Activity Theory As A Lens For Characterizing The Participatory Unit
Activity Theory As A Lens For Characterizing The Participatory Unit
Sasha A. Barab
Indiana University
Michael A. Evans
Indiana University
Eun-Ok Baek
California State University
9.1 INTRODUCTION
Since the cognitive revolution of the sixties, representation has served as the central concept of cognitive theory and representational theories of mind have provided the establishment view in cognitive science (Fodor, 1980; Gardner, 1985; Vera & Simon, 1993). Central to this line of thinking is the belief that knowledge exists solely in the head, and instruction involves nding the most efcient means for facilitating the acquisition of this knowledge (Gagne, Briggs, & Wager, 1993). Over the last two decades, however, numerous educational psychologists and instructional designers have begun abandoning cognitive theories that emphasize individual thinkers and their isolated minds. Instead, these researchers have adopted theories that emphasize the social and contextualized nature of cognition and meaning (Brown, Collins, & Duguid, 1989; Greeno, 1989, 1997; Hollan, Hutchins, & Kirsch, 2000; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Resnick, 1987; Salomon, 1993). Central to these reconceptualizations is an emphasis on contextualized activity and ongoing participation as the core units of analysis (Barab & Kirshner, 2001; Barab & Plucker, 2002; Brown & Duguid, 1991; Cook & Yanow, 1993;
1 See
Gherardi, Nicolini, & Odella, 1998; Henricksson, 2000; Yanow, 2000). Sfard (1998) characterized the current shift in cognitive science and educational theory as a move away from the acquisition metaphor towards a participation metaphor in which knowledge, reconceived as knowing about, is considered a fundamentally situated activity. In spite of the wealth of theoretical contributions in terms of conceptualizing learning as participation, there have been less empirical and methodological contributions to aid researchers attempting to characterize a participatory unit of activity. This reconceptualization of knowledge as a contextualized act, while attractive in theory, becomes problematic when attempting to describe ones functioning in a particular context. Of core consequence is the question: What is the ontological unit of analysis for characterizing activity?1 Dening the participatory unit is a core challenge facing educators who wish to translate these theoretical conjectures into applied models. In this chapter we describe Activity Theory (Engestr m, 1987, 1993, 1999a; Leontev, o 1974, 1981, 1989) and demonstrate its usefulness as a theoretical and methodological lens for characterizing, analyzing, and designing for the participatory unit. Activity Theory is a psychological and multidisciplinary theory with a naturalistic emphasis
Barab & Kirshner, 2001, or Barab, Cherkes-Julkowski, Swenson, Garret, Shaw, & Young, 1998, for further discussion on this topic.
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that offers a framework for describing activity and provides a set of perspectives on practice that interlink individual and social levels (Engestr m, 1987, 1993; Leontev, 1974; Nardi, 1996). Alo though relatively new to Western researchers, Activity Theory has a long tradition as a theoretical perspective in the former Soviet Union (Leontev, 1974, 1981, 1989; Vygotsky, 1978, 1987; Wertsch, 1985) and over the last decade has become more accepted in the United States. When accounting for activity, activity theorists are not simply concerned with doing as a disembodied action, but are interested in doing in order to transform something, with the focus on the contextualized activity of the system as a whole (Engestr m, 1987, 1993; Holt, & Morris, 1993; Kuutti, 1996; o Rochelle, 1998). From an activity theory perspective, the minimal meaningful context for understanding human actions is the activity system, which includes the actor (subject) or actors (subgroups) whose agency is chosen as the point of view in the analysis and the acted upon (object) as well as the dynamic relations among both (Barab, 2002, p. 533). It is this system that becomes the unit of analysis and that serves to bind the participatory unit. As such, Activity Theory has much potential as a theoretical and methodological tool for capturing and informing the design of activity. It is in making clear the theoretical assumptions and the applied value of activity theory for research and design that this chapter is targeted. In terms of instructional design, assumptions underlying activity highlight the need for a more participatory unit of analysis, thereby, complicating design in that the design process is recognized as involving much more than simply producing an artifact. It is much simpler to conceive the design process as the development of an artifact than as supporting the emergence of a mediated activity system. The latter fundamentally situates and complicates our work as designers. In our own work, we have found that conceiving design work as producing a series of participant structures and supports that will facilitate the emergence of activity to be a productive and useful characterization. Further, as if designing participation structures (opposed to objects) was not complex enough, many of the designs that our work has been focused on are in the service of social interaction (Barab, Kling, & Gray, in press). This is evident in the building of virtual communities in which designers move beyond usability strategies to employ what might be referred to as sociability strategiesthat is, strategies to support peoples social interactions, focusing on issues of trust, time, value, collaboration, and gatekeeping (Barab, MaKinster, Moore, Cunningham, & the ILF Design Team, 2001; Preece, 2000; Trentin, 2001). In these cases, it is not that we design artifacts but rather that we design for social participationthe latter characterization highlighting that designs are actualized in practice and not in the design laboratory. In these cases, especially when designing for something like community, the focus is not simply to support humancomputer interactions but humanhuman interactions that transact with technology. A key concept underlying this perspective is the notion of transaction, which has as its base assumption the interdependency and interconnection of componentscomponents that only remain separate in name or in researchers minds, for in their materiality they change continuously in relation to other
