ranjha applied unique methods. He built a raised
seat and, digging a hole in earth, lit a smouldering fire. He also
built a raised platform (jallar) in order to keep an eye on his flock.
Whenever the buffaloes were escorted to the moor and back to
the village, he played a Rag on his flute.64 In response, the buf-
faloes clustered around him just as the Gopis were attracted on
hearing Krishna’s flute in the Vrindavan.65 The wild animals, too,
converged on the scene as if they were on a pilgrimage (ziyarat).
He lived in harmony with them. The buffaloes, while being milked
in their sheds, were found gentler than before. The prominent
men of Jhang Siyal praised Ranjha in the presence of Chuchak.
He was spoken of as a perfect saint (wali hai poora) who need not
be tested. Contrary to the past practice, he drove the buffaloes to
the moor at night and brought them back at dawn, both at a time
when the wild animals were out of their dens. The herdsmen, who
were jealous of this rootless upstart (bemuniyadah), feared the end
of their livelihood. They conspired to kill him at midnight in the
moor and throw his corpse in the river. On a dark night, as many
as eighty four herdsmen set out for the moor, carrying double
edged swords on their shoulders. They managed to locate Ranjha
who was sitting in deep contemplation (dhiyan). The attackers
unsheathed their weapons and, crying ‘Ali Ali,’ rushed forward.
 The World of the Zamindars 525

They were astonished on seeing a detachment of armed men, who

wore black robes and rode black horses. The assailants were struck
with panic. When they took to flight, they were caught in a stam-
pede. Many of them were killed, while others had broken limbs.
Those who remained alive slipped back in stealth. The desire of
the conspirators ended in a disaster.66
The wailing women of the bereaved families complained to
Chuchak, who summoned the herdsmen to know the details of
the violent episode. The herdsmen admitted that they planned to
eliminate Ranjha. But a group of black-robed warriors on black
steeds chased them away. Chuchak was convinced that Ranjha
was endowed with divine blessings (barkat). Dejected, the herds-
men declared that a fraudster had snatched their bread and that
they would be forced to grow grass and produce wood. When
their opposition subsided, Ranjha came to virtually rule over the
moors like a sovereign. He continued to handle the buffaloes in
his own unique way. He had acquired intimate knowledge about
every nook and corner of the place. He had gained the friendly
intimacy with wild animals.67 In Damodar’s portrayal, Ranjha was
not only an innovative herdsman, but also a saint with supernatu-
ral powers.

Devices of Patriarchy
When Ranjha had grazed buffaloes in Jhang Siyal for two months,
his love affair with Hir became popular gossip (chocho). Moving
about with untied hair, she carried for Ranjha a packet of food
– bread crushed in clarified butter and sugar (choori) – which
was prepared by Hassi. Hir’s companions warned Hir to restrain
her steps, lest Chuchak should learn about the goings on. In
responding to her friends, Hir revealed the advanced stage of her
love. When she was a virgin (kanj kuwari), she had played with
dolls. When she took Ranjha as her husband after the ceremonial
rounds (laavan), nothing came into her heart. Since she had
acquired a perfect spiritual guide (kamil murshid), she did not
need anything else. Her friends were free to enjoy themselves with
the boat and swings, while she was dedicated to her lord (sayin)
526 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Ranjha. The girls were astounded at this brazen admission.68 In

a short time, the news of Hir’s love affair circulated freely in the
eighty-four villages of Chuchak’s zamindari. They wanted Hir
to be strangled for bringing about a major calamity. The women
of the Siyal clan and the three daughters-in-law (wives of Hir’s
brothers) met the mistress of the house, Kundi. They complained
that Hir had disgraced the Siyal clan, while she had remained
oblivious of the scandal. Diverting the real issue to local politics,
Kundi asked the women to return to their houses. As her mind
turned to the stigma of Hir’s scandal, she felt like consuming
poison. The women decided to speak directly to Hir on her return
and dispersed.69
When the daughters-in-law confronted Hir, they questioned
her relations with the herdsman, pointed to the high status of her
father and brothers, besides referring to her betrothal among the
Kheras. Hir became angry, as it did not behove the Khan’s family
to believe something without seeing it. Kundi reminded Hir of
the family’s high status and big influence. Her father and father-
in-law were lords of lands and rivers. Her father had contested
the authority of Akbar and controlled the seven routes. He had
subjugated all his rivals. But now she could only think of killing
herself. Rejecting all the charges as lies, Hir asserted that she was
a virgin and knew nothing about physical intimacy. She argued
that Ranjha arrived in Jhang Siyal owing to the decree of fortune,
but the Siyals had no respect for him. Kundi expressed her fear
that Ranjha could be killed by Hir’s brothers and this death would
spell the doom of the Siyals. Kundi started crying and fainted.70
In her view, Hir’s relation with Ranjha was not sanctioned by the
social norms and, therefore, it was impermissible. On the other
hand, Hir held that her relation with Ranjha was pure and beyond
reproach. It was impossible to reconcile these two positions.
One day Chuchak was supervising the construction of an
embankment, where he had put all the inhabitants of the town
(qasba) to work. On hearing Hir’s intimacy with Ranjha from
an uncouth man (ganwar), he became depressed. His state of
depression was not related to routine matters of his chiefdom
(zamindari). He had not entered into a fresh dispute; the tracks of
 The World of the Zamindars 527

any investigation did not reach his abode; he did not encounter any
new enmity; he had not hurt anyone; he did not nurture any evil
intention and Emperor Akbar was not marching in hot pursuit. At
this moment, his mind was assailed by the talk of Hir’s association
with Ranjha. Kundi argued that they should not accuse without
seeing, particularly in case of a virgin who was protected by her
father and brothers. Chuchak requested his elder brother Kaido to
pursue Hir into the moor and bring a true report of her activities.
Kaido was reluctant to undertake this task, because he could loose
his life at the hands of Hir. Known to be bold and aggressive, she
did not fear even the military might of Akbar.71
Kaido went to the moor and kept a careful watch. Hir arrived
on the scene with the bowl of food on her head. She touched
Ranjha’s feet in reverence and, picking up the dust, put it on her
face and forehead. She stood before Ranjha with folded hands. He
asked her to get milk. Hir picked up a vessel and left to get milk.
Wearing the garb of a beggar, Kaido sought alms (bhikhiya) from
the herdsman. Ranjha treated him with respect and gave him the
sweetened crumbs. Kaido returned to Chuchak and presented the
alms as evidence of Hir’s intimacy with Ranjha. He asked the Siyals
not to keep their daughters in their houses; either they should be
drowned in rivers or their heads should be chopped off. Chucak,
while showing the sweetened crumbs to Kundi, expressed his
anger at the rich food being provided to a mere servant, whereas he
himself never ate anything like that. In an attempt to defend Hir,
Kundi stated that she had herself prepared the sweetened crumbs,
while girls had poured extra butter on them as they intended to
make an offering to Khwaja Khizr. Chuchak was not convinced.72
When Hir returned with the vessel of milk, she realized that her
uncle (taya) Kaido had come to spy on them. She feared that their
love affair, which was concealed from view, would be blown into a
mighty blaze. Failing to control her rage, she torched Kaido’s hut
which, along with all its goods, was reduced to ashes. She further
threatened to pull out the hair on his head, break his leg which was
still intact, drink his blood and finally kill him. Shocked beyond
words, Kaido intended to survive either by shifting his loyalties or
by migrating to Rajoa Syedan73
528 The Making of Medieval Panjab

One day Chuchak went to the moor and saw the two lovers
sleeping on the platform (jallar). Hir climbed down and walked
away. Chuchak delivered two blows of a cane (kamchi) on Ranjha,
who was banished from Jhang Siyal. As Ranjha was walking
away, he began to play on the flute. Chuchak heard the lilting
notes and slipped into ecstasy (masti). Surprisingly, the cattle as
well as the wild animals followed in the footsteps of Ranjha. In
spite of Chuchak’s efforts to push them back, they became even
more insistent on sticking to their beloved herdsman. Chuchak
succeeded in persuading Ranjha to resume his duties, but only
after making numerous entreaties and recognizing him like his
own sons.74 When Chuchak returned to his home, the entire Siyal
clan (kul qabila) had assembled to know the truth. Chuchak could
not publicaly admit that whatever was being verbally circulated
was factually true. Too embarrassed to speak to them, he shared
his agony with Kundi. After consultations, they decided to imme-
diately organize the marriage of Hir with the Khera boy. Any
further delay would merely add to their disgrace. Acting secretly,
Chuchak called several workers and assigned different tasks. The
preparations could not, however, remain secret, as this was the
only topic that was talked about in Jhang Siyal.75
Kundi confronted Hir and admonished her for making the
herdsman her beloved and roaming with him. There was no talk
in every home other than this affair, which had blackened their
faces. Therefore, they had decided to marry her to the Khera youth
at the earliest. Rejecting the decision, Hir declared that water had
flowed to merge in water and nothing was left behind. She wanted
to know who had arranged her marriage with the Khera. Kundi
argued that they had found the best match in the Kheras who were
incomparable. In fact, lakhs like the Siyals were available to them,
there being no shortage of suitable alliances for them. Hir asserted
that she had pledged her head to the one with whom her conju-
gal tie was an absolute truth. Kundi argued that Ranjha could be
accepted as her husband only if her parents agreed. A number of
distinguished persons had tied Hir’s knot with the Khera youth,
who had been written in her destiny. Since they had retained her
beloved herdsman in employment, she must accept her match
 The World of the Zamindars 529

with the Kheras. Hir asserted that her betrothal with Ranjha was
fixed even before Adam and Eve. In fact, this bond had been
blessed by the eminent saints (wadde wali sahib de sadiq) of God.
Kundi tried to strike fear in the mind of Hir, while referring to
the Khera’s potential for violent revenge and their possibility of
forcibly taking her away as a rightful claim. People would cease to
bear daughters who brought shame to their clan.76
As part of the preparations for the marriage, Chuchak sent
knotted strings to the Kheras, who were delighted. In Chuchak’s
house, festivities started and drums were placed. Kundi received
felicitations from one and all. The people of the locality felt
happy. Beggars arrived in such large numbers that they could
not be accommodated. Hir and Ranjha, who were together in the
moor, expressed anguish at the proposed celebrations that kept
them out. The moment provided an opportunity for the lovers
to reflect on their relationship. Ranjha declared that he was not
a long standing herdsman, but he was the son of a chief. Since
his heart had been captured by Hir, he accepted the position of a
herdsman (chak) and, as a consequence, underwent much suffer-
ing and degraded the name of his father. Hir recognized Ranjha
as a perfect spiritual guide (kamil murshid). She treated herself as
a humble disciple, who was attached to his feet. Averse to being
forgotten, discarded or misguided, she wished to die at his feet.
Ranjha feared that no one would care for him once she was mar-
ried. Confused and disoriented, Hir reaffirmed her undying love
for Ranjha and consigned the Kheras to hell. On returning home,
Hir found the girls singing, flour being ground and goods being
crafted. But she remained aloof.77
The Siyals sat in council to finalize preparation for the oil
ceremony. The task was difficult in view of the recalcitrance of
Hir who was ready to pounce on anyone. If the Siyals failed to
nab her and send her as a bride, they would be proved as liars
and degraded in the society. Since Hir was not likely to sit for the
pre-wedding ritual (maiyyan), the Siyals formed a contingent
plan. A number of males of the clan hid where Hir was eating.
As soon as she had washed her hands, her brothers tried to lay
their hands on her. Hir leapt back and asked her brothers to keep
530 The Making of Medieval Panjab

away and treat her as the chief’s daughter. She would go herself,
wherever she was needed. But she would not let them touch her
body, which had already experienced the touch of Ranjha. Having
failed to use force against her, the Siyals decided to poison Hir at
night and, in her place, fix her niece as the bride. Duly cooked by
Kundi at night, poisoned food was eaten by Hir who remained
unaffected by the poison.78 She alleged that her brothers, who had
failed to pin her down physically, had violated her purity through
poison. But this poison was overpowered by those who nurtured
perfect love (kamil ishq). Her relatives, adhering to a customary
practice, confined her to a room. She told her closest friend Hassi,
who was a witness to this patriarchal oppression, that she was
bearing all this for the sake of the perfect spiritual guide (kamil
murshid). Addressing her mother, she refused to allow the appli-
cation of henna on her hands, because she had only one heart that
she had given to Ranjha. What would she give to the Kheras? She
was not a camel of the Baloch that prostrated at every door. She
was segregated from her companions and forcibly rubbed with the
ceremonial pastes. For people, this practice was associated with
marriage, but for Hir it was a funeral rite.79
On the appointed day, the marriage procession of the Kheras,
which comprised all relatives, departed for Jhang Siyal. A variety
of horses – white, gray speckled and golden (nukre neele ablak
peele) – were tastefully decorated. With their pommels covered
with velvet, tasseled necklaces hung from their necks. There were
ponies meant to be offered as presents. A large volume of gifts,
particularly fabrics, bed clothes and cash, were carried on camels
and Kashmiri ponies. The procession was led by decked horses
with banners and emblems. Entertainment was provided by jest-
ers, singers and dancers (bhand bhagtiye aur kanjariyan). Drums
and pipes emitted musical notes, while falcons and hawks were
flown in the air. The marriage procession – men, animals and
goods – was so large that even the earth found it difficult to bear
its weight. Back in Jhang Siyal, Chuchak did not leave any stone
unturned. In addition to innumerable mattresses and quilts, he
had arranged for ample stocks of grain, rice, ghee and sugar. In
 The World of the Zamindars 531

their wealth and prestige, the two chiefs, Chuchak and Ali, were
not inferior to Akbar.80
In the moors, Ranjha became a soft target of sarcastic attacks by
the rival herdsmen. They drew his attention to the arrival of the
Kheras in a marriage procession. Hir would leave the village after
the solemnization of her marriage. Who would then feed him with
sweetened breadcrumbs and butter? He was guilty of snatching
away their cattle. It was heard that he could be killed on the spot.
Refusing to be provoked, Ranjha replied that fortune had brought
him to Jhang Siyal and he would remain there till his daily bread
(rizq) was guaranteed. He could leave the Siyals without any hitch,
as he had not signed any written agreement with them. He had no
quarrel with anyone, as he had not ploughed the edge of anyone’s
field. The herdsmen, without relenting, taunted that he was think-
ing of leaving only after the master was sending away Hir, whereas
earlier he was happily consuming milk and cream (dudh malai).
He had enlarged his body by eating the sweetened breadcrumbs
without bothering about any profit or loss. He had moved across
the moors the whole day with a carefree swagger, without ever
caring to respond to their calls. Since he had now come into their
grasp, he would surely be punished. He was without any roots and
without any argument. Yet it was not the end of the world for
him. If the Kheras had snatched Hir from him, he would return to
Takht Hazara, provided the herdsmen left him unharmed. He was
merely imploring his fellow herdsmen with humility, while they
were unjustly inclined to kill him. If he had taken anything from
Jhang Siyal, they were free to take it back from him.81
During the pre-wedding rites, Hir raised a clamour and cried.
She refused to take food and water. She had enjoyed herself in the
moors, but there was none to feed her in her own house. The men
folk of the place, particularly her three brothers and four maternal
uncles, were convinced that Hir would undermine their honour.
They unanimously decided to kill Hir at night and replace her by
Pathan’s daughter on whose hand the bridal string (gana) was
tied. Chuchak directed Hassi to sleep away from Hir, as the lat-
ter was to be killed at night. In her sarcastic reply, Hassi argued
532 The Making of Medieval Panjab

that the murderous plan would register the honour of Siyals and
prestige of his chiefdom. She asked to be killed before snuffing out
the life of Hir. Hassi wasted no time in conveying this exchange
to her friend. Rejecting the threat offhand, Hir asserted that she
could not be tied by the patriarchal norms and that one who was
under Ranjha’s protection could not be killed. At midnight, the
uncles and brothers advanced to perform the evil deed. However,
they saw Hir guarded by black robed warriors sitting on black
horses. Taken by surprise, the assailants fell unconscious with
locked jaws. A wailing Kundi, in an attempt to revive her brothers
and sons, poured water in their mouths to unlock their jaws. The
Siyals, who were caught between fire in the front and a wall at the
back, beat a retreat.82
Next morning, the marriage procession of the Kheras arrived in
the midst of fanfare, drums and banners. As the chiefs descended
in a garden, the people of the locality came out to see the grand
spectacle, but Hir was crying in her dark corner. Chuchak sent trays
of sweets through the hands of servants. All eyes were focused on
the bridegroom who wore a gold threaded saffron dress, with his
face covered by a chaplet (sehra) of flowers. When Ranjha went
forward to have a glimpse of the bridegroom, the girls recognized
him and recalled that he was Hir’s sweetheart. Ranjha felt giddy
but climbed on a bull (sandh) to watch the proceedings.83 At this
point of time, a short meeting took place between Hir and Ranjha.
It was arranged through the efforts of a Doom girl in dramatic
circumstances. On seeing Ranjha, Hir adopted a humble posture
by pulling her long scarf around her neck and touched his feet.
While embracing him, she addressed him as Lord Dhido Ranjha,
owner of the entire land (kul zamin da khawind) and perfect men-
tor (kamil murshid). She asked him why she had been imprisoned
when she had already sacrificed everything for him. She had no
refuge other than him. Ranjha, who was carrying an injured foot,
admitted that their relation was virtually over, as she would go
with the Khera and he would leave for Takht Hazara. Before the
meeting could proceed, Hir was dragged back into the house,
while Ranjha returned to the moor.84
In the house of Chuchak, a Brahmin was summoned to conduct
 The World of the Zamindars 533

the ritual. He asked Kundi to call Hir as the auspicious time might
pass and the Khans were keenly watching. Holding the wedding
threads (mauli) in his hand, he received offerings from the gather-
ing including the family of Hir’s parents-in-law. In return, he
showered his blessings and prayed that their wealth might increase.
As Hir appeared on the scene, Kundi advised her to keep quiet,
while the Brahmin conducted the ritual. But Hir did the opposite.
She declared that she had only one heart which she had given to
Ranjha and, therefore, she would not let any stranger touch her.
Since she had gained a perfect master (kamil murshid) in Ranjha,
she would permit only him to offer the auguries. Hir’s parents
had no choice but to summon Ranjha. When he appeared on the
scene, Kundi asked him to tie the first wedding thread (gana) on
Hir’s wrist. Hir could not restrain herself, as she was engulfed in a
flood of emotion. She fell at his feet and gave vent to her feelings.
She asked Ranjha to tie the ceremonial thread wherever he liked.
She knew no one except her lord mentor (murshid sayin) Ranjha.
She kept him in her thoughts day and night (athe pehar), without
wasting a single breath. He was free to mould her in accordance
with his desires. The Brahmin asked Kundi why Hir was being
forced to marry someone against her wishes. He had seen with his
own eyes all he had been hearing and, thus, confirmed all the facts
(kul haqiqat). Kundi paid a bribe (vaddi) to the Brahmin and pur-
chased his silence. Everyone felt that the marriage ceremony was
over and that Hir would be soon made to sit in the palanquin.85
The stage had been set for the marriage ceremony (nikah) in
accordance with Islamic injunctions.86 All males sat on wicker
mats (khara) including the bridegroom. The qazi ordered that the
girl be brought there. A group of people – mother, brothers and
uncles of Hir – got up to do the bidding. Hir warned them not to
touch her, as she would conduct herself on her own. She refused to
accept that these close relatives were her well wishers (mehram).
She could rely only on Ranjha, whom she recognized as her lord
(sayin). She wrapped a shawl around herself and came to sit on the
spot marked for her. The ceremony had no meaning, as she had
accepted Ranjha as her husband long back. The qazi asked Hir
two questions – if she needed a representative (vakil) in accord-
534 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ance with the legal provision and to speak loudly for every one to
hear if she accepted the son of Ali (Sahiba) as her husband. Hir felt
offended for being treated as immature and deficient. She clarified
that she did not need any representative, as she was neither dumb
nor deaf. She declared that Ranjha had been bestowed on her by
higher powers and that her mother could be attached to the Khera
instead of her. Her male relatives sealed her mouth, so that she
did not utter another word. Repeating ‘Let us go’ in a chorus, they
created a false impression as if Hir had given her consent for the
marriage. They forcibly tied the end of her shawl to that of Sahiba,
so that the customary rounds (laavan) could be conducted. She
told her father that force would not achieve anything, as she was
already married and no longer a virgin.87
The Siyals and Kheras decided that the couple should consum-
mate the marriage without any delay.88 Appropriate arrangements
were made for the occasion. When the Khera arrived like a vic-
torious conqueror, a furious Hir rushed at him like a tigress and
delivered a mighty slap on his face. Hir cried that she had been
touched by someone who was not intimate with her, i.e. a stran-
ger. Addressing the Khera as her brother, she wanted to know
where he had seen Ranjha. Since the Khera was looking for an
opportunity to save himself from further humiliation, he slipped
away on the excuse of searching for Ranjha. He reached the place
where the marriage party had encamped. His relatives were keen
to know his experience with Hir, who was unique in every way.
The Khera declared that the girls had played a trick on him, that
they had placed a kicking mare instead of his wife and that the
animal had damaged his teeth.89
After spending the night, the marriage party of the Kheras pre-
pared to leave. The Siyals gave a large dowry comprising of horses,
camels, ponies, bedclothes, goods and cash. The zamindars made
sure that all the servants were satisfied with their gifts. When the
food was ready, the servants came to invite the guests. As the Khans
sat in the lounge, they consumed cups of liquor which flowed
freely and, when they were intoxicated, they asked for more of
it.90 In accordance with the directions of Chuchak, the dowry was
laid on the cots. A great variety of ornaments were brought by
 The World of the Zamindars 535

the servants in two-maund pans; beds and chairs were gilded with
silver and woven with the golden thread; three sets of clothes as
well as the bedspreads were made of silk. Apart from heavy jew-
ellery and beaded bracelets, there were receptacles (surmedani)
studded with rubies. Drums made of silver and showing signs of
antiquity were on display. There were mountains of cooked food,
while people assembled from seven directions. Each member of
the marriage party was given golden clothes and white bowls. As
instructed by the Kheras, their servants packed the goods (asbab)
in sacks fastened at the top.91
Chuchak went into consultation with the Siyals in strict privacy
(khilwat). They discussed the manner in which Hir could be put
in the palanquin, which was likely to be a great calamity (qehar
qahari) in view of Hir’s recent behaviour. Their outstanding con-
cern was to send Hir along with the Kheras without any ruckus.
Her mouth could be stuffed with cotton or her hands could be tied
behind her back, only to be pushed into the palanquin. Chuchak,
who was agonized at the proposed violence on his own daugh-
ter, started crying. At the advice of Kaido, they decided to send
Ranjha as an escort with a drum on his head, as this would erase
the huge stigma (kalank) built into the marriage.92 When told that
Hir would not leave without him, Ranjha fell into a trap. A drum
was placed on his head and he was made to sit near the palanquin.
The bridegroom reached the spot on his mare. Kundi advised Hir
to sit in the palanquin with happiness in her heart, as the entire
marriage party was watching and the honour of the Siyals was at
stake. Hir lost her temper and shouted at Kundi. She even asked
her mother to sit in the palanquin so that she herself watched the
spectacle (tamasha). She cursed Kundi in abusive language and
labelled her as a swallower of children. Since she was a harbin-
ger of death, she must die and her brothers too must meet their
end. When Kundi informed Hir that they were sending Ranjha
along with her, she was immediately reconciled with her mother.
Ready to leave her parental home for good, Hir declared herself as
a traveller (musafir) as her bread (rizq) in her parental home had
terminated. As she began to bid farewell, everyone started weep-
ing. Hir gently requested her mother to allow Ranjha to sit in the
536 The Making of Medieval Panjab

palanquin along with her. Kundi advised Hir to be patient and

satisfy herself with the fragrance of Ranjha, lest a physical contact
between the two caused a scandal.93
Clouds of sadness descended on the girls’ common (aatan) and
courtyard of every house. Hir embraced the girls one by one. Even
Hir’s mother started crying and felt that she should have given
her daughter in marriage to Ranjha. Men folk of the two clans,
including prominent chiefs and brave warriors, said farewell to
each other. Chuchak took the centre stage and highlighted his
achievements as a powerful zamindar. He had subjugated the
Chaddars and earned the enmity of the Nahars, so that none dared
to oppose him. He had never bowed to anyone, but had done so
only then for the sake of Hir. Ali, the Khera chief, reciprocated
these sentiments. For him, Hir was his honoured lady (sahibiyani)
and Chuchak was his lord (sir sayin). Saying this, he touched the
feet of Chuchak who raised him up.94
While the marriage party undertook its return journey, the
Kheras spoke of only one aim – how to avenge themselves for the
damage done to their honour. They were of the unanimous view
that Ranjha ought to be killed. All of them, one by one, began
to attack Ranjha who was a soft target. He was not only kicked
and pushed, but was also cursed and abused. Since a great enemy
was in their grip, they would kill him on the spot. Before sunset,
the party set up a camp and tied the horses to pegs. Preparing a
meal of sweetened breadcrumbs, they ate their fill. Hir, who was
hungry and crying, refused to eat and cursed a nurse (dai) who
tried to feed her by a ruse.95 When the Kheras began their journey
the next morning, they resumed the ill treatment of Ranjha. On
the one hand, he suffered the humiliation of seeing Hir being car-
ried away by the Kheras and, on the other hand, he suffered sharp
blows on his naked body. Damning the Kheras, Hir exclaimed
that her bond with Ranjha had been snapped, but even the Kheras
would not get anything as they had been deceived forever. This
provoked the Kheras who, acting in groups as well as individually,
unleashed a fresh onslaught on Ranjha, whose body was covered
with blood and wounds. In his misery, Ranjha reasoned with the
Kheras in the name of God. Instead of beating him illegally, they
 The World of the Zamindars 537

should chop off his head. Kheras considered the ways of elimi-
nating Ranjha to wash off the dishonour. They would slash his
head with a sword and throw his body in the river. This idea was
dropped, as the herdsmen of Chuchak were accompanying them
and the guilt would permanently stick to them. Ranjha was sent
after the buffaloes into the river to be drowned.96
As the convoy reached the river, the Kheras embarked on a
boat. But they did not allow Ranjha to climb on the excuse that
there was no space for him. He was ordered to push his way across
the river along with the buffaloes. Ranjha ridiculed the Kheras
for their inability to kill him, as they feared punishment at the
hands of justice. In a state of utter misery, Ranjha invoked the
Panj Pir. When they appeared to him, he made his complaint. He
had not himself acquired Hir, but it was they who had conferred
her on him. They had enabled him to climb to the top and then
withdrew the ladder. The saints revealed that they had deliber-
ately brought this punishment on him, so that he could become
illumined (raushan). Let him descend into the river, as they took
the responsibility for his safety. Ranjha created soulful melodies
(bambiha) on his flute. As a result, turtles and crocodiles emerged
on the surface, while oars fell from the hands of boatmen. The
marriage revellers and horses were intoxicated, as the boat swayed
towards the south.97
The marriage party reached Rangpur Khera. Hir was made to
wait in a garden, while preparations were afoot in the house of
Ali to receive her. As people turned out to offer felicitations, the
women folk took up the customary rituals. When the mother-in-
law touched her forehead with that of Hir, she was dumb founded
by the radiance of her face. While performing omens, she offered
a morsel of sweetened breadcrumbs to Hir. Instead of being
pleased at the gesture, Hir pulled up her mother-in-law for making
undue noise (dhum). Refusing to swallow the morsel, she shocked
everyone by revealing her love for Ranjha in the moors. Amidst
confusion, the Khera women came in to play the game of ‘Ring in
Buttermilk’ (lassi mundari). Hir announced that she would play
only with Ranjha and that she would break the teeth of Khera if he
dared to come. In another audacious move, she asked the assem-
538 The Making of Medieval Panjab

bly to congratulate her for having Ranjha as her bridegroom.

