4 Vietnam

The VC began to assassinate government officials and, in the villages, the group
often formed alternative political bodies to undermine the central government
and to get local peasants involved. They used terror against government
officials, but their operations usually left ordinary villagers untouched, unlike
those carried out by the ARVN and US troops.

At first the VC comprised largely autonomous cells working independently of

each other – and of North Vietnam. This structure meant that if any VC members
were caught by the ARVN or US troops, they could not yield much information,
even under torture. The VC were therefore very difficult to identify. Though they
soon received military supplies from the North, most of their operations were
decided and designed by local commanders, who had good knowledge of their
areas. In 1960, the National Liberation Front (NLF) was formed as the political
National Liberation Front arm of the VC.
(NLF) A political coalition of
communists and other nationalists,
intended to unite the southern
resistance. It also had growing links
with the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) SOURCE C
and North Vietnamese government.
Comments made by Truong Nhu Tang, a founding member of the NLF.

I saw that the Diem government made many fundamental errors: First,
it was a government of one family. Second, Diem suppressed many
patriots who participated in the war against the French. Third, he put
the Christian religion above the interest of the nation. I am personally
120 not a Buddhist, but eighty percent of the Vietnamese population are
Confucian or Buddhist.

From 1958 some resistance was formed, which led to the formation
of the National Liberation Front in December 1960. … I had been the
comptroller of a large bank, and later became Director General of
the Sugar Company of Vietnam and secretary-general of the Self-
Determination Movement.

The mobilisation committee for the [NLF] was formed by intellectuals:

the architect Huynh Tan Phat; the doctor Phung Van Cung; the lawyer
Trinh Dinh Thao; myself; and others. … Our idea of independence
came from what we saw in free countries in the West. … I was not
a Communist.

Quoted in Santoli, A. 1985. To Bear Any Burden. New York, USA. E. P. Dutton.
pp. 76–77.

The US decided to support the Diem government, much as it had done the
French. From 1955 to 1961 the US poured $1 billion dollars into South Vietnam,
and over 1500 Americans were present in the country, offering support in various
ways. From 1956, the US took over responsibility from the French for training
the ARVN. Without this US support, the Diem regime would have collapsed.

Thus, by the early 1960s the Republic of South Vietnam had made progress
Question in many areas, but there were inherent weaknesses in the state. These would
Why couldn’t South Vietnam maintain encourage the growth of opposition and severely hinder the Republic’s ability to
a democratic form of government? resist it. This situation did not change over time, and is one of the reasons why
the US was drawn ever deeper into the war in Indochina.
 2 Methods of achieving independence in Vietnam

Viet Cong guerrillas advance through the jungle

Why did the Second Indochina War, or Vietnam

War, begin?
The Americanisation of the conflict
121
After Geneva, the USA became more directly involved in Indochina, as the main
supporter of South Vietnam. The VC began operations in the South as early Ho Chi Minh Trail A series of
as 1957, with the assassination of local officials and attacks on government communication and supply routes
buildings. North Vietnam pledged support and began to construct the routes through Laos and Cambodia, which
needed to supply and support the VC in South Vietnam. These routes became connected the VC in the South to their
known as the Ho Chi Minh Trail. allies in the North.

In 1960, the political wing of the VC – the NLF – was formed with the objective
of achieving an independent and reunited Vietnam. Despite this, the North
grew afraid that the situation would lead to conflict before it had recovered
enough to fully support the armed struggle in the South. The impact of the VC
was obvious – in 1958, 700 government officials were assassinated, rising to
4000 in 1961.

The success of the VC was due mainly to the alienation of the peasant class.
They did not benefit at all under Diem’s regime, and these peasants were
described at the time as ‘a mound of straw ready to be ignited’. The VC were
careful to target recognisable supporters of the government, whereas Diem’s
army was indiscriminate in its reaction – shelling and strafing villages with little
regard for the civilian population. Soon the VC had thousands of supporters
in the countryside. To deprive the VC of its bases, the US and the South
Vietnamese government attempted to isolate the peasant population from the
VC by relocating whole villages to areas that could be more easily policed by
the ARVN. In theory these new settlements – known as ‘strategic hamlets’ –
were supposed to have new schools, medical facilities and electricity, but this
was rarely achieved. Furthermore, the peasants resented being removed from
their homes, which had strong religious connections with their ancestors. The
strategic hamlets were also regularly patrolled by the ARVN, whose behaviour
alienated the peasants even more, increasing support for the VC.
 4 Vietnam

Alongside this, Diem faced rising opposition from other quarters. In 1960, he
CIA The Central Intelligence Agency clamped down on journalists, students and other groups opposed to his regime,
– the USA’s spy and covert operations imprisoning many. The Washington administration was warned by the CIA
organisation. of the impending collapse of Diem’s regime. In November 1960, there was an
abortive army coup.

coup A seizure of political power by Religious tensions

an army, usually by force. The existing Civil Guard – a sort of badly armed local militia – had been expanded
and re-equipped. New ARVN Ranger Battalions were created and trained by US
specialists. By 1961, the number of US military advisors in Vietnam had risen to
800, in total disregard of the agreements made at Geneva. The situation began to
spiral out of control in 1963, when it became obvious that the inherent religious
tensions had reached crisis point, with outright opposition to the Diem regime
by thousands of Buddhists.

Buddhists had been historically suppressed by Vietnam’s rulers, who preferred

the Chinese philosophy of Confucianism. Diem was a Catholic, and hundreds of
thousands of his co-religionists had migrated south after Geneva. The tension
was partly caused by ideological differences, but the biggest factor in Buddhist
opposition was the monopoly of power held by Catholics in government.

The first major demonstrations came in May 1963 in the Hué region. The
government reacted with vicious counter-measures, sending armoured vehicles
against the demonstrators, killing many and arresting hundreds. This simply
encouraged greater opposition and the demonstrations spread to Saigon. Again
the South Vietnamese security forces, under the control of Diem’s brother Nhu,
122 attempted to crush the anti-government campaign by force. As well as marching
in the streets, the Buddhists also lobbied the administration and allies within
the army. The most striking example of their opposition to Diem was the self-
immolation (suicide by burning to death) of a Buddhist monk, Thich Quang
Duc, on 11 June 1963. This act was broadcast around the world, along with the
Buddhists’ message of protest against Diem’s authoritarian rule. It seemed that
Diem was losing control, jeopardising US influence in Vietnam.

Aged 73, the Buddhist monk Thich Quang Duc burned himself to death in protest at the
persecution of Buddhists by Diem’s government

Theory of knowledge

History and religion

Religion and religious persecution
have sometimes been a powerful
force in history. What role did they
play in the downfall and death of
Ngo Dinh Diem?
 2 Methods of achieving independence in Vietnam

On 21 August 1963, Diem ordered the ARVN to attack Buddhist temples in Hué.
Many Buddhists were killed or arrested, and more monks set themselves on fire.
It was a public-relations disaster, and the US ambassador to Vietnam, Henry
Cabot Lodge, decided that Diem must be removed from power. The nature of
Diem’s fall is of great importance. At first the US simply pressured Diem to
resign, but when this failed, President Kennedy gave tacit support to an army
coup. On 1 November 1963, the generals made their move – backed by the CIA
– and Diem was deposed. He and his brother, Ngo, were shot. General Duong
Van Minh became the new leader of the junta (military-led government), but he
failed to unite the regime or gain popular support. In 1964, five more coups took
place. Eventually, in 1965, General Nguyen Van Thieu became president of South
Vietnam, but he still led a corrupt and brutal regime.

The North Vietnamese leadership in Hanoi was not blind to these developments,
and ordered regular North Vietnamese Army (NVA) units to the South to North Vietnamese Army
reinforce the VC. This order began to affect events in the South within a year (NVA) The NVA was the regular
and, by 1964, the government in South Vietnam (and the US) was faced with a army of North Vietnam. It was well
situation that was spiralling out of control. equipped, with high morale and good
leadership. From 1964 onwards, the
Peasant support NVA was found in ever-increasing
After Diem was killed, there were some attempts at land reform in the South. numbers fighting alongside the Viet
In 1954, 60% of peasants had been landless and 20% had less than a hectare. Cong in South Vietnam.
Tenant farmers had been forced to pay almost 75% of their annual crop to
landlords. This was why the Viet Minh’s redistribution of land in the 1940s and
1950s had been so popular among the peasant class. After 1954, the VC continued
to support these redistribution policies, and so maintained popularity with many Discussion point
123
peasants. To reduce this support, in 1968, Thieu gave land to 50,000 families; in In groups, prepare a class
1970, the Land-To-The-Tiller Act ended rent payments, and gave ownership to presentation outlining why the USA
those who worked the land, with a maximum holding of 15 hectares. In all, by became increasingly drawn into the
1972, 0.6 million hectares had been distributed to 400,000 landless peasants. conflict in Indochina.
By 1973, all but 7% of peasants in the South owned land.

What were the main stages of the Second

Indochina War, 1959–75?
As early as 1957, the VC had begun assassinating public officials. In the spring of
1959, the VC began to engage the ARVN in direct combat using guerrilla tactics.
The ARVN was not trained to cope with this method of warfare. In addition,
many of the South’s army officers had gained their posts through family
influence or corruption, rather than as a result of competence. The ARVN was
also often infiltrated by the VC.

The government in North Vietnam decided to renew the conflict in 1959. While
this decision was clearly tied to Cold War politics, it was also very much a
continuation of the struggle for an independent Vietnam. In July 1959, the Central
Committee of the Workers’ Party in the North met to formalise the reopening of
hostilities in this second phase of Vietnam’s fight for independence. The group
believed that reunification was necessary in order to achieve socialism.

Despite attempts at land reform, the corruption and brutality of the government
and the ARVN continued, alienating many in the South. In addition, the VC and
the NVA were determined to continue the struggle for an independent and
united Vietnam. The events of the Cold War, combined with the incompetence
of the ARVN, caused the US to step up its aid and eventually to commit troops
 4 Vietnam

Historical debate to the conflict in Indochina. This growing US involvement turned a war of
independence into an anti-imperialist war, in which it would be necessary to
Historians have conflicting expel the US if the nationalist aim of an independent Vietnam were ever to be
opinions about the USA’s motive achieved. Consequently, the North began to send men and supplies to the VC in
for involvement in Vietnam: the South via the Ho Chi Minh Trail.
• William Duiker supports the
From 1964 onwards, the USA became increasingly involved in the struggle in
geo-strategic motive of global
Vietnam. With South Vietnam unable to cope, and in fear of Vietnam becoming
resistance to communism. This
the first communist ‘domino’ (see page 114), the US appealed to the Southeast
is modified by Melvyn Leffler,
Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO), established in 1954 to stop the spread of
who argues that the US grossly
communism in the region, to send troops. Soon, Australia and New Zealand –
overestimated the threat of both
which feared a communist Vietnam backed by the USSR and China – had also
China and the USSR to its own sent troops to fight alongside American forces.
position in the world.
• Gabriel Kolko argues that the US Escalation and Operation Rolling Thunder, 1964–65
was only interested in Indochina’s
natural resources and markets. In March 1964, NVA regulars began to infiltrate South Vietnam via the Ho Chi
Patrick Hearden modifies this view Minh Trail. By this time, an estimated 170,000 VC were operating in the South.
The trail was located for the most part in Laos, and US president Lyndon
further to argue that the US had
Johnson made it clear that he was prepared to support ARVN raids into Laos to
– and has – a huge neo-colonial
disrupt this activity. On 2 August 1964, the Gulf of Tonkin Incident took place
empire and that intervention in
– the American destroyer USS Maddox was fired upon by North Vietnamese
Vietnam was intended to preserve
patrol boats in the Gulf of Tonkin. The Maddox had been in, or very near, North
this empire.
Vietnamese territorial waters and had been supporting South Vietnamese naval
• David Shaplan argues that US operations in the area. On 4 August, Johnson ordered US war planes to attack
involvement was simply driven by targets in the North, dramatically escalating the war. On 7 August 1964, the US
a desire to support France. Senate passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, giving the president a free hand to
124 • David Halberstam argues that prosecute the war in Vietnam as he saw fit.
whatever the initial motive, US
involvement began as a small-scale As 1964 went on, tension continued in the South. An attempt to introduce a new
affair and escalated out of control. constitution in August prompted more student and Buddhist demonstrations
In many ways, the US leadership and sparked off another coup, out of which Air Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky
were to blame for allowing their emerged as leader. VC activity increased, and US troops were actively targeted.
country to slip into war. In December, the Brink Hotel in Saigon, which was used as US officers’ quarters,
• David Anderson argues that was bombed. In February 1965, a major VC attack on a US base at Pleiku killed
no single factor prompted the eight American servicemen. On 2 March, the US launched Operation Rolling
USA’s involvement in Vietnam, Thunder, a major air offensive against the North. Next, the USSR began to
but rather a combination of supply increasingly sophisticated military equipment to the North Vietnamese.
factors were at play. By July 1965, the NVA was deploying Soviet-made surface-to-air missiles to
defend their airspace.

SOURCE D
Comments made by North Vietnamese politician Pham Van Dong, 1964.

The US can go on increasing aid to South Vietnam. It can increase

its own army. But it will do no good. I hate to see the war go on and
intensify. Yet our people are determined to struggle. It is impossible
for westerners to understand the force of the people’s will to resist
and to continue.

Quoted in Chandler, M. and Wright, J. 1999. Modern World History. Oxford,

UK. Heinemann. p. 110.
 2 Methods of achieving independence in Vietnam

On 8 March 1965, the first large-scale deployment of US troops took place. This
development soon led to the commitment of US army and marine forces to
full-scale battle. At first, skirmishes between marine patrols and VC guerrillas
took place around Da Nang in the south-central region of Vietnam, but on
18 August 1965, a full-scale marine attack took place on a VC regiment located
20 km (12 miles) south of the American base at Chu Lai. Within three and a half
years, half a million US ground troops would be committed to fighting the VC
and the NVA.