components (Dewey & Bentley, 1949/1989). Through transactions the tools we design for, the subjects who use the tools, the objects they transform, and the context in which they function are all changedwe can never treat our designs as a static thing. Instead, our designs must be understood in situ, as part of a larger activity system. It is here, in providing a characterization of the larger activity through which our tools transact, that Activity Theory can serve as a useful tool for designers. Toward that end, we begin with a discussion of activity more generally, overviewing the work of Vygotsky, Leontev and others who focused on the mediated nature of activity. This discussion is then followed by Engestr ms (1987, 1993) and Coles (1996) treato ment of mediated activity as part of a larger context, extending Leontevs (1974, 1981) commitment to situate action as part of larger activity systems. Implications for instructional design are then summarized. Armed with this appreciation of Activity Theory we highlight the application of activity theory to three different contexts. From here, we then offer some cautionary notes for those applying activity theory to their respective designs.
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the active subject, and the tool or instrument that mediated the interaction. As he notes,
The use of articial means [tool and symbolic artifact], the transition to mediated activity, fundamentally changes all psychological operations just as the use of tools limitlessly broadens the range of activities within which the new psychological functions may operate. In this context, we can use the term higher psychological function, or higher [truly human] behavior as referring to the combination of tool and sign in psychological activity. (Vygotsky, 1978, p.55)
Thus, in contrast to his intellectual peers (e.g., Thorndike, Wundt, and Hull) who accepted the behaviorally rooted proposal of a direct link between the object (stimulus) and subject (respondent), Vygotsky maintained that all psychological activity is mediated by a third element. This third element he labeled tool or instrument. Generally speaking, tools fall into two broad categoriesmaterial tools, such as hammers or pencils, and psychological tools, such as signs and symbols. Eventually, to Vygotsky, these semiotic tools (i.e., signs and symbols), would take on enormous importance in his work. To some (e.g., Engestr m, 1987), this imbalance in the emphasis of the cognitive o over the material limited Vygotskys work, a point we will take up later. Vygotskys triangular schema of mediated activity, composed of the subject, object, and mediating tool, is represented in Fig. 9.1. In the schematic, the subject refers to the individual or individuals whose agency is selected as the analytical point of view (Hasu & Engestr m, 2000). The object refers to the goals to o which the activity is directed. Mediating tools include artifacts, signs, language, symbols, and social others. Language, including nonword items like signs, is the most critical psychological tool through which people can communicate, interact, experience, and construct reality. What Vygotsky contended, and this is an important point regarding the inseparability of the elements of mediated activity, is that individuals engaging in activities with tools and others in the environment have undertaken the development of humanity (Cole, 1996). Throughout history, humans have constructed and transformed tools that inuence their transformation and likewise tools embedded in social interactions have triggered human development. In essence, humans and their environment mutually transform each other in a dialectical relationship. Culturally, these tools and the knowledge pertinent to their continued use are passed from generation to generation. As such, learning is not solely an individual activity but a collectively shared process with signicant cultural and historical
dimensions (Stetsenko, 1999). It is important to note that although tools are present whenever we are engaged in a certain activity, they are also constructed through our activity (Bannon & Bdker, 1991). In this way, mediating action involves subject, object, and tools that are constantly transformed through the activity. To explain this culturalhistorical interrelationship between human and environment, Vygotsky (1978, 1987) proposed the concept of a zone of proximal development (ZPD). Put simply, the ZPD is conceptualized as the distance between what an individual can achieve on her own (the actual level of cognitive development) and what she can accomplish when guided by more capable peers or adults (the potential level of development). The primary idea of the ZPD is that humans learn through social interaction, this interaction taking place in a historical context and imbued with cultural artifacts. Thus, social interaction emerges through the genetic law of cultural development that incorporates intermental and intramental planes:
Every function in the childs cultural development appears twice: rst, on the social level, and later on the individual level; rst, between people (intermental), and then inside the child (intramental). (Vygotsky, 1978, p. 57)
FIGURE 9.1. The basic schematic of mediated activity as developed by Vygotsky (1978, 1987).