While a commotion arose, a frustrated mother-in-law cancelled
the ceremony. She turned her ire against Ali, who had been hasty
to form an alliance which had destroyed their peace. He had failed
to recognize a woman who was a terror even for wild animals and
monsters.98 Ali summoned the members of the Khera clan and a
collective resolution (mata) was passed. It was decided that Ranjha
be killed, dragged and thrown in the river. Only then the stigma
(kalank) on the name of the Kheras would be washed off. But this
work had to be done on the same day. Being alerted, Ranjha fled
from Rangpur Khera at night and, jumping into the river, crossed
over to safety by dawn.99
Ranjha entered the boundary of Jhang Siyal. He reached the
meadows where he had grazed buffaloes, played on the flute and
sank in the love of Hir. He encountered a group of girls who
wished to know the cause of his despair. He replied that he was a
homeless wanderer and ill-starred person whose cargo had been
plundered. The girls asked him to settle in the moors again. They
would build a shelter for him. Since he was the same Ranjha and
they were the same girls, fresh love would bloom for him. Ranjha
declined the offer as it was impossible to live in the moors without
Hir. He went to the same old tree platform (jallar) and, touching
his forehead, kissed the place. His heart, which was attached to
each and every site, was filled with pain. As he played on the flute,
a number of girls, including Hassi, converged there as if the Gopis
were responding to the call of Krishna. Ranjha narrated his tale
of woe, particularly the murderous conspiracy of the Kheras. The
girls offered to recreate his happy days that revolved round the
moors, boats and the dwelling. Ranjha would not live in any place
that was imbued with Hir’s memory. Since the girls could not
imagine a life without Ranjha, they wished to go along with him
wherever he went. But they were unable to change his resolve.100
After a gap of twelve years, Ranjha returned to Takht Hazara.
He was shocked to find that his brothers nurtured the same old
hostility towards him. With a view to reassure them, he clarified
that he had not come to claim his share in the ancestral land. He
had been engaged in mendicancy (faqiri) for twelve years and had
 The World of the Zamindars 539

come only to see his native place. He was not demanding anything
from them, nor was he advancing any claim. The three brothers,
however, had a bigger grudge against Ranjha. He had blackened
the face of their illustrious father Mojam as well as their clan. He
had taken employment with the Siyals as a herdsman and, while
serving as a menial, he had been digging wells and constructing
palaces. He had followed marriage parties with a drum on his head
and thus shamed his brothers. Ranjha was quick to see the wide
difference between himself and his brothers. He was just a men-
dicant (faqir), while Tahir was a lord (Khan). He had come to his
own country by invoking Tahir’s exalted authority, but had no
demands. His humble expectations had ended in disaster. No one
belonged to anyone, as kinship and affection had disappeared.101
On meeting his three sisters-in-law, Ranjha refused to say any-
thing about Hir as her memories would bring him close to death.
However, Ranjha felt happy on meeting a few old friends who
treated him like a brother. They offered to arrange for his stay in
the village by building a thatch, spreading a straw mat and putting
a hedge round the enclosure; they would place two water pitchers
and two smoking pipes (chillams). They met in the village com-
mon (dara) and sat in a blissful assembly (majlis) day and night.102
It may be recalled that when Mojam was alive, he had fixed the
marriage of Ranjha with the daughter of Yaqub Khan Waraich.
The marriage did not take place owing to the death of Mojam and
the deceit of his elder sons. Now Yaqub heard that Ranjha had
returned to Takht Hazara. Accompanied by the members of his
clan, he reached the village. The visitors met Tahir and Zahir (the
two elder sons of Mojam). Yaqub began with a sarcastic remark,
‘O Khans. Your brother has arrived. It is true that Mojam was
blessed with your brother. He has raised the reputation of your
family by being called the herdsman. To discuss these matters,
all prominent persons have assembled.’ Tahir retorted that the
matter could be sorted out as the plaintiff (muddai) had come
back to Takht Hazara. The two sides, the Ranjha brothers and
the Waraichs, faced each other in the assembly, but both did not
like Ranjha, though for different reasons. Yaqub accused Ranjha
of disgracing his brothers. Ranjha protested against these harsh
540 The Making of Medieval Panjab

words, but asked the Waraichs to state the exact nature of their
suit. Yaqub clarified that they did not come on a pilgrimage to see
his face. They came to Takht Hazara only to find if the marriage
would take place or the engagement would be broken.103 Ranjha
asked the Waraichs to marry their daughter anywhere, as he
himself had no claims in this regard. Focusing on the wide social
distance between the Waraichs and himself, Ranjha stated that the
masters of land and rivers could not be the masters of the mat and
fire. Since the betrothal was formally cancelled in the presence of
witnesses, the Waraichs prepared to leave.104
Fearing that the departure of the Waraichs would be a blot on
the Ranjha clan, the brothers persuaded the visitors to stay for
meals. Jeevan, the third of the Ranjha brothers, arrived on the
scene and assumed charge of the proceedings. His intervention,
which was apparently pre-decided by the brothers among them-
selves, proved decisive. Endowed with the skills of diplomacy and
oratory, Jeevan spoke to the Waraichs, ‘O Khans. Listen to what
we say. We are in kinship (sakke) with each other. Even in the
past there had been many matrimonial alliances (saak) between
us. We are intertwined (i.e. the clans of Ranjhas and Waraichs)
like thick ropes (une soo vaan niyayin). Since the son of Tahir is
here, let us clinch the matter. Otherwise there is no honour in our
relationship.’ Yaqub, alluding to the bitterness of the past experi-
ence, assumed a high moral ground. Earlier too, they had been
given assurances in the betrothal with the youngest of the Ranjha
brothers. Though they had come personally, yet they were met
with refusal. This episode did not provide any solace. Shifting the
blame to Ranjha, Jeevan argued that if one person turned out to
be foolish, he must be treated as dead. No one was bound to him.
In contrast, the Ranjhas and Waraichs were intimately related to
each other since long like the thick rope. Their mutual intercourse
did not need any investigative review.105 The three brothers, bound
by common interest, publicly disowned Ranjha. The two clans, in
spite of tensions in the past, revived their kinship as both would
gain in political and social terms.
In Takht Hazara, preparations were made for the marriage of
Tahir’s son. A Brahmin was sent to the Waraichs with knotted
 The World of the Zamindars 541

strings, confirming the day of the marriage ceremony. Much atten-

tion was paid to decorate horses of different breeds. The members
of the marriage party turned out in bright apparels, giving boost
to their pride. Someone advised Tahir to take along Dhido. The
task was not easy, as the brothers had publicly disowned Dhido
a second time. Therefore, accompanied by the entire clan of the
Ranjhas, Tahir went to the village common, and invited Dhido to
join the marriage party. Dhido declined the invitation as a number
of questions would be raised leading to their loss. Tahir employed
the skill of persuasion and declared that if he did not go, then the
entire party of Ranjhas would not leave. He was also the progeny
of Mojam and, therefore, he occupied the same place as the father
of the bridegroom. Dhido’s resistance collapsed and he gave his
consent.106 The three Ranjha brothers, who were squarely respon-
sible for destroying the life of Dhido, were able to put up a façade
of unity to wash off the guilt of injustice against their brother.
Ranjhas and Waraichs, all brave warriors, assembled in a gar-
den. The girls, in an attempt to identify the bridegroom, saw the
handsome Dhido, who had been disinherited by his family. The
girls, who were enamoured of Ranjha, told the bride that she was
extremely unfortunate in failing to marry him. The bride, while
cursing Hir for taking away Dhido from her, raised a clamour for
seeing him so that her longing could be satisfied.107 As soon as
he entered, he was recognized as the light of spiritual excellence
(azmat ki rushnai). The bride cornered Ranjha and wished to
know her fault (taqseer) that prevented their union. Ranjha cre-
ated a false image of himself, claiming to be ignorant and good for
nothing (makhattu). It was not proper for him to marry someone’s
daughter when he had no means to feed her. What was worse, he
did not have any strength (quwwat) in his body and could not lift
anything heavy. Anguished at his evasive reply, the Waraich bride
gave expression to her pent up feelings,
You possessed all the strength in Jhang Siyal. You brought a bad name
to your father by grazing buffaloes and carrying a drum on your head.
It is only when Hir went with the Kheras that you retraced your steps to
Takht Hazara. You made humble supplications for Hir, but she did not
come into your hands. When the herdsmen made your life miserable,
542 The Making of Medieval Panjab

you resorted to renunciation (udasi). It was only when you lost Hir that
you began to pose as worthless (makhattu). You adopted this name when
my turn came. Day and night, I gazed at the door and wept at my misery.
My hair changed colour, but I remained full to the brim in beauty. You
may be after someone else’s right, but I will not surrender mine.
Upset at these allegations, Ranjha asked the woman (bibi) to
leave his lappet, as they had no claims on each other. She had
shown lack of shame in bringing him there. She should have
thought of his brothers and other people. Tahir admonished
Ranjha for usurping the place of a lawful bridegroom. Ranjha
explained how he fell into a trap laid by the bride whom he treated
as a sister. He extricated himself from an embarrassing situation
and fled to Takht Hazara to his relief.108

Lovers in Struggle
At Rangpur Khera, the Kheras called a meeting of close relatives.
Ali, the chief, asked them to give some counsel (maslat) on the
fate of Hir, who had brought a major affliction (zehmat) on them.
After considering a number of options, they came round to the
view that she be killed at the earliest to remove the stigma from
their faces. Owing to the intervention of Ali’s wife, the Kheras
resolved (mata) to place Hir in segregation. Accordingly, Hir was
shifted to the granary as a neighbour of Ali’s daughter Sehti. Here
the premises was large and rooms isolated. Hir’s room was poorly
furnished, as it was provided with only a reed stool and torn mat.
Her food (ahar) comprised only desire (sik). Sehti approached Hir
with great affection in order to win her confidence. She asked the
cause of the grief (ranjish rog) of Hir, who was physically declining
with every passing day. A fire was smouldering in her while she
was hiding it. Hir was reluctant to open up. She had no confidant,
as her closest kin – father, mother and brothers – had forsaken her.
Moreover, her mind was in disorder owing to constant weeping.
Someone, who was afflicted like her, could appreciate the agony of
her heart.109 Sehti, in order to extract Hir’s secret (bhed), narrated
her own love affair with Ramu, a Brahmin. Hir anticipated that
Sehti could support her in the future. With her consent, Hir saw
 The World of the Zamindars 543

the lovers joined in physical intimacy. Soon after, Hir became

an emissary between them, conveying the messages of one to
the other. Since the veil between them was lifted, Sehti asked
Hir to reveal her sorrow. Overcoming her earlier reluctance, Hir
described the entire story of her love for Ranjha, the agony of her
separation and the tension in her organs. Her troubles would end
if someone were sent to bring Ranjha. Sehti felt that Hir should
have revealed her pain earlier. Hir entreated that past be forgotten,
and her lord be united with her, lest she should die.110
Sehti called Ramu and sent him to Takht Hazara. The kind of
love shared by him and Sehti also existed between Hir and the
herdsman. He was urged to convey all kinds of afflictions (dukh)
being suffered by Hir. Before leaving, Ramu asked Hir for her
message as well as a sign (nishani) that would lend credibility to
the messenger. In response, Hir identified the landmarks in the
moors on the banks of the Chenab, where her love flowered. Since
Ranjha was her perfect mentor (kamil murshid), she sought his
loving attention to acquire eternal truth and firm faith. Her love
(preet) with Ranjha was similar to that of Dasrath’s son with Sita
and Nand’s son with the daughter of Brikh Bhan. She was full of
defects (auganhari), but begged forgiveness for her sins. Ramu,
having absorbed Hir’s message in his limbs, embarked on his long
journey on foot. Walking for two days and covering a distance of
40 leagues, he reached Takht Hazara on the third day.111
Ramu took shelter in the house of a local Brahmin and con-
cealed his real object. During his conversation with the hosts,
he learnt about the local agricultural conditions, besides Mojam
and his sons. He was told that the rains and crops had been in
accordance with the times. There was plenty of prosperity (chokhi
barkat) during the days of Mojam. Things were not bad even at
that time. Each of Mojam’s three sons surpassed the others in
progress. The fourth son had become a master of mat and fire
(sathar dhooyen sayin). He lived among the Siyals till Hir did not
marry. When she was married among the Kheras, he returned to
Takht Hazara.112 Having acquired a sufficient information, Ramu
came to the village common. He waited for an opportunity to
speak to Ranjha when all others had left. Ranjha, who was curi-
544 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ous about the stranger, offered to arrange for his stay and food.
Ramu, unable to control his emotions, declared that he had come
to meet him and that he had been sent by Hir with a message for
him. Ramu enumerated the sites of Ranjha’s love – the new boat,
the boatman Luddan, river Chenab and the ferry of Chuchkana.
He also referred to the love of Hir and Ranjha in the moors, the
dense shisham, the bald fig, grazing of buffaloes, an abode on the
platform and sweetened breadcrumbs brought by Hir.113
Ranjha, who feigned ignorance about the sites, revealed his
identity. Vowing to lay down his life for Hir, Ranjha urged Ramu
to narrate the facts (haqiqat) about her. Ramu related that she did
not have a drop of blood or a layer of flesh. Like a smouldering fire
that alternatively burnt and kindled, she hung between life and
death. Ranjha was galvanized into action. Putting his own amulet
(trag) round Ramu’s neck, he begged him to return quickly and
ask Hir to wait for Ranjha who was also on his way. Deciding to
renounce Takht Hazara again, he burnt his thatch and broke his
pitchers. At midnight, he slipped out of the village.114
Walking to the Jhelam and climbing the hills, Ranjha reached
Tilla Jogian. He presented himself before Sidh Bagai, the chief of
the Jogis. The Jogi, who was enamoured of his good looks, asked
a number of questions about his country, condition and object.
Ranjha, while dissociating himself from any place or parentage,
requested to be enrolled as a Jogi. Sidh Bagai declared the candi-
date as unfit for the pursuit, as he was too worldly (hoshnaq) and
was used to the food cooked by his mother. Ranjha fell at the feet
of Sidh Bagai and, resumed his entreaties. He had taken the shel-
ter (sharani) of the master, whose favour had enabled the people
to swim across the world. If Gopichand and Bharthari could take
Jog,115 so could a poor man (gharib) like him. Sidh Bagai tried to
dissuade Ranjha from his resolve. In his view, the pursuit of Jog
was difficult and its mysteries were intricate. Jog meant begging
to eat and sleeping on the mat. He could consider his case if he
truthfully described his background.
Ranjha revealed that his country was Takht Hazara. He was
the son of Mojam. Owing to adversity (vakht) he was separated
from his home. He went to the district of the Siyals. When Hir was
 The World of the Zamindars 545

married in the country of the Kheras, he was put to great trouble

(kaziya). When he could not think of anything, he came under the
Jogi’s protection (saam). Astonished at this admission, Sidh Bagai
sought the view of his disciples before taking any final decision.116
The disciples replied in the negative, as Ranjha had not dug out
any forgotten matter. The master was the mentor of the entire
Tilla and did not have dearth of disciples. Sidh Bagai overruled the
plea and, considering the high pedigree (aseel) of the candidate,
admitted him into the path of Jog. Having received the sanction,
Ranjha was transformed into the light of spiritual excellence
(azmat ki rushnai). Ranjha fell at the feet of Sidh Bagai and sought
his permission to leave for alien lands and rivers, where his work
lay. The mentor and disciple fell at each other’s feet. Assuming a
strange garb (kapad ajab) – saffron robes, rings in ears and ashes
on forehead – Ranjha descended from the Tilla.117
The Jogi reached the outskirts of Rangpur Khera. This place,
referred to as the village of Sehti, was large and pleasant. The Jogi
established himself on the bank of a river. Clearing the ground
with a spade, he spread his mat and lit a fire. Rani Sehti was the
first to see the Jogi, who appeared like a sun descending on earth.
Endowed with a face like the moon and eyes like the flame, his
youth was full of luster. Imagining herself as a mother separated
from her son, she was curious to know why he he had adopted Jog.
The Jogi replied in the idiom of his path, ‘I fell from above and was
destroyed on the earth. I have no place which I can call my own.
If I had any antecedents or future, I would have informed you.
Mother! I am a mendicant (darvesh) who has come to beg at your
door.’ Sehti, while knowing that the Jogi was in fact Ranjha, tried
to expose his new garb.118 She wished to know where was his saint-
hood (faqiri) on three occasions – when he got Luddan beaten,
when he carried the drum (tamak) on his head and when he gave
sweetened breadcrumbs to Kaido. Offended at the bad words
(mande sukhan) and taunts (taane), he wondered at the woman
who knew all his travails and passed insightful messages promis-
ing to cure his malady. Admitting that she was speaking the truth,
Ranjha fell at her feet and placed himself under her protection
(saam).119 Sehti revealed that Hir was in her house, that she had
546 The Making of Medieval Panjab

learnt everything about their love and that she had sent Ramu to
him. Ranjha started crying and declared that his honour (lajj) was
in her hands. Sehti assured that she had assumed the responsibil-
ity of the honour of both in her hands and, in the process, put at
stake the honour of 900 turbans of her parental home. Here she
was referring to the men of the Khera clan, who were settled in the
zamindari headed by her father Ali. Ranjha spent the night at the
riverbank after lighting a fire. Sitting in the posture of a Jogi, he
covered his face and did not speak to anyone.120
The Jogi found that Hir had been reduced to a physical wreck.
Always sunk in a trance like an opium addict (posti), she was
consumed by the sorrow of separation from Ranjha. When the
Jogi appeared before her, he begged for alms (bhikhya), as he
was hungry. Since she consumed her own longing and sighs, she
could give only hunger (bhukh) in charity. While the Jogi gave his
blessings (aseesan), Hir poured millets into his lap. Jogi spilled the
millets on the floor. Hir ordered the Jogi to leave forthwith. Soon
she smelt a familiar fragrance and felt that the Jogi was none other
than Dhido Ranjha. She must confirm the identity of the visitor.121
The Jogi offered to give her medicinal herbs if she related the
cause of her sorrow. Upset at the Jogi for trying to intrude into
her private space, she raised doubts about his credentials as Jogi.
His looks did not match his pursuit. He appeared to belong to the
ruling class (ahl muluk). It was strange that he had thrust rings
by slitting his ears and did not feel horrified at the sight of blood.
He must be an impostor, who ensnared women and deceived
children.122
The Jogi countered all the objections raised by Hir. A Jogi for
seven generations, he had travelled down from Bhutan, Multan,
Narwar Kot and Kirhana. His spiritual master Sidh Bagai had for-
bidden him from using his tongue and eyes. It was in Hir’s interest
to reveal her inner pain, so that he could suggest a suitable rem-
edy. He had come only to beg for alms. If she did not wish to give
anything, he would leave after delivering his sermon (adesh)123
There was a stalemate between the two contenders, as neither was
willing to blink. At this moment, the Panj Pir informed Hir that
Dhido had come in the garb of a Jogi and that she must meet him.
 The World of the Zamindars 547

Resuming her interrogation of the Jogi, Hir asked questions about

his native place, country and river where he dwelt. She also asked
him about his spiritual mentor who, after enrolling him, bored
his ears and gave lessons (sikh) on the new path. Ranjha revealed
his identity and suffering. Hir flew like a falcon towards Ranjha
and took him in a tight embrace.124 They exchanged their thoughts
on the benign role of Sehti. Ranjha returned to the riverbank and
established himself as a Jogi. Spreading his mat, he lighted a fire
and covered his face.
On the third day, Sehti met Hir and expressed her happiness
on seeing her. The condition (halat) of Hir had improved and her
complexion had changed. Hir acknowledged the grace (sadka) of
Sehti in her recovery to health. Addressing her as mother (bebe)
and queen (rani), Hir asserted that Ranjha came on his own
and set her on fire. Sehti confirmed the presence of Ranjha, but
warned Hir to keep quiet and not let anyone see him. Hir had
rightly identified her problem, but the same had afflicted Sehti
also. Sehti claimed (like she did in presence of Ranjha) that for the
sake of Hir, she had brought 900 turbans to shame (sun Hire main
taindi khatir, nau sau pagg lajjai). Sehti shared the next part of her
plan with Hir. They would quarrel with each other and exchange
angry abuses (gaal). They must fight until the bitter end, so that
the people gathered there.125
At dawn, the two sisters-in-law came out in the courtyard to
start the sham fight. More than exposing each other, they heaped
insults on the family of the opponent. Sehti said that the Kheras
had become a laughing stock for brining a unique daughter-in-
law, who had taken a harsh revenge (nivatta) from them. People
like Hir’s father were their workmen (kammi) and Hir was a mean
bitch (kamini kutti) who had started this wrangle (siyapa). Her
father was so rich that gold had been used as mortar (kandhi gil
sona) in the walls of his house. On the other hand, Hir questioned
Sehti’s claim of a distinguished parentage and plentiful wealth.
Hir had been living there for the last thirty-five months, but she
was neither given food, nor cared for. It was futile to praise the
greatness of Sehti’s father, as his son was of no use after marriage.
This father could not be rich, as Hir was given only a broken reed
548 The Making of Medieval Panjab

stool. The Kheras had usurped even what Hir’s father Chuchak
gave her.126
At the end of this friendly confrontation, Sehti appeared before
her father and complained that her brother did not get Chuchak’s
daughter, but instead married a lowly slave girl (goli). In spite of
this injustice, she asserted that Hir must be given all she received
from her father if she agreed to cohabit with her husband (Hir vas-
san te aayi). In his displeasure, Ali sent a large number of goods
including bags, utensils, buffaloes, cows, bedsteads, mattresses and
blankets. Hir arranged the goods in their respective places, mak-
ing decorations (saj) and inserting hanging pegs. Sehti offered to
provide more goods that she might desire. As the time for cohabi-
tation drew near, the Kheras began to receive felicitations (vadhai)
and a jubilant Hir performed all the household tasks.127 As soon
as Sahiba entered her apartment, Hir ran away from him like a
gazelle as he was not her consort (be mahram). A horrified Sehti
asked her if she had been scared by fairies, demons or ghosts. Sehti
told him that he had made a mistake by coming there and that he
could come only when she signalled. Sahiba quickly slipped out.
When Hir returned, she stepped inside only after everything had
been washed and purified (pak).128
Sehti held a meeting (majlis) with Hir and chalked out a plan
for the future. They came to the edge of a sesamum field. Hir was
made to lie on the ground and, applying the turmeric paste, a nee-
dle was pierced in her ankle so that blood oozed out. Sehti started
crying that Hir had been bitten by a snake when she was about to
assume her conjugal responsibilities. The entire village, including
women, rushed to the site. Ali sent horsemen to bring a healer
(mandri) found anywhere. Sehti suggested the name of the Jogi,
who had revived three men, who had died of snakebite.129
People had seen the Jogi living at the ferry (pattan) for a while.
A large number of people, led by Ali and other chiefs, marched
to the site. With shawls round their necks, they requested the
Jogi to save the life of their bride (Chuchak’s daughter) who had
been stung even when their debts were unpaid. The Jogi, who
kept his back towards the crowd, did not give any response. After
the entreaties of Ali failed to move the Jogi, Sehti led a group of
 The World of the Zamindars 549

women to try their luck. Sehti declared that the Jogi remained
detached from the world and absorbed in his ecstasy. Since he was
a perfect ancient sage (sidh pir puratan), his intervention was nec-
essary to save the bride, who could not be allowed to go waste. The
Jogi referred to the nature of the world, the tendency of snakes to
bite and the suitability of incantations as remedy. He, followed by
a procession of women and girls, walked to the victim. As soon
as he saw Hir, he turned back and revealed that the assailant was
not an ordinary serpent, but the rare one with a crown, so that the
treatment was difficult. If he could revive the dead, insisted Sehti,
he could cure one who was breathing. Agreeing to start his job,
the Jogi said that hard work had to be done on the woman (bibi)
involving innumerable mantras. She would be placed in a solitary
house (ikalla kotha), which none might peep through. A woman,
who cried a lot, would remain in attendance for service (khidmat).
If a treatment of forty days (chillah) worked, the problem could be
controlled.130
A bed was brought to Sehti’s house. As the Jogi entered, all the
doors were bolted. The lovers, who had been separated for thirty-
five months and nine nights, were united. Sehti asked them to
enjoy themselves, as nothing would be found lacking. She offered
all possible help, even if she had to sacrifice her own life. She
would cook whatever lord (sayin) Ranjha desired. She herself pre-
pared sweetened breadcrumbs, rice dessert, buffalo’s milk, butter,
cream, buttermilk, fruits and dates. The moon faced slaves of love,
with eyes illumined like flames, did nothing but eat, drink and
laugh. They also played on the bed. After every eight days, the
parents-in-law of Hir, accompanied by the entire Khera clan and
other residents of the village, arrived at the venue of treatment
and enquired about the state of the patient. Sehti did not permit
anyone to enter. On every occasion, she cooked up a new answer
that satisfied the enquirers. For example, she said that lakhs of
snakes crawled inside, that the one who stung the victim was not
one of them, that the Jogi recited incantations without placing his
feet on the ground and that there was a slight improvement in
Hir’s condition. Sehti found it increasingly difficult to cope with
the situation. She could not befool the people for all the times.
550 The Making of Medieval Panjab

She could not see any alternative shelter for the lovers who were
entirely dependent on her support.131
The lovers failed to see any way to extricate themselves from a
difficult situation. When a week was left for the expiry of the forty
days’ treatment, parents-in-law and the clan again appeared at the
door. Sehti informed them that Hir would be released from the
ordeal after a week. They should make preparations for giving a
ceremonial bath to Hir in the midst of joyous celebrations. When
five days elapsed, a breach (sanh) was made in the wall at night
and, as the day dawned, the lovers escaped. They travelled at a fast
pace through thick vegetation but, owing to darkness, came to the
same spot repeatedly. Next morning, Sehti covered the hole with
material for fuel, while the fugitives ran through the countryside
and covered 15 leagues. Concealing themselves during the day,
they resumed their journey at night. On the third day, a proces-
sion of villagers marched towards Sehti’s house. In the midst of
song and dance, alms were distributed on the way. Sehti, who
was sleeping on her bed at the door inside, did not respond. A
boy climbed on the wall and, awakening Sehti, removed the latch.
Sehti told her father that a large number of snakes in the courtyard
had passed on the poison to her, so that she had been lying in a
swoon for the last three days, unaware of Hir. When the people
rushed inside, they were shocked to find that two persons had run
away through the breach and that the Jogi was none other than
the herdsman.132
As the scandal came into full view, the Kheras were outraged.
They saddled their horses and, urging the ferry to be closed, pre-
pared to catch the fugitives at the earliest. They wished to know
from Sehti the direction in which the runaways had gone, but she
vaguely pointed towards the north. The Kheras, having covered
two stages, passed through wastelands and wild growth. Thirsty
for blood, they just wanted to kill the Jogi. Whenever they met
anyone, they enquired about a good looking Jogi and a young
girl. A group of men who had seen the two – both appearing as
the light of spiritual excellence (azmat ki rushnai), though both
were in deep love with each other – wished to know the motive
of the enquiry. Angered by the reply, the Kheras moved on. They
 The World of the Zamindars 551

met a group of girls who, being enamoured of Hir, affirmed the

passionate attraction between the two. Hir and Ranjha, who had
no strength left in them, stopped on hearing the hooves. Ranjha
wanted Hir to kill him, as the Kheras were likely to inflict a cruel
death. Hir said that he was her lord (sahib) and she was his slave.
He should not put the helpless (aajiz) to test, as he had moulded
situations in his favour in the past. Ranjha sensed the arrival of the
blood thirsty Kheras and feared an attack sooner than later.133