Search and destroy

The early part of 1966 was fairly static. The NVA had been severely damaged by
the events of 1965, and was rebuilding its forces. However, guerrilla activity did search and destroy An anti-
not cease. From mid 1966, the first large-scale US search and destroy operations guerrilla strategy used by the USA,
were put into effect. These operations aimed to seal off areas of South Vietnam search and destroy involved sealing
and to saturate them with US troops. The first of these operations, El Paso, took off large areas of territory and then
place in May and June in the area around Loc Ninh. searching for and defeating the enemy
in battle. In practice, it often resulted
Search and destroy had a limited effect. The strategy did result in the capture in the destruction of Vietnamese
or death of many VC guerrillas and severely disrupted the VC’s military villages and the deaths of civilians.
infrastructure. However, its political effects were less convincing, sometimes
even counter-productive. The US could clear large areas of South Vietnam of
VC and NVA soldiers, but it could only hold on to these areas by permanently
garrisoning them. Once the US forces had left an area, the VC slowly crept back
in and recommenced guerrilla operations. Furthermore, both phases of these
operations could be very damaging to the civilian population, often driving them
into supporting the VC. It was not uncommon for entire villages to be destroyed,
while the fighting killed many civilians and damaged their property. 125

In other areas of the country, Australian troops used the different strategy of
counter-insurgency (COIN). This also involved military operations – for example, counter-insurgency A method
the Australians won a major battle against the VC on 18 August 1966 at Long Tan. of combating guerrilla warfare that
However, their tactics were co-ordinated with extensive civic-aid programmes uses a mixture of military action and
designed to improve the living conditions of the peasants through provision of socio-economic improvement for
better medical care, education and living standards. The local populations thus peasant communities.
equated progress with co-operation with the Australians, making it far more
difficult for the VC to re-establish control. The problem was that this strategy
only worked effectively in very small, self-contained areas.

An Australian soldier helps

a young Vietnamese girl;
Australian medical teams
worked in South Vietnam as
part of counter-insurgency
operations to improve the
lives of local people
 4 Vietnam

The US carried out a series of major air attacks on North Vietnam throughout
1967. Similar operations had been ongoing since 1965, but the strategic
impact on the North had been minimal. North Vietnam simply did not have
the industrial base to provide easy targets, and it was almost impossible to
disrupt agriculture by air attacks. The best that US air power could achieve was
to disrupt communications and supply routes from China, and wage a fairly
ineffective campaign to bring down the morale of the northern population. In
1967, the North began to develop improved air defences based on surface-to-
air missiles. It also established its own air force. NVA airmen were now using
sophisticated Soviet-supplied MiG-21 interceptor aircraft, and by the end of
1967, 455 US planes had been lost. Once again, the limits of a purely military
solution to the situation in Vietnam had been demonstrated. On the ground in
South Vietnam more search and destroy operations were launched in 1967. VC/
NVA units were badly damaged but not destroyed, and, despite strenuous US
efforts, survivors were able to retreat to the safety of Cambodia.

SOURCE E
Comments made by Ho Chi Minh in 1967.

Vietnam is thousands of miles from the USA. … Contrary to the 1954

Geneva conference, the USA has ceaselessly intervened in Vietnam.
The US government has committed war crimes. … Half a million US
126 troops have resorted to inhuman weapons. ... Napalm, toxic chemicals
and gases have been used to massacre our people, destroy our crops
and raze our villages to the ground. ... US aircraft have dropped
thousands of bombs, destroying towns, villages, hospitals, schools. We
will never submit to force; never accept talks under threat of bombs.

Quoted in Walsh, B. 2001. Modern World History. London, UK. John Murray.
p. 360.
Historical debate
Historians have debated the relative
successes and failures of each side Khe Sanh and the Tet Offensive
during the military engagements of From January to April 1968, the Battle of Khe Sanh took place. Khe Sanh was a
the war, and most agreed that it was US base in the central highlands near the demilitarised zone, and was intended
a serious defeat for the US. Recently, to block the infiltration of the NVA from the Ho Chi Minh Trail into the central
historians such as William Duiker coastal plain. The NVA high command reasoned that the strategic situation of
and Robert Buzzanco have argued Khe Sanh was so similar to Dien Bien Phu – isolated in the dense terrain of the
that Tet was a massive setback for central highlands – that they could impose a second conventional defeat on
the Viet Cong. The most serious their enemies. In April, the NVA sent two full divisions to Khe Sanh. The battle
challenger to the received wisdom raged for months, but the US managed to destroy the NVA’s heavy artillery. In
is C. Dale Walton, who argues that April, after very hard fighting, the NVA retreated – leaving an estimated 20,000
it was possible for the US to have dead. The battle was a major defeat for the North.
won the war on the battlefield as
it was actually successful in most At the same time as the Battle of Khe Sanh was being fought, the Viet Cong
of its military operations. If you launched the Tet Offensive, which proved to be the turning point of the war.
believe these authors then you must It was a massive and widespread offensive, intended to attack military and
look beyond the battlefield to find political targets across South Vietnam. The offensive was timed to coincide with
reasons for nationalist victory. Tet, the Vietnamese New Year, which was normally a time of truce. The Viet Cong
thus hoped to catch ARVN forces off guard and to encourage a general rising of
 2 Methods of achieving independence in Vietnam

the South Vietnamese population through a display of massive military power.

The VC attacked on 31 January, deploying 84,000 troops. However, the ARVN
managed to hold out until US reinforcements arrived, and the offensive failed.

Viet Cong guerrillas lie dead after the failure of the Tet Offensive

127

Tet was a serious strategic defeat for the Viet Cong, who suffered high casualties
(over 40,000 dead), and were never able to regain their previous strength.
By abandoning their guerrilla tactics
and coming out into the open, the
VC were badly mauled by superior
US firepower and mobility. In
particular, the VC’s overall structure
SOURCE F
was shattered by the defeat. A good
Comments by Nguyen Tuong Lai, a Viet Cong guerrilla leader.
example of this is the subsequent
recapture of the northern capital,
Tet was a great loss for the NLF forces. Our forces had to be restructured
Hué, by US marines after a month-
afterward. There were three phases of fighting during the offensive:
long battle that left over 5000 Viet
During the first phase in my area the NLF forces did the fighting. We
Cong dead. The US suffered 147 dead
and 857 wounded. However, while the lost too many men and in the second phase had to be reinforced by
Tet Offensive was a disaster for the North Vietnamese units. And in the third phase, the fighting was done
VC, it was an important development exclusively by North Vietnamese units. … The southern forces were
for the independence movement. decimated … and from that time on mostly served as intelligence,
NVA troops moved in to take the logistics, and saboteurs for the northerners.
place of the defeated Viet Cong, and
they were much better matched to Quoted in Pollock, A.1995. Vietnam: Conflict and Change in Indochina.
the conventional methods of warfare Melbourne, Australia. Oxford University Press. p. 77.
used by the ARVN and US troops.
 4 Vietnam

However, the main effect of Tet was not military but political, as it helped turn
US public opinion – appalled by the images of the offensive that were broadcast
into American homes – against the war.

Increasing opposition in the US was just one factor that adversely affected the
fragging US slang for killing an morale of US troops. Among others were the impact of VC booby traps, and the
unpopular officer with a grenade. growing numbers of casualties, both of US troops and of civilians. The ‘fragging’
of officers became more common, as did drug-taking. There was a rise in racial
tension within the army. Desertion and outright insubordination increased.

The My Lai Massacre

In March 1968, the impact of the Tet Offensive was deepened by the notorious
Historical debate
massacre at My Lai, in which US troops killed 400–500 civilians. This further
The impact of the media on the encouraged the rural Vietnamese in the South to side with the VC, as well
eventual outcome of the war has as reinforcing opposition to the war in the US. Furthermore, the American
been the focus of historical debate. commander in Vietnam, William Westmoreland, demanded more troops –
Peter Braestrup argues that media 206,000 – and permission to attack into Cambodia and Laos to capitalise on the
coverage of the Tet Offensive and success of Tet. The American public was outraged at the massacre and strongly
My Lai moulded opinion and helped objected to the drafting of yet more American troops to this foreign battlefield.
tip the US public against the war.
William Hammond, however, argues Politically, the US now began to look for a way out of Vietnam. On 31 March 1968,
that the media supported the war President Johnson announced that all bombing of the North would be suspended.
until the politicians in Washington In May, the first peace talks opened in Paris; they lasted until 1973. After Richard
Nixon became president, the US representative at the talks was the secretary of
changed their position, claiming
state, Henry Kissinger. The North was represented by Le Duc Tho.
that the media reacted to public
opinion rather than moulding it.
128
The same debate has surrounded
Vietnamisation and the end of the war
the widespread anti-war protests. The Nixon administration took office in January 1969, and soon announced
Melvin Small argues that the plans for a phased withdrawal of US troops in Vietnam – 25,000 to leave in 1969,
protests greatly influenced the with 150,000 more in 1970. At the same time, the US was entering a period of the
US administration, whereas Adam Cold War known as détente (see page 34). During this time, the USA attempted
Garfinkle claims that the protesters to improve relations with the two great communist powers, the USSR and
were so radical that they outraged China, to create greater global stability and open up markets for American
public opinion and actually trade. However, ‘Vietnamisation’ – the attempt to make the ARVN capable of
fighting the NVA without US troops – proved ineffective due to the inherent
prolonged the war.
problems within the ARVN, and the political and social structure of Vietnam.
It soon became apparent that the US would be forced to withdraw from South
Vietnam, leaving the region without the strength and unity to resist a concerted
VC/NVA attack.

Victims of the My Lai

Massacre
 2 Methods of achieving independence in Vietnam

North Vietnam wanted the withdrawal of all US troops and the replacement
of the government in the South with a coalition. As the ARVN and US suffered
more defeats, the pressure on the US to withdraw increased. By 1971, this was
being openly discussed and the North withdrew its demand for a coalition
government, improving the atmosphere of the talks. However, when the US
permitted South Vietnam to make some changes to preliminary agreements, the
North withdrew from the talks. The US followed up with an intensive bombing
campaign, which succeeded in driving the North back to the negotiating table.

By 1972, the VC/NVA had rebuilt their forces after the defeat in the Tet Offensive.
NVA regulars moved into South Vietnam, fighting a guerrilla campaign to begin
with but soon waging more conventional warfare. The renewed US bombing of
the North eventually drove all sides into a negotiated settlement at the talks
in Paris. The USSR and China both forced the government of North Vietnam to
make an agreement. They wanted better relations with the USA, and the events
of 1972 had shown that total military victory would be difficult to achieve. On
27 January 1973, formal agreements were made that would allow the US to
disengage from the conflict. The Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring
Peace in Vietnam was signed by South and North Vietnam, the NLF and the
USA. The US agreed to withdraw all troops within 60 days, and a ceasefire
was set to begin on 28 January. By March 1973, all US and SEATO troops had
left Vietnam.

By 1975, Giap had accumulated enough NVA reserves to begin a protracted

conventional campaign, and the war for reunification resumed. The North
already had troops south of the border, and the Paris agreements had resulted
in the withdrawal of vital US air support. 129

The government in the South was corrupt and unpopular. Food shortages and Activity
inflation further eroded support. At the same time, increasing numbers of ARVN
troops deserted. In March 1975, the NVA launched its final campaign. Despite In groups, prepare a chart. On one side
some isolated victories, the ARVN proved unable to stop the advance of the list the military events of the Second
NVA; many ARVN units simply disintegrated, and the South collapsed after only Indochina War. On the other side,
two months. Thieu resigned on 21 April and fled to Taiwan. NVA and VC troops decide who came out best from each
entered Saigon on 30 April 1975 – completely unopposed. The war was finally event – the NVA/VC or the US/ARVN.
over, and the early nationalist aims of an independent and reunified Vietnam
were finally achieved.

Historical debate
Why did North Vietnam win the Second There is discussion about Richard
Indochina War? Nixon’s contribution to the outcome
of the war. Jeffrey Kimball argues
At first the reasons for the North’s victory may seem obvious. Despite
that Nixon made up policy as he
overwhelming military and financial might from the USA, the South was unable
went along, and withdrew from
to sustain a war against the forces of the VC and NVA. In addition, many in
Vietnam in a messy and badly
the US – and the rest of the world – had come to see American interference
planned way. Larry Berman and
in Vietnamese affairs as damaging and unnecessary. In particular, the war in
Vietnam was viewed as essentially a war of national liberation begun by Ho Chi
Melvin Small argue that Nixon was
Minh rather than the attempted communist conquest of another country from motivated by the need to achieve
outside, as portrayed by the US government. ‘peace with honor’ as a solution to
the crisis. Ted Morgan argues that
After Tet and the My Lai Massacre, the war became politically untenable for the Nixon had no other choice but to
US and it began to withdraw from the conflict. The South – wracked by internal expand the war into Cambodia in
divisions – was unable to resist on its own, even with a massive injection of US order to cover the US retreat from
military aid in the final stages of the war. But this analysis, although convincing, the main theatre of war in Vietnam.
needs to be developed and placed in a more rounded historical context.
 4 Vietnam

Military factors
It is clear that in the First Indochina War the communists won the upper hand
militarily. They were fighting against a weakened European power emerging
from the Second World War – France had been under German occupation
for almost four years, and simply did not have the military will or economic
reserves to sustain a war in Indochina. Thus, the guerrilla tactics wore down the
French willingness to fight, and the catastrophic defeat at Dien Bien Phu made
the war politically unsustainable for France.

SOURCE G
Draft of a memo from US secretary of state Henry Kissinger to President Gerald
Ford, titled ‘Lessons of Vietnam’, 12 May 1975.
We cannot help draw the conclusion that our armed forces are not suited
to this kind of war. … This was partly because of the nature of the conflict.
It was both a revolutionary war fought at knife-point during the night
within the villages. It was also a main force war in which technology
could make a genuine difference. Both sides had trouble devising tactics
that would be suitable for each type of warfare. But we and the South
Vietnamese had more difficulty with this than the other side.