The intermental plane is a place where shared cognition emerges through interaction between and among individuals and the intramental plane is a place where this shared cognition is internalized or appropriated. This is in contrast to the view of learning as a mere response to outside stimuli. Very definitely, it posits that learning is inevitably a collaboration with others in a cultural and social environment. In this sense, learning is a collaborative mediated action between individuals and objects of environment mediated by cultural tools and others (Rogoff, 1990; Vygotsky, 1978; Wertsch, 1985). The concept of mediated activity within ZPD lead us to a perspective of learning that sees the learner as actively constructing meaning within a culturalhistorical context. Although the learner is conceived of as active, it is the responsibility of the culturally more advanced facilitator (e.g., teacher), to provide opportunities for acceptable constructions. As Vygotsky indicates, instruction is good only when it proceeds ahead of development, when it awakens and rouses to life those functions that are in the process of maturing or in the zone of proximal development (1987, p. 222, emphasis in original). The ultimate burden then, is placed on the facilitator. With increasing breadth of impact, Vygotskys perspective has inuenced both educational psychology and instructional design over the past 20 years. While Vygotsky made tremendous strides in breaking free of the Cartesian dichotomy, by framing learning as mediated activity within a culturalhistorical milieu, he was criticized for two critical shortcomings. First, his articulation of what was meant by activity was never fully developed. It took his colleague, Leontev, to formulate more elaborate schemes of activity and the relationship between external and internal activity. Moreover, as was hinted at earlier, Vygotsky overemphasized the cognizing individual or individuals as the unit of analysis. As we will see shortly, Engestr m has come a long way to bring back into o
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complexity of the environment in which he nds himself [emphasis in original]. (1981, p. 65)
For Leontev, nevertheless, operations are the most basic level of activity. Actions occur at the next higher level and are often associated with individual knowledge and skills. Thus, within the activity of project management, there are possibly several associated actions, including, for example, consulting, accounting, and writing (Kuutti, 1996). These actions, either separately or in various combinations, are subordinated to individual needs. At the highest, or cultural, level is activity, which is essentially dened at the level of motives and goals (Gilbert, 1999). The motivation of an activity is to transform the object into an outcome. It should be noted that within this hierarchy individuals are usually aware only of action at the conscious level, on immediate goals with local resources. This action level is conditioned by a larger cultural scope, and supported by automatic behaviors previously learned. Again, the focus here is on attempting to characterize the nature of the activity and not the processes of the individual mind. In a now famous passage from Problems of the Development of Mind, Leontev describes the case of hunters on the savannah to illustrate more denitely the relationship of the concepts of activity and action and how they contribute to a unique understanding of human production:
Let us now examine the fundamental structure of the individuals activity in the conditions of a collective labour process from this standpoint. When a member of a group performs his labour activity he also does it to satisfy one of his needs. A beater, for example, taking part in a primaeval collective hunt, was stimulated by a need for food or, perhaps, a need for clothing, which the skin of the dead animal would meet for him. At what, however, was his activity directly aimed? It may have been directed, for example, at frightening a herd of animals and sending them toward other hunters, hiding in ambush. That, properly speaking, is what should be the result of the activity of this man. And the activity of this individual member of the hunt ends with that. The rest is completed by the other members. This result, i.e., the frightening of the game, etc. understandably does not in itself, and may not, lead to satisfaction of the beaters need for food, or the skin of the animal. What the processes of his activity were directed to did not, consequently, coincide with what stimulated them, i.e., did not coincide with the motive of his activity; the two were divided from one another in this instance. Processes, the object and motive of which do not coincide with one another, we shall call actions. We can say, for example, that the beaters activity is the hunt, and the frightening of the game his action. (1981, p. 210)