Zamindari Custom of Providing Sanctuary

The two lovers, who were being relentlessly pursued by the Kheras,
entered the territories of a powerful clan of Jats, the Nahars. At this
particular time of the year, the Nahars were engaged in harvesting
a crop of lentils (maanh). On seeing them from a distance, the
lovers hastened with strong steps. They weighed the limited options
before them and decided to seek sanctuary with the Nahars. Taking
the initiative, Hir told her story. Moved by the plight of the lovers,
the Nahar chief took them under his protection. He made a formal
declaration (hukmi) of his commitment including the offer to put
his own life at stake. Since he had not surrendered even the dogs
who came under his protection, he could not ignore the fugitives
who were born in the families of zamindars (raathan jaye). He
would not surrender them even if he was required to confront
Emperor Akbar. Assuming responsibility of fighting against the
enemies of people who were aliens to them, the Nahars began
preparations for any exigency, including death. They harnessed
their horses and took out their weapons.134
The Kheras reached the scene and exchanged greetings (salaam)
with Nahars. The Kheras pointedly asked if they had seen a Jogi
along with a woman (mehri). The Nahars told a plain lie. Since
they were harvesting the lentils, they advised the Kheras to go
ahead and make their enquiries. As for themselves, the Nahars
asserted their deep involvement in the moors and their aversion
to anything false. The Kheras were disappointed at the reluctance
of Nahars to speak the truth.135 Though they were physically
exhausted after a long chase, yet they could discern the fugitives
552 The Making of Medieval Panjab

in the eyes of the Nahars. They asked the Nahars to reveal the
whereabouts of the fugitives with friendliness, failing which they
would pick up their weapons. Accepting the challenge, the Nahars
announced, ‘Even if the fugitives are not here, we admit that they
are here. We have nothing to fear. We are not sparrows sitting on
dead trees that would fly away. We do not even surrender the dogs
who come to us for protection. In this case, we have zamindars
(raath) who have come to us. Your horde (kattak) seems to be
larger. But the size of our small contingent will increase soon.’
The warriors drew swords from scabbards and, raising the cry of
‘Ali Ali,’ fell upon one another. Heads were smashed like earthen
pitchers and corpses started falling. The battle was fought in two
phases, as the two sides summoned reinforcements mid way. In
all, fourteen Kheras and eight Nahars were killed.136
The Syeds of Rajoa,137 who were passing by in a palanquin,
stopped on hearing the cries of battle. They found that the two
warring clans, the Kheras and Nahars, were entangled in an armed
encounter, while sending out demands for additional support.
They discontinued their journey and, making an effective inter-
vention, separated the two adversaries. They made the combatants
sit on the ground and explain the cause of their enmity and clash.
Ali, the Khera chief, described the sequence of events. In the view
of Nahars, the fugitives arrived from somewhere and came under
their protection. They did not even surrender dogs who took shel-
ter with them. It was not possible for them to refuse asylum to
the offspring of chiefs. It was not proper to hand them over to
their opponents, as such a move would blacken their (Nahars’)
face. The Syeds held both the chiefs guilty of improper actions
and responsible for getting their young men killed. They were
advised to travel 22 leagues to reach Kot Qabula and to fight a
legal battle. The claim over the woman had to decided by the qazi
in a trial.138
As a result of the mediation,139 conflict was doused. The two
warring hordes marched into the village of the Nahars. Sixty
Nahars converged on the scene in anticipation of a fresh armed
encounter. The Nahars made arrangements for providing food to
the Kheras, who encamped at the village for the night.140 Hir and
 The World of the Zamindars 553

Ranjha, who had remained concealed for obvious reasons, were

escorted under the protection of the Nahars. As soon as Hir saw
the Kheras, she fell into a rage. She condemned Ali for mobilizing
armies (faujan) against two helpless persons and thus displaying
his utter lack of shame. But she showered fulsome praise on the
Nahars for providing shelter to the fugitives in the face of heavy
odds. Hir’s verbal attack (sukhan) provoked the Kheras to target a
quiet Ranjha. They accused him of treacherous conduct in stealing
away the bride, but hiding his crime behind the cover of a shawl
as well as silence. They threatened to eat his raw flesh and drink
his blood. Hir flared up and shouted back, ‘O Khera. You have
been bad since antiquity (qadimi bhaira). How can you, a mean
Jat, dare to admonish us? I will burn the faces of all the Kheras for
reviling us in our presence.141
The truce between the Nahars and Kheras was short lived.
Differences erupted again on the treatment of the fugitives. The
Nahars had lodged the two in an isolated house (kotha hik ikalla).
The Kheras accused the Nahars of enabling Hir to stay with the
herdsman (chake naal bahai). Nahars asserted that their action
was based on what they had seen in the first instance.142 They had
found the two with their arms round each other. It was not proper
(munasib) for them to disjoin one from the other. The Khera chief
Ali demanded that Hir be sent to a female quarter (zenana). The
whole world knew that a thief (chor charoka) had been chasing her
for a long time. The Nahars not only rejected the proposal of sepa-
rating the fugitives from each other, but they were willing to stand
by this decision with all their might. The Nahars were not legally
empowered to drive a wedge between the two, as they could not
inflict any pain on those who were under their protection. In any
case, the Kheras were going to Kot Qabula in order to pursue their
claim in a court of law. The Nahars would support anyone who
was able to get Hir through a legal verdict.143
The people of the village took a keen interest in the dispute
and, out of sheer curiosity, wished to see the lovers at close quar-
ters. A group of Nahar girls came to see Hir and Ranjha. While
serving them food, they were overwhelmed by their beauty. They
exclaimed that Ranjha was a suitable partner for Hir and that God
554 The Making of Medieval Panjab

(sayin) had rightly willed their union. The people argued that the
Kheras had perpetrated a great calamity (qehar) by chasing the
lovers with an armed retinue (lashkar). The Kheras were deeply
embarrassed by the barrage of taunts, but thought it prudent to
keep quiet. In the morning, both sides prepared to leave and sad-
dled their horses. Asked to explain the object of their proposed
journey, the Nahars said that they would serve as good compan-
ions for the Kheras (sathi sahih tusade). Being confident of the
propriety of their action and holding the custody of the fugitives
in their hands, the Nahars explained: ‘Friends. It is not proper
for us to hand over these two persons to you. You may kill them
on the way, but we are guided by the spirit of compassion (tars).
We will present them before the judge (qazi), jurist (mufti) and
administrator (hakam). We will hand over Hir in accordance with
the decision of the law (shariat).’144
A large convoy of people marched towards Kot Qabula. Nahars
and Kheras rode on their high bred steeds, while the non-partisan
persons ran ahead. The two lovers, with their faces covered in the
folds of their shawls, were placed at the head of the entire group.
The Khera youth Sahiba, who had been married to an unwilling
Hir, lost his cool on seeing the two lovers together. Wailing at the
pitch of his voice, he accused Hir of devising tricks to acquire the
herdsman. On the other hand, Hir came out strongly in favour of
Ranjha during the course of a verbal spat. Addressing Sahiba, who
was supposed to be her husband, Hir shouted, ‘O wretched Khera.
May your face be burnt. I sacrifice myself for Dhido. When love
(ishq) was being distributed, you were not given any share. You
are as useless as the string which rotates the churn (madhani).
Do not dare to speak again. You wretched Khera. Your father is
a shifty man.’ In the midst of his howling, the Khera cursed, ‘You
bitchy wench (kutti ranne). May you neither live nor die. You have
become a keep of the herdsman. You openly go about fornicating
(kardi rajj haram).’145
In accordance with a premeditated plan, the Kheras fell upon
the two lovers. They overpowered Ranjha and grabbed Hir by
the arm. The Nahars, who tried to prevent this physical assault,
argued, ‘This is not proper (munasib). Men do not enter into an
 The World of the Zamindars 555

altercation with women. You two (the plaintiff and accused) will
face each other soon. Let every one keep quiet till we reach Kot
Qabula.’ The Kheras did not challenge the reprimand, in view of
the reinforcement of sixty men to the retinue of the Nahars. Hir
accused the Kheras of making false statements. She claimed to be
under the protection of a perfect mentor (kamil murshid) and a
true lord (sacha sahib) from the beginning to the end. He was her
husband and she his wife.146

Clans and Lovers in the Qazi’s Court

The convoy reached Kot Qabula at the time of evening prayer
and, tying horses in the stables, prepared to spend the night. The
men, including the Nahars and Kheras, formed a circle (ghera)
around the two detainees (bandhuye). Damodar claimed to have
been present on the occasion and even helped the lovers to sit in
comfort, with the object of saving them from any humiliation.
Every one took the meals and slept in a circle. Next morning, the
litigants entered the kachehri and remembered God (sayin) in this
hour of reckoning. News had already spread in Kot Qabula about
the arrival of Hir (the daughter of Chuchak, the chief of Jhang
Siyal) along with herdsman to argue her case. Virtually the entire
population of the town (qasba), assembled at the court to see the
spectacle with their own eyes. Qazi, mufti, hakim and qanungo
took their seats. The Qazi asked the litigants to advance their
pleas, so that these could be scrutinized on the basis of Shariat.147
Ali, the Khera chief, stated,
Listen to our petition (arz). Our debts have been mounting ever since we
brought Chuchak’s daughter as a bride. We had performed all ceremonies
of the wedding in the most appropriate manner. We heard the scandal
about the herdsman, but we did not know the exact facts. We made him
carry the kettledrum on his head. In a secret move, Hir pretended to be
bitten by a snake and, therefore, withdrew herself into a room. The Jogi
assumed the garb of a healer (mandri) and eloped with her after making
a breach (sann) in the wall. It is we who have hauled him here. Please ask
the Nahars why they have given protection to the two.
556 The Making of Medieval Panjab

The Nahar chief explained that they were harvesting a crop in

their field when two persons appeared from somewhere. When
they learnt the true facts, their sense of honour was roused and
they offered sanctuary to them. They did not refuse shelter even
to the dogs. The visitors, being the offspring of zamindars, pos-
sessed dignity. She (Hir) would go with the person to whom she
had been betrothed. The Nahars did not have any interest of their
own. They were willing to accept the verdict of the judge and,
thus, withdraw their support to the fugitives, if any.148
The Qazi, while framing the charges against Hir, enumerated
her transgressions of both the legal injunctions and social norms.
He praised her for possessing a number of virtues, but also drew
her attention to what the Lord (sahib) had ordained. She took
pride (maan) in her association with Ranjha, who belonged to
someone else as a matter of right (haq paraya). She was guilty of
bringing shame on her father and destroying the honour (adab)
of her brothers. The information about her affair had spread (jag
dhandora) all over the world. Hir’s defence against the charges was
based on love and not on law. In her view, since the Qazi had not
tasted the sweetness of love, he was not competent to sit in judge-
ment over the case. Her love for Ranjha could be traced to remote
antiquity. In fact, it originated at a time when God created the
world. The marriage (nikah) of the hearts was solemnized by God
and this was beyond the jurisdiction of the Qazi.149 Being offended
by this explanation, the Qazi declared that Hir had come with the
aim of raising a quarrel. Her contention was based on falsehood,
whereas the truth would prevail in the end. She was reminded of
her arrival as the bride of the Kheras, a fact which was known to
the whole world. Her relation with the Khera youth was sanctified
by the Shariat, which did not take cognizance of love (ishq).
On the other hand, Hir stuck to her guns. She expressed doubts
about the legal credentials of the Qazi and, therefore, asked him
to give statements based on truth. He was guilty of taking his task
lightly and did not know the secrets of love. She cursed the lineages
of those who forbade what was lawful. She would not relinquish
her relationship with Ranjha, even if she was rendered without
 The World of the Zamindars 557

caste. At this moment, the qazi lost his temper. He dubbed Hir
as an infidel (kafiryani) who was guilty of blasphemy. Her pas-
sion (chetak) for Ranjha was illicit and it had brought her clan
into disrepute. She was threatened with punishment for speak-
ing improper (namaqul) words. She was warned to control her
tongue, lest she should repent during her penance. Hir expected
the Qazi to be fair towards her, particularly because he too had a
daughter (peton jayee). Standing in the dock and facing trial, she
was clear about the issues in dispute and nothing was concealed
from her. If she was punished for adhering to the truth, there was
nothing more agreeable to her. She was willing to enter the grave
while being alive, provided the qazi quoted a similar precedent
from his legal experience.150
The Qazi was angered by Hir’s firm stance and spirited defence.
He reminded her that a large number of people (janj alam) had
joined the marriage procession. But if she denied her marriage
with the Khera youth, she could be subject to a public beating and,
in the process, she was likely to die while being alive. He could
not accept her contention because he was aware of her intimacy
(ashnai) with the herdsman (chak). Hir, who refused to be cowed
down by threats, expressed doubts about the professional compe-
tence and ethical standards of the Qazi. In fact, she poked fun at
the manner in which the Qazi was conducting the trial. He was
not only ignorant of the facts of the case, he also did what pleased
him. Since he was enticed by worldly illusions (maya), he exposed
himself to infidelity (kufr). After all, the whole world knew that
she belonged to Ranjha and none else. The Qazi repeated that
the whole world knew that Chuchak had married her among
the Kheras, who had brought a sizeable marriage party and had
incurred a large expenditure. But she, being afflicted with love,
made defiant speeches and abandoned all sense of shame. Hir
made an attempt to overwhelm the Qazi by invoking the omnipo-
tent God and the reigning Mughal emperor, besides referring to
her own high social background. She expected the Qazi to fear
God (sache khudai) particularly because his own daughter could
meet a fate similar to hers. Akbar had put in place a strong admin-
558 The Making of Medieval Panjab

istration (raj dhadera) which had conferred the office of Qazi on

him. As for herself, she was not an ordinary young woman, but the
daughter of a zamindar.151
The Qazi recognized the fact that Hir was the daughter of a
powerful zamindar (raath vadhera). But she did not live up to the
expectations of the contemporary society, as she was not ashamed
of her bad conduct. Irrespective of her (controversial) life in her
parental village, she was made to accompany the Kheras as a bride.
But it was the height of shamelessness on her part to have stealth-
ily run away from their village. She was advised to return to her
husband’s house with honour, failing which she would be forced
to do so. Hir upbraided the Qazi for threatening to use force,
while everyone (sab lukai) knew that only Ranjha was her rightful
(haq) husband. She accused the Qazi of failing to provide justice
as he had taken a bribe (vaddhi), but had the audacity to show
legal texts (kitab) as the basis of his contentions. The Qazi lost his
temper on account of Hir’s accusations of bribery and uncouth
speech (be adab alaye). Addressing Hir as a shameless woman
(ran besharmi), he threatened to chop off her nose and ears for
adhering to the unlawful (haram) instead of the lawful (halal), for
refusing to abide by the God’s law (shara khudai) and repeatedly
bringing the herdsman (chak) into the legal proceedings.
Hir believed that her crime of love for Ranjha did not merit the
punishment of chopping bodily parts. In her view, such a punish-
ment should be meted out to those who indulged in clandestine
love (yaari chori) and those who grabbed another’s right (haq
paraya). Since she and Ranjha belonged to each other, there could
be no question of a second marriage (beya nikah). Speaking sarcas-
tically, she argued that she had been hearing of the Khera with her
ears, but had never seen him with her eyes. The Qazi felt intrigued
that Hir had spent a married life of three years with the Khera. Yet
she allowed herself to be carried away by her father’s herdsman
who, in spite of his hunger and homelessness, appeared again on
the scene. Hir was quick to catch the Qazi on the wrong foot and,
in the process, gave evidence of repudiating her marriage with the
Khera. She argued, ‘During the last thirty-five months and a half,
I have not eaten the salt of the Kheras. I did not wear any clothing
 The World of the Zamindars 559

other than the scarf (chhipri) received from my parents. I swear on

whichever oath you wish, I have not allowed the Khera to come
anywhere near my bed. But my face acquired radiance (lali) as
Ranjha showed his face.152
At this moment, the Qazi turned his ire against Ranjha. He
asserted that Ranjha was a thief in the eyes of the Shariat. In fact,
the people would testify (ugahi) that he was a long standing thief
(chor charoka) who had been chasing Hir for a long time. Hir’s
legally wedded husband was the Khera who would not leave her
by any means. It was not clear why she should leave her husband
(haq) for a paramour (yaar). Hir felt it necessary to come out in
support of Ranjha and to assert the purity of her love and legiti-
macy of their relationship. Claiming to understand the nature of
their mandate (sanad) of love, she traced their love to earliest of
times (nehun charoka) when she was a suckling infant and writhed
in her cradle, while there was none to comprehend her agony.
Since she was conscious of her individuality (vast), she disowned
both her father Chuchak and father-in-law Ali. While the trial
was in progress hundreds of people gathered at the court. Every
day they had been hearing of the two lovers, but now they availed
themselves of the opportunity of seeing them with their own eyes.
They were amazed at the ability of Hir to answer all questions that
were posed to her by the Qazi.153
In another attempt to persuade Hir to change her mind, the
Qazi invoked her superior social background. He argued that
she ought to remember whose daughter and whose daughter-in-
law she was. Her father and father-in-law were not only lords of
land and water, but they were also linked to the mighty Mughal
emperor Akbar. Since the Qazi had a high regard (adab) for them,
he did not order Hir to be beaten. He had been trying his best to
ensure that she did not kill herself. Hir refused to be impressed by
the power and wealth of the two zamindars which, in any case, was
acclaimed in all directions. She would prefer to throw these riches
in the fire, because they did not guarantee her love. The Qazi, feel-
ing exasperated, could no longer show any favour towards the two
Khans. He ordered Hir’s hands to be tied behind her back. He
declared that he would not release her till she admitted that she
560 The Making of Medieval Panjab

was the daughter-in-law of the Kheras (nonh khereyan di), a fact

which was known to the whole world.
Fearing that she had lost the case, Hir made one last attempt
to salvage her position. She asserted that the story of her love was
unique, as it could not be narrated (akath kahani). Her love was
older than creation. It predated even the mythical stone tablet
(lauh kalam), the canopy of heaven and throne of God. It hap-
pened when there was no earth, sky, sun, moon or water. Only
a small glow existed within a bigger light. If there was anyone
who belonged to that period, Hir could have presented him as
a witness. Since this was physically impossible, Hir appeared to
have given up the fight. Ranjha, who was wearing the garb of a
Jogi, was brought in front of the Qazi for interrogation. The Qazi
spoke harshly, ‘You were a herdsman of Chuchak. When did you
assume asceticism (jog)? You appear to be an illegitimate offspring
of some herdsman. What a garb you are wearing?’ The Qazi did
not wait for any answer, but had Ranjha’s hands tied behind his
back. Feeling extremely dejected, Hir made her last statement in
the court. Her story was intricate (aukhi eh kahani). It could be
understood only by someone who was an intimate (mehram), i.e.
one who could comprehend the rules of love. Even if someone
tried to explain it in fullest detail, no one would believe it. Her
own tongue had been sealed (mohar zaban kari). Since she was
rendered dumb, her thoughts could be understood only by the
dumb (gunga). She meant to say that the entire trial was a farce.
The long verbal exchanges were futile. Only if the nature of love
had been understood, justice could have been done.154
In accordance with the Qazi’s judgement, Ranjha was whipped
in full public view.155 His arms were raised above his head, as the
whip landed on his body. Hir could not bear the sight of Ranjha
being punished in this fashion. She rushed forward and clasped
(jaffa) him to her chest. While thus blocking the blows, Hir
appealed in the name of God to stop the whipping. She demanded
that Ranjha’s entire punishment be given to her, so that she was
able to share half of the pain. The court found it impossible to
continue the whipping. The gathering laughed at the helplessness
of the concerned functionaries. Hir was physically separated from
 The World of the Zamindars 561

Ranjha. An official named Abul Fateh intervened. Questioning

the thrashing of the convicts, he ordered that Hir be immediately
handed over to the Khera chief Ali. This would save the legal dis-
pensation from further embarrassment. After all, there was no
need to ask for any witness (shahid) when the facts of the case
were known and the judgement had been pronounced.156
Damodar claimed to be present on the scene when the judge-
ment was implemented. As soon as Hir came into the custody of
the Kheras, a rope was tied round her waist and she was made
to walk ahead of the horses. Some partisans of the Kheras con-
tinuously attacked her with stones and sticks, while some others
used their legs. Feeling the painful jerks of the rope, Hir spoke to
the Khera chief Ali. She would not entreat the brutish Jat (siyada
jatta) to stop her ill treatment. She felt as if these blows had been
inflicted by Ranjha and, therefore, offered to sacrifice her life for
him. The more did she confront her tormentors, the more was
she got beaten by the Khan. Her body was covered with blood and
hair were mingled with dust. This did not deter Hir from continu-
ing her tirade against the Kheras. Again addressing Ali as a brutish
Jat, she affirmed Ranjha as her spiritual mentor (murshid) whose
mysteries could not be discerned by anyone. It was merely Ranjha’s
work which was being done by the Khera chief. She was dragged
by the rope and her clothes got entangled in a thorny bush, but
the Kheras did not show any mercy towards her. In response, she
warned Ali and his son of the impending revenge, which would be
taken by her spiritual mentor who would not spare them at all.157

Justice through Supernatural Means

All of a sudden, a fire irrupted at the gate of Kot Qabula and
quickly spread across the town. The inhabitants, while crying in
desperation, tried to douse the flames. But these efforts produced
the opposite results, as the water turned into oil. They also tried to
determine the cause of the fire. They felt that the ruler Adli Raja
did not dispense justice and that the concerned officers, owing to
their greed for money (dirman), had received a bribe. The angry
inhabitants rushed to the administrator (hakim) and the judge
562 The Making of Medieval Panjab

(qazi). They posed several questions. How was it that a flourishing

town was converted into a blazing inferno? What answer would
they give if Akbar sought their explanation? The inhabitants who
converged in a single large body, were filled with anger. In their
view, it was the Jogi’s appeal (jogi parcha laya) against the Qazi’s
verdict which had engulfed the town in the huge fire. The Qazi
and mufti, who stood in opposition to the people, felt amazed at
the fury of nature. Failing to elicit a favourable response from the
administrator, the people sought forgiveness from the Jogi. They
appealed to him to employ his miraculous power to stop the fire
and, at the same time, to send an armed body to bring back the
Kheras. The Qazi found himself in the dock and was constrained
to reverse his recent judgement. He explained that he had delivered
his verdict on the basis of facts, which were placed before the
court. But no one knew the will of God, who was empowered to
dispense the ultimate justice. Therefore, Hir would belong to the
person who would extinguish the fire.158
The assembly of the people categorically attributed the fire to
the Qazi’s wrong judgement. In their collective opinion, the Qazi
had wrought a great calamity (qehar) by handing over Hir to the
Kheras. Hir belonged to the Jogi by right. The injustice inflicted
by the Qazi on the Jogi was solely responsible for the destruction
of the town, while the Jogi had shown a lot of patience all through.
In fact, the assembly of people cried (sabha kook khaloi) that this
was the cause of the unfortunate incident. As Damodar witnessed
a tense scenario with his own eyes, the people took the initiative
in their own hands. While they fell at the Jogi’s feet and sought
his intervention to restore normalcy, they persuaded the Qazi to
dispatch an armed contingent to intercept the Kheras on the way
and haul them back. Turning towards the Qazi, they ridiculed him
for throwing away the sprig (bumbal) which could have grown
into the tree of love. They asked him to retrieve this very sprig,
so that he could earn some merit (sobha) as well as their blessings
(aseesan).159
In accordance with the orders of the local authorities based in
Kot Qabula, a party of soldiers intercepted the Kheras and hauled
 The World of the Zamindars 563

them back. None except Hir could understand that the situation
had been reversed owing to the miraculous power of the herds-
man (azmat chak vikhai). With her morale shooting up, she was
filled with fresh energy. Without letting the horses of the Kheras
come near her, Hir tied her loincloth (kachhota) and ran with big
strides. She was elated at the thought that her honour had been
protected by the Lord. When the convoy reached Kot Qabula, it
found its passage blocked by fire. Nobody could think of any solu-
tion to the predicament. During their onward journey, the Jogi
had enabled them to go unharmed though the fire. How could
they proceed further? At this moment, it was Hir who displayed
her miraculous power. She stood before the fire and moved her
hands. Instantaneously, a path was made through the raging
flames and Hir guided the entire lashkar across it.160
When the convoy entered the town of Kot Qabula, the qazi
explained to Ali the circumstances in which he was constrained
to modify his decision. He had delivered the original verdict by
taking into account whatever was visible (zahir dittha aha) and on
the basis of the Shariat. But nobody was familiar with the hidden
mysteries (batin baat). Therefore, it was decided that Hir be taken
as a rightful due by the person who could put out the fire. Ali real-
ized that the tables had been turned on them and it was advisable
to abandon their claims on Hir. He admitted that the two lovers
were inseparable. The Kheras would leave the place immediately
as it was impossible to stay there any longer. On seeing the flames,
the Kheras assumed an attitude of detachment (udasi), while their
leading men (mahajan) saw an imminent demise of their fortunes.
The people of Kot Qabula threatened to burn the Kheras who had
brought a calamity (bala) on the town (vast). In this situation of
widespread panic, the people appealed to the Jogi to save them.
In response to the plea, the Jogi stood up with folded hands and
appealed (arz) to the Panj Pir to have mercy on the entire town
and put out the fire. As the flames subsided, the people bowed
before the Jogi.
The populace of the town, including the judge, jurist and
administrator, appeared before the Jogi. With shawls round their
564 The Making of Medieval Panjab

necks and hands on their feet, they declared that they were his
creatures (bande) and beseeched him to settle in the town. Paying
homage to the Jogi for showing great miraculous power (azmat),
they admitted that Hir belonged to him by right (haq). In these
circumstances, the Jogi and Hir were united with each other.
When the herdsman displayed his miraculous power, the entire
populace of the town, including its government officers, came
to offer respect to him as if they were undertaking a pilgrimage
(ziyarat). All were unanimous in demanding that the Kheras must
be beaten, expelled and humiliated in such a manner that they
were not seen in the town again. Accordingly, the Kheras suffered
this treatment.161
The life of Kot Qabula witnessed a new beginning. The fra-
grance of musk spread across the town. Adli Raja recognized
the importance of justice. As the roses bloomed, the sandalwood
walls emitted a pleasant perfume. Every inhabitant of the town felt
happy. It was 1529 of the Bikrami era. The rule of Akbar became
strong with every passing day. Hir and Ranjha, now united with
each other, left the town while showering their blessings, as all the
disputes had ended. The inhabitants of the town, who came to
bid farewell, beseeched them to settle in the place. They offered
to build a new house (dalan) and meet all their desires. However,
the lovers took their leave and left towards the south, hoping to
establish a new abode for themselves.162 Damodar claimed to have
travelled along with them. When they had covered a distance of
3 leagues, five horsemen in black robes appeared from the other
world (ghaib) and, addressing Hir, said, ‘You would not have
become illuminated without undergoing this experience.’ They
disappeared and never seen again. The tale of Hir thus came to
an end. There has never been a love (ishq) of this kind. Damodar
concluded his narrative by stating that he had brought to an end
what he had taken up, that it was something which was known to
the three worlds and that he had written what he had seen. His
name was Damodar Gulati and he had settled at Jhang Siyal in the
domain of Chuchak.163
 The World of the Zamindars 565

NOTES
1. Native of a town in Badakhshan, Baqi Kulabi spent a long time in India and
died during the rebellion of Masum Khan Kabuli. Endowed with a natural
talent for poetry, the specimens of his couplets underlined the physical and
mental affliction of the poet due to pain in separation from the beloved.
While asserting that his worth had not been recognized, he complained
about the greed of his beloved for gold and silver. Abdul Qadir Badauni,
Muntakhab ut-Tawarikh, vol. III, English translation, Wolseley Hague and
B.P. Ambashthya, Patna: Academica Asiatica, 1973, p. 270.
2. Damodar Gulati, Hir Damodar, Panjabi text, ed. Jagtar Singh, Patiala:
Punjabi University, rpt., 2000, p. 6 (hereafter cited as Damodar).
3. The Siyals were descendants of Rai Shankar, a Punwar Rajput, who resided
near Allahabad in the east. On his death, dissensions in his family drove his
son Siyal to migrate to Panjab. During his wanderings, he received Islam at
the hands of Baba Farid, who prophesied that his progeny would rule the
tract between Jhelam and Chenab. They mainly settled in southern portion
of Jhang district along the left bank of the Chenab between confluences of
the Jhelam and Ravi. The Siyals were described as large in stature and rough
of disposition. Fond of cattle rearing, they cared little for agriculture. They
observed Hindu ceremonies like the Kharral and Kathia. They did not keep
their woman in Pardah. Denzil Ibbetson, Panjab Castes, pp. 147-8; H.A.
Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North West
Frontier, vol. II, pp. 417-18.
4. These possibilities were rooted in the changes in the Delhi Sultanate during
the fourteenth century. As the old rural aristocracy (rais, ranas and rawats)
was destroyed, a new class of intermediaries (chaudhuris) was created for
the extraction of land revenue. This new class was created by assimilating
elements from the older aristocracy and some village headmen. Tapan
Raychaudhury and Irfan Habib, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of
India, vol. I: c. 1200-c. 1750, New Delhi: Orient Longman, rpt., 2004, p. 57.
5. Damodar, stanza nos. 2-6, pp. 77-8.
6. Ibid., stanza nos. 7-10, p. 78.
7. The Brahmins were the most numerous caste in Panjab, outnumbering
all except the Jats and Rajputs. Their proportion to total population
reached its maximum where people were entirely Hindus, e.g. in the hills,
submontane areas and Jamuna tract. They decreased gradually from east to
west, disappearing in the western plains. Their function and position being
sacerdotal in character, they were consulted on omens and auspicious dates,
besides officiating at ceremonies. They were seen as grasping, quarrelsome
and overbearing. In their avarice, they were placed alongside the Dum,
Mulla and Bhatt. Denzil Ibbetson, Panjab Castes, Patiala: Languages
Department, Punjab, rpt., 1970, pp. 215-18.
566 The Making of Medieval Panjab