Presidential Country Files for East Asia and the Pacific, Gerald R. Ford Library.
130

However, during the Second Indochina War this analysis does not apply. The
problem was not wholly a military one, and the US armed forces could not
defeat the VC/NVA outright. The VC/NVA could always retreat to a network of
safe havens in the wake of defeat, where they could re-evaluate and regroup.
It was only later in the war that Nixon ordered ground forces into Cambodia to
deny the VC/NVA such refuges. Even so, North Vietnam remained out of bounds
for US ground forces (see page 126) and the US was never able to totally cut off
the Ho Chi Minh Trail, which connected the NVA’s bases in the North to their
VC allies fighting in the South. Furthermore, the methods used to fight the large
battles of the war tended to alienate the rural peasantry of the South, who
made up the bulk of the population. Thus, although severely damaged, the VC
could always recruit new fighters and rely on the local population to support
their guerrilla operations.

The structures and ideologies of the North and South

Vietnamese states
Fact
China and the USSR had their own North Vietnam was better suited to fighting a war of attrition. This state had a
interests, which sometimes conflicted quite definite strategic goal – the reunification of Vietnam under communist
rule. Ho Chi Minh provided strong leadership in pursuit of this goal. The
with those of North Vietnam. There
nature of the state also helped towards victory – the Tonkin region was very
are points in the history of the conflict
culturally homogeneous compared with the southern part of the country. North
when the USSR limited its backing due
Vietnam’s communist ideology and the fact that its government had emerged
to international considerations. The
from a revolutionary struggle also created unity. Both these factors created
limit on support applies even more to
great social discipline, and the sharp focus of the struggle for unification kept
China, which had historical interests
internal disunity to a minimum. North Vietnam did, however, face problems.
in Vietnam that Ho and his regime The country, a developing-world state with almost no industry, was fighting the
actually perceived as imperialistic. most powerful economy in the world. The support of China and the USSR was
also, therefore, a significant factor in the North’s success.
 2 Methods of achieving independence in Vietnam

On the other hand, the North’s largely agricultural economy was very difficult Historical debate
for the US to damage, and its massed air raids on the North – which dropped
three times the tonnage of bombs that had been used on Germany in the Second The historian George Herring argues
World War – were not a decisive factor in the outcome of the war. On balance, the case that some US politicians
therefore, the unity of purpose of the North Vietnamese equipped them better believed foolishly that military
for the long-drawn-out war of attrition that their fighters had created by their success could offset the inherent
tenacious struggle in the South. weakness of the South Vietnamese
regime. Robert Thompson modifies
Because decisive victory could not be achieved on the battlefield alone, the this, arguing that military action,
political weaknesses of the Republic of South Vietnam became key to the especially aerial bombing, only
outcome of the conflict. In theory, the war of attrition this created should have served to force the rural population
been won by the USA, with its vastly superior resources. This proved impossible, into the arms of the Viet Cong.
however. The ethnic, political and cultural differences within the South created Larry Cable believes that the
so many divisions that South Vietnam could not survive without direct US Americans should have concentrated
military support. This can be seen by comparing the events of 1972 to those more on counter-insurgency and
of 1975. In 1972, a large communist attack was halted by the use of massed abandoned their damaging search
US air power. In 1975, despite massive US aid to the ARVN, the NVA swept all and destroy strategy.
resistance aside. Thus, one of the major reasons for the North’s victory in the
war was the failure of the emergence of a coherent state in the South – the
reasons for which were deeply rooted in Vietnamese history.

The influence of the Cold War

The conflict in Indochina cannot be analysed in isolation from the Cold War.
The Cold War conditioned US reaction to events in Vietnam and Indochina. In
particular, the USA’s policy of containment and belief in the domino theory
resulted in support for pro-Western factions whatever the cost.
131
When an independent Vietnam emerged from the Second World War, Ho Chi
Minh genuinely believed that the US would maintain its support, as it claimed
to be an anti-colonial force. The Cold War also brought the large communist
powers China and the USSR into the conflict as supporters of the North. The
ideological nature of the war thus gave the North access to large amounts of
money and modern weaponry. This is especially interesting given China’s rather
ambiguous role in the region and general Vietnamese fears that, by relying on
China, they were encouraging a re-imposition of its historical dominance over
their country. Thus, despite the battering that VC/NVA forces received at the
hands of America’s armed forces, they were always able to survive.

SOURCE H
During the 1950s and 1960s, the Vietnamese Communists confronted
formidable enemies, the French and the Americans, in their quest
for national unification. Ho Chi Minh avidly sought advice and
weapons from China. But sentiments of distrust were never far below
the surface. The Chinese, for instance, were suspicious of Hanoi’s
intentions to incorporate Laos and Cambodia in an ‘Indochinese
Federation’, while the North Vietnamese guarded closely their ‘special
relationship’ with Laos when China increased its aid to the Pathet Lao.

Zhai, Q. 2000. China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950–1975. Chapel Hill, USA.
University of North Carolina Press. p. 119.
 4 Vietnam

Conclusion
The outcome of the war was the
result of a combination of factors,
but at its heart lay the North’s
extreme resilience. US and ARVN
forces could inflict debilitating
defeats on the VC/NVA, but due to
the existence of safe havens and the
willingness of the North Vietnamese
to continue the struggle, they always
re-entered the conflict once they
had rebuilt their strength. The North
Vietnamese could tolerate the war
of attrition, whereas the US could
not. The failure of the US to create
a South Vietnamese state with a
similar resilience meant that, once
domestic opinion about the conflict
turned against Washington, the war
was effectively lost.

North Vietnamese tanks move through What part did Ho Chi Minh play in the struggle
the streets of Saigon in May 1975
for independence?
Question An important factor in the success of the communist resistance, first to the
132 French and then to the Republic of South Vietnam and its US backers, was the
Why was North Vietnam finally leadership of Ho Chi Minh. He was charismatic, intelligent and ruthless. He had
able to win what it saw as its war been educated in France and had joined the French Communist Party in 1920.
of independence? He had spent the early 1920s in Moscow, where he had made strong contacts
with the Russian Bolshevik Party. During his time in Russia, Ho had formulated
a model of communist revolution based not on a rising of industrial workers but
on an organisation based around agricultural peasants. Thus, like Mao in China,
he modified classic Marxism to fit into a developing-world context. In 1924, he
travelled to Canton – a Chinese communist stronghold – and there began to
form his Vietnamese communist organisation.

In 1941, Ho returned to Vietnam and led the guerrilla war against the Vichy
French and the Japanese. His movement was supported in these operations
by the USA. With the defeat of Japan in 1945, he emerged as leader of an
independent Vietnam after ruthless purges of his opponents. Ho was initially
friendly towards the US, which he saw as an opponent of European colonial
empires, but his communist credentials ruled out any possibility of US support
for the newly created Vietnam. Thus, in 1950, he successfully negotiated
with the USSR and the People’s Republic of China for support against French
attempts to reinstate colonial rule in Indochina. He attempted to strike a deal
with the French, but talks broke down due to the unwillingness of the former
colonial power to negotiate. Ho devised the general direction of the war against
the French but wisely left the details of military planning to his minister of war,
Vo Nguyen Giap.

With the defeat of the French in 1954 and their replacement by the Republic of
South Vietnam, the war for independence took a new direction. Ho remained
staunchly opposed to any negotiated settlement whilst foreign troops remained
in South Vietnam. This was even the case when wider strategic considerations
 2 Methods of achieving independence in Vietnam

caused his Soviet and Chinese backers to pressure him to compromise with the
South. Even in the dark days of 1967, Ho realised that US public opinion would not
support the war forever and that South Vietnam and its army were fundamentally
weak. He put in place the long-term strategy of attrition that would eventually
lead to victory. He authorised the Tet Offensive and began the Paris talks that
were the outcome of this public-relations disaster for the US government.

Ho Chi Minh did not live to see the fruits of his efforts, dying in September 1969.
His death was greeted with shock by his people and his successes as leader
created a cult around him.

End of unit activities

1 Draw a spider diagram to compare the two sides in the First Indochina War,
showing the disadvantages facing the French and the advantages of the Viet
Minh. Include information on military strength, tactics, allies and foreign
aid, support from the Vietnamese people, political factors, and any other
consoderations that you think are relevant.
2 Draw up a table to contrast the two Vietnamese states in the period after the
Geneva Conference of 1954. Use the table below as an example, and add any
other categories that you think are necessary.

South Vietnam North Vietnam

Problems facing the country
Economic situation
Political structure 133
Quality of leadership
Foreign Aid

3 In 1960, opponents of Diem formed the National Liberation Front (NLF), the
armed wing of which was the Viet Cong. Read about the NLF on at least two
of the websites listed below, and make notes to answer these questions:
• How did the NLF try to win over the peasants?
• How did the Viet Cong operate?
• Why were they able to resist US forces?
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/VNnlf.htm
http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/national_liberation_front.htm
http://www.pbs.org/battlefieldvietnam/guerrilla/index.html
4 ‘North Vietnam won the war because the government in the South was seen
as an unpopular regime propped up by the US.’
Divide into two groups. One group should work out an argument in
support of this statement; the other group should work out an argument to
oppose it.
5 Use the information in this chapter, from books and from the internet to find
out about the impact of the war on the people and environment of Vietnam. Activity
6 It is 1969. The Paris peace talks have started and there are signs that the new Read this unit again. Why do
Nixon administration will soon begin to scale down American involvement you think historians have come
in Vietnam. Imagine that you are a journalist working in North Vietnam. up with such radically different
Prepare a list of questions that you would have liked to ask Ho Chi Minh interpretations of the impact of the
about his political career and achievements, and compose the answers that media on the war in Vietnam?
you think he may have given.
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-colonial Vietnam

Timeline
1976 establishment of a united Socialist
Key question
Republic of Vietnam • What form did Vietnam take after independence, and what
challenges did it face?
1978 Vietnamese forces invade Kampuchea/
Cambodia and topple Pol Pot’s Khmer
Rouge regime
Overview
1979 clashes between communist Vietnam
and China • After 1975, Vietnam attempted to reconstruct its economy,
which had been badly damaged by the war, using the USSR as a
1986 start of the economic policy of Doi Moi model. This was at best only partly successful.
(or ‘reconstruction’) • The social impact of the North’s victory took its toll on the South
and further restricted economic activity. As a reaction, thousands
1993 US grants diplomatic recognition to of Vietnamese fled the country in small boats, many of them
Vietnam dying in the attempt.
1994 US ends trade embargo against Vietnam • Vietnam emerged as a genuinely independent state; it was not
a satellite of the USSR and was prepared in 1979 to defend its
1995 Washington reopens diplomatic relations frontiers successfully against a much more powerful China.
134 with Vietnam • The situation in post-war Indochina was desperate, partly
because of the social and economic dislocation caused by the
war and partly due to ill-conceived policies by the communist
successor regimes in the region.
• By 1990, Vietnam had begun to introduce economic reforms and
to intervene in the politics of its neighbours.
• By the later 20th century, the region was beginning to recover.

What form did Vietnam take after

independence, and what challenges
did it face?
After 1975, Vietnam proved to be independent of its backers,
especially China. In fact, in 1978, Vietnam invaded Kampuchea
(Cambodia) and overthrew the tyrannical government of the Khmer
Rouge leader Pol Pot, who had aligned himself with the Chinese
communist regime. This increased the traditional historical tensions
between Vietnam and China, and in 1979 there was a series of major
clashes along the Sino–Vietnamese border, as the newly created
united Vietnam successfully repelled Chinese incursions into
its territory. Thus, Vietnam did not become a puppet of the larger
communist states as American strategists had feared throughout the
1950s. A US trade embargo on the new communist state, however,
made recovery from the war slow and difficult. It is only now that
Vietnam is beginning to prosper.
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-colonial Vietnam

The cost of the war for all sides was enormous. Fifty-eight thousand US soldiers Question
were killed or missing and 300,000 sustained wounds. In South Vietnam, 220,000
soldiers were killed, and over 5000 of America’s allies, from Thailand, South Korea, Were earlier US fears about Vietnam
Australia and New Zealand, were also dead. The North Vietnamese suffered becoming a puppet of the USSR or
appallingly, with up to a million military dead (NVA and VC).The combined total of China borne out after 1975?
Vietnamese civilian deaths has been estimated at 400,000, and it is believed that
over a million South Vietnamese civilians were injured between 1964 and 1975.
In Cambodia, between 500,000 and a million died. Economically, the US spent
$150 billion and this commitment of resources was one of the main contributing
factors in the worldwide recession of the 1970s.

Post-war Vietnam
Post-war Vietnam was in ruins. The war had taken its toll on the population
and had shattered the economy of the entire country. Furthermore, there were
extreme political and social divisions, as the population of the South had to be
incorporated into a united communist state. This was not too difficult in the
countryside, but in the urban areas of the South, where the population had led
a more Western lifestyle, it caused extreme social instability.

The Northern government also had problems switching to functioning as a

peacetime administration. The communists had effectively been at war since
1941 and they found rebuilding the country a huge challenge. This situation was
exacerbated by the USA’s blockade of Vietnam and its diplomatic efforts to ensure
that most of the West placed an embargo on trade with the new country.

Politically and socially, the impact of the North’s victory was immediate and
far-reaching. After 1975, the North imposed a single-party state and communist 135
policies in the South, such as forced collectivisation and the expansion of heavy
industry. In 1976, the whole country was renamed the Socialist Republic of
Vietnam. About 80% of the population of this new state were poor peasants
living in rural areas. The government was based on elected legislative and
executive bodies, but the Communist Party decided who could be candidates.
However, unlike many other recently unified and independent states, the North
Vietnamese leadership was experienced in administration.