A key move in Leontevs work was to emphasize the importance of the object (as opposed to the subject) of activity and to distinguish between the immediate action and the larger overall activity system. It was in this way that he began the process of situating activity within a larger system, a point that Engestr m o (1987) would take up and extend in his subsequent work. Within Leontevs framework, the most fundamental principle of analysis is, therefore, the hierarchical structuring of activity. Thus, to understand the development of the human psyche, Leontev (1978, 1981) proposed three hierarchical levels operation, action, and activity. At the risk of sacricing the subtleties of the conceptualization, an activity system can be thought of as having three hierarchical levels corresponding roughly to automatic, conscious, and cultural levels of behavior (Kuutti, 1996; Leontev, 1978). Starting at the automatic level, he referred to these as operations. Operations are habitual routines associated with an action and, moreover, are inuenced by current conditions of the overall activity. This construct in many ways parallels the view Simon takes of human behavior as he presents the parable of the ant making his laborious way across a wind- and wave-molded beach (1981, p. 63). In Simons words:
A man (sic), viewed as a behaving system, is quite simple. The apparent complexity of his behavior over time is largely a reection of the
Here then, we have the distinction between activity and action and how collective labor, with its inherent division of labor, necessitates such a conceptualization. That is, in collective work, activity occurs at the group level while action occurs at the individual level. Thus, what may be of particular interest to researchers and practitioners is the concept of the action level of activity. Here the task would be to analytically represent and further understand (Engestr m, 2000) the processes o involved in using tools (either conceptual or artifactual), the meditative effects (either enabling or constraining) these tools have on object-oriented activity, and the outcomes (e.g., knowledge) that result. Necessarily attractive to instructional and performance technologists, then, is that this hierarchy of activity
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TABLE 9.1. The Hierarchical Distribution of Components in an Activity System: Three Examples
Hierarchy of Activity Components Activity Motive(s) Action(s) Need(s) Operation(s) Activity Systems Huntersa Hunting Survival Drum beating; spear throwing Clothing; sustenance Striking drum; gripping spear Material of drum skin, drumstick, and spear; savanna landscape and climate Flute Makersb Flute making Production of world-class quality flutes Carving flute body; tuning mechanisms Professional reputation; flute making skill maintenance; compensation Gripping and manipulating instruments; striking or carving materials Materials for crafting flutes; working conditions; organizational standards Preservice Teachersc Preservice Training Professional qualification Participating in lectures, writing field notes Professional teaching position; course credit; intellectual development Gripping writing and manipulating instruments; expressing preconceived beliefs and attitudes Classroom and online environment and tools; learning materials and resources; faculties teaching styles
Conditions
aAdapted b
from Leontev (1981). Adapted from Crook & Yanow (1996) and Yanow (2000). cAdapted from Blanton et al. (2001).
provides a comprehensive view of mediation. Moreover, development, or learning, might be dened as the process of activity passing from the highest (i.e., social) to the lowest (i.e., automatic) level of activity, or vice versa (Engestr m, 1987). o More poignantly, an activity theory perspective prompts the designer to look beyond the immediate operation or action level and to understand the use of the designed tool in terms of the more comprehensive, distributed, and contextualized activity. This shift places emphasis on understanding not simply the subject but the entire context. The implications of this radical idea should be obvious to instructional and performance technologists, particularly those occupied with the assessment of needs and the analysis of tasks. An illustration of this hierarchy using both the hunting example and one from the organizational learning literature is provided in Table 9.1.
the components of community (the organization) and outcome (the intended or not implications of activity). Moreover, the subject relates to the community via rules (norms and conventions of behavior) while the community relates to the object via division of labor (organization of processes related to the goal) and to the subject via rules (Rochelle, 1998). It is the bottom part of the triangle (rule, community, division of labor) that acknowledges the contextualized nature of activity. One dimension of this reconceptualized activity system that is potentially critical for design is the concept of contradiction. According to Engestr m (1987), any activity system has four o levels of contradictions that must be attended to in analysis of a learning and work situation. These contradictions are as follows:
Subject
Object
Outcome
FIGURE 9.2. The basic schematic of an activity system as de veloped by Engestrom (1987).