8. Damodar, stanza nos. 11-20, pp. 78-9.

9. Indra was the god of thunder, who overcame drought and darkness, bringing
water and light. He was also the god of warfare and used thunderbolt as
his weapon. The world of Indra was filled with sidhas, charans, apsaras,
gandharvas, brahmrishis and other deities. As celestial plants and fragrant
air marked the Nandana grove, his grand assembly (sabha) boasted of a
richly adorned court, glittering chariots and enchanting music and dance.
Roshen Dalal, Hinduism: A Alphabetical Guide, pp. 164-5.
10. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 21-9, pp. 80-1.
11. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 30-2, p. 81.
12. The two words Doom and Mirasi were absolutely synonymous. The former
was a Hindu name, while the latter was Muslim and Arabic. Apart from
serving as genealogists for different agricultural castes and outcaste tribes,
they also performed as musicians and minstrels. Assigned an exceedingly
low social position, they recited genealogies at weddings and similar
occasions. They were notorious for their exactions, which were made under
threat of lampooning ancestors of their clients. Denzil Ibbetson, Panjab
Castes, pp. 234-35.
13. Throughout territories of the Mughal Empire, the customary Indian scale
of weight treated a man as equal to 40 sers. Before Akbar, a ser was equal to
22 dams in weight. In the beginning of this reign, the ser was raised to 28
dams in weight and before writing of the Ain-i Akbari, it was raised to 30
dams in weight. Since a dam was equal to 322.7 grains, a ser of 28 dams was
equal to 51.63 lbs. or 23.44 kg. and a ser of 30 dams was equal to 55.32 lbs.
or 25.11 kg. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India 1556-1707,
New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2nd revd. edn., 1999, pp. 420-1.
14. Sambhals have been listed as a clan of Muslim Jats in Montgomery district,
engaged in agriculture. H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the
Punjab and North West Frontier, vol. II, Patiala: Languages Department,
Punjab, rpt., 1970, p. 351.
15. Jhinwars were included among menials who worked as watermen, boatmen
and cooks. They were known as Jhinwar in east Panjab where they were
largely Hindu and as Machhis in west Panjab where they were mostly
Muslim. They were most numerous in central and westren districts of
the province, which were traversed by the great rivers and where they
assisted in agricultural labour. Besides supplying water in houses and at
social functions, they carried palanquins and other burdens. As true village
menials, they received customary dues for their services. Denzil Ibbetson,
Punjab Castes, pp. 303-6.
16. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 40-9, pp. 82-4.
17. Originating in China, the Chenab passes through Chamba and reaches
Kishtwar. Here it is joined by the Bhaga arriving from Tibet, so that it
is known as the Chandrabhaga. Flowing through Rohtal, Jammu and
Akhnoor, it enters the plains. From here it fragments into eighteen
 The World of the Zamindars 567

branches and, after 12 kos, rejoined at Bahlolpur. It goes through Sialkot,

Sodhra and Wazirabad, where it pierces the highway and moves through
Buriana, Bhutamaral, and Hazara. At Chiniot, it passes through two large
hills. Near the town of Jhang Siyal, the native place of Hir, it merged with
the Jhelam. Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasat ut-Tawarikh, Persian text, ed.
M. Zafar Hasan, Delhi: G and Sons, 1918, pp. 77-8.
18. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 57-9, p. 85.
19. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 62-9, pp. 85-6.
20. For comparison, one might turn to medieval Europe where the onus was
on the wronged individual to avenge himself through vendetta. For him, it
was the most sacred of duties, a moral obligation and a point of honour. A
feudal lord, joined by his kinsmen and vassals, directed vengeance not only
against the culprit, but against any of his relatives. While seeking pardon, it
was not only the guilty, but his kinship group that paid the compensation
and offered a collective apology. Similarly, the victim and his kinsmen
received the indemnity. Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, vol. I: The Growth of
the Ties of Dependence, English translation, L.A. Manyon, New Delhi: Asha
Jyoti Booksellers & Publishers, rpt., 2006, pp. 183-4.
21. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 70-89, pp. 87-9.
22. Aghoris were a sect of ascetics known for their abominable practices.
They ate human flesh and filth, using human skulls as vessels. They were
associated with Tantric rites of Shaivas, the worshippers of one of the forms
of the Mother Goddess. They smeared their bodies with ash from funeral
piles, wore strings of human skulls around their necks, wove their hair
into a matted braid, clothed their loins in tigerskin and carried a bell that
was rung incessantly. Found largely in eastern India, they wandered from
one pilgrim centre to the other. James Hastings, ed., The Encyclopaedia of
Religion and Ethics, vol. I, Edinburgh: T and T Clark, 1967, pp. 210-12.
23. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 90-9, pp. 89-91. The poet wished to convey that the
Siyal girls, who were brought up in the lap of luxury, wore silk and ate nuts.
As beautiful nymphs of heaven, they ought to have settled in matrimony. It
was to their credit that they were fighting like their male counterparts and
laying down their lives, while trying to assert a point of honour, which was
the lifeblood of zamindari. Unique in every way, the Siyal girls did not play
the conventional role imposed by patriarchal norms and demolished the
male bastion of zamindari, which was based on military prowess.
24. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 100-1, p. 91.
25. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 102-5, pp. 91-2.
26. According to surveys of 1883 and 1892, the Ranjhas were a tribe of Rajput
status, chiefly found in eastern uplands of Shahpur and Gujarat between
the Jhelam and Chenab. In small numbers, they have crossed both rivers
into the Jhelam and Gujranwala districts. They were for most parts returned
as Jats, except in Shahpur. They might be described with accuracy as of
Jat status. However, they were Bhatti Rajputs. In Gujarat, they claimed a
568 The Making of Medieval Panjab

Qureshi origin as descendants of Abu Jahl, the Prophet’s uncle. Following

death of Abu Jahl’s son, they migrated to the Kirana Bar. But they retained
many Hindu customs. Subsisting mainly on agriculture, they were peacable
and well disposed section of population. In physique, they resembled their
neighbours, Gondals, with whom they freely intermarried. Denzil Ibbetson,
Panjab Castes, p. 148; H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the
Punjab and North West Frontier, vol. II, p. 323.
27. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 107-09, p. 92.
28. The Waraich were one of the largest Jat tribes of Panjab. In Akbar’s time,
they held two-thirds of the Gujarat district, though on less favourable terms
than those allowed to the Gujjars who held the remainder. In the nineteenth
century, they held 170 villages in the district. They had crossed the Chenab
into Gujranwala, where they held a tract of 41 villages. Almost entirely
Muslim, they retained all their tribal and many of their Hindu customs.
They married in the best local tribes. Ibbetson, Panjab Castes, pp. 114-15.
29. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 110-15, pp. 92-3.
30. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 117-19, pp. 93-4.
31. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 120-1, p. 94.
32. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 122-9, pp. 94-5.
33. Ibid., Stanza, Stanza Nos. 130-6, pp. 95-6. Though Damodar has not
mentioned the names of the culprits who forcibly took away the goods that
had been collected for the marriage function, yet it might be surmised that
this crime was the handiwork of the selfish and cruel brothers of Dhido.
This incident, besides other factors, utterly demoralized Dhido and he was
driven to think of leaving his home.
34. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 137-9, pp. 96-7.
35. Waris Shah has given three reasons for Dhido’s departure from Takht
Hazara. He was given a bad patch of land in the wake of division of property.
He was subjected to taunts by his brothers. His sisters-in-law picked up a
quarrel with him. In the end, his brothers did try to stop him from leaving
the house, but they did not succeed. Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, Panjabi
text, ed. Piara Singh Padam, New Delhi: Navyug Publishers, rpt., 1998,
Stanza Nos. 11-31, pp. 62-6.
36. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 140-3, p. 97.
37. Damodar would have us believe that a few travellers came from the north
to Jhang Siyal and, since they were quite familiar with Mojam’s family,
they described the superlative qualities of Ranjha in glowing terms. As
the poet’s curiosity was aroused, he travelled all the way to Takht Hazara
after covering the distance in three stages. He claimed to have met Ranjha,
who was sad and restless due to a series of problems. The poet hinted at
acquiring accurate information about Ranjha’s departure from his village.
Damodar, Stanza Nos. 144-6, p. 97.
38. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 150-2, p. 98.
39. Ibid., Stanza no. 153, p. 98.
 The World of the Zamindars 569

40. Waris Shah has described an unpleasant encounter between the Mullah and
Ranjha. The Mullah lashed out at Ranjha not only for playing on the flute in
the precincts of the mosque, but also for his un-Islamic outward appearance
as manifested in long hair and a waist covering hanging below the ankles.
In retaliation, Ranjha condemned the Mullah for his hypocritical religious
orientation, fake piety and penchant for illicit sex. The Mullah, by invoking
the Islamic jurisprudence, threatened Rajha with physical punishment
for failing to abide by Islamic injunctions regarding prayers and physical
bearing. He ordered the traveller to leave the mosque after spending the
night. Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, Stanza Nos. 33-41, pp. 66-8.
41. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 155-7, p. 99.
42. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 158-67, pp. 99-100.
43. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 168-70, pp. 100-1.
44. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 179-80, p. 102.
45. In the version of Waris Shah, the Panj Pir (Khwaja Khizr, Baba Farid
Shakarganj, Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari and Lal
Shahbaz Qalandar) appeared to Ranjha on the first day of his work as a
herdsman. On a second occasion, they appeared before the two lovers and
advised them to be steadfast in love and trust in God. On the third occasion,
impressed by Ranjha’s soulful music on the flute, they conferred Hir on him
and placed her under the care of one of them, i.e. Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari.
Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, Stanza Nos. 79-80, 106-7, 117-20, pp. 77, 83-4,
86-7.
46. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 181-7, pp. 102-3.
47. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 188-90, pp. 103-4.
48. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 191-8, pp. 104-5. According to Waris Shah,
Luddan refused to take Ranjha across the Chenab as he had no money.
Ranjha played on the flute and charmed a crowd, including the two wives
of Luddan. When Ranjha jumped into the river, he was brought back by
Luddan’s wives and allowed to rest in the boat owned by Hir. Waris Shah,
Hir Waris Shah, Stanza Nos. 43-7, p. 69.
49. At this stage, Ranjha proved himself as a genuine mendicant. He was a
homeless wanderer. He played music and attracted wild animals. He had
no possessions other than a staff and flute. He disregarded social hierarchy.
He did not have economic transactions with anyone. He associated him-
self with the mat and fire. These were the characteristics of many other
contemporary saints, who were engaged in spiritual pursuits.
50. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 201-10, pp. 105-6. The two major festivals of the
Muslim calendar, Id ul-Azha and Id ul-Fitr, were marked by special prayers,
serrmons, family gatherings and charitable acts. The former was celebrated
at the end of Haj on the tenth of Zilhijj when unblemished animals were
sacrificed. The latter was celebrated at the end of the fasting month of
Ramzan on sighting of the crescent moon. It required alms giving prior to
morning prayers. John L. Esposito, The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, p. 131.
570 The Making of Medieval Panjab

51. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 211-20, pp. 107-8.

52. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 221-7, pp. 108-9. In his account, Waris Shah did not
refer to sexual intercourse between the protagonists. Rather, the two
exchanged their feelings for each other. Ranjha voiced his doubts about
Hir’s steadfastness in love. On the other hand, Hir made a number of
promises and took an oath of fidelity for Ranjha in the name of Khwaja
Khizr. She asked him about his tribe, clan and native place, so that he could
be employed by her father as a herdsman. Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah,
Stanza Nos. 59-69, pp. 73-5.
53. Damodar, Stanza no. 229, p. 109.
54. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 230, p. 109.
55. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 231-6, pp. 109-10.
56. Ibid., Stanza no. 238, p. 110.
57. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 239-40, p. 111.
58. Cultivation of land demanded a huge input of labour, time and energy.
In a single year, there were normally two major crops, Rabi and Kharif.
The preparation of soil needed several rounds of ploughing that were
accompanied by levelling and fertilizing. Before sowing, the seeds required
a special treatment to check disease. Besides major cereals and commercial
crops like sugarcane and cotton, a farmer grew a variety of vegetables and
fodders. After harvesting, the grain had to be treated for being preserved till
the next crop. Hamida Khatoon Naqvi, Agricultural, Industrial and Urban
Dynamism under the Sultans of Delhi 1206-1555, New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1986, pp. 15-18.
59. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 244-7, pp. 111-12.
60. In his version, Waris Shah did not involve the Siyal clansmen and heads
of herdsmen in the process of employing Ranjha. It was only Chuchak
who interrogated Ranjha, while Hir virtually answered all the questions,
as if she was the legal representative of the candidate. In accordance with
this account, Ranjha was employed only to graze the buffaloes, and not to
perform any other task on the landed estate. Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah,
Stanza Nos. 70-7, pp. 75-7.
61. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 248-9, p. 112.
62. Ibid., Stanza No. 250, p. 112.
63. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 251-5, pp. 112-13.
64. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 256-61, pp. 113-14.
65. Gopis were herdswomen, many of whom left their homes, children and
husbands to dally with Krishna on the Yamuna. Imagining holding
Krishna’s hand, they engaged in a circular dance, which probably aimed
at promoting fertility in cattle and plants. It was believed that Krishna
multiplied himself many times and danced between each pair of Gopis. This
idyllic picture of divine Krishna with Gopis symbolized the abstract relation
of the deity to his devotees. It was a drama perpetually enacted in the heart
of every votary. Margaret and James Stutley, A Dictionary of Hinduism: The
 The World of the Zamindars 571

Mythology, Folklore and Development (1500 bc–ad 1500), Bombay: Allied

Publishers, 1977, p. 101.
66. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 265-72, pp. 114-15. Waris Shah was silent about
Ranjha’s conflict with other herdsmen, particularly their consistent
opposition to him and an attempt to kill him. He was also silent on Ranjha’s
innovations in the grazing of buffaloes in the moor and village. On the other
hand, Damodar has paid a lot of attention to these two aspects in the life of
the protagonist.
67. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 273-7, p. 116.
68. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 278-82, pp. 116-17.
69. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 283-92, pp. 117-18. According to Damodar’s narrative,
before Hir and Ranjha fell in love with each other, both had been separately
betrothed – Hir with a youth from the Khera clan and Ranjha with the
daughter of Yaqub Khan Waraich. According to Waris Shah, Hir first fell
in love with Ranjha and, after the affair became a scandal, she was forcibly
married to Saida Khera in response to a proposal from the Kheras. In fact,
the Waraichs are conspicuous by their absence in the plot constructed by
Waris Shah.
70. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 293-304, pp. 119-20.
71. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 305-18, pp. 120-2.
72. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 319-25, pp. 122-3.
73. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 326-35, pp. 123-5.
74. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 336-48, pp. 125-7. Unlike Damodar, Waris Shah has
provided details of letters between Ranjha’s brothers and Chuchak as well
as between Ranjha’s sisters-in-law and Hir. Here an attempt was made by
Ranjha’s brothers and their wives to explain their previous conduct and to
bring Ranjha back to Takht Hazara. However, their demand was rejected by
the other side on the basis of a different reading of Ranjha’s circumstances.
Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, Stanza Nos. 158-70, pp. 97-100.
75. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 349-56, pp. 127-8.
76. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 357-79, pp. 128-32.
77. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 380-7, pp. 132-3.
78. Waris Shah has delved at length into the severe reprimands issued to Hir by
her parents and brothers, with reference to the threat of inflicting a variety
of physical tortures on her. He has also described the Qazi’s futile attempts
to pull Hir back into the conventional patriarchal mould. However, Waris
Shah did not point to the actual attempt to poison Hir and the plan to
replace her by her niece in a wedlock with the Khera boy. Waris Shah, Hir
Waris Shah, Stanza Nos. 108-16, pp. 84-6.
79. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 392-401, pp. 134-5.
80. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 388-91, pp. 133-4.
81. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 402-7, pp. 135-6.
82. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 408-16, pp. 136-7.
83. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 417-29, pp. 137-9.
572 The Making of Medieval Panjab

84. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 430-4, pp. 139-40. Reflecting on the defeat of Ranjha
in his fight against the Kheras, Waris Shah has conceived the situation in
terms of an eternal conflict between the weak and strong, poor and rich.
Speaking on behalf of Ranjha, he strongly condemned the Jats in general
and the Siyals in particular. They have been caricatured as thugs, who sold
off their daughters to strangers even if they were married. Their women
were alleged to prefer thieves to men of piety and even led their daughters
into bigamous relationships. Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, Stanza Nos. 223-
7, pp. 114-15.
85. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 435-41, pp. 140-1. As as shown by Damodar, Hir
made two attempts to scuttle her forced marriage with the Khera youth.
Twice she succeeded in bringing Ranjha to the marriage venue and, in full
public view, she declared him as her bridegroom. She even went to the extent
of touching his feet and embracing him. Acting boldly and intelligently, she
provided an opportunity to the Siyals to reverse their decision. She did not
succeed, because the marriage party of the Kheras had arrived. Moreover,
her niece could not substitute her, as she herself was still alive.
86. Nikah as the marriage contract in Islam was based on four conditions –
(i) consent of the marriage guardian (wali), (ii) agreement of the woman,
(iii) presence of two witnesses of manifest rectitude and (iv) an offer and
immediate acceptance expressed in terms of marriage by two persons of full
legal competence, neither of them being a woman. These persons might be
the husband and the marriage guardian or their authorized representatives.
Abu Hamid Muhammad Ghazzali, Adab al-Nikah, English translation,
Muhtar Holland, Kuala Lumpur: Dar ul-Wahi Publications, 2012, pp. 62-3.
87. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 442-6, pp. 141-2.
88. The Kheras took this step, because they knew that the marriage ceremony
was illegal, as Hir had not given her consent. She could run away while
being taken from Jhang Siyal to Rangpur Khera. By consummation of the
marriage, they would put a seal of legitimacy on the ceremony and also
erase the claim of Ranjha on her.
89. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 447-54, pp. 142-3.
90. In medieval France, a lawful marriage among the elite was arranged in
advance, besides being lavish and public. The future wife was ceremonially
bestowed (betrothal) and then ceremonially conducted to the marriage bed
(nuptials). Not far from the marriage chamber, a large crowd kept up a long
and noisy party, having gathered to certify the physical union, to rejoice at
it and through its own brimming pleasure to capture the mysterious gifts
needed to make the marriage fruitful. Georges Duby, The Knight, the Lady
and the Priest: The Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France, p. 44.
91. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 455-60, pp. 143-4.
92. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 461-8, pp. 144-5.
93. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 469-77, pp. 145-6. Hir was deceived into believing that
Ranjha had been allowed to stay at Rangpur Khera. But this was only a ploy
 The World of the Zamindars 573

to ensure her smooth departure from Jhang Siyal. Evidently, the patriarchal
forces resorted to three successive devices to separate the lovers for good.
At the outset, they tried to exert mental pressure by invoking the principle
of clan honour as well as the religious authority of the qazi. In the second
stage, they thought of using violence to kill her. Failing in both the moves,
they finally resorted to deceit and apparently succeeded in achieving their
object, little anticipating the resilience of the lovers.
94. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 478-9, 484-5, 491-3, pp. 147-9.
95. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 494-502, pp. 149-50.
96. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 503-9, pp. 150-1. Damodar has taken a lot of interest in
the acute maltreatment of Ranjha at the hands of the Kheras. However, in
Waris Shah’s account, Ranjha has been shown as escorting the cattle sent
as Hir’s dowry to Rangpur Khera, but without any harassment from the
Kheras.
97. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 512-16, pp. 151-2.
98. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 517-25, pp. 152-3.
99. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 526-7, pp. 153-4.
100. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 528-50, pp. 154-7.
101. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 551-5, pp. 157-8.
102. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 556-9, p. 158.
103. Ranjha, having discarded kinship ties and property claims, reasserted
his new identity as a mendicant (faqir). The Waraichs would not give
their daughter in marriage to Ranjha in this new incarnation. Ranjha’s
voluntary withdrawal from the betrothal had rendered their task easy, but
the cancellation of the betrothal had to be formalized only by the two clans.
In fact, the stakeholders were required to follow the same procedure as
was adopted when the betrothal was contracted during the time of Mojam.
Among the land owning groups, the individual did not have freedom of
action. Where an individual wished to go against his clan, he had to pay a
very heavy price like Ranjha.
104. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 560-7, pp. 158-9. Clear about his new social identity,
Ranjha highlighted the vast difference between himself who, as an ascetic,
was tied to fire and mat, and his brothers and Waraichs, who were tied
to landed property and related worldly affairs, particularly the relative
position of Jat clans.
105. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 567-71, pp. 159-60.
106. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 572-7, pp. 160-1.
107. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 578-83, pp. 161-2.
108. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 584-97, pp. 162-4. While dealing with three hostile
elements – his brothers, the Waraichs and their daughter – Ranjha
conducted himself like a true saint. Though he had been the target of
unwarranted criticism, yet he refused to enter into any confrontation and,
in the process, displayed exemplary fortitude and gentleness.
109. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 598-602, 616-17, pp. 164-76.
574 The Making of Medieval Panjab

110. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 622-36, pp. 168-70.

111. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 637-44, pp. 170-1.
112. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 646-52, pp. 171-2.
113. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 654-63, pp. 172-4.
114. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 664-7, p. 174.
115. These two prominently figured in the traditions of Nath Yogis alongside
spiritual masters like Gorakhnath, Machhandar Nath, Jalandhar Nath and
others. Their tales have been sung by wandering minstrels in a vast area
exrending from Panjab to Bengal. Gopichand was said to have been the
son of Rani Mainavati and Raja Manikchandra of Bengal. Bharthari, said
to be the ruler of Ujjain and elder brother of Vikramaditya, was the uncle of
Gopichand. Placed in different circumstances, both renounced their royal
positions and adopted the path of the Nath Yogis. Ann Grodzins Gold, A
Carnival of Parting: The Tales of King Bharthari and King Gopi Chand as
Sung and Told by Madhu Natisar Nath of Ghatiyali, Rajasthan, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, rpt., 1993, pp. 57-70.
116. According to Waris Shah, Balnath refused to initiate Ranjha in the path
owing to his privileged background and aristocratic bearing. On hearing
Ranjha’s tale of woes and sincere intent, Balnath relented. The senior
disciples revolted against Balnath, accusing him of favouritism and
physical attraction towards the novice. They beat up the master, destroyed
the hermitage and threatened to leave. Balnath, having suppressed the
opposition, enrolled Ranjha as a Jogi after shaving his hair, boring his
ears and smearing ash on his body. In his sermon, Balnath explained the
doctrines of his path, emphasizing the practice of celibacy. Since Ranjha
resolutely argued against celibacy, Balnath conferred Hir on him like the
Panj Pir. Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, Stanza Nos. 253-84, pp. 122-31.
117. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 668-80, pp. 175-6.
118. Waris Shah has recorded an acrimonious debate between Ranjha and Sehti.
The latter questioned the credentials of the mendicant as a Jogi. He was a
peasant wearing a saintly garb to cheat innocent women. He was ignorant
of the Yogic philosophy and meaning of its symbols. She threatened to
expose him and expel him from the village after a severe beating. In his
spirited defense, Ranjha revealed his knowledge of Hindu philosophical
systems and his ability to cure diseases through occult powers. Though
he regarded men as superior to women in thought and action, he was
willing to cure Hir of her affliction. In the end, Sehti begged Ranjha to treat
her sick sister-in-law. Waris Shah, Hir Waris Shah, Stanza Nos. 333-83,
pp. 147-62.
119. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 706-15, pp. 180-2.
120. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 716-19, pp. 182-3.
121. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 720-9, pp. 183-4.
122. Ibid., Stanza Nos., 731-2, 734-5, 737, 740, 742, pp. 184-6.
123. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 730, 732-3, 736, 739, 741, 743, pp. 184-6.
 The World of the Zamindars 575

124. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 744-51, pp. 186-8.

125. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 752-9, pp. 188-9.
126. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 760-7, pp. 189-90.
127. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 768-73, pp. 190-1.
128. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 774-9, pp. 191-2.
129. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 780-9, pp. 192-4.
130. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 790-800, pp. 194-5.
131. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 808-22, pp. 196-9.
132. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 840-5, pp. 202-3.
133. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 846-57, pp. 203-5.
134. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 858-63, pp. 205-6.
135. The Kheras listened patiently to the explanations of the Nahars, but did not
believe what they were told. Since they understood that the Nahars were in
no way inferior to them, they did not level a direct allegation of complicity
in the flight of the lovers. Rather they tried to win over the sympathy of the
Nahars in order to apprehend the fugitives.
136. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 864-71, pp. 206-7. Damodar would have us believe
that he was present on the scene while hiding behind two plants and a reed
bush (naun damodar chhap khalota / do boote ikk kahi).
137. Syeds were regarded as the descendants of Prophet Muhammad through
his daughter Fatima. Owing to this, every Syed was supposed to be brave,
truthful and pious, besides possessing every other noble quality. The
Mongol ravages forced a large number of Syeds to migrate to Hindustan.
They received land grants from the Sultans of Delhi and exaggerated
respect from the Muslims in general. Beyond the meridian of Lahore,
they formed a larger proportion of population, being the largest of all in
the Salt Range and Pathan frontier. They constituted a smaller element of
population in the eastern half of Panjab. As landowners and cultivators, the
Syeds were known for their incompetence. Kunwar Muhammad Ashraf,
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, rpt., 1970, pp. 100-1; Ibbetson, Panjab Castes, p. 222.
138. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 872-8, pp. 207-8.
139. In medieval western Europe, the church tried to curtail violence by
invoking the horror of bloodshed, while the traditional notion of peace
played its part. The state took such steps as drawing a distinction between
lawful reprisals and plain brigandage, limiting number and nature of
wrongs which could be expiated in blood, forestalling private vengeance
that threatened public peace, compelling hostile groups to conclude peace
treaties of armistice or reconciliation under arbitration of courts. Marc
Bloch, Feudal Society, vol. I: The Growth of the Ties of Dependence, p. 182.
140. The Nahars had earned the ire of the Kheras for a number of hostile
actions – giving shelter to the two fugitives, failing to give any information
about them, refusing to surrender them to the Kheras, fighting an armed
encounter to protect them and lodging them together for the night. These
576 The Making of Medieval Panjab

anti-Khera steps could be attributed to the unwritten zamindari code of

chivalry, which was observed in letter and spirit.
141. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 879-83, pp. 208-9.
142. The Kheras objected to the lodging of Hir and Ranjha together, because the
arrangement negated their claim on their bride. In contrast to this legalistic
stance, the Nahars accorded legitimacy to the relationship of love between
the fugitives, to which they were a witness.
143. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 884-7, p. 209.
144. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 888-93, pp. 209-10.
145. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 894-7, pp. 210-11.
146. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 898-9, p. 211.
147. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 900-3, pp. 211-12.
148. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 904-6, p. 212.
149. Hir asserted that she was married to Ranjha, but this marriage was differ-
ent from the conventional ones. In the latter case, the marriage was merely
an alliance between two clans and this had nothing to do with love or
emotions in the two hearts.
150. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 907-12, pp. 212-13.
151. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 913-16, p. 214.
152. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 917-22, pp. 214-15.
153. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 923-6, pp. 215-16.
154. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 927-32, pp. 216-17.
155. The whipping of the lovers indicated that the qazi might have held them
guilt of fornication (zina) i.e. sexual intercourse between man and woman
who were not married to each other. The sentence required four witnesses
to prove the offence. The Quran (XXIV:2) stipulated fornicators to be
punished with one hundred lashes. All Sunni schools of jurisprudence
advocated stoning if the offender was adult, free, Muslim and had
previously enjoyed legitimate sex in matrimony. P.J. Bearman et al., eds.,
The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. XI, Leiden: Brill, 2002, New Edition,
p. 509.
156. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 933-5, p. 217.
157. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 936-41, pp. 217-18.
158. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 942-6, pp. 218-19. It must be noted that the qazi did not
reverse his decision. Rather he reopened the case and, after a review in the
wake of people’s intervention, left it open for the future, i.e. a miracle. In
this sense, the qazi partly changed his original verdict.
159. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 947-8, p. 219.
160. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 949-51, pp. 219-20.
161. Ibid., Stanza Nos. 951-8, pp. 220-1.
162. Unlike Damodar, Waris Shah has concluded the story on a tragic note.
According to him, Hir, after securing a favourable verdict from Raja Adli,
refused to accompany Ranjha to Takht Hazara, lest she be seen as a woman
who had been abducted. As the lovers went to Jhang Siyal, the Siyals
 The World of the Zamindars 577

welcomed Ranjha and agreed to solemnize his marriage with Hir, provided
he arrived with a marriage party from Takht Hazara. Ranjha left for Takht
Hazara and, in his absence, the Siyals poisoned Hir. When a messenger
carried the news to Ranjha, he died of a shock. Waris Shah, Hir Waris
Shah, Stanza Nos. 609-24, pp. 231-5.
163. Damodar, Stanza Nos. 960-63, pp. 221-2. Damodar’s narrative indicates
that the qazi’s decision was undone by a combination of two forces –
earthly and divine. The people, who were convinced that the fire was
caused by an unjust verdict, demanded its reversal and came out in support
of the victims. Ranjha employed his miraculous powers by invoking the
Panj Pir and put out the fire. A similar wondrous ability was also shown
by Hir, who made a path through the raging fire and enabled the soldiers
to penetrate through it. Thus, three entities – people, saints and God –
succeeded in overpowering the oppressive alliance of medieval state and
zamindars.
 CHAPTER 9