Many South Vietnamese who were closely associated with the previous regime
had fled with the Americans. There were, however, about 300,000 individuals
who were considered by the communists to be members of the bourgeoisie, and
thus class enemies. These people, including civil servants, army officers and the
professional classes of the South, were quickly identified and arrested. Large
numbers were forcibly re-educated in camps where conditions were atrocious
and beatings commonplace. By 1990, international pressure forced the regime
to allow these people to emigrate. Most of them did, depriving Vietnam of the
skilled people required to run a modern economy.

The secret police – known as the Cong An – helped maintain order, and kept
a close watch on any potential anti-government activity. To remove colonial,
imperialist and Western capitalist influences, pre-1975 art and literature were
banned. All new works had to be sanctioned by the government, which insisted
on pro-nationalist and pro-communist messages. The new government also
controlled or supervised the new agencies, and owned the newspapers as well
as the radio and television services.
 4 Vietnam

As 90% of Vietnamese were from the same ethnic group, there were no
significant problems with ethnic or racial minorities. However, religious groups
were brought under government control, with only state-controlled churches
allowed to function. The Protestant Montagnard of the central highlands (many
of whom had worked with US forces) and the Hoa Hao Buddhists in the South
protested about persecution and the seizure of their lands.

The most visible expression of the social backlash against the North’s victory
was the ‘boat people’. Social and economic conditions in Vietnam became so
bad that between 1975 and 1990 over a million people attempted to leave the
country in small boats. The number of boats used for this mass exodus was
Question so large that it had an impact on the country’s fishing economy. Many of the
What do you understand by the term ‘boat people’ died in their attempt to leave their homeland. Others ended up in
‘boat people’? Australia, New Zealand or the USA. In 1990, Vietnam agreed to allow voluntary
migration, and the phenomenon of the boat people stopped.

Vietnam’s economic problems

The country’s economic problems were rooted in the damage done by the long-
drawn-out war of independence, the essentially agrarian nature of the united
Vietnam and the political alienation of the southern middle classes. Even the
most advanced states would have found it difficult to rebuild an economy that
had been so badly damaged. To overcome these problems – and to implement
communist policies – the new government moved to a centralised economy.
From 1975 to 1985, heavy industry was developed, and state-owned agricultural
collectives were established in the countryside. The latter policy brought about

136
Civilians survey the wreckage of their bomb-damaged homes in Hué, South Vietnam,
in 1968
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-colonial Vietnam

the biggest changes for the peasants. Private businesses were nationalised, and
the government attempted to oversee the entire war-shattered economy. As a Comecon The Council for Mutual
way of recovering as quickly as possible, Vietnam joined Comecon and, until Economic Assistance, set up in 1949
Mikhail Gorbachev took over as leader of the USSR in 1985, Vietnam received between the USSR and the Eastern
$3 billion a year in aid from the Soviet Union, and 4000 Soviet advisors and European countries, as a Soviet
technicians were sent to help reconstruction. response to the Marshall Plan. At first
the terms of trade were advantageous
However, communist attempts to follow the Soviet model and create an to the USSR, but were later equalised
industrialised economy had mixed results – a common experience for countries under Nikita Khrushchev.
in the developing world in their immediate post-colonial phase. In particular,
the economy lacked several of the raw materials and the capital and skills
required to complete such an ambitious task. While the USSR provided aid to
its ally, the Soviet model still proved difficult to establish in Vietnam.

In the countryside the communists attempted to repeat the collectivisation of

agriculture that they had accomplished in the North, but the peasantry resisted black market Secret trading
collectivisation. The Mekong Delta was the rice basket of Indochina, and without the knowledge of the
these unpopular policies prompted passive resistance by the peasants. They government.
preferred to leave land uncultivated rather than hand over their produce to the
government, and they were prepared to slaughter their own livestock for the
same reason. The peasants resorted to a black market for their goods. The net
effect of this was to cause food shortages on a massive scale.

These economic problems had not been so widespread when the North turned
to communism, because it was essentially an agrarian society. In the South,
with a more developed commercial and manufacturing base, the problems
were much greater. The economy slowly ground to a halt, and shortages and 137
hyper-inflation led to austerity measures in the early 1980s.

The leadership was divided. Reformers wanted a shift towards market socialism
to overcome the stagnating economy, while hardliners feared that any moves market socialism An economic
towards economic liberalism would lead to the erosion of socialism.The reformers system in which enterprises are owned
won the debate and, in 1986, a ‘renovation’ of the economy began. This was by the state or by public co-operatives,
known as Doi Moi. Several of the policies were similar to those being introduced but production and exchange of goods
in both China and the USSR. The regime allowed small-scale private businesses are determined mainly by market
to produce consumer goods, while the peasants were given a free hand in the forces rather than by state planning.
production of food. From 1990, Vietnam’s economy began to improve.

Vietnam experienced an increase in gross domestic product (GDP) of 8%

a year during the period 1990–97, while foreign investment rose by 300%.
A relaxation of state control also encouraged tourism, and Vietnam now gains
a substantial proportion of its income from this source. In 1993, the US granted
diplomatic recognition to Vietnam, and in 1995 normalised its relations, lifting
all sanctions.

Vietnam and China

For centuries, Vietnam had been under the influence of Imperial China.
Although the Viet Minh had received help from China after the communist
victory in 1949, Vietnamese nationalists were keen to limit Chinese influence.
Conflicts with China over Cambodia, and Vietnam’s alliance with the USSR,
led to a three-week border war with its powerful northern neighbour in 1979.
China attempted to enforce its influence in the region but its invading army
was badly beaten in the jungles of northern Vietnam against a determined
and experienced Vietnamese army. Although there has been no more fighting,
relations remain strained.
 4 Vietnam

The border war highlights several important factors relating to Vietnam’s position
after it achieved independence. Firstly, Vietnam was a Soviet, not a Chinese,
ally. Secondly, Vietnam was so distant from the USSR that it was essentially a
sovereign state, with none of the problems of satellite status experienced by
the countries of Eastern Europe. Thirdly, Vietnam’s historical antipathy towards
China surfaced almost as soon as the war was over. The border war of 1979
shows how foolish US strategy in Vietnam had been from the start. The US had
propped up the South in order to prevent the expansion of Chinese power into
the region. Ironically, as soon as the US had withdrawn and Vietnam was united,
China attempted to reassert its influence in the region.

Immediately after the 1979 war, the Soviet Union gave more training and aid
Fact to build up the Vietnamese army, but this came to an end in 1989–91 when the
Soviet aid to Vietnam after 1979 was USSR and the Eastern European regimes collapsed. The loss of aid and trading
significant. As well as military aid and partners caused problems for the Vietnamese economy.
technical training, the Soviet Union
provided Vietnam with more economic Despite these issues, and after nearly 60 years of turmoil, conflict and suffering,
aid than any other country and became Vietnam has developed a stable and independent government. Although it has
its biggest trading partner, a role it moved towards a form of capitalist economy, it has followed China’s example
maintained until the late 1980s. in attempting to keep communist political control, and the Communist Party
remains the only political party in Vietnam.

End of unit activities

1 Draw up a table to summarise the challenges involved in reuniting the
two Vietnams after 1975. Include sections on political, social and economic
138 challenges.
2 Find out what you can about the ‘boat people’, and make notes on the
following: who they were; why they were leaving Vietnam; how many people
were involved; what problems they encountered; and how successful their
mission was.
3 Use the information in this chapter to write notes on Vietnam’s relationship
with China, the United States and Cambodia since 1975.
4 Use the information on the websites below, together with information from
books and other websites, to prepare an oral presentation on Pol Pot, the
Khmer Rouge and the Cambodian genocide, and to discuss its connection to
the situation in Vietnam.
http://www.edwebproject.org/sideshow/khmeryears/index.html
http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990823/pol_pot1.html
5 ‘Although American policy in Southeast Asia was designed to prevent the
domino effect, American actions instead caused such an effect.’
Prepare an argument to oppose or support this statement.
 4 Vietnam

End of chapter activities

Paper 1 exam practice
Question
With reference to their origin and purpose, assess the value and limitations of
Sources A and B below for historians studying the Vietnam War.
[6 marks]

Skill
Utility/reliability of sources

SOURCE A
The war in Vietnam is a new kind of war, a fact as yet poorly
understood in most parts of the world. Vietnam is not another Greece,
where indigenous guerrilla forces used friendly neighbouring territory
as a sanctuary. Vietnam is not another Malaya, where Communist
guerrillas were, for the most part, physically distinguishable from
the peaceful majority they sought to control. Vietnam is not another 139
Philippines, where Communist guerrillas were physically separated
from the source of their moral and physical support. Above all, the
war in Vietnam is not a spontaneous and local rebellion against
the established government. … In Vietnam a Communist government
has set out deliberately to conquer a sovereign people in a
neighbouring state.

A US government document
describing the war in Vietnam
in 1965. SOURCE B
‘I had a terrible dream of ghosts floating through the village and into
our house and into my mouth and nose and I couldn’t breathe. I woke
up to find my father’s hand over my face and his voice whispering to
me to lie still.’ In many ways the Vietnam War was a fight to control the
countryside of South Vietnam and the loyalty of its people. Before the
war most of the people in South Vietnam lived in small, rural villages
and supported their families by farming. They tended to be quite
poor, and few of them could read or write. They lived simple lives
that emphasized the importance of family ties and cultural traditions.
They did not know or care much about politics. But when the war
began, the South Vietnamese peasants were caught in the middle.

A Vietnamese peasant, Le Ly Hayslip, writes about the war, 1993.

 4 Vietnam

Utility/reliability questions require you to assess two sources over a range of

possible issues/aspects – and to comment on their value to historians studying
a particular event or period of history. The main areas you need to consider in
relation to the sources and the information/view they provide, are:

• origin and purpose

• value and limitations.

Before you write your answer, draw a rough chart or spider diagram to show,
where relevant, these various aspects. Make sure you do this for both sources.

Common mistakes
When asked to assess two sources for their value, make sure you don’t just
comment on one of the sources! Every year a few students make mistakes like
this, and lose as many as 4 of the 6 marks available.

Simplified markscheme

Band Marks

1 Both sources assessed, with explicit consideration of 5–6

BOTH origins and purpose AND value and limitations.

2 Both sources assessed, but without consideration of 3–4

BOTH origins and purpose AND value and limitations.
140
OR explicit consideration of BOTH origins and purpose
AND value and limitations, BUT only for one source.

3 Limited consideration/comments on origins and 0–2

purpose OR value and limitations. Possibly only one/
the wrong source(s) addressed.

Student answer

One problem or limitation of Source A is that it is a US government

document, so it might be biased – though this would depend on
whether it was intended for publication (in which case it might be
propaganda); or whether it was an internal document, which would
be likely to be more reliable. Although the fact that it says the war
in South Vietnam is not a local rebellion makes it more doubtful.
However, even if it is propaganda, it is useful as an example of how
the US tried to ‘sell’ its involvement. If it were an internal document,
it would be useful for historians to know how the policymakers were
thinking – even if they were wrong.
 4 Vietnam

Examiner’s comments
This is good assessment of Source A, referring explicitly to both origin and
possible purpose and to value and limitations. The comments are valid and
are clearly linked to the question. The candidate has thus done enough to get
into Band 2, and so be awarded 3 or possibly 4 marks. However, as there are no Vietnam, 1945–54
comments about Source B, this answer fails to get into Band 1. • Rise of nationalist movements
• Impact of the Second World War
Activity • First Indochina War
Look again at the two sources, the simplified markscheme, and the student • Geneva Conference
answer. Now try to write a paragraph or two to push the answer up into Band
1, and so obtain the full 6 marks. As well as assessing Source B, try to make
a linking comment to show value – e.g., do the two sources provide similar
information? Second Indochina War, 1959–75
• US involvement
Summary activity • Nature of the fighting
• Impact on civilians
Copy the spider diagram opposite and, using the • Why did the North win?
information in this chapter, make brief point form
notes under each heading.
Vietnam:
the road to Two separate Vietnams
Practice Paper 2 questions independence • North Vietnam
Policies
1 Assess the successes and failures of either/or Problems
North or South Vietnam. • South Vietnam
2 Analyse the emergence and development of the Viet Policies 141
Minh and NLF. Problems
3 For what reasons, and with what justification, was there opposition to
colonial rule in Indochina?
4 To what extent was the leadership of Ho Chi Minh the key factor in the
Vietnam reunited, 1975 onwards
defeat of French colonialism in Indochina by 1955?
• Problems
5 Assess the impact of the Cold War on the development of Vietnam.
• Successes
6 Why did the North win the war in Vietnam?