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r Level 2: Secondary contradiction arises between the constituent nodes (e.g., between the Subject and the Tool) of the central activity system r Level 3: Tertiary contradiction arises between the object/motive of the central activity and the object/motive of a culturally more advanced form of the central activity r Level 4: Quaternary contradictions arise between the central activity and adjacent activities, for example, instrumentproducing, subject-producing, and rule-producing activities. As an empirical example of this notion, Barab, Barnett, Yamagata-Lynch, Squire, and Keating (2002) used Activity Theory as an analytical lens for understanding the transactions and pervasive tensions that characterized course activities. Reecting on their analyses, they interpreted course tensions and contradictions in the framework of the overall course activity system, modeled in general form using Engestr ms (1987) trianguo lar inscription for modeling the basic structure of human activity (see Fig. 9.3). Each of the components Engestr m hypothesized o as constituting activity is depicted in bold at the corners of the triangle. The gure illuminates the multiple and interacting components that from an activity theory perspective constitute activity. In this gure, Barab et al. (2002) illustrate the pervasive
tensions of the course, characterizing them in the form of dilemmas within each component of the triangle (e.g., subject: passive recipient vs. engaged learner). Contradictions within a component are listed under each component, and dotted arrows (see a, b, c in Fig. 9.3) illustrate cross-component tensions. Viewing the class as an activity system allowed for an appreciation of pervasive tensions and how these fueled changes in the course. Below, we further discuss this case example and further illustrate the use of contradictions for understanding medical surgical teams. In summary, Activity Theory (Cole & Engestr m, 1993; o Engestr m, 1987, 1999a) can be conceptualized as an organizo ing structure for analyzing the mediational roles of tools and artifacts within a culturalhistorical context. According to the principles of activity theory, an activity is a coherent, stable, relatively long-term endeavor directed to an articulated or identiable goal or object (Rochelle, 1998). Moreover, activity can only be adequately understood within its culturally and historically situated context. Examples of activity might include the collaborative authoring of a book, the management of investments in mutual funds, the raising of a child or even the hunting of game on the savannah. Importantly, the unit of analysis is an activity directed at an object that motivates activity, giving it a specic direction. Activities are composed of goal-directed actions that must be undertaken to fulll the object. Actions
Tools: Inst. Tool/ Textbook, Lectures, Student-Generated Docs. vs Inst. Tool/ Textbook, Lectures, StudentGenerated Docs., WWW, VR Tool, VR Model
(c) Subject : Passive Recipient vs Engaged Learner (a) Object: Scientific Understanding vs Dynamic VR Model
(b)
Rules: Classroom Microculture: Pre-Specified, Teacher-Centered Unversity Grades vs vs Emergent, Student-Directed VR Modeling "Community"
FIGURE 9.3. The mediated relationship between subject and object, and the interrelations among the various components of the system in the VSS course. The figure illustrates the mediated relationship between subject and object, and the interrelations among the various components of the system. Specifically, it illuminates the systemic dynamics and pervasive tensions of the course activity of students participating in the VSS course (see Barab, Barnett et al., 2002).