Conclusion

For five centuries (1000-1500), Panjab witnessed sporadic warfare

owing to annexations, invasions and rebellions. In the wake of the
Ghaznavid rule, the region acquired greater linkages with the lands
beyond the Indus. With the rise of the Delhi Sultanate, it became
home to a bulk of immigrants, who were pushed out from their
homelands in Mongol ravages. The new regime, having overcome
the barriers to its existence, adopted diverse ways of consolidating
its power. In due course, the situation became ripe for some
local elements – tribal chiefs, zamindars and Sufis – to associate
with the state, which had attained stability and strength. The
mercantile networks, owing to the perennial demand for quality
horses, learnt to survive in all conditions. Concomitant with these
developments, a cultural transformation had been taking place
owing the institutionalization of Sufi establishments. Evidence of
these historical changes was found in a variety of primary docu-
mentation – official chronicles, Sufi literature (manuals, bio-
graphies, discourses and poetry), and folklore.
On the eve of the Ghaznavid invasions, Panjab was fragmented
into a number of small principalities. It was not difficult for
Sultan Mahmud (r. 999-1030), equipped with a superior military
machine, to overpower them. The relatively larger Hindushahi
state offered dogged resistance to the Ghaznavid onslaught but,
in the end, faced complete extinction. Sultan Mahmud, mindful
of his designs in central Asia and Gangetic plain, annexed (1022)
a large part of Panjab to the Ghaznavid empire. The Sultan and
his ministers, while entrenched in Ghazni, took a keen interest in
the affairs of Panjab and received detailed reports from Lahore.
The Ghaznavids consolidated their sway in the region by recruit-
 Conclusion 579

ing local elements, particularly in the army. Yet they found it

extremely difficult to exercise their authority for any considerable
period. The division of administrative functions between civil
and military officers did not prove workable and led to numer-
ous conflicts. The dual government was abolished in favour of
a single powerful governor, who was usually a royal prince and
was assisted by a team of departmental heads. Time and again,
the local potentates managed to remove the Ghaznavid officers
and recover their territories. On one occasion, they even besieged
Lahore. Local tribes, particularly the Jats and Gakhhars, availed
every opportunity of offering violent opposition. Ghaznavid rule
was undermined by revolts of governors posted in Lahore, the
power struggles in Ghazni and expansion of the Saljuqids. Even
a fragile control over Panjab enabled the Ghaznavids to extract
wealth of the Gangetic plain and take refuge in Lahore during
times of crisis back home. Ghaznavid Panjab, owing to the deve-
lopment of cultural and economic ties with Afghanistan, was
increasingly drawn into the vortex of the larger Islamic world. The
poet Masud Sad Salman, the mathematician and astronomer Abu
Raihan Alberuni, and the scholarly mystic Syed Ali bin Usman
Hujwiri became the pioneers of the most sublime manifestations
of the Islamic culture.
Like the experience of the Ghaznavids, the Ghorid advance
into Panjab took almost three decades (1175-1206) to bear fruit.
The remnants of the Ghaznavid rule and Rajput polities were
wiped out, while the stubborn resistance of the Khokhars and
Jats was overcome. Since Sultan Muizzuddin did not formalize
any administrative arrangement that would function after his
death, a triangular conflict irrupted among three of his governors
– Qutbuddin Aibak, Nasiruddin Qubacha, and Tajuddin Yaldoz
– to control the Indian possessions of their master. Shamsuddin
Iltutmish, who took the place of Aibak, succeeded in defeating the
other two contestants. He established his sway over entire Panjab,
except the northwestern extremity that had passed into the hands
of the Qarlughs. Iltutmish symbolised his success by posting
his son Nasiruddin Mahmud at Lahore. In a royal mandate, the
princely governor was advised to patronize the Syeds and cler-
580 The Making of Medieval Panjab

ics, cherish the subordinate officials and protect the peasantry. It

was doubtful if these ideals were realized, because the new ruling
class was entangled in recurring internal convulsions. During a
period of nearly three decades (1236-66), as many as five Sultans
were raised to the throne, while prominent military command-
ers (muqtis) rose in revolt. The insurrections affected the revenue
assignments (iqtas) of Lahore, Multan, Bathinda, Hansi and
Sunam. The problem assumed an alarming proportion with the
involvement of high ranking grandees at Delhi. Very often, the
Sultans found themselves virtually helpless in dealing with power-
ful nobles who possessed large retinues, extensive territories and
unbridled ambitions.
Arid southwestern Panjab, particularly Multan, has played a
prominent role in the period under study. Besides being a major
entrepot of long distance trade on the Delhi-Qandhar route,
it nurtured the growth of the Suhrawardi order. Ever since the
early days of the Delhi Sultanate, it was in the hands of nobles
who stood out for their ability. Four successive governors of
Multan – Nasiruddin Qubacha, Kabir Khan Ayaz, Izzuddin
Balban Kishlu Khan and Sher Khan – were Turkish slave officers
and prominently figured in the chronicle of Juzjani. Remaining at
loggerheads with the Delhi-based dispensation, they exercised a
freedom of action and nurtured ambitions of sovereign power. It
was true that they bore the brunt of invasions led by the Mongols,
Khwarizmians and Qarlughs. With their military exertion, they
blocked the eastward advance of these powers and, in this sense,
contributed to the consolidation of the fledgling Delhi Sultanate.
However, they did not hesitate to seek the support of the Mongols
in order to pursue their personal interests, extracting better terms
from their masters in Delhi. Ghiasuddin Balban terminated this
virtual blackmail by appointing his son Sultan Muhammad as the
governor of Multan.
During the thirteenth century, the Delhi Sultanate found it dif-
ficult to establish its control in Panjab, owing to the intrusion of
Mongols, Khwarizmians, and Qarlughs. Jalaluddin Mangbarni,
the Khwarizmian prince, succeeded in creating a political space
for himself with the help of a Khokhar chief. He conducted preda-
 Conclusion 581

tory raids on Multan and made substantive territorial gains at the

expanse of Qubacha. Though he failed to contract an anti-Mongol
alliance with Iltutmish, yet he left a longer legacy in the form of a
Qarlugh principality on the northwestern edge of Panjab. As for
the Mongols, they destroyed Lahore in a major attack in 1241 and,
forcing its governor to flee, exposed the weakness of the frontier
defences. In addition to recurrent intrusions up to the Beas, they
gave shelter to the disgruntled grandees of the Delhi Sultanate like
Izzuddin Balban Kishlu Khan, Sher Khan, and Prince Jalaluddin
Masud. In this manner, they brought much of western Panjab
under their sphere of influence, forcing the Delhi regime on the
defensive. Ghiasuddin Balban (r. 1266-86) posted his sons on the
frontier marches, chastised the Khokhars, rehabilitated Lahore
and collected horses from the tribal areas. He also opened nego-
tiations with the Mongols and Qarlughs, but his moves could not
enlarge the territory of Delhi Sultanate. In fact, the death of Sultan
Muhammad in a military disaster against the Mongols exposed
the chinks in military arrangements in the frontier provinces
and limited benefits of diplomatic ties with Halagu, the founder
the Ilkhanid empire. The unprecedented frequency of Mongol
invasions in the first decade of the fourteenth century induced
Alauddin Khalji (r. 1296-1316) to overhaul the military organisa-
tion including expansion of the army, regulation of horse trade,
and manufacture of armaments. Sher Khan and Zafar Khan,
two generals who displayed conspicuous bravery in fighting the
Mongols, are lionised in the contemporary chronicles. Jalaluddin
Khalji and Ghazi Malik, owing to their military services on the
frontier, succeeded in acquiring the throne of Delhi and founding
new dynasties.
During the thirteenth century, Panjab was a scene of political
confrontation and recurrent warfare. A number of tribes – Jats,
Khokhars, Bhattis, Minas, Mandahars and others – offered stiff
resistance to the new Turkish regime, while the zamindars did not
collaborate in the collection of tribute. The growing Sufi networks,
with the exception of the Suhrawardis, remained aloof from the
ruling class. Towards the beginning of the fourteenth century, the
political confrontation as well as the cultural distances between
582 The Making of Medieval Panjab

different social elements began to wane, paving the way for mutu-
ally beneficial relationships between the contenders for power. The
local elements, emerging in the centre stage of politics, positively
responded to the overtures of the state representatives. On its part,
the Delhi Sultanate felt encouraged to adopt new strategies of state
formation. The process was initiated by Ghazi Malik who, dur-
ing his long service in Panjab, acquired intimate knowledge of the
regional social structure. Endowed with a possible Jat ancestry, he
developed alliances with diverse social elements: a Bhatti Rajput
zamindar of Abohar, the Khokhar chiefs of the Salt Range, and the
shrine of Baba Farid at Pakpattan. He was also reported to have
excavated a canal in his territorial jurisdiction, indicating a seri-
ous interest in agrarian expansion. In due course, these measures
constituted a political model that was emulated in the second half
of the fourteenth century.
What was begun by Ghazi Malik on a small scale was applied by
his nephew on a wider canvas. Firoz Shah Tughluq (r. 1351-88),
owing to his passion for hunting, had acquired a considerable
familiarity about the Panjab countryside, particularly the area
lying to the south of the Satluj. Aided by this knowledge, he
wove alliances with powerful zamindars, who possessed military
resources and held a key to the extraction of land tax. Walking
in the footsteps of his uncle, he cemented these alliances with
strategic marriages. At the same time, he conferred lavish land
grants on prominent Sufis and revived the Sufi establishments
(khanqahs) that had fallen on bad times. Such linkages enabled
the Delhi Sultanate to embark on a project of irrigation-based
agrarian expansion in two arid zones, cis-Satluj tract and Multan.
In the first mentioned area, over half a dozen canals were dug
from the Satluj, Jamuna, Ghaggar and Kali. The canals did much
more than supplying water to the newly developed city of Hissar
Firoza. Earlier the farmers raised only the monsoon (kharif)
crop, but with the availability of irrigation facilities, they also
cultivated the winter (rabi) crop including wheat and two varie-
ties of sugar cane. As suggested by Barani, groups of pastoralists,
who lived in clusters of bullock carts (talwandi) and perpetually
shifted from one place to the other in search of water, settled as
 Conclusion 583

sedentary cultivators. Arrival of canals raised the subsoil water,

making it possible to dig wells and obtain water from a depth of
only four yards. Since Afif’s description was limited to two canals,
Rajabwah and Ulughkhani, he has identified only a few places –
Hansi, Jind, Dhatrath, and Tughluqpur – that benefited from the
facility. Taking into account the canals mentioned in the Tarikh-i
Mubarakshahi, it appeared that the improvement embraced a
much larger area that included Ambala, Mustafabad, Shahabad,
Thanesar, Kuhram, Samana, Kaithal, Tohana, Jamalpur, Ahroni,
Sarsuti, Khanda, Atkhera, Agroha, Barwala, Hansi, and Hissar
Firoza. The increased agricultural production was manifested in
stocks of grain in the countryside. It was worthy of note, Timur
penetrated through the agriculturally improved lands and looted
these very heaps of grain.
On assuming charge as the governor of Multan, Ain ul-Mulk
Mahru found that the economy was in a dismal condition. As a
large number of inhabitants had migrated, the cultivated area had
reduced to a tenth of the better times. While a number of taxes
had been abolished, the expenditure had risen owing to the lib-
eral financial support to the needy. The inflow of land revenue
and income of the land grantees had gone down due to a slump
in the grain prices. In these circumstances, Mahru dealt with the
competing claims of three classes: army, theologians, and lower
bureaucracy. He gave priority to the maintenance of soldiers
above others, because the fear of armed intervention kept the
external enemies at bay and forced the zamindars and peasants to
pay their taxes. However, the religious classes – Syeds, clerics, and
Sufis – were compensated with grain for any fall in their income
from land grants. Financial obligations of such beneficiaries were
reframed in order to encourage the reclamation of barren lands.
Besides agriculture, the provincial administration kept a close
watch on the commercial activities. When it was found that the
merchants and artisans were engaged in regrating (ihtikar) of
essential commodities (ghee, cloth, sugar, and fuel), the gover-
nor made an effective intervention to protect the interests of the
common people including soldiers, preachers and the destitute.
He purchased such goods at prices paid by the regrators and
584 The Making of Medieval Panjab

arranged their sale at reasonable prices. However, he was sensitive

to the grievances of the people against his subordinates, who were
accused of oppression. He remained in correspondence with local
Sufis regarding highhandedness of petty functionaries.
In a significant statement, Mahru has claimed that economic
revival in Multan was a personal achievement of Firoz Shah
Tughluq. The claim was not off the mark, because the kind of
agrarian expansion undertaken by the Sultan in southeastern
Panjab was replicated in the Multan region. The project was possi-
bly implemented during the governorship of Mahru, as the related
evidence was found only in his letters. We come across the names
of five canals – Nasirwah, Qutbwah, Khizrwah, Qabulwah, and
Hamruwah. Nothing was known about the sources and routes of
these canals, but the available information is categorical on two
points: financing of their excavation and the role of local benefi-
ciaries. In case of large rivers, money was spent from the public
treasury, though the ruler could turn to the common people in the
event of any shortfall in funds. In case of the above canals, the cost
of construction and maintenance was borne by the beneficiaries
including the chiefs and peasants. In fact, the provincial admin-
istration secured the active cooperation of the village headmen
in constructing and maintaining the canals. Those who willingly
performed this role were rewarded, while those who refused to do
so were liable to punishment, including exile and death.
Ibn Battuta, who travelled through Panjab in the winter of
1333-4, has left an account of the conditions prevailing in the
region before the implementation of the canal-based agrarian
expansion. Since Multan was an entrepot of long distance trade,
Muhammad bin Tughluq (r. 1325-51) abolished all taxes on mer-
chandise except the alms tax (zakat) and a tenth of the produce.
The provincial governor, while conducting official business in an
open court, was surrounded by a judge (qazi), preacher (khatib)
and military commanders. One of his functions was to recruit
soldiers, who were tested for their skill in archery and riding. He
issued orders to lodge foreigners in houses set aside for the pur-
pose. A postal superintendent (malik ul-barid), who reported to
Delhi all events in Multan and its dependencies, communicated
 Conclusion 585

the arrival of foreigners and escorted them to the governor. In view

of the special rules for foreigners, they were permitted to enter
India only if they wished to stay. Following their consent, they
were required to sign a bond in the presence of a judge and notary.
For the benefit of high-ranking foreigners, the Sultan deputed a
special team comprising a chamberlain and police commander.
These officers provided security, purchased provisions from the
market and arranged meals all along the way. The visitors made it
a point to call at the Sufi shrines in Multan and Ajodhan, besides
paying respects to the spiritual heads. Ibn Battuta took forty days
to travel from Multan to Delhi. The major towns – Uch, Abohar,
Sarsuti and Hansi – were populous and prosperous, while the
countryside was productive. However, the roads were not safe.
In the outskirts of Abohar, Ibn Battuta’s caravan was attacked by
eighty armed robbers and, in the ensuing encounter, twelve assail-
ants were killed.
Regarding the development of Islamic spirituality in Panjab,
we consider two aspects. Firstly, modern scholarship has tended
to concentrate on the establishment of Sufi lineages in south-
western Panjab, while similar developments across the Satluj
have been pushed into the background. When Baba Farid and
Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya were giving shape to the Chishti
and Suhrawardi spiritual regimes, three towns across the Satluj –
Hansi, Panipat and Kaliyar – were emerging as vibrant centres of
Islamic spirituality. Baba Farid’s close disciple Shaikh Jamaluddin
Hansavi and his lineal descendants nurtured the Chishti seat of
Hansi. Towards the east, Bu Ali Qalandar chose Panipat as the
space for his unorthodox activities. The town acquired further
prominence when Shaikh Shamsuddin Turk and his successors
contributed to the rise of the Sabiris, a branch of the Chishtis
founded near Saharanpur by Baba Farid’s nephew Shaikh
Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir. Our second aspect was related to the
rich crop of literature, which was produced in different genres and
languages all over the region under study. If Shaikh Ali bin Usman
Hujwiri explained the fundamentals of Sufism in Persian, Shaikh
Jamaluddin Hansavi accomplished the same task in Arabic, but
from a Chishti standpoint. Baba Farid expressed his thoughts
586 The Making of Medieval Panjab

in Panjabi poetry, while Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya compiled

prayer formulae that formed the bedrock of the Suhrawardi path.
Fakhruddin Iraqi and Bu Ali Qalandar, who understood divine
love in the garb of physical love, chose the medium of Persian
verse. The discourses of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, as recorded
by Amir Hasan Sijzi, and the Chishti history chronicled by Amir
Khurd were largely inspired by Sufism in Panjab. The sermons
of Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari were collected in nearly half a dozen
works, while the same concerns were reflected in the writings
associated with Shaikh Abdul Quddus Gangohi. The legacy of this
large body of literature produced in Panjab percolated into the
mystical lyrics of Shah Husain as well as the first versification of
Hir-Ranjha by Damodar Gulati.
Viewed from the angle of chronology, the growth of Islamic
spirituality appeared in four distinct phases. In the first phase, the
picture was somewhat hazy owing to the lack of appropriate evi-
dence. We come across a few charismatic individuals, who were
commemorated in oral tradition as well as the oldest shrines in the
region. During the second phase, the Sufi orders established their
hospices (khanqahs) at a number of places – Ajodhan, Multan,
Uch, Hansi, Panipat, Shahabad, and Kaliyar – where disciples
were trained and devotional exercises were crystallized. In the
third phase, Islamic spirituality assumed a popular dimension
with the emergence of shrines (dargahs) as centres of pilgrim-
age (ziyarat) and institutionalisation of rituals associated with
sacred days. At the same time, Sufi establishments in southwest
Panjab bowed to the Delhi Sultanate and, receiving diverse forms
of patronage, became a part of the political structure. In the last
phase, the major Sufi networks became dormant and even slipped
into hibernation. Not surprisingly, two Suhrawardi masters did
not hesitate to assume political power. In contrast, the Sabiris con-
solidated their hold in southeast Panjab and, showing great energy
and dynamism, added fresh ideas to the Chishti path.
The history of Sufism in Panjab began with the cult of Baba
Haji Rattan, which is embedded in the oral tradition. Evidence is
clearer in the case of Shaikh Ali bin Usman Hujwiri (d. 1072). He
had widely travelled in the Islamic lands and had acquired exten-
 Conclusion 587

sive knowledge of Islamic spirituality He was remembered for

producing a major treatise (Kashf ul-Mahjub) on the subject and
the evolution of his shrine as a landmark in the cultural landscape
of Lahore. By writing this book, he aimed to dispel the prevail-
ing ignorance about Sufism as a discipline. Half of his work was
devoted to an account of Sufi orders and leading spiritual mas-
ters, while the other half dealt with theoretical underpinnings and
practical aspects of Sufism. He argued that knowledge of God and
His oneness could be acquired through divine favour, not through
human effort. He laid emphasis on inner meanings of devotional
pursuits – offering prayers, adherence to poverty, wearing dis-
tinct garments, and travelling – so that the seeker made genuine
spiritual progress. Recommending musical sessions only for the
beginners, he underscored the hierarchical nature of emotional
states. He advocated the principle of sobriety (sahv) as opposed
to intoxication (sukr) in relation to God and, therefore, rallied
behind Shaikh Junaid Baghdadi, but disapproved the doctrines of
Shaikh Bayazid Bistami and Mansur ul-Hallaj. During the thir-
teenth century, Kashf ul-Mahjub might have been included in the
curriculum of the Chishtis and Suhrawardis, though it was not
specifically mentioned as such. In the early fourteenth century, it
emerged as one of the books on Sufism that were in great demand
in the city of Delhi. During the Mughal period, its merit was recog-
nised in the Sufi circles, while a number of leading Sufis cultivated
devotional ties with the shrine of Hujwiri. Allama Iqbal believed
that Hujwiri had breathed fresh life into the dust of Panjab. In the
present times, however, the Pakistani establishment has incorpo-
rated the cult of Hujwiri in its nationalist ideology.
Though Baba Farid (1175-1265) did not travel in Islamic lands
and trained under Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki in Delhi, he
acknowledged the unspecified connection with the Chishti masters
of Chisht (Afghanistan). After a long stay in Hansi, he established
himself at Ajodhan where he lived till the end of his life. He
concentrated his energies on organizing a Sufi lodge (khanqah),
training of disciples and promoting an abstemious living based
on hard spiritual exercises. The inmates, while conforming to the
demands of community life, shared the responsibility of multi-
588 The Making of Medieval Panjab

farious tasks. Relying essentially on unsolicited charity (futuh), the

hospice opened its doors to all sections of society, from rulers and
merchants to travellers and mendicants. The disciples, who lived
in the place for varying periods, demonstrated their firm com-
mitment to the Chishti spiritual path, but their spiritual progress
depended on their own aptitude. So intense was their reverence
for Baba Farid that they regarded a visit to his tomb as meritori-
ous as Haj. An erudite scholar and eloquent teacher, Baba Farid
structured his curriculum on the Awarif ul-Maarif and Tamhid
ul-Muhtadi, besides supervising recitations from the Quran. On
the completion of training, he issued a certificate of succession
(khilafatnama) which, aside from noting the abilities of the dis-
ciple, offered advice on his future role as a Sufi in a new spiritual
domain (wilayat). The devotional aspect of his spiritual path
comprised a regimen of prayers modelled on the life of Prophet
Muhammad. He held supererogatory prayers in congregation
and popularized the recitation of the Surah-i Fatiha. As for aus-
terities, he had performed the inverted forty days’ retreat (chillah
makus) under appropriate conditions. Fond of quoting poetic
couplets and attending musical sessions, he was averse to receiv-
ing financial donations from the state. As recorded in the Chishti
discourses, he came out in support of the distressed and, in doing
so, did not hesitate to use his miraculous powers. Undoubtedly,
such stories were designed to assert his authority as a charismatic
spiritual master. His immense popularity among all classes of
people was attested by the huge crowds of visitors, who thronged
his hospice to pay homage and receive amulets.
Baba Farid was the first Sufi of Panjab to have expressed his
teachings in the language of the people among whom he lived.
Employing imagery from his locality and an idiom of simplicity,
he adopted the tone of a persuasive teacher. Across the subsequent
centuries, his verses acquired such sanctity and universality that
they were collected by Guru Nanak and included in Sikh scrip-
ture by Guru Arjan Dev. He believed that the search for God,
who is the sole nourisher of humankind, was a desirable pursuit.
However, it was beset with obstacles, as the path was narrow and
the journey was long. A seeker, while submitting to God, was
 Conclusion 589

bound to perform Islamic observances including ablutions and

prayers. After minimizing his physical needs, he was advised to
be as humble as grass and as patient as trees. The ideal course
for him was to follow his mentor who, like an astute boatman,
felt concerned about the safety of passengers. The relation of the
seeker with God was akin to the conjugal tie between a wife and
her husband. In the absence of a sexual union, she suffered from
the pangs of separation, only to realize that these were integral to
love. The seeker needed to understand the transitory character of
the world, as even the members of the ruling elite, who possessed
unlimited wealth and exercised unquestioned power, ultimately
sank into the grave. Since old age caused degeneration of the body,
the seeker was advised to turn towards God in his youth. As his
death was inevitable, his actions in this world served him in the
court of God.
Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya (1182-1262), a contemporary
of Baba Farid, laid the foundation of the Suhrawardi order in
Multan. Endowed with a spiritual genealogy going back to Shaikh
Shihabuddin Suhrawardi of Baghdad and a long sojourn in west
Asia, he commanded a prestige denied to most members of the
Indian religious elite. However, his work in Multan revolved
around his involvement in contemporary politics, his acquisition
of wealth, and his emphasis on the outward form of Islamic rituals.
His support to Shamsuddin Iltutmish in preference to Nasiruddin
Qubacha may have landed him in controversy, but he compen-
sated for his political leanings by saving the inhabitants of Multan
in times of political turmoil. His extensive hospice was maintained
with income from ample land grants and offerings from rich mer-
chants. Strict in his understanding of religious observances, he
sometimes found himself in unpleasant situations, including seri-
ous differences with the head of a local seminary. It was true that
two of his disciples – the devout Hasan Afghan and the maverick
poet Fakhruddin Iraqi – went a long way in confirming his cre-
dentials as a distinguished spiritual master. In two works, Shaikh
Zakariya developed the content of spiritual exercises prescribed
in addition to the ritualistic prayers and fasts. In the Khulasat ul-
Arifin, which was interspersed with Quranic verses, the Shaikh
590 The Making of Medieval Panjab

conceived the heart as the main organ for spiritual cleansing and
primary site for realizing God. In another work entitled Al-Auard,
the Shaikh designed the content of several remembrances of God
(zikr), each suited for a specific occasion.
The development of the Suhrawardi order in Multan during
the middle of the thirteenth century could not be detached from
the contribution of Shaikh Fakhruddin Iraqi (1213-89). Arriving
from Hamadan to Multan with a band of Qalandars, Iraqi became
a disciple and son-in-law of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya. During
a stay of twenty-five years in the city, he composed mystical songs
that were sung in the taverns of the city. Annemarie Schimmel,
who heard these songs outside the mausoleum of Shaikh Zakariya,
attributed the popularity of the Suhrawardi order in west Asia to
the poetry of Iraqi. The mystic poet held that God, who fashioned
all forms of creation in forty days, is omnipotent and sovereign.
His word was revealed to Prophet Muhammad who reached within
two bows of the divine presence. A seeker converted his heart into
a mirror, which reflected the divine light. The seeker, who was
fundamentally a lover, was set apart from society, as he possessed
a number of rare qualities. He sacrificed himself at the altar of love
like the legendry lovers of yore. He was charmed by the beauty
of the Beloved who, acting like an astute hunter, fired the fatal
arrow towards him. Since love was an incurable malady, he bore
pain with joy and prayed for the aggravation of his sickly condi-
tion to prove his fidelity. He visualized the Beloved as a beautiful
woman, whose loveliness had put the sun to shame. He was madly
attracted towards the different parts of her body – face, forehead,
eyes, eyebrows, lips, and waist – that were endowed with inde-
scribable sensuousness. A lover could even be attracted towards
a handsome boy, because this experience reminded him of God’s
incomparable creative power and intensified his spiritual urge. In
the final analysis, love was essentially a quality of the Creator that
underscored a unity between lover, love and beauty.
With the demise of the founders of the two major Sufi orders,
the second phase of Sufism gave way to a third. One of the most
important decisions, which was unanimously taken by the sons
and disciples of Baba Farid, was the choice of Shaikh Badruddin
 Conclusion 591