Further reading
Try reading the relevant chapters/sections of the following books:

Anderson, David L. 2005. The Vietnam War. Basingstoke, UK. Palgrave

Macmillan.
Duiker, William J. 2000. Ho Chi Minh: A Life. New York, USA. Hyperion.
Herring, George C. 2001. America’s Longest War: The United States and Vietnam,
1950–1975. Maidenhead, UK. McGraw-Hill Higher Education.
Karnow, Stanley. 1994. Vietnam: A History. London, UK. Pimlico.
Kolko, Gabriel. 1985. Anatomy of a War. New York, USA. Pantheon.
McAlister, John T. 1970. Viet Nam: The Origins of Revolution. London, UK. Allen
Lane.
Pike, Douglas. 1991. Viet Cong: The Organization and Techniques of the National
Liberation Front of South Vietnam. Cambridge, USA. De Capo Press.
 5 Czechoslovakia
Fact Introduction
Czechoslovakia comprised two
Czechoslovakia first emerged as an independent state as a result of the political
different national groups. The eastern upheavals and subsequent treaties that occurred in 1919 and 1920. These
half of the country was dominated treaties broke up the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the end of the First World
by Slovaks, the western by Czechs. War. Unlike other Central and Eastern European states in the 1920s and 1930s,
Although they shared similar Czechoslovakia established a democratic system along Western European lines
languages and ethnic ties – and were and developed a relatively prosperous industrial economy.
opposed to the non-Slavic minorities
(mainly German-speaking and Map showing the division of Europe after the treaties of 1919 and 1920
Hungarian) in Czechoslovakia – these
two groups often did not co-operate Finland
with each other. N Norway
Areas lost by Germany
Estonia Areas lost by Hungary
Areas lost by Austria
Sweden
Latvia Areas lost by Russia
Denmark Areas under discussion
North Sea
Lithuania Areas to be
internationalised
142
USSR
Netherlands
Germany km
Poland 0 200
Belgium
0 200
Luxembourg miles

Axis This term applies to the German- Czechoslovakia

led alliance in the Second World War,
resulting from the Tripartite Pact of France
Austria
Switzerland Hungary
September 1940. The two other main
Romania
members of the alliance were Italy and
Japan, thus it is often known as the Italy
Yugoslavia
Rome–Berlin–Tokyo Axis. Romania,
Bulgaria, Hungary, Finland and Bulgaria

Slovakia were also members of this

alliance. Slovakia joined in November The rise of Nazi Germany in the 1930s posed a significant threat to Czecho-
1940, and declared war on Britain slovakia, as a substantial minority German population lived in the Sudetenland,
and the US in 1942. These actions an area along the Czech border. In October 1938, Hitler pressured Britain and
caused tensions between the Czechs France to support German occupation of this region and, in an infamous move,
and the Slovaks. the Western powers abandoned Czechoslovakia, despite the USSR’s offer of
military assistance to turn back the Nazi tide. In March 1939, Hitler’s army
occupied the rest of Czechoslovakia without any resistance from the West. The
Activity Czechs never forgot this ‘betrayal’. Hitler proceeded to incorporate Bohemia, the
Find out what happened at the western half of the region, into Germany and set up a pro-Nazi Axis satellite
Munich Conference in 1938. Why did power in Slovakia in the east. This was a dictatorship, ruled by president Josef
many Czechs believe that they had Tiso, an ex-Catholic priest who declared the Slovak Republic’s independence
been betrayed or even sacrificed by from Czechoslovakia in March 1939. Tiso quickly allied Slovakia to Nazi Germany,
Britain and France? and supported the German invasions of Poland and the USSR in the same year.
In 1944, Tiso’s troops helped crush the Slovak National Rising.
 Norway Finland km
0 300
Leningrad
0 300
Estonia miles
Sweden

Denmark
Latvia
Moscow

Fu r t
Lithuania he
s
arus
t Bel

tG
Sovie Soviet Union

er m
a
dv

n
Berlin

a
an
ce
Germany Warsaw

Prague Kiev

Slovakia Soviet Ukraine

Vienna

Hungary Germany (including Austria

and areas of Czechoslovakia
and Poland)
German allies
Croatia Romania German-controlled territory
Serbia

Eastern Europe in the Second World War; Slovakia was a state set up by the Nazis after
their invasion of Czechoslovakia

Czechoslovakia’s former president, Edvard Beneš, established a government in 143

exile in London, which was formally recognised by the Soviet leader Joseph
Stalin in 1943. Czechoslovakia was liberated at the end of the Second World
War, largely by Soviet Red Army troops. Following the Yalta agreements in 1945,
the US withdrew from the small area in the west that it had occupied – and
Czechoslovakia soon fell firmly into the communist bloc.

Once within that sphere of influence, Czech independence movements and

political organisations at odds with the Soviet view of communism found Warsaw Pact The Soviet-led military
it very difficult to survive, let alone make progress. With the strength of the alliance established to counter the
Warsaw Pact behind it, the USSR could impose its political will on states within West’s NATO. It was founded in 1955
the communist bloc by the use of armed force if necessary. The events of the and dominated Eastern Europe until
Cold War also meant that Czechoslovakia was isolated from any Western aid. the collapse of the USSR in 1991.
Thus, without radical changes in the USSR, Czechoslovakia had little hope of
following an independent course in its own affairs.

As the Cold War developed, Stalin established pro-Soviet communist regimes

throughout Eastern Europe. Although there were common patterns of economic
and social development within each of the communist states under Soviet
influence, aspects of Czechoslovakia’s political and economic background
eventually brought it into conflict with the USSR. In 1968, attempts to liberalise
the communist regime in Czechoslovakia resulted in an armed invasion by
Warsaw Pact forces.

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Czechoslovakia’s internal economic

development continued but, fearing Soviet intervention, the government firmly
maintained the communists’ political position. In the later 1980s, the country
was caught up in the general crisis engulfing the entire communist bloc, and in
1990 it emerged from the communist era as an independent state.
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet
and centralised control of Czechoslovakia

Timeline
1919 Treaty of Versailles establishes an
Key questions
independent Czechoslovakia • How did the USSR begin to establish control over Czechoslovakia?
• What factors influenced the growth of movements that challenged
1935 Edvard Beneš becomes prime minister
Soviet control?
1938 Hitler occupies the Sudetenland after
Munich agreement is signed
Overview
1945 Beneš becomes president of post-war
Czechoslovakia • After 1945, a pro-Soviet communist state was established in
Czechoslovakia.
1948 Berlin Blockade • The initial communist state was built very much along Stalinist
1949 Comecon established lines and mirrored the structure of the USSR. As a result, the early
communist state of Czechoslovakia was extremely repressive.
1953 death of Stalin; currency reform in • The society and economy of this state was highly centralised,
Czechoslovakia causes a rise in food prices once again along Soviet lines.
resulting in strikes; rising in East Germany • Stalin’s death in 1953 resulted in changes to Czechoslovakia’s
suppressed by the Red Army economy and society, as it did elsewhere in the communist bloc.
144 • In 1957, a new form of communism was established, based on the
1956 uprisings in Hungary and Poland principles of market socialism, and Czechoslovakia experienced
suppressed by the Red Army a period of growth and prosperity.
1957 Antonín Novotný becomes president • Under Antonín Novotný, a balance was reached between
of Czechoslovakia economic development and the supremacy of the Communist
Party in everyday life.

How did the USSR begin to establish

control over Czechoslovakia?
All of Eastern Europe fell into the Soviet sphere of influence at
the end of the Second World War. The continent was divided in
two roughly along the line of the River Elbe (which runs through
Czechoslovakia and Germany to the North Sea), with the Red Army
occupying the eastern half. For reasons of ideology and security,
Stalin was determined that Eastern Europe should be placed firmly
Historical debate under Soviet influence.

Some historians see the motive Russia had been invaded many times by Western states. Between
for the extension of Soviet control 1918 and 1922, a series of military interventions were staged by the
into Eastern Europe as deeply USA, Britain, France and Japan to support forces fighting against the
rooted in Bolshevik ideology as Red Army during and immediately after the Russian Civil War. Poland
a way of spreading communism. invaded in 1920–21. Added to these were the German invasions of
Others accept the genuine security 1914 and 1941. All this suggested to Stalin that the USSR’s security
concerns of the USSR, based on the was under long-term threat. In 1945, therefore, he decided to create
belief that the capitalist imperialist a series of satellite states (countries that, although technically
states of the West would seek to independent, are heavily reliant on a more powerful state), which
overthrow the communist state would effectively push Russia’s sphere of influence so far to the west
in Russia. that the country would be protected from future invasions. Stalin did
not actually absorb these states into the USSR – he wanted Eastern
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Czechoslovakia

Edvard Beneš (1884–1948)

Beneš was a key player in the
Source A Czechoslovakian independence
movement, and became the country’s
Comments by the Czech historian Z. A. B. Zeman on the events of 1968.
first foreign minister in 1919. He
represented his country in most of the
Twice in this century the Russians have had to face an onslaught from
key international conferences in the
the centre of Europe. Only they know the extent of their losses in the
1920s and early 1930s. He became
last war [the Second World War] … and the country is still governed
president in 1935, but spent the
by the men who fought in it. The Russians have no intention of
Second World War in London, leading
dismantling their defences to the west.
the Czechoslovakian government
in exile. Beneš was a socialist and
Quoted in Fisher, P. 1985. The Great Power Conflict After 1945. London, UK.
Basil Blackwell. p. 40. on friendly terms with Stalin. For
example, he signed a co-operation
agreement between his country and
the USSR in 1943.
Europe to act as a buffer zone. Simply extending the Soviet border westwards
would increase, not decrease, the vulnerability of the USSR. In addition, the
states of Eastern Europe had far higher living standards than the USSR and their
full incorporation into the Soviet state might cause internal political instability.

That these satellite states should have communist regimes that mimicked the
USSR’s was entirely logical given the political context of the emerging Cold
War. The problem was that the Soviet-style regimes were highly authoritarian,
and many people living within the new sphere of influence opposed their
imposition. The power of the USSR in 1945, however, made resistance to Stalin’s 145
policy futile, as the populations of Eastern Europe had been weakened by the
social and economic impact of the Second World War.

The post-war years, 1945–53

The first president of post-war Czechoslovakia was Edvard Beneš of the Czech
National Social Party. In October 1945, the National Assembly unanimously
confirmed him as president, even though no elections had been held. Stalin
ordered the leader of the Czechoslovakian Communist Party, Klement Gottwald,
to co-operate in a National Front coalition, and the communists secured control Marshall Aid A post-war initiative
of important ministries, including the police and the military. In May 1946, by the USA to refinance and
the first post-war elections saw the communists emerge as the largest party, economically reconstruct Europe.
winning 38% of the vote in a free election. Gottwald became prime minister of a Historians debate the USA’s motives in
new coalition. By then, however, emerging Cold War tensions led Stalin to order giving Marshall Aid. On the face of it,
him to increase communist control. Because Czechoslovakia was relatively the Marshall Plan was an altruistic act
developed and prosperous compared to the rest of Eastern Europe, a ‘class war’ by the USA to rebuild the economies
against the rich resulted in a redistribution of wealth, which was supported of the West. However, the government
by most of the population. However, Czechoslovakia’s limited independence – in Moscow – and many historians
and Stalin’s determination to control the USSR’s satellites – was demonstrated since then – interpreted the move as
when the USSR stopped Gottwald applying for Marshall Aid. an attempt to establish US economic
control in the region.
Until 1948, Beneš led a government that was left-leaning and friendly towards
the USSR, but which also displayed many Western values. However, non-
communists were increasingly victimised. Václav Nosek, the communist
minister of the interior, dismissed eight police inspectors in the capital, Prague,
in an attempt to remove non-communists from the police force. The cabinet Question
voted to reverse his decision. However, these events prompted anti-government Why was the USSR keen to establish
riots by students in Prague and, in February 1948, a Soviet-supported coup was satellite states in countries such as
carried out. Beneš resigned in June of that year. New elections were held – with Czechoslovakia after 1945?
no opposition parties – and Gottwald became the new president.
 5 Czechoslovakia

The reasons for the coup in February 1948 were fourfold:

Josip Tito (1892–1980) Tito
(real name Josip Broz) emerged as 1 Stalin was paranoid about the possibility of the collapse of Soviet control of
a communist resistance fighter in Eastern Europe.
German-occupied Yugoslavia. His 2 Domestic national tensions within Czechoslovakia seemed to be pushing
partisans had liberated the country the country towards civil war.
by themselves as the Nazi empire 3 A situation was developing in Yugoslavia, where the socialist leader Josip
collapsed at the end of the Second Tito was distancing himself from the USSR.
World War. Tito was therefore not 4 In the elections held in January 1948, the communists’ share of the vote
beholden to the USSR, and sought to dropped to 25%.
maintain an independent stance for
Yugoslavia in international affairs. Had it not been for these developments, the Soviet communists may well have
found Beneš’s regime acceptable.

Under Gottwald, Czechoslovakia became subservient to the USSR, and many of

the characteristics of Soviet communism were introduced, including one-party
rule and the replacement of private ownership by a nationalised and centrally
controlled command economy (see page 150). Civil society (churches, unions and
clubs) came under communist control or were closed down. The secret police
and other security forces were used to intimidate and imprison opponents.

Afraid of further defections like that of Yugoslavia, in the period 1950–52 Stalin
ordered a series of purges and show trials, which resulted in the execution of
the leading Communist Party members Rudolf Slánský, Vladimír Clementis and
Otto Šling for the crimes of ‘Trotskyism’ and ‘Titoism’. Labour camps similar
to the Soviet gulags were also created and, between 1948 and 1954, there were
146
150,000 political prisoners in Czechoslovakia.

Rudolf Slánský, secretary-general of the Czech Communist Party, at his show trial during
Question
Stalin’s purges in 1952
Why was Stalin’s attitude towards
Eastern Europe more complex than
many Western politicians believed
at the time?

purges A Stalinist method of

social control, where large numbers
of people – often innocent – were
arrested, imprisoned or executed to
maintain an atmosphere of terror and,
hence, social control.
show trials Politically motivated
public trials of opponents of a
totalitarian regime. Commonly used
by Stalin to remove opposition in
the USSR.
gulag A prison camp, usually for
political prisoners. Gulags were used
to supply forced labour.
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Czechoslovakia

Stalin ensured control of Eastern Europe by establishing a Red Army presence

and by banning any political associations between the different states. For
example, Czechoslovakia considered resurrecting a pre-war mutual defence
pact called the Little Entente with Yugoslavia and Romania, but this was
blocked by the USSR. Each state of Eastern Europe had unilateral relations with
the USSR and every other state in the region.