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are conscious, and different actions may be undertaken to meet the same goal. Actions are implemented through automatic operations. Operations do not have their own goals; rather they provide an adjustment of actions to current situations. Activity Theory holds that the constituents of activity are not xed, but can dynamically change as conditions change.
it occurs in a naturally organized setting. As Jonassen (2000) has pointed out, Activity theory provides an alternative lens for analyzing learning [and work] processes and outcomes that capture more of the complexity and integratedness with the context and community that surround and support it (p. 11). Given our goal in instructional and performance technology to understand collective practice, Activity Theory provides a potentially rich and useful description of how practice is culturally and historically situated. Acknowledging design work as targeted toward supporting contextualized activity while a useful move also brings with it a host of challenges that designers must engage. This is because when designers shift from focusing on the production of artifacts to the development of tools in the service of larger activity many complications arise. It is an appreciation for the complexities of supporting activity in situ that we have shifted from our understanding of design as the application of a series of principles to a balancing of tensions (Barab, MaKinster, & Scheckler, in press; Wenger, 1998, 2000). In our work, this has meant identifying relevant tensions in the use of our work and supporting the coemergence of participant structures that best balance the potentially conicting and frequently complementary struggles. Engestr m (1993) has o argued that it is in the balancing of these tensions that systems are energized and continue to evolve and grow. It is important to note that these tensions cannot be designed and controlled from the outside or in some design document, but must be managed in situ as part of contextualized activity. It is for this reason that many of the complex design projects in which we are engaged are not simply about designing an artifact, or even designing learning, but are about designing for change. Such a process does not involve the simplistic application of those principles advanced by other researchers. Instead it involves reading other rich descriptions, relating these accounts and local struggles to that confronting ones own work and determining how to best balance local tensions that emerge through design. For an ingenious interpretation of activity theory in applied settings, the reader is referred to Mwanzas (2001) case study on the requirements for a computer system to facilitate customer support (operated by a rm in the industrial computing sector); Hasans (1998) longitudinal case study that analyzes the progress of university management support systems and highlights benets of the use of activity theory in the eld of information systems (IS) and HCI; Petersen, Madsen, and Kjrs (2002) usability studya long-term empirical study conducted in the homes of two families, that illustrates how the development of television use is supported or hampered by users backgrounds, needs, experiences, and specic contexts; and the collection of studies in Nardis (1996) book on Context and Consciousness. In the next section we briey illustrate three examples in which activity theory was applied to understand and enrich contexts of participation. However, we encourage the interested reader to also refer to the case examples above.
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evolve activity. We begin with a technology-rich astronomy course in which Activity Theory was applied to understand particular course actions and resulting in a more general characterization of course activity and systemic tensions that fueled more useful iterations of the course. From here, our unit of analysis expands to focus on applying Activity Theory to make sense and evolve the design and participation of an online community consisting of over 1600 members. Finally, our unit expands even farther as we relate a case in which Activity Theory was useful for exposing and intervening on the practices of the medical profession more generally. While each case is useful in its own right, taken as a collection they highlight the ever expanding unit of analysis and different time and space scales that can be examined from an Activity Theory perspective. In this way, operations, actions, and even activities are always nested in more complex contexts all of which might be considered when designing and researching activity systems.
The authors found that viewing the class as an activity system allowed them to understand how dualities, analyzed as systemic tensions, led to outcomes that were inconsistent with students developing astronomical understandings (p. 25). By understanding the tensions in the context of the larger activity system they made appropriate changes in the course participant structures (see Barab, Hay, Barnett, & Keating, 2001) that leveraged emergent tensions in ways that would best support learning. As part of a larger design experiment work, they found the characterization of course actions and activity in terms of Engestr ms (1987) schematic, with its focus on understanding o how tools and community mediate object transformation, to be useful for identifying particular tensions and making necessary changes in future iterations of the course.
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of analysis, even subject. Barab, Schatz, and Scheckler (in press) show how their online environment for learning functioned in multiple roles and, thereby, occupied multiple components of Engestr ms triangle. They stated, when the community itself o is considered a tool as well as an outcome it comes to occupy multiple components with its compartmentalization being an acknowledgment of functionnot form.(p. 28). As such, they concluded that while an activity theory framework as advanced by Engestr m (1987, 1993) was useful for understanding the deo sign and use process and some of their faulty design decisions, isolating components to particular components of the triangle did not appear to be ontologically consistent with the activities through which the community of practice emerged and functioned.
Thus, in the case of the medical team study, Engestr m (1999b, o 2000) constructed hypotheses to be used in the redesign of work practices that could lead to innovations and, ideally, expansive learning opportunities. One of these innovations was a care agreement formulated by physicians, nurses, and parents that permitted for continued attention to conventions, but also required the coordination and collaboration among individuals and institutions to meet emerging and unforeseen needs. In a way, contradictions became a source for the design of innovative work practices.