Sulaiman as the head of the Chishti hospice at Ajodhan. Shaikh

Sulaiman’s lineal descendants not only retained this position
during the subsequent centuries, but they were also integrated into
the political structure of the Delhi Sultanate. They were appointed
to important positions during the reign of Muhammad bin
Tughluq (r. 1325-51). What happened to the lineal descendants
of Baba Farid through his progeny other than Shaikh Badruddin
Sulaiman? Since they were denied any share in the legacy of Baba
Farid, they shifted to Delhi and lived under the fraternal care of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. After receiving spiritual training
from the Shaikh, some of them stayed on at the hospice, while
others migrated to distant places like Malwa, Devagiri and
Telengana. Interestingly, the Delhi Sultanate did not pay any
attention to these lineal descendants of Baba Farid who were
associated with Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Here, we are par-
ticularly reminded of Baba Farid’s son-in-law Shaikh Badruddin
Ishaq. Though he had played a significant role in the organiza-
tion of the Ajodhan hospice, yet after the demise of his mentor,
he felt constrained to leave the place and shift to the local Jama
Masjid, where he gave lessons on the Quran. After his death, his
two sons came to Delhi, where they were brought up by Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya. Coincidentally, the fate of Shaikh Badruddin
Ishaq was also shared by the son-in-law of Shaikh Bahauddin
Zakariya, Shaikh Fakhruddin Iraqi. Evidently, the death of a Sufi
master caused ruptures in the family and scattered its members to
different places, while a son-in-law was the first casualty.
After the demise of Baba Farid (d. 1265), his followers shifted
a major part of their devotion to his shrine, which had begun to
evolve as a leading sacred centre. The hereditary spiritual head
(sajjadah nishin), known as the Diwan, brought the neighbouring
clans to cultivate the lands grants received from the Tughluqs. In
the shrine, the institutionalization of rituals brought these clans
in the fold of what has been designated as ‘theatre Islam’. The link
between the shrine and the clans was continuously strengthened as
the sons of the Diwans began to marry into the families of the clan
chiefs. Of the twenty-two marriages listed in Jawahar-i Faridi by
Muhammad Ali Asghar Chishti, the Diwans took thirteen brides
592 The Making of Medieval Panjab

from the Khokhars, five from the Bhattis, three from the Rajputs
and one from the Dhudis. What was worthy of note, the Diwans
did not hesitate to take brides from the families of Khokhar chiefs
(Shaikha and Jasrath) as well as their progeny who had been in
rebellion against the Delhi Sultanate for long periods. One of
the Diwans, Shaikh Tajuddin Mahmud, organized marriages of
his five sons and one grandson with four Khokhar women, one
Rajput and one Dhudi. He himself had married the daughter of
Rai Qutba, a Rajput.
The shrine complex at Pakpattan comprised three structures
that sheltered the tombs of Baba Farid and his lineal descendants,
besides a mosque. Every day, a set of ceremonies was observed,
wherein a functionary called chiraghi performed a number of
duties. A little before the Maghrib prayer, the Shajrah-i Chiragh,
which included the names of Chishti masters, was recited. The
chiraghi lighted the lamps that were placed besides the tombs,
before he moved to lead the Maghrib prayer. Some devotees
observed a vigil through the night and remained absorbed in
contemplation. Before dawn, the outer gate was opened and the
covering over Baba Farid’s tomb was replaced, while the entire
place was cleaned. On the occasions of annual festivals – Miraj
Sharif, Shab-i Barat, the month of Ramzan and Lailat ul-Qadr –
the daily schedule was modified in response to special needs and
increase in the number of pilgrims. Id ul-Fitr was marked by a
public display of the relics of Baba Farid. The most important
annual festival was his death anniversary, which was held from
25 Zilhijja to 6 Muharram. During these days, the spiritual
head of the shrine, the Diwan, played a central role in a series of
observances. Besides the commemoration of Hasan and Husain,
musical sessions (sama) were held and sugar was distributed. In
memory of the installation (dastar bandi) of Baba Farid’s first suc-
cessor, saffron-dyed muslin strips were tied around the Diwan’s
turban. The southern door of Baba Farid’s mausoleum, which
was known as the Bahishti Darwaza, was unlocked and devotees
were allowed to pass through for two evenings and nights. In the
early twentieth century, as many as 40,000 pilgrims availed of this
opportunity during one night. In the concluding rite, the Diwan
 Conclusion 593

led his followers in emptying pitchers of water on the tomb, which

was rubbed with a paste of sandal and perfume.
According to the judgement of Ziauddin Barani, three eminent
Sufis – Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Shaikh Alauddin and Shaikh
Ruknuddin Abul Fateh – two of whom lived in southwestern
Panjab, had brought about a fundamental transformation in the
religious life of the Muslims by the early decades of the four-
teenth century. They were emulated by the Muslims at large for
their arduous spiritual exercises and high moral character. Under
their benign influence, thousands of people abandoned their
immoral activities and included prayers in their daily routine. A
large number of aspirants wished to enrol under their mentor-
ship. Seen as kings of religion (shahan-i deen), they were believed
to have prevented natural calamities and the Mongol invasions.
The credibility of Islam increased, as the rules of the Shariat and
Sufism were observed in all directions. In the city of Delhi, Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya opened the doors of discipleship to all social
classes, particularly functionaries of the Khalji regime ranging
from nobles to slaves. Becoming devout in their religious life, the
Muslims avidly turned to prayers and recitations of the Quran.
Streams of devotees made a beeline for the Shaikh’s hospice at
Ghiaspur and sought answers to their queries on spiritual matters.
There were lively interactions between the old and new disciples.
Vigils were maintained during Ramzan and on Fridays, while
musical sessions were held in every quarter once in three or four
weeks. There was an increase in the demand for books on Sufism,
while the sale of devotional paraphernalia went up. This substan-
tive transformation in the religious life of Muslims in Delhi must
have also taken place in southwestern Panjab, particularly owing
to the influence of Shaikh Alauddin and Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul
Fateh.
It is difficult to weave an account of the successors of Shaikh
Bahauddin Zakariya, owing to the paucity of contemporary evi-
dence. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, who has referred frequently
to Shaikh Zakariya in his discourses, did not show any interest in
his lineal descendants. Fazlullah Jamali, who was affiliated to the
Suhrawardi order, confined himself to miraculous stories about
594 The Making of Medieval Panjab

them. In this situation, Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi filled the

gap to some extent. From him we learn that Shaikh Sadruddin
Arif produced a short work entitled Tasrif-i Jaduli, which was
studied in the seminaries for a long time, while his conversations
were compiled in Kanuz ul-Fawaid by a disciple named Khwaja
Ziauddin. That the Shaikh walked in the footsteps of his illustrious
father is indicated by his recognition of the profession of faith as
a fort and the three methods of entering it. He laid equal stress on
the need to emulate the Prophet as well as the benefits of remem-
brance of God (zikr). Again, it was Dehalvi who drew our attention
to an account of Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh in the Fatawah-i
Sufiyah by a disciple and a collection of his discourses entitled
Majma ul- Akhyar. In the last mentioned work, the Shaikh held
that quality was superior to form in man, as it determined his fate
in the afterlife. He delved into the consequences of good and bad
actions, besides drawing a distinction between impurities of the
body and mind. In an important statement, he held that a Shaikh
needed to possess three things – money, knowledge and spiritual
states – to perform a meaningful role in the society. However, in
his actual life, a Shaikh acquired prominence on account of three
types of concern – involvement in local politics, close relations
with the reigning Sultan and an intimate friendship with Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya.
Shaikh Ruknuddin visited Delhi twice during the reign of
Alauddin Khalji and three times during that of Qutbuddin
Mubarak Khalji. From Alauddin Khalji, he received a sum of
2 lakh tankas on his arrival and 5 lakh tankas on his departure.
The Shaikh distributed the entire amount among the needy on
the same day. Whenever he went to meet Qutbuddin Mubarak
Khalji, he collected the petitions of the people on his palanquin.
He presented these applications, one by one, before the Sultan and
left the palace only when the royal order had been inscribed on
each of them. The views of his brother, Maulana Ilmuddin Ismail,
were sought by Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq on the indulgence in
musical sessions by Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. These observa-
tions went a long way in finalizing the verdict in the case. Shaikh
Ruknuddin was one of the dignitaries, who went to Afghanpur
 Conclusion 595

to welcome Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq and, if Jamali was

relied upon, the Shaikh foresaw the tragic accident and warned
the Sultan to leave the newly constructed pavilion. The family
of the Shaikh extended active support to Sultan Muhammad
bin Tughluq during the punitive expedition against the rebel-
lious governor Bahram Aiba Kishlu Khan. The Shaikh’s brother
Shaikh Imamuddin laid down his life for the Tughluq regime in
a battle fought near Abohar. The Shaikh, acting on behalf of the
inhabitants of Multan, prevented the Sultan from carrying out a
massacre in the city. The Shaikh and his nephew Sadruddin (the
son of the deceased Shaikh Imamuddin) received grants of a hun-
dred villages each for two purposes: as a means of their personal
livelihood and to enable them to administer food in the hospice of
Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya.
In the above circumstances, the Suhrawardi order passed under
the control of the Delhi Sultanate. A succession dispute at the
premier hospice reached the court of Muhammad bin Tughluq.
The Sultan, having accepted the will of Shaikh Ruknuddin, upheld
the claims of his grandson Shaikh Hud. What was interesting, the
Sultan decreed that Shaikh Hud be provided a feast at every sta-
tion from Daulatabad to Multan, besides official banquets at Delhi
and Multan. Shaikh Nuruddin of Shiraz was deputed to escort
Shaikh Hud to Multan, where he was installed as the head of the
Suhrawardi establishment. The princely treatment of Shaikh Hud
must be attributed to the need of the Tughluq regime to win over
the Suhrawardis at a time when the Chishtis of Delhi and Hansi
had been alienated from it. However, the Delhi Sultanate was
constrained to proceed against Shaikh Hud for misappropriat-
ing the income from his land grant. He was arrested and, after an
interrogation by the Sultan, was put to death. In this context, the
refusal of Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari, the leading Suhrawardi saint
of Uch, to accept the guardianship of forty Sufi shrines of Sind,
became understandable. The tension between the Suhrawardis
and Delhi Sultanate continued well into the fourteenth century.
During his expedition to Thatta in 1365, Firoz Shah Tughluq did
not visit the mausoleum of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, whereas
he made it a point to pay homage at all the Chishti centres. This
596 The Making of Medieval Panjab

episode, argued Qamar ul-Huda, meant a loss of influence by the

Suhrawardi order in the region. Though the Suhrawardi spiritual
masters held the office of Shaikh ul-Islam, yet they could not per-
suade the Tughluq rulers to provide them with support.
The setback to the Suhrawardis was only temporary. Writing
in 1350, Fazlullah Majawi described the vibrancy of the Suhra-
wardi hospice at Multan. A large complex of buildings, it was
home to hundreds of inmates, servants and visitors. Its busy
schedule included perpetual recitations of the Quran, intona-
tions of the remembrance of God (zikr), prayers, fasting, vigils,
teaching and learning. This trend might have inspired the sister
Suhrawardi establishment at Uch, where Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari
(1308-84) led a powerful revival of the order. The Shaikh had
travelled extensively in west Asia and, having learnt the Islamic
sciences from renowned scholars, received as many as forty-six
robes (khirqahs) from six leading Sufi orders of his times. Widely
read and extremely erudite, he established a seminary where he
took classes and employed teachers. He was held in high regard
by Firoz Shah Tughluq, while his mediation was sought to settle
political matters in Sind as well as local issues in southwestern
Panjab. A close examination of his discourses has enabled Amina
M. Steinfels to reconstruct his mystical path. His training of a
seeker was based on the twin foundations of knowledge (ilm) and
action (amal), while precedence was given to knowledge, particu-
larly the study of Islamic jurisprudence. The boundaries between
Sufism and jurisprudence collapsed, while the respective roles of
Sufi and Alim were intertwined. The acquisition of knowledge of
Islamic jurisprudence was followed by action, which comprised a
variety of devotional practices. In addition to obligatory prayers,
the Shaikh prescribed recitations of Quranic verses, supplications
and remembrance of God, which was implanted in the disciple’s
heart by the mentor, who had received it from his elders through
a chain of transmission. While enrolling an aspirant, the Shaikh
formed a bond of brotherhood, while the investiture included a
request for forgiveness, a statement of repentance and request to
God for opening the disciple’s heart. The Shaikh prepared a list of
the apparels bestowed on disciples in accordance with their spir-
 Conclusion 597

itual states and virtues. He was conscious of the negative features

of audition, but permitted the practice under strict conditions.
He accepted land grants from Firoz Shah Tughluq for the main-
tenance of his hospice and benefit of worshippers, while holding
that the source of donations determined the head of expenditure.
We have seen that southwest Panjab gained prominence owing
to the establishment of the Chishti and Suhrawardi orders. But
other areas of Panjab did not lag behind in nourishing the growth
of Islamic spirituality. During the thirteenth century, southeast
Panjab witnessed the rise of Hansi and Panipat as vibrant centres
of Sufism, though they have received little attention from modern
scholars. It is not difficult to explain this imbalance in modern
scholarship on the subject. While facing several political and mili-
tary challenges in southwest Panjab, the Delhi Sultanate extended
liberal patronage to the Sufi establishments of Pakpattan, Multan
and Uch which, on their own, had acquired strong roots and social
influence in the locality. The political influence commanded by
the hospices of southwest Panjab was faithfully reflected in the
official histories. Leading chroniclers – Ziauddin Barani, Shams
Siraj Afif, Abdul Malik Isami, and Ibn Battuta – not only acknowl-
edge the eminence of the spiritual masters, but also highlight the
benevolent attitude of the ruling class towards the charismatic
mystics. To an extent, this partiality was clearly inscribed in
the Sufi biographies and discourses. In comparison, the Delhi
Sultanate did not worry about its control over southeast Panjab.
The tract was situated close to the capital and had remained rela-
tively free of political disturbances. Thus, the rulers entrenched
in Delhi did not place it on their list of priorities until the middle
of the fourteenth century. The ruling class could afford to ignore
the Sufis of the area and, therefore, did not anticipate political
dividends in patronage of any kind: cash allowances, construc-
tion of mausoleums, endowment of shrines with land grants, and
providing jobs to the scions of Sufi families. Not surprisingly, the
apathy of the state was replicated in the official histories as well as
Sufi literature. Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi and Bu Ali Qalandar,
who were denied adequate space in the contemporary sources,
thought it prudent to wield their own pens. The early Sabiris fared
598 The Making of Medieval Panjab

no better, because their memory was retrieved several centuries

after they had gone into oblivion.
Early in the thirteenth century, Hansi developed as a seat of
Chishti mysticism, because Baba Farid lived here for twelve
years along with his disciple Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi. After
the departure of Baba Farid for Ajodhan, Shaikh Hansavi and
his lineal descendants (Shaikh Burhanuddin, Shaikh Qutbuddin
Munawwar and Shaikh Nuruddin) nourished the hospice even
when they faced internal difficulties and state repression. The ball
was set rolling by Shaikh Hansavi when he wrote a book in Arabic
entitled Mulhimat. Meant to be a guidebook for young aspirants,
it elaborated the cardinal principles of Islamic spirituality from a
Chishti perspective. In his view, a majority of people in this world
were engrossed in gratifying their carnal desires and, therefore,
they were distant from God. A minority was formed by the spir-
itually awakened, who suppressed their lower self and gained
proximity to God. The gnostics (arif), who renounced the world,
were superior to the ascetics (zahid), who renounced the world for
the hereafter. In his pursuit of love (ishq), the lover was afflicted by
an incurable ailment. His misery was similar to that of Majnu who
was stricken with madness on being separated from Laila. Of all
the devotional acts, the most superior was prayer (salat), provided
it was based on the absorption of the heart in it. Next in impor-
tance was the remembrance of God which resulted in purifying
the heart, destruction of the carnal self, and sensitivity of feeling.
A disciple, who was bound by the strict rules of discipline, bore
unconditional reverence for his mentor. The Sufis were associated
with certain visible symbols, but their inner significance was cru-
cial. The same was true of obligatory rituals. These guidelines, as
laid out in the Mulhimat, illumined the path of Chishti aspirants.
The successors of Shaikh Hansavi not only adhered to the
principles enunciated by Baba Farid and Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya, but also stood against political pressure. Shaikh Qutb-
uddin Munawwar, the grandson of Shaikh Hansavi, was an out-
standing exponent of the Chishti path and, therefore, deserved
a closer attention. Knowledgeable and eloquent, he kept away
from the crowds and remained immersed in the remembrance of
 Conclusion 599

God. He bore intense emotional attachment to his mentor Shaikh

Nizamuddin Auliya and the family of Amir Khurd. Having culti-
vated a deep interest in musical sessions, his ecstatic states were
remembered in the Chishti circles for long. Like Baba Farid, he
refused to accept a grant of two villages from Muhammad bin
Tughluq. He distributed a cash offering of 2,000 tankas among
the needy, because he believed that a mendicant did not need
anything more than a ser of boiled rice-lentil (khichri) and a lit-
tle clarified butter. He agreed to meet Muhammad bin Tughluq
only when he was convinced that he was doing so against his
wishes. In a categorical statement on the Chishti mystical ideol-
ogy, he identified his objectives as serving God, the legacy of his
ancestors, and his spiritual guide Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.
His son and successor Shaikh Nuruddin followed his teachings
in letter and spirit. Shaikh Nuruddin refused to shift to Hissar
Firoza from Hansi, which had been the spiritual domain of his
grandfather Shaikh Burhanuddin and father Shaikh Qutbuddin
Munawwar, and it had been bestowed on them by Baba Farid and
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. The refusal of the Chishtis of Hansi
to be assimilated into the political structure stood in sharp con-
trast to the collaborative attitude of the contemporary Chishtis of
Ajodhan, including Shaikh Alauddin and his successors.
Bu Ali Qalandar, the Chishti-Qalandari saint of Panipat, lived
during the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century. He is
remembered through his incredible deeds and clashes with the
Muslim orthodoxy. Some of his mystical ideas have been preserved
in sixteen precepts (maktubat) that were compiled by Abdul Haq
Muhaddis Dehalvi. He held that the divine element was embed-
ded in all forms of creation and that the humankind was fashioned
out of God’s love for it. The seeker could experience God’s beauty
on the mirror of his heart, provided he detached himself from the
material world and gratification of senses. These thoughts, along
with other themes, have also been elaborated in verse (masnavi)
by Bu Ali Qalandar. He asserted that God’s beauty was manifested
in the physical attributes of plants and animals. God is Himself in
love with the seeker, who was only a step away from Him. He had
only to sip the wine of mystical knowledge (badah-i irfan) and
600 The Making of Medieval Panjab

open the eye of his heart to see the face of the Beloved. He did not
need to undergo arduous austerities, as his love was different from
the suffering of the legendary lovers like Laila, Majnu, Shireen,
and Farhad. The wine of love was nothing but pain received from
the Beloved. Since every moment of life was valuable, it could not
be wasted in negligence. The spiritual pursuit, which was based on
piety and abstinence (zuhd wa taqwa), demanded the rejection of
rulers and riches. Social life was plagued by moral degeneration,
which induced the people to waste money on carnal pleasures.
Still another problem was posed by fake Sufis, who befooled the
people with outward symbols of piety and thrived on the false
propaganda of their sycophantic disciples. Slaves of greed and
ambition (hirs wa hawas), their devotions lacked sincerity and
their faith in Islam was doubtful.
From the middle of the thirteenth century, the Sabiri branch
of the Chishtis became active on both sides of the Jamuna. Acting
under the direction of Baba Farid, his nephew Shaikh Alauddin Ali
Ahmad Sabir established a Chishti seat at Kaliyar (near Saharanpur
and beyond the Jamuna) that grew into its Sabiri branch. Shaikh
Sabir, who faced relentless opposition from a dominant section of
the local Muslim community, was known for his solitude (tajrid)
and absorption (istaghraq). Hagiographic writings have adopted a
number of strategies to legitimise the position of the Sabiris. A con-
scious effort was made to show that Shaikh Sabir’s way, which was
based on inner purification and fearlessness, conformed to divine
revelation (Quran) and Prophetic traditions. At the same time, the
Sabiris were said to be in line with the spiritual states of eminent
mystics like Shaikh Shamsuddin Tabrezi, Shaikh Fakhruddin
Iraqi, and Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. The rooting of the Sabiris
in Panipat was facilitated by the benevolent attitude of Bu Ali
Qalandar, who not only shifted out of the town, but also treated
the Sabiri newcomers with exemplary affection. Though the Sabiri
spiritual path markedly differed from that of their Nizami coun-
terpart in Delhi, they maintained a spirit of brotherhood with
them. At the popular level, the Sabiris gained acceptance owing
to their ability to help the needy. The wishes of the people could
be fulfilled if they recited the name of ‘Ya Shamsuddin Turk’ a few
 Conclusion 601

thousand times. Shaikh Jalaluddin made effective interventions

to protect the peasantry from state oppression and also brought
about a reconciliation with the Chishtis of Hansi. Shaikh Ahmad
Abdul Haq (1374-1434), who lived in different towns of Panjab
and ultimately developed a Sabiri hospice at Rudauli, envisaged
a fifteen stage spiritual journey that culminated in divine unity
(ahadiyat) and perpetual annihilation (istaghraq). Shaikh Abdul
Quddus Gangohi (1456-1537), who lived at Shahabad (between
Thanesar and Ambala) for thirty years, articulated the concept
of sublime remembrance (sultan-i zikr) and, while proposing the
Yogic technique of breath control, perceived an identity between
Ibn-i Arabi’s unity of being (wahdat-ul wujud) and Gorakhnath’s
philosophy.
In the middle of the fifteenth century, the writ of Delhi
Sultanate was restricted to a radius of twenty leagues from its
capital. The Syed rulers failed to exercise their authority and stem
internal strife among the nobles. They were unable to appoint
governors in different parts of the kingdom and, if at all they did,
these officers failed to perform their duties. In Panjab, the death
of Jasrath Khokhar in 1442 did not revive the authority of the cen-
tral government in the region. Bahlol Lodi, who was entrenched
in Sirhind as an independent ruler, brought the vast area from
Lahore to Panipat under his sway. In these circumstances, the
tracts beyond the Ravi went under the control of traditional rural
magnates, the zamindars. Supported by their respective clans,
they wielded undisputed power in their vaguely defined enclaves
comprising several villages. They organized agriculture, dried
marshes, and raised embankments. They permitted outsiders to
settle as farmers, providing means of cultivation, and concessions
in land tax. They maintained large herds of cattle and employed
scores of herdsmen. A zamindar measured his prosperity in terms
of the size of cattle population. He perceived his power through
his military resources. Chuchak, the Siyal chief who had eighty-
four villages in his zamindari, claimed to have earned the enmity
of Nahars and Chaddars. Hailed as the lord of land and rivers, he
controlled seven routes passing through his territory and derived
his income from a variety of sources. He was audacious enough
602 The Making of Medieval Panjab

to challenge the authority of the Delhi-based emperor. He did

not bow to anyone until the marriage of his daughter Hir forced
him to submit to the Kheras. Ali, the Khera chief, could muster
a retinue of 900 clansmen. His daughter Sehti, while helping her
sister-in-law Hir to elope, admitted putting at stake the honour of
900 turbans. However, the zamindars did not hesitate to ill-treat
their servants and bribe the priests.
A zamindar was entirely dependent on his clan to play a multi-
farious role in the society. He invested a considerable time in the
village common (sath), where he held consultations (maslat) with
his clansmen on all matters. When the Siyals deprived Noora
Sambhal of his luxury boat and boatman, the loss was seen as an
affront to his entire clan. In the ensuing armed conflict with the
Siyals, twenty men lost their lives. The warring zamindars were not
perturbed, as this kind of violence was common. Even in personal
and peaceful matters, the decision was not taken by the zamindar,
but by his clan (mel kutumb). The members of a clan took unani-
mous decisions on proposals for marriage, besides the gifts for
emissaries and members of the marriage party. The Siyals collec-
tively dealt with Hir’s refusal to marry the Khera youth. Having
failed to coerce or poison her, they decided to replace her by her
niece. The Kheras collectively dealt with the situations caused by
Hir’s recalcitrance, snake bite and elopement. The Kheras saw
Ranjha as a common enemy and, subjecting him to repeated
beatings, discussed ways of killing him. More telling was the case
of Yaqub Khan Waraich whose daughter had been betrothed to
Dhido years back. In a joint meeting between the Ranjhas and
Waraichs, the betrothal was cancelled and his nephew replaced
Dhido. It was stated that the changes could not snap the long
standing ties between the two clans, who were intertwined like
thick ropes. With the aim of gaining legitimacy, the zamindars
provided sanctuary to the distressed and, with the help of their
clans, defended such actions. However, the clans recognised the
authority of the qazi’s court and spiritual entities.
Among zamindars, matrimonial bond was established in two
stages, betrothal and wedding ceremony. At the outset, the family
of the boy or girl sent a written proposal through two emissaries,
 Conclusion 603

a Brahmin and a Doom. During their stay of eight days, they were
lodged with their caste brethren. On their departure, each of them
was given a gift of three-piece apparel, gold necklace and horse.
When they conveyed the news of acceptance to their patron, a
feast was held amidst distribution of goods. The zamindar, at the
head of a long convoy, went to the village of his counterpart to
formalize the betrothal. Apart from horses and camels, the pro-
cession comprised jesters, musicians, singers and dancers. The
guests were received in a big meeting hall, where balladeers sang
epical tales and alcohol was served. Next morning, with a horse
and camel as the main gifts, each guest was individually given a
turban and gold based dress. The two chiefs clasped their hands
and thus sealed the alliance. In the two households, the mother in
respect of the boy or girl conducted the identical ritual of happy
omens (shagan). A few weeks before the marriage, the father of
the bride or groom sent messengers to the other side with knot-
ted strings (gandhiyaan), fixing the date of the wedding. During
the oil ceremony (maiyyan), the bride was rubbed with perfumed
paste (vatna) and her hands were dyed with henna (mehandi). A
Brahmin conducted the rite of auguries (shagan) by tying the first
wedding thread (gana) on the wrist of the bride. From the groom’s
side, the marriage party went in a grand procession comprising
horses, banners and musicians. In the bride’s house, the qazi
conducted the Islamic marital rite (nikah), which was followed
by the customary Hindu rounds (laavan). Next morning, the
bride’s family displayed a rich dowry, while the guests consumed
endless cups of liquor. After a tearful farewell, the bride sat in a
palanquin and left with the marriage party. At the destination, her
mother-in-law performed the omen of revealing the bride’s face.
Surrounded by womenfolk, the newly-weds played the game of
‘Ring in the Buttermilk’(lassi mundri), which aimed at creating
physical familiarity between the two as a prelude to the consum-
mation of marriage.
As regards their attitude to marriage and sexuality, the Jat clans
were intensely patriarchal in social practice. They did not permit
their adolescent children to choose their partners. They frowned
upon love, as the act did not have parental sanction. The close
604 The Making of Medieval Panjab

relatives of Hir – father, mother, brothers, uncles and sisters-in-law

– subjected her to different forms of oppression. Her movements
were watched; allegations were hurled at her; she was threatened
with physical punishment, and attempts were made to kill her.
Her parents fixed her marriage with the Khera and carried out a
number of marital rites, though she registered her strong opposi-
tion at every step. The Kheras, while returning to Rangpur Khera
with an unwilling bride Hir, gave a severe beating to Ranjha and
even decided to murder him. During the trial at Kot Qabula, the
qazi charged Hir of rejecting a marriage validated by the Shariat,
for maintaining illicit relations with a herdsman and bringing a
bad name to two powerful zamindars. In the wake of the Qazi’s
verdict, the Kheras subjected the lovers to merciless blows. On
the other hand, the lovers relied on spiritual entities (Sufis and
Jogis), friendly zamindars and ordinary people to sustain their
fight against patriarchy. The Panj Pir appeared to them in difficult
times and offered crucial support. Sidh Bagai, the chief Jogi at Tilla
Balnath, brought Ranjha into the path of Jog and, making him a
disciple, enabled him to meet his beloved. Hir treated Ranjha not
only as a lover, but as a spiritual preceptor (kamil murshid). Both
the lovers, while facing the law and wrath of the Kheras, displayed
miraculous powers and, therefore, were hailed as lights of spiritual
excellence (azmat ki rushnai). With this supernatural ability, they
extinguished a big fire at Kot Qabula, undid a dubious legal ver-
dict, and punished their opponents. Ultimately, they united with
each other.
Slipping back in time, we find that during the course of his
invasion (1398-9), Amir Timur marched up and down in a man-
ner that his route roughly assumed the shape of the letter ‘W’.
Crossing the Indus, he travelled southwards to Ajodhan and
then turned southeast to target Bhatner. From here, he marched
towards the northeast and touched Samana, from where he turned
southwards and reached Delhi. Leaving the capital, he penetrated
through the hills and, after attacking Jammu, turned west to cross
the Indus. The Delhi Sultanate, paralysed by internal strife and
having lost the support of landed gentry, failed to offer suitable
resistance to the invaders. The local chiefs, who were struck with
 Conclusion 605