During the late 1940s, this arrangement came under pressure because of the
increasingly independent stance taken by Tito’s socialist Yugoslavia as well as Fact
events in the Cold War, especially the Berlin Blockade of 1948. In 1949, Stalin In response to the West’s formation
established Comecon, an economic organisation designed to balance the USA’s of Trizonia (the division of post-war
Marshall Plan, which had been set up to aid the reconstruction of Western Europe. Germany into American, British and
Czechoslovakia was one of Comecon’s founding members, and the organisation French zones) and the introduction
bound the whole of communist Eastern Europe politically and economically to of a new currency for their regions
the USSR. In 1955, Czechoslovakia entered into the full military alliance of the of Germany, which he saw as the
Warsaw Pact with the USSR and the other states of Eastern Europe.
first moves in reviving an anti-Soviet
Germany, Stalin imposed a blockade.
Reasons for communist takeover Lasting from 1948 to 1949, this cut off
Although Czechoslovakia had a democratic tradition, this only lasted 20 years West Berlin from the outside world.
(1919–39). Beneš and his government had attempted to maintain strong links The Western powers supplied the city
with the West, but they also recognised the need for a strong Soviet influence successfully by air, causing the Soviet
in Central Europe. These politicians had experienced the dangers of a powerful leader to back down.
Germany in 1938, and were always conscious of the fact that they had been
abandoned by the Western powers at that time. They saw the USSR as a
protector against a potentially resurgent Germany. In addition to this, Beneš
was not prepared to act unconstitutionally against the communists.
147
By 1949, the political, social and economic structures of Czechoslovakia were Question
all copies of the Soviet model. Communist rule was based on the concept
of ‘democratic centralism’ – once decisions had been made by the central How appropriate is the term
authorities, they were not to be questioned by local officials. The Communist ‘democratic centralism’ to describe the
Party was at the centre of political life; it had a rigid hierarchy with locally political system in Czechoslovakia?
elected officials in places of work or districts. Large elements of the population
were party members – 45% in Czechoslovakia by 1978 – and the party played
a central role in all aspects of life, from education to the availability of luxury
consumer goods such as cars. This gave ordinary people a stake in the system.
The Communist Party also maintained internal security organisations to ensure
social discipline. In Czechoslovakia this took the form of the secret police
organisation known as the StB. By 1968, 100,000 key posts in Czechoslovakia
were reserved for those deemed trustworthy by the state.

What factors influenced the growth of

movements that challenged Soviet control?
De-Stalinisation and its impact on Czechoslovakia
Stalin died on 5 March 1953. His method of maintaining dominance had been
based on the use of terror, and his death heralded a radical change in the USSR’s
political and social policy. The Soviet Union’s Politburo was now controlled by
a group that favoured a ‘New Course’, which relied less on fear and more on
liberalisation and the production of consumer goods for Soviet citizens. Following Politburo Short for ‘Political
the ‘secret speech’ in 1956, in which the new Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev, Bureau’, this was the top political
attacked Stalin, there were also attempts at de-Stalinisation in the rest of the decision-making organisation in the
Eastern bloc. However, whilst these developments were taking place, new USSR and the Eastern European states.
problems were emerging in several of those Eastern European states.
 5 Czechoslovakia

Question
Does the fact that the writer of
Source B was living in West Germany Source B
make it more or less valuable to a
historian studying this period?
An account in a German newspaper of events in 1953 by a Czech writer
living in West Germany.

Communist economic policy had resulted in an unprecedented

economic decline and an increasing impoverishment of the
population. The workers became increasingly dissatisfied. Faced with
a pressing food shortage caused by the collectivisation of agriculture,
there was an increasing refusal to work. Gottwald’s successor knew no
other remedy than a drastic currency reform, which destroyed people’s
savings. This fuelled the explosive atmosphere among the workers.
Antonín Novotný (1904–75)
Novotný was general secretary of the Quoted on http://www.zeit.de/2003/22/S_86_Vorspann_Pilsen?page=1
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia
from 1953 to 1968, and president of
Czechoslovakia from 1957 to 1969. Gottwald died just a few days after Stalin. He was succeeded as first party
By nature a conservative, he sought secretary by Antonín Novotný. In May 1953, the Czechoslovakian government
to maintain party control over all announced a currency reform, and almost immediately food prices rose by
aspects of society, even in the face of 12%. Widespread demonstrations followed, the most serious of which took
mounting pressure for reform resulting place at the Skoda plant at Pilsen, where 20,000 workers went on strike. The
from economic developments. (See strikers attacked communist officials, as well as lynching several secret-service
also pages 150–51.) informers. In June 1953, a serious uprising took place in East Germany, which
148 had to be suppressed by the Red Army.

Question Khrushchev encouraged the satellite states of Eastern Europe to follow the
Why did de-Stalinisation have a limited USSR’s lead in diversifying and decentralising economic activity, and relaxing
impact in Czechoslovakia? social control. The motive for this change was twofold – to provide a more
stable political atmosphere and to reform economic structures in the hope of
achieving genuine growth. To encourage these reforms, Comecon assumed a
Activity
much more active role. Czechoslovakia was well placed to take advantage of
Research the causes and results of these changes. The country was one of the most industrially advanced regions
the uprisings in Poland and Hungary of the Soviet bloc and reacted positively to the relaxation of social control.
in 1956. Furthermore, the population was not as anti-Russian as some other parts of
Eastern Europe, partly because of the Western abandonment of the country at
Munich (see page 143), and partly because it believed that alliance with the
Gustáv Husák (1913–91) USSR offered protection against any new threat from Germany. Thus, whilst
Husák was president and secretary of de-Stalinisation caused instability and uprisings in Poland and Hungary in 1956,
the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia Czechoslovakia remained relatively stable.
from 1969 to 1987. He was a victim
of the purges of 1950–52, and spent Czechoslovakia’s economy in the 1950s
a long period in prison before being In 1951, wages stood at 86.6% of their 1937 level, and poverty and food shortages
rehabilitated in 1963. He became were a common experience for the Czechoslovakian population. At first, the
deputy secretary during Alexander communists attempted to control these problems by repression, instigating
Dubček’s brief reign as Czech leader show trials such as that of Gustáv Husák.
(1968–69), but then supported the
ending of Dubček’s reforms. After However, during the 1950s, Czechoslovakia experienced a period of economic
1968, he initiated a process known as growth, as the state instigated a series of five-year plans. These were assisted
‘normalisation’, by which communist by limited aid from Czechoslovakia’s communist partners, co-ordinated by
authority was restored after the events Comecon. The plans included changes to working conditions. Although it was
of the Prague Spring (see page 155). still illegal to leave a job, and stringent measures were put in place to counter
absenteeism, the new initiative did at least outline more realistic production
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Czechoslovakia

targets. The five-year plans were initially successful and their introduction Historical debate
created a burst of economic activity that sustained Czechoslovakia until the
late 1950s. The rural economy was reorganised into groups of farms known Geoffrey Swain has argued that
as collectives, and the different areas of agricultural production were brought the agricultural changes in
together into large enterprises called combines, which were owned and run by Czechoslovakia were not as radical
the state. By 1956, 80% of Czechoslovakia’s rural population were either members as those imposed on the Soviet
of collective farms or employed by state-controlled combines. There was also a Union, and were a mixture of
certain amount of private industry, and from 1954 onwards the production of collectivisation and recognition of
consumer goods slowly rose in Czechoslovakia. traditional farming practices. This
was an effective combination, mixing
Although Antonín Novotný continued using Stalinist methods of political large-scale agricultural production
control, the relative prosperity of Czechoslovakia after 1953 meant there was with a small-scale area of economic
no widespread discontent with general living standards. As a result, Novotný’s activity which in many ways presaged
government faced little pressure for political concessions or liberalisation. In market socialism.
the late 1950s, when economic problems began to emerge, there was a purge of
economists instead of reform – violence in Hungary against leading communists
in 1956 meant that the Czech leaders were keen to prevent reforms.

Market socialism
In 1957, the president of Czechoslovakia, Antonín Zápotocký, died and was
replaced by Antonín Novotný. Novotný reluctantly introduced limited social
and political reform to Czechoslovakia. In the economic sphere, a radical reform
called ‘market socialism’ (see page 150) was introduced. However, Novotný was
unable to reform the economy without the introduction of equal social and
political changes.

A worker in a steelworks near Prague in the 1960s

149
 5 Czechoslovakia

Until the 1960s, communist economies had been command economies – with
command economies Economic industry and agriculture controlled and directed from the centre. Central
systems that are entirely controlled by planning agencies determined the economic needs of the state, and organised
a central govenment. In a command labour and resources to meet these needs. This system had transformed the
economy, the state makes all the USSR from a backward agrarian state into a major industrial power. There were,
decisions about the production and however, weaknesses in the centralised system. In peacetime and in economies
distribution of goods and materials with established industrial bases – such as in Czechoslovakia – centralised
in every economic sector. economic decision-making was often inefficient and did not accurately assess
the needs of the population.
market socialism An economic
system in which enterprises are owned The shift towards market socialism was designed to address the weaknesses
by the state or by public co-operatives, of the centralised system. The key sectors of the economy – energy production,
but production and exchange of goods heavy industry, and so on – would remain under the central planning system.
are determined mainly by market However, there would be more diversification in other parts of the structure,
forces rather than by state planning. especially light industry and those parts of the economy concerned with the
production of consumer goods. Market socialism was intended to provide
economic development without fundamentally undermining Marxist ideology,
which would be protected by the power of the Communist Party. Czechoslovakia
was well placed to take advantage of these changes.

However, there were some disadvantages to the introduction of market socialism.

Firstly, the system greatly empowered local managers, who were allowed to
set wage levels and hire and fire at will. Secondly, the economic changes were
not accompanied by political and social reforms, yet market socialism created
a middle class that wanted access to political as well as economic power.
In 1965, therefore, a programme of further reforms was initiated. The command
150 economy was modified by limited market reorganisation so that consumers
could have more influence on economic activity. Enterprises were grouped
together into trusts, which were given greater independence from central
control. Factory owners were allowed to assess their own needs and acquire
their own natural resources. They were also allowed to keep profits, and these
could be shared amongst the workforce or reinvested. Private enterprise was
permitted in some parts of the service sector, but other areas of the economy
remained centrally controlled.

Antonín Novotný
When Novotný became president in 1957 his reputation as a hardline Stalinist
Comintern An international caused the reformers within the Czechoslovakian Communist Party to view
organisation founded in Moscow in him with some suspicion. Novotný had been a member of the Communist Party
1919 and controlled by the USSR. since 1921 and had worked for Comintern.
Its function was to encourage and
support communist revolution Novotný served as first secretary of the Czechoslovakian Communist Party
anywhere in the world. from 1951 (with a short break in 1953), and clashed with Gottwald’s successor,
Antonín Zápotocký, who wanted to take advantage of Khrushchev’s accession
to power and introduce reform to Czechoslovakia. From late 1953, Novotný was
effectively the leader of the state. Despite Khrushchev’s lead, Novotný continued
with Stalinist-style state control. He even developed a cult of personality,
although his uncharismatic and unimaginative character did not fit him for
such a role.
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Czechoslovakia

One of the key areas in which Novotný resisted change was in rehabilitating Questions
those who had been ‘purged’ during the period of the establishment of
communism in Czechoslovakia. Novotný had been deeply implicated in these What is a ‘personality cult’? Apart
purges – which had fallen heavily on the Slovakian part of the population – from Stalin, which other historical
and could not distance himself from these events without causing serious figures developed such a cult? Which
political damage. Furthermore, he felt that relaxing the party’s grip on society modern leaders have tried to do a
would cause a serious nationalist backlash amongst the Slovakian part of the similar thing?
population, and that this might even lead to civil war. There were certainly
changes – pressure from Khrushchev was difficult to resist – but Novotný did
the minimum to keep on the right side of the Soviet leader.

Theory of knowledge
End of unit activities
1 Go to this website: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/communists- History and perspective
take-power-in-czechoslovakia. Read this account of the communist takeover Why is it important to take into
in Czechoslovakia in 1948. Use this information, together with information account different perspectives when
from other sources, to explain the Western reaction to these events. studying historical events? How would
Soviet and Western views differ in their
2 To what extent is it fair or accurate to blame Beneš for the collapse of
democracy in Czechoslovakia in 1948? assessment of the situation in post-
war Czechoslovakia?
3 Draw a spider diagram to illustrate how the system of market socialism
operated in Czechoslovakia.
4 Find out what you can about the purges in Czechoslovakia in the 1950s.
5 Draw a table to summarise the achievement and failures of each of the
Czech leaders between 1945 and 1968. You could use the table below as
a template. 151

Leader Dates in office Achievements Failures/shortcomings

Beneš

Gottwald

Zápotocký

Novotný
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet
and centralised control

Timeline
1961 Khrushchev denounces Stalin for a
Key questions
second time • What were the main challenges to Soviet/centralised control?
• What role was played by Alexander Dubček and the events of 1968?
1962 Czechoslovakian economy enters a period
• What brought about the end of Soviet control after 1968?
of crisis
• Why did Eastern European states last so long?
1963 Alexander Dubček made first secretary
1967 Czechoslovakian intellectuals openly
criticise Communist Party; student Overview
protests break out in Prague
• From 1960 onwards, opposition to the Communist Party
1968 Dubček replaces Novotný as party developed as a result of the introduction of market socialism to
secretary; series of reforms published; Czechoslovakia.
attempts to liberalise communist regime • In 1962, Czechoslovakia entered a period of crisis, demonstrating
in Czechoslovakia result in armed that whilst there was economic expansion there tended to be
intervention by the USSR and Warsaw Pact; social instability.
• Throughout the 1960s, Czechoslovakian intellectuals and others
Dubček replaced by Husák
152 began to openly question the socialist model in their country.
1969 Novotný resigns as president and is • In 1967, students began to agitate for reform. This led to the
replaced by Svoboda election of the reformist Alexander Dubček.
• Dubček’s policies allowed a brief liberalisation of politics in
1975 Gustáv Husák becomes president Czechoslovakia. However, this alarmed his allies within the
1979 Soviets invade Afghanistan Warsaw Pact and the USSR.
• In 1968, Soviet and Warsaw Pact troops invaded Czechoslovakia
1985 Mikhail Gorbachev becomes leader of USSR and the power of the Communist Party was restored.
1987 Milouš Jakeš replaces Husák as first • Despite ‘normalisation’ and a ‘social contract’ under Gustáv
secretary of the Czechoslovakian Husák, by the 1980s the Czech economy had begun to stagnate.
• Opposition reappeared – often influenced by the comments and
Communist Party
policies of Mikhail Gorbachev in the USSR after 1985.
1989 demonstrations in Prague; Václav Havel
elected president of Czechoslovakia
What were the main challenges to
Soviet/centralised control?
Czechoslovakian social and economic changes
from 1962
Before 1962, efforts were made to push up wages in Czechoslovakia,
especially those of male skilled workers. This created an élite within
the working population – for example, miners earned 150% more than
Fact the average industrial worker. This élite resisted change, and there
The problems in Czechoslovakian was little incentive to meet the upper targets set by the five-year plans.
industry are demonstrated by the fact As a result, by the early 1960s production began to tail off radically.
that in 1963, Thursday was designated This seriously hindered the country’s capacity to trade, and prevented
‘meatless’ because of problems co- the development of export markets. Production and supply within
the Czechoslovakian economy was also seriously out of balance by the
ordinating agricultural production.
early 1960s. This created a situation in which parts of the industrial
complex were standing idle due to a lack of raw materials.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