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contextualize a computer technology and telecommunications mediated learning system designed to promote conceptual change in prospective teachers perceptions of teaching, learning, and pupils. As a precursor to analysis, the researchers lled each node with empirical data collected from their site. For example, under Subjects the investigators placed the college faculty developing and implementing the course curriculum; under Tools they placed items such as discourse, distance learning, eld notes, and telecommunications; under Objects they placed undergraduates, meaning-making, and reection. In essence, the authors were using the activity system triangle as an aid to account for the meaningful participants, processes, and elements of the learning intervention so as to ensure a more thorough analysis.
nodes in the central activity system as well as across entire activity systems (Barab, Barnett et al., 2002; Engestr m, 1999b, o 2000; Holt & Morris, 1993; Nardi, 1996). If you will recall from an earlier section, Engestr m (1987) has indicated four levels of o contradiction that need particular attention during analysis: primary contradictions within each node of the central activity system, secondary contradictions between constituent nodes (e.g., Subject(s) and Community), tertiary contradictions between object/motive of central activity and culturally advanced form of central activity, and quaternary contradictions between central activity system and adjacent activities. The importance of contradictions to Activity Theory is that they serve as indications of both discordance and, more positively, potential opportunities for intervention and improvement. Paradoxically, contradictions should not be mistaken as dysfunctions, but as functions of a growing and expanding activity system. Another way to think of the process of contradiction identication is gap analysis. To illustrate, whereas in the third case from the previous section (concerning discoordinations of medical consultation and care), we presented an example of how secondary contradictions between nodes disrupted care in a childrens hospital, Holt and Morris (1993) provide a concise tutorial in detecting primary contradictions. In their retrospective analysis of the space shuttle Challenger disaster, the authors used the notion of primary contradictions to hypothesize possible causes of failure of NASAs Flight Readiness System (the system installed to ensure unqualied safety for each launch). By indicating contradictions within each node (p.105), for example, in the Rules node (safety rst vs. timely ight) in the Community node (defense-dependent vs. self-sustaining shuttle program), and in the Division of Labor node (priority given to Flight Readiness Review vs. timely ight by Flight Readiness Team), it was concluded that fundamental differences in priority (i.e., safety vs. timeliness) between contracted engineers and NASA ofcials may have contributed substantially to the decision to launch, ending in disaster. Thus, a substantial gap was detected between the mindsets or cultures of ofcials and engineers involved in the space shuttle program, a signicant discovery that could inform a number of possible performance interventions. Before ending this section, we want to make certain the reader is clear on three important points. First, as mentioned in the opening paragraph, there currently is no generally accepted methodology for utilizing concepts and principles from Activity Theory. Through a review of the literature and from our own experience applying Activity Theory, we have offered at best a loose heuristic for use. Our recommendation is that the reader access the works cited above (particularly Barab, Barnett et al., 2002; Blanton et al., 2001; Hypp nen, 1998; and Holt & Morris, o 1993) to gain a deeper understanding of how Activity Theory is used for analysis. Second, speaking of methodology, it can be condently stated that researchers and designers adopting an Activity Theory perspective are often committed, although not explicitly obligated, to the use of strategies and tactics from methodologies such as case study (Stake, 1995; Yin, 1994), ethnography (Hollan et al., 2000; Metz, 2000; Spindler & Hammond, 2000), and design experiment (Brown, 1992; Collins, 1990). The commitment is to take an extended, holistic view that allows for the contribution of multiple perspectives. Third,
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and arguably most importantly, Activity Theory as promoted by Vygotsky, Leontev, and Engestr m is to be used descriptively. o That is, the framework in its original intention aids in the understanding and description of learning and work in socioculturally rich contexts; it does not claim to advocate a prescription for change. Nevertheless, in the domains of instructional and performance technology, our efforts are often focused on bringing about positive change. Consequently, although we encourage the exploration of using Activity Theory in more prescriptive endeavors, researchers and designers must take heed of the origins and original intentions of the theory and respect inherent limitations. For ideas on how to adapt Activity Theory to more practical uses, the reader is referred to the work of Kaptelinin, Nardi, and Macaulay (1999), Mwanza (2001), and Turner, Turner, and Horton (1999).