fear, rushed to pay homage to the warlord. The people, who were
left to fend for themselves, fled from their villages and travelled
long distances to save their lives. Southeast Panjab suffered the
most, as Timur marched through it twice – Bhatner to Samana
and Samana to Delhi – during his whirlwind onslaught. This area,
having benefited from canal irrigation and agrarian expansion,
had gained in settlement and productivity during the last few
decades. Timur paid a lot of attention to this tract, as it promised
a rich dividend. Apart from huge heaps of grain, Timur seized
fodder, cattle, and human captives. As could be feared, socio-
economic activities were entirely dislocated. However, Timur was
considerate towards the Muslim religious elites including Syeds,
theologians and Sufis. He did not show any greed for precious
metals and, therefore, did not desecrate Hindu religious centres at
Thanesar, Haridwar, Kangra, and Jawalamukhi. In the northern
hills, he carried out widespread deforestation in order to lay roads
for the passage of his vast army. Since the paths were narrow, he
divided his soldiers into small segments in order to attack isolated
hamlets. Inhabitants came out to defend their cultivated fields and
humble abodes. But, owing to lack of support from their chiefs,
did not engage in fighting the well equipped adversary.
During a period of half a century after the departure of Timur,
Panjab witnessed intense political turmoil, which was defined by
localised tussles and recurrent warfare. At the outset, a conflict
broke out between two leading nobles, Khizr Khan and Mallu
Iqbal Khan, for control over Panjab. Emerging from his base in
Multan and Dipalpur, Khizr Khan brought the entire cis-Satluj
tract under his sway and, after the death of Sultan Nasiruddin
Mahmud, ascended the throne of Delhi on 6 June 1414. The
Panjab officers were engaged in suppressing the revolt of the
Turkbachas in Sirhind and the distrurbance of a fake Sarang Khan
in the foothills of Hoshiarpur and Ropar. However, it was Jasrath
Khokhar who dominated the political stage of Panjab for nearly
two decades (1421-42). Many a times, he descended from his
mountainous stronghold beyond Sialkot and ravaged the plains of
Panjab including Lahore, Jammu, Kangra, Jalandhar, Ludhiana,
Ropar, and Bajwara. During his military campaigns, he targeted
606 The Making of Medieval Panjab

the senior officers who held revenue assignments (iqtas) in dif-

ferent districts as well as the local chiefs who supported them. At
one time, he had grandees like Zirak Khan and Sikandar Tohfa
in his custody. He not only killed Rai Bhim, the chief of Jammu,
but also plundered the zamindaris of Rai Kamal Muin and Rai
Firoz Muin. A short span of four years (1430-33) became critical
for Panjab, because three diverse elements in the form of a local
chief, a disaffected noble and a foreign invader – Jasrath Khokhar,
Faulad Turkbacha and Shaikh Ali – became active at the same time
and even collaborated with one another. At the end of protracted
fighting, Faulad Turkbacha was killed in Bathinda and Shaikh Ali
was dislodged from Seor, whereas Jasrath Khokhar survived for
another decade. If the authority of the Delhi Sultanate was not
erased from Panjab, it was because Sultan Mubarak Shah took the
affairs of Panjab in his own hands and, apart from rehabilitating
the city of Lahore and supervising the military operations at dif-
ferent fronts, transferred governors from one place to the other. A
lot of good work was done by officers like Zirak Khan, Sikandar
Tohfa, Mahmud Hasan, Islam Khan Lodi, Yusuf Sarwar, and
Nusrat Khan. In spite of its difficulties, the Delhi Sultanate was
vibrant enough to command the support of local chiefs like Rai
Bhim of Jammu, Rai Dulchin Bhatti, Rai Ghalib of Kalanaur, Rai
Daud of Jalandhar, Rai Kamal Muin of Ludhiana and Rai Firoz
Muin of Bathinda. Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi, who belonged to the
area affected by political disturbances, was personally familiar
with the locality and thus recorded the events in a sober account.
Following the collapse of the Syed regime, the Delhi Sultanate
survived as a polity for another seventy-five years, as it availed
the opportunities of experimenting with new modes of build-
ing power structures. The roots of Afghan power in Panjab lay
in the pastoral-nomadic Afghan society organised on the kinship
basis, the Afghan dominance in the Indo-Central Asian horse
trade, and immigration of the Afghan tribes to different parts of
northwestern India in search of employment. Islam Khan Lodi,
who held the iqta of Sirhind, mobilized an armed contingent of
12,000 Afghans, most of whom comprised his clansmen. He also
secured suitable iqtas for his brothers who lived with him. He
 Conclusion 607

had a number of sons, but he chose his nephew Bahlol Lodi as

his successor through a will. After his death in 1431, his followers
were divided into three camps. Since the Delhi Sultanate viewed
the convergence of Afghans in Sirhind with suspicion, it sent a
punitive expedition under Sikandar Tohfa and Jasrath Khokhar
against them. A substantial number of Afghans were killed in
violation of a promise of safety. Bahlol Lodi was convinced that
the Afghans could survive only if they assumed power in Delhi.
Acting with tact and caution, he earned the trust of the Syed ruler
and occupied large areas in Panjab including Lahore, Sirhind,
Sunam, Samana, and Hissar Firoza. Striking at the right moment,
he overturned the Syed regime and inaugurated on 19 April 1451
the first Afghan state in India. However, Guru Nanak, who lived
during the times of the Lodi rule, condemned the regime from top
to bottom for being oppressive and incompetent.
At this time, two Suhrawardi Sufis emerged as rulers in dif-
ferent sets of circumstances. Shaikh Sadruddin (Haidar Shaikh),
who established a hospice at Malerkotla, married the daughter
of Bahlol Lodi and, with the help of a dowry of sixty-nine vil-
lages, converted his position as a land grantee into a zamindar.
He consolidated his hold over a semi-autonomous principality
by entering into matrimonial relations with the zamindars of
Kapurthala and Tohana. This approach to politics was similar
to the marriages of the spiritual heads of the Chishti shrine at
Pakpattan, who pioneered the practice of taking brides from the
clan chiefs dominant in the countryside. Moving to Multan, it
was found that local inhabitants and zamindars persuaded Shaikh
Yusuf Qureshi, a descendant of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, to
assume the reins of the government. He strengthened his rule by
marrying the daughter of the Langah chief Rai Sehra. Ousted from
the seat of power by his father-in-law, he shifted to Delhi. Bahlol
Lodi gave his daughter in marriage to the son of Shaikh Yusuf
Qureshi, but could not reinstate the Sufi as the ruler of Multan,
despite a military intervention. In any case, the assumption of
power by the two Suhrawardis, who were related to Bahlol Lodi,
underlined the significance of Sufis in the political life of Panjab.
During the period under study, the Ghaznavids and Ghorids
608 The Making of Medieval Panjab

annexed Panjab to their expanding empires. They could not

consolidate their rule owing to the disaffection of governors and
resistance of local tribes. It was only during the fourteenth cen-
tury that the local elements, including the zamindars and Sufis,
collaborated with the Tughluq regime in the passage to a higher
stage of state formation, which brought about canal irrigation
and agrarian expansion. The process of political consolidation
and economic development was disrupted by Timur’s invasion,
necessitating novel modes of building fresh power structures.
In western Panjab, the Jat clans vied with one another to gain
supremacy in their localities and fought their way under power-
ful zamindars, who claimed to be the lords of land and masters
of rivers. Concomitant with these political developments, Islamic
spirituality became firmly rooted in the cultural soil of Panjab.
Operating through numerous manifestations of piety – hospices
(khanqahs), shrines (dargahs), prayers, remembrance of God,
recitation of the Quran, fasts, spiritual exercises, annual festivities,
musical sessions, mystical poetry, and wondrous stories –
the Sufis gained religious legitimacy and social prestige. In some
cases, they were assimilated into the state structure through a sys-
tem of patronage, which included land grants, honorific titles, and
administrative positions. The Sufis (Panj Pir), by coming out in
support of the socially distressed, earned popular adulation and,
in the process, carved out a distinct place for themselves in the
collective memory. With the passage of times, Islamic spirituality
became the backbone of the culture of Panjab. Given the evidence
at our disposal, three entities – the representatives of the state,
zamindars and Sufis – played a dominant role in the medieval
society. Since their paths often crossed those of one another,
their relations were marked by varying degrees of agreement,
confrontation and indifference. Common to them was the urge
to gain legitimacy for their position in society. They perpetually
endeavoured to attain this objective by sponsoring different forms
of documentation – official chronicles, mystic literature, and oral
traditions – corresponding with their respective roles, resources,
and self-images.
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 Index

Abdul Haq Muhaddis Dehalvi 22, 24-5, Ahmad Mashuq 314-15

318, 594, 599, 459-60 Ahmad Niyaltigin 19, 47-50, 52-4
Abdul Malik Isami 20, 93, 112, 126, 364 Ahroni 377, 583
Abdul Malik Ismail 364 Ain ul-Mulk Mahru 21, 31, 229, 266-73,
Abdul Rahman Chishti 18, 26, 472, 476 275-84, 293-4, 356-7, 583
Abdul Rahman Jami 25, 193 Ajmer 40, 42, 56-7, 65, 129, 149, 151
Abdullah (Mongol) 107 Ajodhan (Pakpattan) 23-4, 59, 149-50,
Abdullah (Chronicler) 21 153-6, 158, 169, 171-7, 223, 232-4,
Abdullah Karatigin 47, 49 242-3, 246, 262, 288-9, 297-305, 311,
Abdullah Rumi 181, 188-9 361-2, 370, 375-6, 386, 436-8, 447,
Abdullah Yafai 343, 366 474, 582, 585-7, 591-2, 597-9, 604,
Abohar 21, 177, 215, 223-4, 227, 234, 607
239, 242, 249, 251-2, 288, 323, 582, Akbar 21, 509-10, 513, 515, 519, 526-7,
585, 595 531, 551 557, 559, 562, 564, 566
Abu Bakhar 234, 242 Akhbar ul-Akhyar 26, 31, 457
Abu Bakr 369-70 Akhtiaruddin Aitigin 81
Abu Bakr Kharrat 189 Akhtiaruddin Altuniya 81
Abu Nasr M. Utbi 19 Akhtiaruddin Qaraqash 81, 87-8
Abu Nasr Parsi 61 Alaghu 107
Abu Raihan Alberuni 19, 44, 579 Alam Khan 421-2
Abu Saeed Abul Khair 440, 445, 500 Alauddin Bahram Shah 78
Abul Fateh Daud 42 Alauddin Jam Juna 356-7
Abul Fazl 457 Alauddin Jani 80
Abul Fazl Baihaqi 19, 52 Alauddin Khalji 20, 107, 109-15, 125,
Abul Fazl bin M. Khattali 131-2 581, 222, 224, 226, 265, 268, 275,
Aden 179-80, 342-3, 353-4 287, 321, 331, 335-9,
Adil Khan 370 458, 477, 489, 594
Adli Raja 561, 564 Alauddin Masud Shah 81, 89-90
Afghanistan 40, 44, 72, 84, 86, 94, 128-9, Alauddin Muhammad bin Tekish 76
132, 206, 228, 234, 371 Alauddin Shah 406, 416
Afghans 510, 606-7 Al-Aurad 22, 185, 187
Afifuddin Matari 342-3 Alhaq, Shuja 15
Agroha 438-9, 583 Amir-i Akhur 81, 88
Ahmad Chap 106 Amir-i Hajib 81
624 Index

Ali (Khera chief) 511-12, 531, 534, 536- Ayat ul-Kursi 167, 187
8, 542, 546, 548, 552-3, 555, 559-63, Azerbaijan 94, 123
602
Ali Aryaruq 19, 46-8 Baba Farid 16, 22-6, 30-1, 59, 147-58,
Ali Asghar Chishti 303-4, 591 161-77, 189, 205-6, 210-12, 214-6,
Ali Beg 111 223, 232-3, 242-3, 246, 261, 288-9,
Ali bin Rabia 58 375, 409, 435-8, 447-8, 452, 472-8,
Ali bin Usman Hujwiri 14, 21, 30, 131- 491, 493, 500, 507, 565, 582, 585,
47, 205, 207, 210, 579, 585-7 587-92, 598-600
Ali Karmakh 64 Baba Haji Rattan 18, 30, 127-31, 586
Ali Sultan Tawachi 374, 381 Babdujah 273
Allah Dad 374, 376, 380 Babu Rajab Ali 18
Allah Diya Chishti 18, 26, 472, 479-80, Babur 419, 422, 424-5, 432
486 Badakhshan 25
Allahdad Kaka Lodi 399, 401 Badaun 177, 242-3, 250, 288
Ambala 259, 266, 492-3, 583 Badaun 83
Amir Hasan Sijzi 22, 99, 332, 586 Badruddin Ishaq 150, 154, 156, 169, 175,
Amir Husain 329, 364 215, 298, 303, 361, 591
Amir Khurd 24, 26, 233, 288, 298, 300, Badruddin Sulaiman 211, 298, 303, 306,
324-5, 361, 586, 599, 449-51, 454 590-1
Amir Khusrau 20, 22, 99, 102, 104-5, Bagar 67
111-13, 221, 224, 228, 301, 456, 458, Baghdad 16, 95, 129, 146, 178, 366, 472
475 Bahadur 510
Amir Muzaffar 400-1 Bahadur Nahir 369
Amir Shah Malik 373-4, 380-1 Bahawalpur 311
Amritkunda 498, 508 Bahlol Lodi 21, 32, 255-6, 396, 402-6,
amulets (tawiz) 175-6, 297, 349 409-12, 431-2, 601, 607
Anandpal 41-4, 46 Bahram Aiba Kishlu Khan 228, 231,
Anhilwara 64, 78 322-3, 595
Anjum, Tanvir 15 Bahram Khan Turkbacha 386
Anushtigin Balkhi 56 Bahram Shah 60, 62-3, 118
Anushtigin Hajib 58-9 Bairam Khan Turkbacha 386-7
Aqsanqar 88 Bajwara 388, 399, 401, 605
Aquil, Raziuddin 15 Balochis 417
Arabia 234 Baniyan 94
Arghons 403-5, 410, 413, 419, 425, 431 Banur 410, 432
Arkali Khan 106 Baqi Kulabi 510, 565
Asandi 377 Baradus 231
Attock 29, 115, 128 Baran 81, 86
audition (sama) 99, 142-5, 169-70, 188, Bathinda 18, 39, 65-6, 72, 78-9, 81-4,
309, 322-3, 326-7, 331-2, 352-3, 449, 95-6, 109, 127-9, 394-5, 398-401,
492 429, 580, 606
Auer, Blain H. 14 Bayazid Bistami 23, 145, 209, 332, 471
Aurangzeb 414 Beas 28, 41, 90, 93, 98, 108, 272, 370-1,
Awarif ul-Maarif 16, 155-6, 185-6, 205, 374, 384, 390-6, 398, 400, 581
327, 343-4, 588, 440, 448-9 Benares 50, 52
 Index 625

Bhakkar 77-8, 234, 266, 393, 422, 433, 342-3, 349, 352, 365, 450-1, 454, 457,
490 472, 475, 478, 491
Bhandari, Sujan Rai 148, 223 Chuchak (Siyal chief) 510-13, 521-32,
Bharat 41 534-7, 548, 555, 557, 559-60, 564,
Bhardwaj, Ajay 18 570, 601
Bharthri 544, 574 Chuchkana 520, 544
Bhatner 96, 256, 356, 375, 377, 604-5 Chutang 260
Bhattis 96, 304, 425, 581, 592 Cis-Satluj 79, 259, 388, 414, 582, 605
Bhera 39, 41, 433
Bhimpal 43-4 Dadbeg 279, 295
Bibi Hajira 472 Dailamis 48-9
Bibi Mangi 410-11 Damascus 193
Bibi Naila (Kadbanu) 224-5 Danganah 277, 280, 295
Bigelow, Anna 17 Dara Shukoh 364, 414
Bihishti Darwaza 302, 306, 310-11 Daraban 410
Biji Rai 42 Darrah 59
Binban 83, 85, 87, 93-4 Darrera 254
Bokhara 156, 177, 182, 237, 340, 404 Dastarbandi 302, 310
Bokharis 421 Data Ganj Bakhsh 131
Brahmins 43, 55, 57-8, 243, 421, 424, Daulat Khan 386-7
511, 516, 532-3, 540, 543, 565, 603 Daulat Khan Lodi 422
Bu Ali Qalandar 22, 26, 33, 217, 435, Dava Khan 108
456-63, 467, 469-70, 478, 481-2, 502, Debal 64-5, 77, 89
507, 585-6, 597, 599-600 Delhi 12, 20-1, 24-5, 28-31, 40, 42, 44,
Bughra Khan 97-8 118, 65-6, 68, 71, 77, 79-82, 85-7, 90-
Bul Qasim Hakim 46, 48-9 6, 98, 101, 105, 108, 110-15, 119, 121,
Bulle Shah 148 123, 125-6, 149-50, 156, 158, 167,
171, 175-7, 190-1, 205, 210, 222-3,
Central Asia 11, 46, 94, 127, 346 226, 228-32, 234, 240, 244-8, 250-1,
Chaddars 536, 601 255-8, 261, 263-5, 275, 277, 279-80,
Chamba 39 283-4, 289, 291, 295, 298-303, 318,
Chanakya 517 320-3, 326-7, 331, 333, 335-6, 338,
Chandardat 41 354, 356-60, 365, 369-70, 378, 380,
Chauhan, Karam Chand 254, 256 385-7, 389-92, 394-5, 399-400, 402-
Chauhans 39, 118 6, 412, 416-17, 419-20, 422, 431-2,
Chaul-i Jalali 372, 385 435, 447-8, 451, 453, 456-7, 473, 475-
Chenab 28, 33, 39, 41, 48, 68, 72, 80, 90- 6, 484, 488-9, 493, 505, 575, 580-1,
1, 272, 280, 373, 384-5, 391-3, 421, 584-5, 600
428, 430, 513, 517, 519-21, 543-4, Delhi Sultanate 13-14, 20, 29, 32, 63, 76-
565-7, 569 7, 80, 83-4, 86, 90-1, 93-6, 98, 102,
Chhat 388, 410 106, 108, 113-14, 122-4, 131, 149, 221,
Chilla Makus 167, 212 223-4, 226-8, 234, 248, 250-1, 255,
Chingez Khan 76-7, 107, 228, 372 267, 270, 274, 276-7, 291, 294, 303-4,
chiraghi 307, 309 333-4, 337-8, 359, 369, 378, 389, 394-
Chishtis 14-5, 17, 25, 30-31, 205, 233-4, 5, 397, 401-2, 409, 413, 420, 439, 455,
289-90, 298, 307, 309, 321, 333, 335, 477, 488, 509, 565, 601, 606-7
626 Index

Dhankot 420 427, 429, 454-6, 458, 485, 502, 582,

Dhatrat 260, 265, 583 584, 595-7
Digby, Simon 13 Firozabad 259-61, 378, 380, 387
Diler Khan 109 Firozi slaves 369-70
Dinarkotah 55 Firozpur 29, 260, 381, 387
Dindar Muhammad 88
Dipal Hari 55 Gakkhars 42, 579
Dipalpur 20, 79, 96, 102, 110, 114-15, Ganga 50, 62, 381-2, 428, 484
126, 221-2, 249, 232, 246, 249, 251, Gangoh 311, 472, 493
259, 283, 295, 300, 302, 370-2, 374-7, Garmsir 87
385, 390, 392-3, 396, 400-2, 406, 605 Gazrun 342-4
Diwan 302, 309-11 Ghaggar 29, 259-60, 265, 292, 377, 582
Doab 95-6, 370-1, 384, 386-7 Ghaggar Plain 28
Dooms 511-13, 516, 520, 532, 565-6, 603 Ghalib Khan 369, 371
Dorbei Doqshin 76, 84, 178 Ghaznavids 15, 39-46, 55-7, 578-9, 607
Ghazni 15, 18, 19, 40, 47-8, 52, 54-68,
Eaton, Richard M. 16 71-2, 76, 85-7, 95-6, 118, 129, 132,
Ecstasy (wajd) 143-4, 450 177, 207, 578-9
Egypt 335, 337 Ghiasuddin Balban (Ulugh Khan) 20,
Ernst, Carl W. 17, 158 82-4, 86-7, 90-4, 95-8, 101, 106, 121,
123-4, 214, 222-3, 297, 392, 435, 452,
Fakhruddin Gilani 180 580-1
Fakhruddin Iraqi, 22, 30, 191-5, 202, Ghiasuddin Tughluq (Ghazi Malik) 20,
206, 456, 475, 586, 589-90, 600 25, 30, 114, 126, 250-1, 256, 266,
Fakhruddin Juna 230-1 289-90, 302, 319, 322, 326-9, 333,
Faqih Bassal 343 363-4, 369, 458, 477, 581-2, 595-5
Faqih Saliti 56 Ghor 76, 84, 87, 118-19
Farhad 466 Ghorids 15, 62-5, 70-1, 607
Fasus ul-Hikam 193 Ghuzz 101
Fatawa-i Sufiyyah 339-40 Giri 55-6
Fateh Khan 397 Gobind Rai 65-6
Fateh Khan (s/o Firoz Tughluq) 359, Gopichand 544, 574
486 Gopis 524, 538, 570
Fatehabad 260, 265, 377, 386, Gorakhnath 128-9, 498
Fatehpur 386-7 Guga 129, 206
Fatimid caliphate 39 Gujarat 25, 108, 252-4, 280, 291, 295,
Faulad Turkbacha 394-6, 398-9, 401, 371, 433
606 Gul Chand 228, 230-2
Fawaid ul-Fuad 22-5, 332 Gulati, Damodar 509, 525, 555, 561-2,
Fazlullah Majawi 339, 596 564, 568, 572-3, 575-7
Firishtah 222 Guru Arjan Dev 158
Firoz Shah Langah 421 Guru Gobind Singh 130
Firoz Shah Tughluq 20, 21, 31, 225-7, Guru Nanak 130, 158, 423, 607
232-3, 245-52, 254-64, 266, 268, 272, Gwalior 42
277, 280, 282-4, 289-90, 292-5, 334-
5, 353, 356-8, 360, 367, 369, 378, 402, Habib, Irfan 12-13, 226
 Index 627

Habib, Mohammad 14, 45-6 Husain, Agha Mahdi 226

Haidaris 248, 439 Husam Khan 405-6
Haikan 378
Haj 342 Iblis 470, 504
Hajib Tughantigin 62 Ibn Battuta 31, 222, 224, 234-8, 240-5,
Halaku 82-3, 87, 92, 93-5, 107, 122-3, 288-9, 300, 333, 363, 365-6, 584
581 Ibn Hajar 127
Hamadan 191 Ibn-i Arabi 15, 193, 343, 349, 498
Hamid bin Fazlullah Jamali 24, 192-3, Ibrahim Lodi 488-9
217, 314, 322, 362-4, 366, 593, 595 ijaz 183-4
Hamid Khan 406, 431 Ilmuddin Ismail 320, 363, 594
Hamid Multani 336-8 Ilyas Afghan 380
Hamid Qalandar 23-4 Imad ul-Mulk 268, 333-4, 357
Hamruwah 272-3, 584 Imaduddin Raihan 83
Hanafi school 342, 346 Imam Abu Hanifa 274, 435, 492
Hansi 24, 26, 32, 54-7, 66-7, 79-80, 84, Imam Ghazzali 166, 203, 209
149, 167, 171, 176, 210, 230-1, 234, Imam Malik 274
244, 247-8, 256, 259-62, 265, 289, Imam Muhammad Idris 274
370, 435-9, 447-9, 452-6, 482, 502, imlak 71
505, 507, 580, 583, 585-7, 595, 597-9, Indo-Panjab Plain 28-9
601 Indra 511, 566
Harni Khera 259 Indrapat 155, 439
Hasan Afghan 190-1, 589 Indus 28, 41-2, 45, 56, 58, 62, 71, 85-7,
Hasan Maimandi 47, 49, 51 91, 108, 111, 116, 125, 128, 234, 288,
Hasan Qawwal 328 292, 371-2, 378, 385, 510, 578 604
Hassi 514, 521, 525, 530-2, 538 Iqbalmanda 112-13
Hazrat Ali 103, 319, 457, 471 iqta 79, 92-3, 97-8
Hazrat Isa 445, 500 Iraq 25, 83, 94-5
Hazrat Musa 441, 445, 501, 504 Isfahan 191
Hejaz 177, 342-4 Islam 42, 68, 73-4, 103, 107, 129-30, 133,
Herat 87, 193, 329, 472 147-8, 191, 218, 245, 251-3, 255, 257,
Himalayas 28 261, 272, 291, 302, 304, 307, 331,
Hindushahis 20, 39-41, 43-4, 578 335-6, 338, 350, 355, 360, 398, 409,
Hindustan 46-7, 49, 51, 61-2, 65, 75, 94- 412, 424, 430, 443, 456, 458, 460,
6, 102, 112, 114, 154 471, 487, 565, 572
Hindustanis 71 Islam Khan Lodi (Sultan Shah Lodi)
Hir 509-15, 519-22, 525-39, 541-64, 388-90, 392, 396, 402-5, 393-4, 397,
570-2, 574, 576-7, 602-4 399-400
Hissar Firoza 254-63, 265, 369-70, 387, Islam, Riazul 15
394, 406, 456, 502, 582-3, 599, 607 Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) 342, 344,
Hoqutar 85 346, 352
Hoshiarpur 388, 605 Islamic spirituality 435, 457-8, 472
Huda, Qamar ul- 16 Islamization 16, 409
Humayun 25, 493 Izzuddin Balban Kishlu Khan 81-4, 86,
Husain 102-3, 124 92-3, 121, 580-1
Husain bin Kharmil 64 Izzuddin Muhammad Salari 78, 80-1
628 Index