In 1962, economic growth was 6.7%, compared to the 9.4% that had been
predicted as part of the existing five-year plan. By August of the same year, the Fact
situation was so serious that the plan was abandoned and replaced with a new Cuba had become a Soviet ally soon
seven-year plan. This measure proved totally ineffective, and in 1963 there was after the revolution of 1959, and
virtually no growth at all in the Czechoslovakian economy. later became a communist state. The
Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 drew it
In addition to this, the communists recognised that Czechoslovakia was even closer to the USSR. The Soviets
economically worse off than Poland and Hungary, which were both poorer than gave disproportionate amounts of
Czechoslovakia in the inter-war period. The winter of 1962–63 was particularly aid to Cuba because it was the only
bad, as resources were being diverted to support the crisis in Cuba. communist state in the Americas, and
an obvious propaganda victory for the
Problems elsewhere in the communist bloc were affecting the Czechoslovakian
Eastern bloc.
economy: the breakdown in Sino–Soviet relations had severely disrupted trade
with China. The USSR was facing problems of its own, and was unable to provide
support in the form of industrial plant (especially railway equipment), food or
finances. By 1963, these problems were so apparent that a reformist political Alexander Dubček (b. 1921)
rival to Novotný, the Slovak Alexander Dubček, was made first secretary of Dubček was briefly leader of
the Slovakian branch of the Czechoslovakian Communist Party. Dubček urged Czechoslovakia, between 1967 and
economic and political reform. Although Novotný resisted, he was unable to 1968. He was a reformist who may have
gather much support, in part because he was a Czech who had been antagonistic lost control of events in his country
towards the Slovaks. Support for Dubček, particularly in the Slovakian parts of when many Czechs, responding to his
the country, forced Novotný to make some limited reforms. policies during the Prague Spring (see
page 155), pushed for even more far-
Under the system of market socialism factories no longer received subsidies,
reaching reforms, and thus perhaps
and, in 1966 alone, 1300 factories closed. The reforms also shifted the balance of
triggered the subsequent Warsaw Pact
power within the workplace, as managers were able to benefit disproportionately
invasion of 1968.
from profits made from the reforms. This challenged some of the basic tenets
153
of communism – often referred to as ‘workerism’ – that had developed during
the 1950s.
Question
Limited changes were also taking place in social policies. Education was What were the advantages and
reformed, and gymnasia (upper secondary schools) were reintroduced for disadvantages of the economic
those wishing to study at university. The humanities were also given more reforms that were introduced in
prominence in the curriculum. Censorship was relaxed, news reporting became Czechoslovakia in the 1960s?
more balanced and American television programmes were aired. It was now
possible to challenge censorship in the courts. Restrictions on religious practice
were also relaxed and Czechoslovakians could travel outside the communist
bloc with greater ease. Marxism–Leninism Under classic
Marxism, human societies move
Despite these changes, reformers grew increasingly frustrated with what they through a series of phases until they
considered to be Novotný’s conservative policies towards social and economic enter a final, classless communist
reform. As agitation for greater reform heightened, social and political tensions phase, in which the means of
grew in Czechoslovakia. production are socially – not privately
– owned. However, tsarist Russia
Political reform had clearly not entered its advanced
capitalist phase by 1917. Lenin thus
Political reform also slowly took place. Stalin’s Marxism–Leninism had been
exported to the USSR’s satellite states in the period after 1945. In Czechoslovakia, modified classic Marxism and argued
however, this model of Marxism was less convincing. that the party, led by a revolutionary
élite – in Russia’s case the Bolsheviks
The biggest problem was the existence of different interest groups within – would act as custodians of the state
Czechoslovakian society. Due to the ‘workerism’ developed during the Novotný until Russia could make the transition
period (see above), a working-class élite had been created. With the development to capitalism and then socialism.
of market socialism, a managerial group had been added to the social structure. The concept was used by Stalin to
Czechoslovakia also had a large body of intellectuals and students – both legitimise both repression and a
important interest groups. The state, therefore, had to introduce measures and permanent one-party state.
reforms that would meet the aspirations of all these groups.
 5 Czechoslovakia

Initially, the pressure for political reform was resisted by the conservative
Novotný, who alarmed intellectuals by seeming to move towards more
repressive methods of controlling reforms. At a writer’s congress in 1967,
the noted intellectual Ludvík Vaculík electrified delegates by denouncing the
Czechoslovakian constitution as obsolete. In August 1967, another intellectual,
Ladislav Mňačko, argued that Czechoslovakia should follow a foreign policy
Fact more independent of the USSR.
One of Novotný’s supporters, General
Novotný also faced problems with the Slovakian part of the country. This region
Jan Šejna, began plotting a military
was not as industrialised as the western, Czech, half of Czechoslovakia. The
coup against the reformists in
purges of the 1950s (see page 146) had hit the Slovaks hard, and Novotný was
December 1967, but it went seriously
closely associated with these actions. The Slovaks felt that the Czechs held all
wrong. He found little support and
the power and that the balance should be redressed. Alexander Dubček openly
the plot was exposed in February the
argued with Novotný in a central committee meeting in October 1967. Thus,
following year. That a high-ranking
the Slovakian question added national tensions to the situation and created
communist had plotted against the infighting within the Czechoslovakian Communist Party.
reforms raised a public outcry. Over
4500 letters were written demanding On 31 October 1967, students invited journalists to inspect the conditions
that Novotný be sacked from his in which they were forced to live in the Strahov hostel in Prague and then
remaining office as president. The proceeded to march in protest at these conditions. The students were opposed
collapse of Novotný’s faction within by the police, who attacked with batons, water cannon and tear gas. This only
both parliament and the party encouraged more frequent and larger student demonstrations. Novotný was
promptly followed. isolated at the top of the party, and rumours began to circulate of a planned
coup by the security forces to stop Dubček’s reforms.

On 8 December 1967, Novotný invited Leonid Brezhnev, general secretary of the

Question
154 Soviet Communist Party, to a central committee meeting in the hope that his
Why was there an increase in social, presence would underpin Novotný’s authority. Significantly, however, Brezhnev
economic and political tensions in gave no obvious indications of support. He stated that the Czechs and Slovaks
Czechoslovakia by the end of 1967? should choose their own leader – an announcement that ended Novotný’s
political career.

Eventually, on 8 January 1968, the central committee of the Czechoslovakian

Fact Communist Party removed Novotný from his position as first party secretary
Novotný retained his role as president and replaced him with Dubček. Dubček almost immediately began to put
until March 1968, when he resigned forward his plans for reform and the establishment of what he called ‘socialism
and was replaced by Ludvík Svoboda, with a human face’.
one of Dubček’s supporters.
What role was played by Alexander Dubček and
the events of 1968?
Dubček argued for wholesale reform of the country. He had been a party
member since 1938, when he had joined the Slovak Communist Party. He was
a pragmatic man rather than an intellectual, and he was the first Slovakian to
rise to high office. He had been educated in Moscow between 1955 and 1958,
and had been a classmate of Mikhail Gorbachev (see page 164).

Dubček was impressed with Khrushchev’s policies and was dismayed at the
failure of his fellow countrymen to follow the USSR’s lead. Despite disagreements
over reform policies, Dubček maintained cordial relations with Novotný, and
distanced himself from Slovakian nationalists. His first act as party secretary
was to travel to Moscow to show that he was still committed to socialism and
the Warsaw Pact. However, his actions soon demonstrated that his reforms
went far beyond anything that the powers in Moscow would tolerate.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

Dubček’s proposals for reform

From the start, Dubček seemed intent on introducing widespread and radical
reforms. In April 1968, reformers in the Czechoslovakian Communist Party set
out their proposals in the Action Programme – a plan for a fully democratic
socialist state. The programme called for increased democracy, including more
open debate and opinion polls, greater autonomy for Slovakia and the freedom
to travel abroad. This was the beginning of what became known as the ‘Prague
Spring’ – a short period of political liberalisation in Czechoslovakia.

It seems that Dubček initially intended to maintain the basic socialist structure
of his country rather than establishing a political system along Western lines.
Although economic reforms in line with market socialism were to continue,
companies remained state-owned. Despite this, they were encouraged to
compete and to follow the forces of supply and demand. Dubček also made it
clear that alliance with the USSR would remain at the centre of Czechoslovakia’s
foreign policy. As he began to relax the party’s hold on society, however, all
the political tensions inherent in Czechoslovakian society rose to the surface.
Writers and artists tested the limits of the new freedoms by openly criticising
the Communist Party’s past mistakes. Soon, events went beyond the party-led
democracy outlined by Dubček in the Action Programme. By the summer of 1968,
it appeared that Dubček was losing control of the situation in Czechoslovakia.
This caused concern amongst the leaders of neighbouring Eastern European
states, and both East Germany and Poland asked the USSR to intervene.

155
Source A
The Action Program declared an end to dictatorial, sectarian, and
bureaucratic ways. It said that such practices had created artificial
tension in society, antagonizing different social groups, nations, and
nationalities. Our new policy had to be built on democratic cooperation
and confidence among social groups. Narrow professional or other
interests could no longer take priority. Freedom of assembly and
association, guaranteed in the constitution but not respected in the past,
had to be put into practice. However, the Soviets were not happy that the
program had been composed without their advice and consent.

Dubček, A. 1992. Hope Dies Last. Tokyo, Japan. Kodansha International. p. 102.

The Prague Spring

The impact of Dubček’s proposed reforms on Czechoslovakian society was
immediately apparent. Between January and April 1968, the party published
its proposals, sparking an intense debate about the future political and social
path that the country should follow. This included Slovakian aspirations to
improve their position within the state and the national media. All aspects
of Czechoslovakian society came under intense scrutiny. Groups demanded
that the secret police be abolished, that all party and state officials should
be accountable to the law, and that the Communist Party should disengage
itself from society and allow civil groups to organise themselves as they saw
fit. Dubček’s reforms facilitated this debate as he lifted censorship on news
organisations within Czechoslovakia.
 5 Czechoslovakia

In economic terms, the reforms took market socialism a step further. The state
would now only be responsible for general economic planning and policy,
although it would have a role in protecting the interests of consumers. However,
the ruling party failed to deal with the difficult problems of wage regulation and
price setting. These two areas were critical to differentiating between market
socialism and a full market, or capitalist, economy. Thus, in some ways the
economic aspects of the reforms were not as radical as they might seem. The
Action Programme also called for an equalising of Czechoslovakia’s economic
relationship with the Soviet Union. The establishment of Soviet control in Eastern
Europe after the Second World War had created a series of disadvantageous
relations between the satellite states and the USSR. Now, Czechoslovakia would
trade on equal terms with its ally.

The Action Programme was also very conservative in its treatment of foreign
Question policy – Czechoslovakia would remain a member of the Warsaw Pact and an ally
How appropriate is the term ‘Prague of the Soviet Union. The reason for Dubček’s lack of reform in this area lay with
Spring’ for the reforms initiated by the Czechoslovakia’s history. In the 1930s, the country was left isolated by the West
Dubček government in 1968? and was overrun by the Nazis. Dubček saw the Warsaw Pact as a guarantee of
independence against a possible German resurgence.

The most radical part of the Action Programme was the reform of civil liberties.
The programme promised complete freedom of speech, debate, travel and
association. Arbitrary arrest was made illegal, and the courts and security
services were made accountable to parliament. Censorship effectively ceased
Question to exist in Czechoslovakia. The role of the Communist Party in civil life was the
Why was the term ‘socialism with a most difficult for the reformers to address. The party did not lose its leading
156 human face’ used to describe the role in Czechoslovakian society, but its power and influence were reduced.
Prague Spring reforms under Dubček? However, this was a radical step – and a threat to Moscow’s political vision for
the Eastern bloc.

Source B
An extract from the Action Programme of the Czechoslovakian Communist Party.