Central to the notion of transaction is the interdependency and interconnection of components that only remain separate in name or in researchers minds, for in their materiality they are transformed continuously in relation to other components. Garrison (2001) argued that applications of Activity Theory must be careful to ensure that all components, when examined in the context of activity, are treated as subfunctions (not separate entities) of a larger transactive functionthe activity. Without such an appreciation, researchers will strip the overall activity and its nested components of their ecological functioning as part of larger system. As long as we treat the components as interacting we run the risk of thinking that tools (or subjects) are somewhat isolated and that they can be understood in isolation from their contextualized transactions. Instead, we argue, that they must be considered fundamentally situated and transactive and reinterpreted as they come to transact as part of new systems. Said succinctly, they are always situated. This does not entail that subjects, tools, and communities have no invariant properties that persist across contexts, but rather that these are re-situated as part of each context through which they function (Barab et al., 1999).
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. . . while an activity theory framework as conceptualized by Engestr m o (1987, 1993) was useful for understanding this process and some of our faulty design decisions, isolating components to particular locations along the triangle did not appear to be ontologically consistent with the activities through which this community of practice was made and functioned. (p. 23)
We argue that any description of an activity should be treated as continually in the making with the segmented characterization simply being a static snapshot that informs at the same time it reies. Every system, however, has a history and nested actions, which when viewed from different vantage points and from different points in time may be construed and represented differently and constitute their own activity systems. It is for this reason that some researchers have used Activity Theory in conjunction with other theoretical perspectives.
practice and (re)design the technology that supports and facilitates the involved actors. In the work of Barab, Schatz, and Scheckler (in press) as one example, they combined activity theory with a network theoretical approach, resulting in a richer characterization in which the network approach was used to illuminate the transactional nature of the system and Activity Theory helped to characterize the various functioning of the system and further illuminated pervasive tensions. In other words, while actor-network theory is particularly useful for characterizing the system and understanding its functioning, network approaches can prove useful for observing the dynamic transactions of a system as a simultaneously functioning unit. Finally, as for Activity Theory and Institutional Theory, we have not found a piece that explicitly attempts to wed these two perspectives. Nonetheless, there is a remarkable congruence to the way the two positions articulate the construction of objective and subjective reality involving processes of internalization and externalization. Like Berger and Luckmann (1966) emphasize a triadic process of externalizationobjectivation internalization. Critical here is the notion of an obdurate reality that shapes and is shaped by human production. Of note is that both draw heavily from dialectical materialism.
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unintended and controversial consequences. Instead of simply building an artifact to help someone accomplish a specic task, the goal is to develop a design that can actually support the user (and the culture) in his or her own transformation. (p. 3)
Design work targeted towards transformation, or what Barab et al. (in press) refer to as empowerment design work, requires establishing buy in and commitment, honoring people wherever they are at the same time supporting them in envisioning and accomplishing what they can be, and balancing multiple agendas and tensions. Understanding the context of the activity through which the design work transacts is a necessary part of any design work (Norman, 1990). We view Activity Theory in general and Engestr ms (1987) schematic framework with its o acknowledgment of the larger community (including norms and division of labor) of activity as providing useful starting points for understanding the tensions that emerge in this type of work.
Despite its clear advantages in helping instructional and performance technology make strides in accounting and designing for learning and work in the 21st century, there are still many obstacles ahead, a few of which we have mentioned here. As a closing remark, we want to emphasize that a perspective inspired by Activity Theory can be well supplemented with a desire to make meaningful and lasting contributions to society (Coleman, Perry, & Schwen, 1997; Driscoll & Dick, 1999; Reeves, 2000; Reigeluth, 1997). That is, our choice of taking Activity Theory with us on design projects is grounded in a belief that it will permit us to recognize and respect the culture of the collective we are engaged with and support them longitudinally in their aspirations for better lives (Eisenhart, 2001; Metz, 2000; Spindler & Hammond, 2000). It is in this way that we view Activity Theory as a transactional tool that can help us improve local practice and, hopefully, the world through which these practices occur.
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