Jackson, Peter 13, 223 Jog 544-5, 560

Jahan Shah 382 Jogi 487, 509, 544-51, 555, 560, 562-4,
Jahangir 414 574, 602-4
Jaipal 40-2 Junaid Baghdadi 132, 135-6, 145-6, 209,
Jalaluddin Khalji 105-7, 125, 223, 581 332, 355, 363
Jalaluddin Mangbarni 76-8, 84-6, 178, Junaidis 145
372, 580
Jalaluddin Rumi 15, 193, 457, 471 Kaaba 132, 170, 190, 218-19, 327, 486
Jalandhar 39, 41, 61, 83, 108, 370, 388- Kabak 111-12
90, 391-4, 396, 398-401, 606 Kabir Khan Ayaz 80-1, 87, 580
Jalor 228-9 Kabiruddin (s/o Iraqi) 192-3
Jam Bayazid 420-22 Kabul 40, 44, 54, 85, 118, 128, 149, 393,
Jam Ibrahim 420 395-7, 404
Jam Juna 295 Kahtwal 149, 473
Jamaluddin Ali Khalji 93-4 Kahun Raj 399
Jamaluddin Masud 83-4, 86, 91-2, 581 Kaido 527, 535, 545
Jamaluddin Yaqut 81 Kaithal 81, 84, 106, 257, 166, 377, 583
Jammu 39, 63-4, 370, 383-4, 391-3, 428, Kalanaur 392-3
605-6 Kali 259, 261, 582
Jamuna 15, 23, 28, 44, 55, 66, 111, 206, Kalima-i shahadah 188, 208
257-61, 263, 265, 292, 378, 380, 382, Kalinjar 40, 42, 44
386, 439, 457-8, 472-3, 493, 582, 600 Kaliyar 26, 33, 311, 435, 472-5, 477, 482
Janjuhas 106 Kamal Badhan 388
Jankar Khan 90 Kamal Khan 394, 397
Jaspal Sehra 91 Kamal Taj 273, 276, 282
Jasrath Khokhar 32, 304, 373-4, 389-95, Kamaluddin Masud Sherwani 179-80
398-403, 405, 431, 592, 601, 607 Kambohs 283-4
Jat clans 302, 304 Kanauj 40, 42
Jats 15-16, 19-20, 29, 33, 45, 52-3, 56, 63, Kapurthala 411, 413
66-7, 96, 116, 222-3, 377, 512, 515, Karbala 102-3, 428
517-18, 521, 551, 553, 561, 565, 572- Karman 71, 85
3, 579, 581-2, 603, 608 Karnal 26, 29, 259-60
Jawahar-i Faridi 303, 591 Kashf ul-Mahjub 30, 132, 205, 332, 587
Jawaliqs 320 Kashmir 39, 43-4, 51, 63, 85, 129, 206,
Jeddah 180 372, 390, 414, 426, 428
Jeevan 515, 540 Kashshaf 183, 216
Jhajjar 426 Kat Karor 420
Jhang Siyal 509-12, 515, 521, 524-6, 528, Kavi Jan 254, 291
530-1, 538, 541, 555, 564, 567-8, Khair ul-Majalis 23-5
572-3, 576 Khairuddin Khani 389, 397
Jhelam 28-9, 41, 44, 55, 68-70, 91, 108, Khalilullah 471, 505
272, 372-3, 395-8, 400, 544, 565, 567 Khaljis 65, 71, 84
Jhinwar 512, 518, 566 Khan Jahan Maqbul 357-8
Jibrail 195, 219, 467, 496, 503-4 Khan, Hasan Ali 17
Jind 260, 265, 583 Khanewal 420, 433
Jinjan 374 Khan-i Khanan 230-31
 Index 629

kharaj 71 Kotla 371

Kheras 509, 511-12, 526, 528-32, 534-8, Krishna 524, 538, 570
541-3, 545-58, 560-4, 571-2, 575-6, Kuhram 66-7, 71-2, 79, 84, 109, 111,
602, 604 257, 266, 583
khirqah 351-2 Kujah 92
Khizanat ul-Fawaid 345-6 Kullu 39
Khizr Khan (s/o Alauddin Khalji) 226 Kumar, Sunil 13, 223
Khizr Khan 32, 256, 357, 368, 371, 385- Kundi 510, 512, 526-30, 532-3, 535-6
8, 402, 429, 432, 605
Khizrabad 265, 405 Lahore 29-30, 39, 41, 44, 46, 48-50, 52,
Khizrwah 272, 584 54, 56-63, 64-5, 68, 71-2, 76, 79-80,
Khokhar Bhikan 68 82-4, 87-9, 91-2, 95-6, 102, 114, 118,
Khokhars 20, 29, 63-4, 67-70, 75-7, 88, 131-2, 147-9, 210, 222, 226, 275, 280
91, 95-6, 108, 119, 223, 227-8, 230-2, 295, 370, 384, 390-3, 396, 398-402,
304-5, 390, 392, 395, 579-82, 592 405-6, 575, 578-81, 587, 601, 605,
Khudawandzada Qiwamuddin 236-8 607
Khulasat ul-Arifin 22, 185-6 Lahrawat 231
Khurasan 25, 44, 54-5, 60, 63, 83, 87, Laila 443, 466, 500
114, 118, 146, 177, 190, 222-3, 228, Lal Shahbaz Qalandar 217, 459
236-7, 258, 278, 289, 374, 425 Lamaat 193
Khurasanis 71 Lamghan 39-41
Khushab 433 Langahs 417-21, 607
Khusrau Khan 227, 229-32, 293, 329 langar 302
Khusrau Malik 63-4, 68 Lawrence, Bruce B. 17, 440, 463
Khusrau Shah 63 Lodi Afghans 12, 33, 402, 404, 423-5
Khwaja Ali Andrabi 388-9 Loni 378
Khwaja Burhanuddin 447, 598-9 Luddan 512-15, 519-20, 544-5, 569
Khwaja Hasan Basri 440, 445, 501 Ludhiana 370, 389-91, 431, 605-6
Khwaja Khizr 129, 527
Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti 17, 24-6, Macauliffe, M.A. 158
147, 149, 151, 205, 211, 335, 472, 491 Madar-i Mominan 437, 447
Khwaja Nizamuddin 297 Madina 25, 117, 325, 327, 342-4, 366
Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad 19, 21 Mahmud Hasan 391-7, 399-400, 606
Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki 24, Mahmud Khan Langah 421-3, 427
149, 167, 169, 175-6, 179, 184, 210- Majnu 443, 466, 500
12, 331, 439, 455, 457, 491, 503, 587 Makran 78
Khwaja Shibli 488 Malerkotla 17, 32, 406, 408-9, 412-14,
Khwaja-i Jahan 245, 247, 266, 370 431-2, 435, 607
Khwarizm 67, 76 malfuzat 22
Khwarizmians 30, 65, 72, 75-7, 80, 84-5, Malik Arsalan 62
580 Malik Ayaz 44
Kitab ul-Hind 19 Malik Bahram 402
Kohistan 71 Malik Barbak Bektars 98
Kopla (Haridwar) 381-2, 428 Malik Chajju 106
Kot Karor 177 Malik Firoz 403, 405
Kot Qabula 553-5, 561-4 Malik Firoz Ali 369
630 Index

Malik Hoshang 244 Mojam 515-17, 522, 539, 541, 543-4,

Malik Kafur 111-12, 126 568, 573
Malik Kalu 391, 395, 397 Mongke 86, 123
Malik Khas Hajib 283-4 Mongols 11, 30, 75-7, 80-1, 83-4, 86-98,
Malik Mardan Daulat 353, 357, 368, 100-15, 122, 126, 149, 178-9, 222-3,
402, 429 225, 228, 248, 279-80, 287, 295, 318,
Malik Mughalti 229 331, 575, 578, 580-1, 593
Malik Raja 400 Morocco 238-41, 244, 289, 335, 366
Malik Rajab 392 Mote Rai Chauhan 254-6
Malik Sohrab Dudai 420 Mubarak Shah 390-401, 606
Malik Sulaiman 368, 429, 432 Mufassal 184
Malik Yaklakhi 229 Mughals 413, 423, 425-6, 493, 519
Malik Yusuf Sarwar 394, 397, 399-400 Muhammad Akram Quddusi 18
Malik Ziauddin Tulaki 65-6 Muhammad Bahalim 62
Mallu Iqbal Khan 256, 371, 378-9, 385, Muhammad Bayazid Khan 414, 431
386, 402, 605 Muhammad bin Qasim 226-7
Malner 408 Muhammad bin Tughluq 16, 225, 232-
Mandahars 96, 106, 123, 581 8, 242-5, 248, 250-1, 257, 282, 287-8,
Mandkakur 52 295, 301-2, 322, 332-5, 342, 355-6,
Mangu Khan 82-3 363-5, 451-5, 458, 507, 584, 591,
Mangutah 89-90 595, 599
Mannu 384 Muhammad Halimi 56
Mansar 383 Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah Firishta
Mansur al-Hallaj 146-7, 210, 219, 490 19, 222
Mansura 72 Muhammad Shah (Sultan) 403, 405-6
Mansurpur 80, 85, 259 Muhammad Shah Lur 229
Marigalah 56 Muizzuddin Bahram Shah 81, 87, 121-2
Masud Sad Salman 54, 60-1, 118, 579 Mulhimat 33, 440, 598
Masudabad 234, 244-5 Multan 14-16, 21-2, 24-5, 30-2, 39-40,
Maulana Nur Turk 149 42-3, 45-6, 56, 58, 62, 64-5, 67-8, 71,
Maulana Shamsuddin Turk 335-8 77-84, 86-7, 89-90, 92-3, 97-102, 104,
Maulana Sirajuddin Savi 106 106, 121, 123, 109-10, 112, 116, 149,
Maulana Ziauddin Sunami 460 153, 169, 171, 176-7, 177-83, 188-93,
Mecca 25, 127-8, 130, 145, 155, 168, 177, 216, 221, 228-9, 234-7, 239, 245-6,
180, 190, 193, 244, 324, 327, 342-4, 266-9, 271-2, 275, 277-80, 282-4,
353-4, 366, 470, 486 287-8, 294-5, 299, 311, 314, 317-18,
Meerut 380-1 322-3, 326-7, 329, 332-7, 339-41,
Mewat 95 350, 353, 356, 358-9, 361, 370-4, 385,
Minas 96, 581 427, 429, 386-7, 393-9, 401-2, 410,
Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani 14, 20, 63, 65, 88, 416-23, 433, 435, 452, 456, 481, 518,
90-2, 122-3, 580 546, 580-6, 589-90, 595-7, 605, 607
Mir Jakar Zand 422 muqtis 79, 93
Mirat ul-Asrar 27, 475
Mirat-i Sikandari 250-2 Nagarkot (Kangra) 43, 57-8, 369, 382,
Mirza Kamran 423 394, 605
Miyan Mir 147 Nagaur 81-2
 Index 631

Nahars 536, 551-6, 575, 601 232-4, 245-6, 248, 257, 272, 280, 284,
Naib-i Mamlikat 81 295, 327, 330-1, 337, 369-71, 377,
Najibuddin Mutawakkil 154, 156, 171, 384, 386-91, 393-4, 397-402, 406,
361 409-10, 413-17, 420, 422-3, 440, 457,
Nandanah 41, 43, 69-70, 72, 76, 79, 85 463, 472, 490, 509-10, 565-6, 568,
Nangrahar 56, 85 574, 578-82, 584, 585-8, 593, 596-7,
Nasiruddin Aitmur 78 600-1, 604-8.
Nasiruddin Mahmud (r. 1246-66) 20, Pasrur 77
22, 81-4, 91-2, 93, 96, 121, 171, 176, Pathan 510, 531
214, 452, 455 Persia (Iran) 25, 78, 85, 89, 191, 234,
Nasiruddin Mahmud (r. 1394-1412) 343, 426
370, 379, 385-7, 426 Peshawar 41-3, 55, 58, 64-5, 72, 85
Nasiruddin Mahmud (s/o Iltutmish) 20, Pir Muhammad 371-5, 381-2
29, 72-5, 579 Pratiharas 39, 118
Nasiruddin Muhammad 86 Prince Bahram 51
Nasiruddin Muhammad Qarlugh 83, Prince Majdud 54-6, 60
93-4 Prince Shahrukh 381
Nasiruddin Qubacha 70-2, 76-7, 78, 80, Prince Shirzad 61
84-5, 119, 178-9, 185, 579-81, 589 Prithviraj Chauhan 65-6
Nasirwah 272-3, 583 Prophet Muhammad 124
Nath yogis 128 Prophet Muhammad 14, 18, 24, 26, 73,
Nawahun 359-61 127-31, 139, 143, 145, 152, 166, 184,
Nimrod 468, 504 195-6, 203, 208-9, 214-16, 219, 264,
Nishapur 20, 49-50, 117 274, 279, 307, 312, 319-21, 324-7,
Nizam ul-Mulk Junaidi 78, 80 336-8, 343, 347-51, 357, 360, 368,
Nizami, Khaliq Ahmad 13-14, 158 377, 429, 462, 471, 477, 486-7, 490,
Nizami, Moin Ahmad 17 492-3, 495-6, 501, 503, 575
Noora Chaddar 514 Prophetic traditions (hadis) 16, 127,
Noora Sambhal 512-14, 602 135, 138, 140, 143, 157, 177, 182,
Nur Ahmad Chishti 147 184, 186, 205, 208, 300, 312, 325,
Nusrat Khan 399, 606 335-7, 341, 343-5, 349, 354-5, 450,
Nusrat Shah 371, 386, 426 475, 495, 501, 508

Ogetai 85 Qabulpur 391

Qabulwah 272-3, 584
Paila 383 Qalandars 151, 173, 191-2, 215, 217,
Panipat 33, 371, 378, 399, 405, 435, 457, 248, 349, 450-1, 457, 475, 478, 480,
459, 472, 478, 482, 485-90, 493, 585- 482, 488, 502-3, 590
6, 597, 599-601 Qamar ul-Huda 185
Panj Pir 519, 521, 537, 546, 563, 569, Qandhar 314
574, 577, 604, 608 Qaramathians 1, 14, 39, 42-3, 56, 64,
Panjab 11, 13-16, 18-21, 25-6, 28-30, 32, 118
39, 41, 43-52, 54, 56-63, 64-5, 67, 70- Qaraunahs 101-2, 222, 228
2, 75-8, 79-81, 84-6, 89, 91, 93-6, 98, Qarlughs 30, 80, 84-5, 93, 579-81
105, 107-11, 113, 118-19, 127, 131, Qasur 108, 395-6
147-8, 156, 185, 205, 221, 223, 227, qawwali 302
632 Index

Qawwals 18, 169, 177, 309-10, 323, 328- Raja Bhoj 130
9, 352, 475, 492 Raja Mal Dev 428
Qazi 533, 555-60, 562, 573, 576 Rajabwah 258, 265, 583
Qazi Asiruddin Khwarizmi 317-18 Rajasthan 64, 71, 119
Qazi Hamiduddin Nagauri 169 Rajoa Syedan 527
Qazi Kamaluddin 451-2 Rajputs 65, 304-5, 377, 428, 565, 592
Qazi Shirazi 46-52 Ram Rai 55
Qazi Shuaib 149 Ramu Brahmin 542-5
Qiwam Khan 256, 387 Rana Mal Bhatti 223-5, 252, 256, 291
Qiyam Khan 255-6 Rana Shatra 76
Qiyamkhanis 291-2 Rangpur Khera 509, 537-8, 542, 545,
Quran 130, 155, 177, 183, 186, 188-91, 572-3, 604
195, 197, 205, 217-18, 248, 271, 278, Ranjha (Dhido) 509, 515-47, 551, 553-
298, 300-1, 308, 312, 314-18, 327-8, 61, 564, 568-74, 576-7, 602-4
331, 339-40, 343-5, 347-8, 362-3, Ranjhas 515, 522, 539-41, 567, 602
410, 441, 471, 476, 486, 494-6, 500, Ravi 28, 88, 90, 103, 272, 280, 391-2,
508, 575-6 396, 398, 422, 427, 565, 601
Qutb Khan 403, 405 Rawalpindi 28
Qutb ul-Mulk 234-6 Rizvi, S.A.A. 15
Qutbuddin Aibak 66-8, 70-2, 119, 579 Roh 404
Qutbuddin Kashani 182, 185 Rohtak 230, 387, 426
Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji 114, 222, Ropar 260, 388-91, 605
321, 323-4, 326, 364, 458, 594 Rudauli 311, 489-90, 492, 507-8
Qutbwah 272, 584 Ruknuddin Firoz Shah 79, 121, 123
Qutlugh Khan 82-3, 92 Rushdnama 498
Qutlugh Khwaja 108-10, 113 Ruzbihan Baqli 204, 219

Rag Bambiha 519 Saadi Shirazi 99

Rag Lalit 519 Sabiris 435, 472, 479, 482, 487, 507, 585-
Rai Bahram Bhatti 411 6, 597, 600
Rai Bhim 391-3, 606 Sad Salman 54, 60
Rai Bhiru Bhatti 225-6 Sadharan 226, 250-53, 256
Rai Daud 370, 386-8, 606 Sadhaura 260
Rai Dulchin 375-6 Sadhu 226, 250-1, 256
Rai Firoz Muin 390, 392, 395-6, 398- Sadhu Nadira 387-8
400, 429, 606 Sadruddin Banbhaniya 280, 295, 356-7
Rai Ghalib Kalanauri 393 Safedun 260, 265
Rai Hinu Bhatti 386, 394, 397 Sahiba Khera 509, 528-9, 532, 534, 548,
Rai Juljain Bhatti 369-70, 386, 397, 606 553-4, 556-9, 571-2, 604
Rai Kalu 102 Sahij Rai 228, 231
Rai Kamal Muin 369-70, 386, 390, 429 Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh 82, 85-7, 89
Rai Rattan 382 Saifuddin Kuchi 80
Rai Sangin 76 Saifuddin Suri 63
Rai Sehra 417-18, 433, 607 Sajjadah Nishins 305
Rai Tamachi 357 Sakambri 39
 Index 633

Saldi 108 Shaikh Ahmad Abdul Haq 26, 480-1,

Sali Bahadur 83, 90-2 489-93, 507, 601
Saljuqids 55, 59-60, 62-3, 118, 579 Shaikh Ala 480
Salt Range (Koh-i Jud) 29, 64, 68, 76-7, Shaikh Alauddin 232-3, 243, 246, 262,
85, 91, 95, 106, 108, 223, 228, 279, 283, 288, 290, 298-303, 306-7, 309,
372, 385, 575, 582 311, 330-1, 363, 593, 599
Samana 66, 71-2, 79, 95, 97-8, 106, 108, Shaikh Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir 26-7,
110-11, 114, 228-9, 257, 259, 266, 150, 435, 459, 472-8, 482, 505-6,
295, 369-71, 377-8, 383, 386-9, 393, 585, 600
399-401, 404, 406, 431, 583, 604-5, Shaikh Ali 393-401, 429-30, 606
607 Shaikh Ali b. Usman Hujwiri 14, 21, 30,
Samarqand 235, 237, 372, 380, 382, 390, 131-47, 205, 207, 210, 579, 585-7
427 Shaikh Badruddin Ghaznavi 150, 167,
Sambhal 83 169, 184, 211
Sambhals 512-15, 566 Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya 16, 22-3, 25,
Sanquran 71 30, 91, 176-92, 205, 215-16, 222, 246,
Sarang Khan 370-2, 384, 388-9, 429, 311, 313-14, 316, 322-3, 326-34, 340-
605 1, 345, 349-50, 353, 364, 416, 419-20,
Sardara 518 422-3, 436, 456, 585-6, 589-1, 593,
Sari Nuyin 94 595, 607
Sarki (Khokhar) 68 Shaikh Behram 484
Sarsuti 66, 79, 90, 230-2, 234, 243-4, Shaikh Budh 315-6
246, 249, 259-60, 265, 275, 289, 377, Shaikh Burhanuddin Araj 242-3
394, 583, 585 Shaikh Hasan 410-11, 413, 415
Sarwar ul-Mulk 392 Shaikh Hud 332-5, 365, 595
Satan 441-2, 445 Shaikh Husain Zinjani 132, 392
Sati 289 Shaikh Iku Timur 373-4
Satluj 15, 28, 84, 108, 258-60, 292, 370, Shaikh Imaduddin 323-5
375, 388-91, 396, 410, 435, 582, Shaikh Isa 411-13, 415
585 Shaikh Jalaluddin Panipati 459, 480-90,
Sehti 509, 542-3, 545-50, 574, 602 506-7, 601
Sehwan 68, 77 Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrezi 149, 179
Seor 395, 397, 400-1, 606 Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansavi 22, 32-3,
Sewi 417-8 245-6, 282, 289, 358, 435-40, 443-9,
Shafi school 342 473, 482-3, 502, 505, 507, 585, 597-8
Shah Husain 147, 510, 586 Shaikh Jamaluddin Uchi 245-6, 282,
Shah Husain Arghon 422-3 341, 358, 366
Shahabad 33, 435, 472, 492-3, 583, 586, Shaikh Musa 411-12, 415
583, 601 Shaikh Najmuddin Kubra 493
Shahin Khan 403 Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud 17, 23,
shahnas 83, 85 212, 246, 289-90, 321-2, 342, 363,
Shahnawaz 374 366, 438, 448-9, 472, 489
Shaikh Abdul Quddus Gangohi 26, 435, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya 22-4, 115,
492-4, 496-9, 508, 586, 601 150-8, 169-71, 175-7, 211-12, 233,
Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi 439 246, 248, 261, 288, 290, 297, 300,
634 Index

303, 311, 314, 321-33, 361, 364-5, Shansbanis 64, 118-19

436-9, 447-9, 452, 454-8, 474-6, 491, Sharfuddin Ali Yazdi 21, 259, 375
501-2 Shariat 71, 74, 247, 270, 275-6, 278, 283,
Shaikh Nuruddin (Sabiri) 489 290, 294, 319-20, 331, 336, 345-6,
Shaikh Nuruddin 247, 261-2, 289, 372- 355, 360, 365, 446, 459-60, 474, 485,
4, 376, 428, 449, 454-6, 502, 507 493, 502-4, 555-6, 558-9, 563, 604
Shaikh Qutbuddin Munawwar 246-7, Sher Khan 81-4, 92, 96-7, 106, 115, 121,
261-2, 289-90, 448-55, 507, 598-9 171, 580-1
Shaikh Raziuddin 281-3 Sherwanis 410
Shaikh Rizqullah Mushtaqi 21 Shihab Afif 224-5, 227
Shaikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh 222, 236, Shihabuddin Tamimi 372-3 \
246, 288, 299-300, 315, 318-27, 330- Shiraz 342-3, 353-4
2, 341-3, 350, 357, 359, 363-4, 410, Shireen 466
431-3, 593-5 Shorkot 422, 430, 433, 272
Shaikh Sadruddin (Haidar Shaikh) 17, Sialkot 29, 64-5, 79, 389, 605
32, 406-16, 431-2, 435, 607 Sidh Bagai 544-6, 604
Shaikh Sadruddin Arif 25-6, 180-4, 192- Sikandar bin Manjhu 253-4
3, 311-18, 335, 341, 350, 365, 594 Sikandar Lodi 25, 407-8, 412, 420, 422,
Shaikh Sadruddin Qonawi 193 432, 488
Shaikh Samauddin 24, 25 Sikandar Shah 372, 426, 428
Shaikh Shamsuddin Turk 456, 459, 474, Sikandar Tohfa 391-3, 396, 398-403,
477-80, 482, 506, 585, 405, 606-7
Shaikh Shamsuddin Yahya Maneri 456, sikdar 510, 514-15
459 Sinanuddin Chatisar 77-8
Shaikh Shihabuddin Suhrawardi 16, Sind 14, 39, 56-8, 64-5, 67, 71-2, 80, 85-
178, 188, 215, 345, 347, 440, 589 6, 92, 94-5, 100, 111, 116, 222, 228,
Shaikh Tajuddin Mahmud 305 230, 234-5, 279-80, 293, 295, 342-3,
Shaikh ul-Islam 185, 193, 233, 301-2, 393, 433, 490, 595-6
330, 334-5, 342, 342 Sipahsalar Rajab 222-6, 251-2
Shaikh Usman Harwani 212 Siraj ul-Hidaya 345-6
Shaikh Usman Zinda Pir 488 Sirhind 21, 32, 259-60, 386-91, 392-3,
Shaikh Yusuf Gardez 334 402-3, 405-6, 409-10, 412-14, 601,
Shaikh Yusuf Qureshi 416-21, 607 605-6
Shaikha Khokhar 304, 370, 373, 381, Siri 109-10, 113
383-5, 389, 592, Sirmur 83, 369, 259-60
Shajrah-i Chiragh 307, 309 Sitpur 420
Shams Khan 369 Siwaliks 28-9, 62, 95, 112, 382-3, 402
Shams-i Siraj Afif 21, 24, 222, 224, 227, Siwistan 85, 89, 108, 153, 245, 266
247, 257, 259-62, 264-5, 272, 294, Siyal, Wahid Bakhsh 17
455, 583, 597 Siyals 509-15, 519, 521-3, 526-32, 534-5,
Shamsuddin Dabir 438 539, 543-4, 565, 567, 572, 576-7,
Shamsuddin Iltutmish 14, 68, 72, 75-7, 601-2
78-9, 81, 85, 90, 96, 112, 119, 121, Siyar ul-Aqtab 26, 479, 485, 487
228, 579, 581, 589 Siyar ul-Arifin 25, 31
Shamsuddin Kurt Ghori 82, 90-2 Siyar ul-Auliya 24-6, 298, 454
Shamsuddin Tabrezi 457, 475 Sodhra 80, 90-2
 Index 635

Sonepat 55 Syed Raju Qattal 343, 360, 366

South Asia 11 Syed Salim 394
Steinfels, Amina M. 16, 342, 596 Syed Usman Marwandi 99, 124
Subuktgin 40-1 Syeds 71-3, 373, 375-80, 398, 579, 583
Suhrawardi hospice 417, 419 Syeds of Rajoa 552, 575
Suhrawardis 14, 16-17, 25, 30-1, 33-5,
178, 188, 191-2, 215, 234, 300, 322, Tabaqat-i Nasiri 20
333-5, 338, 340, 342, 352, 361, 421, Tabrez 94
580-1, 586 Tahir 515, 517, 539-42
Sukhpal 42 Taifuris 145
Sulaiman Shah 381 Tair Bahadur 88
Sultan 510 Taj Murassa Begam 410, 413, 415, 432
Sultan Abdul Rashid 58-9 Taj ul-Maasir 20, 66-7
Sultan Bahu 147 Tajuddin Abu Bakr Ayaz 80, 89
Sultan Husain Langah 420-1, 423, 433 Tajuddin Arsalan Khan 83
Sultan Ibrahim 59-61 Tajuddin Hasan Nizami 20, 67-9, 119
Sultan Mahmud (r. 1405-12) 256 Tajuddin Yaldoz 70-2, 579
Sultan Mahmud (Ghazni) 40-7, 50-1, Takht Hazara 509, 516-18, 522, 531-2,
58, 60, 62, 117, 578 538-44, 568, 571
Sultan Masud (III) 61 Taks 252-3
Sultan Masud 47, 49-52, 54-6, 59-60 Tamar (Mongol) 100
Sultan Maudud 56, 58-9 Tamar Khan 97
Sultan Muhammad (r. 1388-94) 369 Tamhid ul-Muhtadi 155, 157
Sultan Muhammad (s/o Balban) 20, Tarain 80
22, 95, 97-104, 123, 192, 271, 317, Targhi 100, 113, 126
580 Tarikh-i Firishtah 11
Sultan Muhammad Shah 401-2 Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi 20, 263
Sultan Muizzuddin 13, 29, 63-8, 70-2, Tarikh-i Masudi 19
118-19, 178, 226, 271, 579 Tartaq 111
Sultan Qutbuddin Langah 418-9, 421 Tatar Khan 371
Sultan Raziya 80-1, 86, 121, 131 Tatar Khan Lodi 420
Sultan Shah Khushdil 369 Taziks 80
Sultan Zain ul-Abidin 129, 206 Thakurs 425
Sultan-i zikr 494-6 Thanesar 43, 56-7, 95, 226, 250-1, 253,
Sumras 100 266, 294, 311, 435, 583
Sunam 79-80, 84, 95-7, 257, 327, 387, Thatta 245-6, 289, 356-7, 367, 433
406, 490, 580, 607 Thattawas 420, 433
Surah-i Fatiha 167, 187 Tilak 50-4
Surah-i Ikhlas 18 Tilhar 391, 393-4, 399
Surah-i Kafirun 188 Tilla Balnath (Tilla Jogian) 29, 509,
Syed Ahmad Kabir 341 544-5, 604
Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari 16, 17, 31, Timur 21, 32, 256, 261, 291, 371-85, 390,
252-3, 281, 295, 340-60, 366-8, 429, 402, 404, 426-8, 456
484-6, 507, 586, 595-6 Tirhara 370
Syed Muhammad Kirmani 297, 361 Tohana 377, 411-13, 583, 607
Syed Nasir 254-5 Tomars 39
636 Index

Transoxiana 228 Waihind 15, 25, 42, 55

trans-Satluj 84 Wajihuddin Usman Sunami 327-9
Trilochanpal 43-4 Waraichs 516, 539-41, 568, 571, 573,
Tughan Rais Turkbacha 388-90, 429 602
Tughluqpur 377, 381, 583 Waris Shah 568-74, 576
Tughluqs 12, 20, 30, 222-3, 232-4, 284, West Asia 341-2, 355
322, 335, 591, 608 Wink, Andre 13
Tulamba 373, 390, 427, 396, 398, 400
Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi 21, 259-60, 397,
Turan 404
430, 607
Turkbachas 388
Yaminis 64
Turkistan 82, 86-7, 91-2, 222
Yaqub Khan Waraich 516, 539-40, 571,
Turkomans 50, 52-4
602
Turks 66, 71, 425
Yazid 472, 505
Yoga 129
Uch 29, 64-5, 71, 77-83, 86, 89-90,
Yusuf of Kinaan 468, 504
118-19, 149, 167, 171, 176, 178, 181,
Yusuf Zulaikha 196, 217, 219
210, 228, 234-5, 245, 252, 276, 282-3,
295-6, 313, 340-1, 343-4, 353, 356, Zafar Khan (s/o Sadharan) 252-4, 291
358-9, 361, 371, 373, 386, 417, 420-1, Zafar Khan 108-10, 113, 125, 581
429, 452, 484-5, 585-6, 595-7 Zahir 515, 517
Ujjain 42, 130 zakat 277, 280, 294-5
Ulugh Khan (Khalji commander) 108, Zamakhshari 183, 206, 216
110 zamindari 526, 546, 551, 567
Ulughkhani 258, 265, 583 Zamindars 11, 27, 31, 33, 250-1, 253-4,
Umar Khan Sarwani 493 256, 269, 410-4, 509-10, 520, 522-3,
Umdah 183-4 534, 536, 551-2, 556, 558-9, 577, 601,
unasked charity (futuh) 297, 455 603-4, 607-8
Urs 309 Ziauddin Barani 14, 20, 96, 98, 100, 102,
Ushaqnama 22 106, 112-15, 224, 260, 263-4, 300,
ushr 71 330-1, 338, 356, 455, 582, 593, 597
Uwaisi 457, 492 zikr 185-8, 313, 347, 350, 442, 444, 449
Uzbeg Tai 85 Zirak Khan 387-9, 391, 393-4, 397, 399-
400, 606
Wahdat ul-wujud 498 Zu ul-Nun Misri 135, 143