Historical debate Social advancement in the Czech lands and Slovakia has been carried
When assessing the Prague Spring in the twentieth century by the two strongest currents: the national
reforms, historians are divided over movement of liberation, and socialism. … We shall experiment, give
the question of Dubček’s aims and socialist development new forms, use creative Marxist thinking and
intentions. Some – such as Marie the experience of the international workers’ movement, rely on the
Dowling and William Shawcross correct understanding of social development in Czechoslovakia. It
– consider his hope for ‘socialism is a country which bears the responsibility, before the international
with a human face’ as a genuine communist movement, for the evaluation and utilization of its
attempt to make communism in relatively advanced material base, uncommonly high level of
Czechoslovakia both democratic education, and undeniable democratic traditions. If we did not
and popular. Others have seen use such an opportunity, nobody could ever forgive us.
him as consciously attempting to
undermine both Soviet control and Quoted in Zeman, Z. A. B. 1969. Prague Spring. Harmondsworth, UK. Penguin.
Czechoslovakia’s socialised economy. p. 121.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

The reforms also addressed the Slovakian issue. A federal relationship between Discussion point
the Czech and Slovakian parts of the state was promised, and Slovakia was
granted its own assembly in Bratislava. Furthermore, the government would How can the reforms initiated by
be reorganised along federal lines. This met all the demands of the Slovaks Dubček’s government be considered
and the only condition was that the reforms would not be fully instigated until a mixture of both radical and
Slovakia caught up economically with the Czech part of the state. conservative elements?

The emergence of non-communist organisations

The development of alternative political organisations to the communists
Václav Havel (b. 1936) Havel
swiftly followed the announcement of reforms. By mid June 1968, over a was a Czech playwright and dissident.
quarter of a million people had joined farmers’ unions, which sprang up all His involvement in the Prague Spring
over the country. They were followed by associations of former soldiers, resulted in his plays being banned
political prisoners, artisans and even a small landowners’ union. The Sokol, a and his own confinement within
youth sports movement disbanded during the First World War, was revived. The Czechoslovakia, but he spent the
Catholic Church was also revitalised, and organisations such as the Catholic boy 1970s and 1980s agitating for reform
scouts came into being. National minorities such as the Slovaks, Hungarians, once more. He became the first post-
Poles and Ukrainians formed youth movements. However, the churches were communist president of Czechoslovakia.
never as important in Czechoslovakia as, for example, in Poland. (See also pages 172–73.)

The students who had been instrumental in the party’s change in policy left
traditional communist youth organisations in droves and formed their own,
more decentralised, associations. At first these groups were civic organisations,
but soon potential opposition parties emerged, such as K-231, which represented
the demands of ex-political prisoners to be fully ‘rehabilitated’. In May 1968, KAN
– Club for Committed Non-Party Members – was formed from members of the
Czechoslovakian Academy of Sciences. This group put forward the views of non-
communists, and agitated for greater political freedom and the right to form 157
fully fledged political parties. One of its leading members was Václav Havel.

An opinion poll in 1968 showed that 90% of the population supported the demand
for political parties to be allowed. The government gave in and an opposition
party of sorts, the National Front, was formed. Despite this concession, the
government refused to reinstate the Social Democratic Party, which had been
one of the leading parties before its abolition by the communists in 1948. Its re-
emergence would cause serious political opposition and Dubček decided that Fact
such a development was a step too far. The communists were also concerned that The IMF was established in 1944 with
the revival of the SDP in Czechoslovakia might encourage similar developments the purpose of regulating the world’s
in other Eastern bloc states, posing a threat to the internal political stability of money market. Its key role is to
Czechoslovakia’s allies. create stability and prevent economic
problems like the Wall Street Crash
Economic developments and the Great Depression of the 1930s.
Member states contribute to a pool
Economic developments continued. The Czechoslovakian government began
of money that can be lent to solve
to make tentative contact with capitalist organisations in the West, including
economic problems in times of crisis.
the International Monetary Fund (IMF). On 17 August 1968, Dubček announced
that serious consideration was being given to raising loans from Western
institutions. Given earlier Soviet rejection of the Marshall Plan, it is easy to see
how the USSR would view this development with considerable suspicion and Iron Curtain A term referring to
fear of the extension of Western economic influence east of the Iron Curtain. the invisible border between Western
and Eastern Europe after 1945. The
Certain groups of workers had benefited greatly from the development of the term was used in a speech given by
command economy (see page 150), and in general terms the communist system Winston Churchill in March 1946, at
provided great security of income and jobs. The introduction of a more extreme the start of the Cold War, but was first
form of market socialism changed this arrangement. Many industrial concerns mentioned by the leading Nazi Joseph
went bankrupt as a result of the demands for greater efficiency. Some workers Goebbels in February 1945.
went on strike and formed workers’ councils to oppose the reforms.
 5 Czechoslovakia

Further political developments

In June 1968, Dubček promised the establishment of a trade union congress,
and hinted that the Communist Party would lose control of the appointment
and promotion of military officers. In August – in preparation for a meeting
of the general assembly of the Communist Party scheduled for the following
month – discussions were held about how the party should be reformed. It was
decided that elections would be by secret ballot, and no state or party office
could be held for more than two terms. To some it seemed that the intelligentsia
were taking over the party and that the welfare of the working classes would
no longer be the organisation’s main concern. It appeared that a democratic
system was emerging, in which the party’s role in civic life might be challenged.
For the conservatives, all these factors were proof that the Action Programme
was threatening the existence of socialism in Czechoslovakia, and of the
Communist Party itself.

The figures on the left, standing next to the bust of Karl Marx, are Kosygin, the prime
minister of the USSR and Brezhnev, the general secretary of the Communist Party in the
Soviet Union in 1968

158

Questions
How does the cartoonist portray
Dubček as a hero? Why is Brezhnev’s
comment so ironic?

Soviet concerns
Although Dubček’s reforms were very popular in Czechoslovakia, many
had demanded even more radical change, and this seriously threatened the
Communist Party’s leading role. Soviet concerns about developments in
Czechoslovakia had emerged as early as February 1968, when Brezhnev visited
Prague and warned Dubček about moving too far too fast. In March, Dubček
was summoned to Dresden in East Germany to receive the same warnings from
an assembly of all of the Warsaw Pact leaders, including East German leader
Walter Ulbricht, who was particularly concerned by what he considered to be
the ‘counter-revolutionary’ events unfolding in Czechoslovakia. Dubček was
offered the aid of Soviet troops should he be forced to defend the party’s control
of the country in the face of greater demands for reform; thus the threat of
military action against the reforms came into play very early on. To lessen the
tension, Dubček offered to hold the next round of Warsaw Pact military exercises
on Czechoslovakian territory. Once he had made concessions to his domestic
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

audience, however, Dubček could not be seen to cave in to Soviet threats. He

was therefore forced to make further political concessions in the form of a
reduction in communist influence within Czechoslovakia – a development that
was not well received by the Warsaw Pact. The subsequent threat of invasion
was hinted at in a document called ‘Two Thousand Words’, produced for a group
of scientists by the radical Ludvík Vaculík.

Source c
First of all we shall oppose the views, which have been expressed,
that it is possible to carry out some democratic revival without the
communists, or possibly against them. It would be neither just nor
sensible. The communists have their organizations and it is necessary
to support the progressive wing in them. They have experienced
functionaries and, after all, the various buttons and levers are still
under their control. But their action programme stands before the
public … and no one else has another, equally concrete programme.

Extract from Vaculík’s ‘Two Thousand Words’. Quoted in Zeman, Z. A. B.

1969. Prague Spring. Harmondsworth, UK. Penguin. p. 153.

The ‘Two Thousand Words’ pressed for further democratic reform, calling for all
hardline and pro-Soviet communists to be forced from office. It was so radical
that the leadership of the party swiftly condemned it. Once again, this act only 159
served to increase popular pressure for reform. The Soviet reaction was to delay
the withdrawal of Red Army units on manoeuvres in Czechoslovakia, further
provoking the radicals. An ex-political prisoner called Eugen Loebl openly
declared that the USSR had ruined Czechoslovakia’s economy.

On 14 July 1968, the leaders of the USSR, Poland, Hungary, East Germany and
Bulgaria met in Warsaw to discuss the situation in Czechoslovakia. This meeting
resulted in the 16 July Warsaw Letter, which demanded a complete reversal of
the Czechoslovakian reforms. Dubček flatly refused to comply, and appeared on
television informing the Czechoslovakian people of his decision.

The situation then worsened when the Czechoslovakian chief of military

affairs, General Prchlik, publicly stated that, by refusing to withdraw its troops,
the Soviet Union was in contravention of the Warsaw Pact; he even went so far
as to criticise the fact that the Warsaw Pact senior command was entirely in
the hands of Soviet officers. It seemed that the reforms in Czechoslovakia were
beginning to have an impact on the people and institutions of the Eastern bloc
as a whole.

The Soviets demanded that Dubček fly to Moscow to discuss developments.

When he refused, they met him at the Czechoslovakian frontier town of
Čierna-nad-Tisou. During a tense meeting, the Soviets accused the
Czechoslovakian leaders of throwing away all the progress that had been
made since 1948. Despite this, Brezhnev eventually backed down and agreed
to a further meeting in Bratislava in August, but once again the intervention
of the Soviets caused a backlash amongst the Czechoslovakian radicals. They
distrusted Dubček and wondered what concessions he had made to Brezhnev.
Such fears resulted in even more anti-Soviet rhetoric in Czechoslovakia.
 5 Czechoslovakia

Eventually, having warned Dubček of the consequences if he persisted with his

reforms, Brezhnev authorised an invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact
troops in August 1968. He later justified this action in a statement that became
known as the Brezhnev Doctrine.

A young Czech man stands in front of a Soviet tank in Bratislava, as Warsaw Pact forces
invade Czechoslovakia in August 1968

160

The Warsaw Pact invasion

On the night of 20–21 August 1968, Warsaw Pact troops crossed the
Czechoslovakian border in strength and overwhelmed a totally unprepared
Czechoslovakian army and air force. It was the largest military operation since
the Second World War.

Source D
Yesterday, August 20, 1968, around 11:00 p.m., the armies of the
Warsaw Pact crossed the borders of Czechoslovakia. This happened
without the knowledge of the Czechoslovakian president or
government. The government appeals to all citizens of our Republic
to keep calm and not to resist the armed forces moving in. Therefore
neither our army or security forces have been ordered to defend the
country. The government believes that this act contradicts not only all
principles of relations between socialist countries but also the basic
Activity norms of international law.
Compare and contrast Sources D and E
about the invasion of Czechoslovakia Extract from a statement issued by Dubček’s government, 21 August 1968.
by Warsaw Pact troops.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

Source e
The party and government leaders of the Czechoslovak Socialist
Republic have asked the Soviet Union and other allies to give the
Czechoslovak people urgent assistance, including assistance with
armed forces. This request was brought about … by the threat from Activity
counter revolutionary forces … working with foreign forces hostile Study the two pictures on this page.
to socialism. What evidence is there to suggest
that the protesters were more anti-
A Soviet news agency report, 21 August 1968. Quoted in Walsh, B. 2001.
Soviet than anti-communist?
Modern World History. London, UK. John Murray. p. 405.

Young Czech protesters in 1969; the

The Czechoslovak Communist Party immediately reaffirmed its support for the posters in the background are supporting
ideals of the Prague Spring, but Dubček ordered the Czech army not to resist Dubček, and say: ‘Socialism yes,
the invasion. Doing so seemed futile against a force that deployed tanks on Occupation no!’
the streets of Prague and other cities. Despite this,
many citizens decided to fight back. Unofficial
radio stations made broadcasts stating that the
invasion was not the ‘fraternal assistance’ for
which the Czechs had asked to help them deal
with ‘counter-revolutionaries’.
161
Despite many brave acts of Czechoslovakian
resistance, the invasion succeeded. About 500
people were wounded and 108 died, most of them
civilians. However, opposition to the crushing of
Dubček’s reforms continued after August 1968. On
16 January 1969, for example, a student called Jan
Palach committed suicide by burning himself to
death in Prague’s main square.

Questions
What is the meaning of this cartoon?
What sort of emotion does it hope
to evoke? How can artists draw on
emotion to make a political comment
or to inspire people to take action?

A street cartoon showing Lenin weeping,

from the time of the Warsaw Pact
invasion of Czechoslovakia; cartoons
like these appeared on walls and were
distributed in the streets of Prague as a
form of protest and resistance
 5 Czechoslovakia

The entire Czechoslovakian leadership was arrested and flown to Moscow.

However, the Soviets found themselves facing a political dilemma. They had
expected conservative Czechoslovakians to form a replacement government
– but none was forthcoming. The Czechoslovakian Communist Party even
managed to hold its 14th Congress in Prague during the invasion. It denounced
the actions of the Warsaw Pact, and a poll in September 1968 showed that 94.6%
of the public remained firmly behind the reforms. Eventually Brezhnev bullied
Dubček and the Czechoslovakian leadership into acquiescence. They signed a
document accepting the official Soviet version of the reasons for the invasion,
and agreed to return home and ‘normalise’ relations. This meant the restoration
of full communist domination of civil life.

Dubček was forced to resign in April 1969, and was expelled from the party the
following year. He went on to work for the Forestry Service in Slovakia, and later
played a part in the Velvet Revolution of 1989 (see page 166). He was replaced
as first secretary of the Czechoslovakian Communist Party by Gustáv Husák.
Although other Warsaw Pact troops withdrew, the Soviets maintained their grip
on the country by establishing permanent garrisons throughout Czechosovakia.
The Czechoslovakian population, however, passively resisted the re-imposition
of party rule and reformist zeal lingered under the surface until the final collapse
of communism in the late 1980s.

Reasons for the Soviet invasion

The Soviets genuinely feared attack from the West. The Vietnam War was
at its height, and the Western-backed Israelis had recently won the Six-Day
War against Russia’s Arab allies. The Soviets thus feared that a coalition of
162 Western states might seek to expand in Central Europe. They were also wary
of the growth of West Germany, which had been rearmed by the West and had
developed into a wealthy, economically powerful state. Czechoslovakia was the
only Warsaw Pact country to share borders with both West Germany and the
USSR; it was thus viewed as a potential invasion route of the Soviet motherland.
Finally, there were real fears that Czechoslovakia’s economic reforms would
draw it into the Western camp. This was important because, like East Germany’s,
Question Czechoslovakia’s economy was highly advanced by Eastern bloc standards,
Why did the USSR crush the Prague and it performed a key role in finishing industrial goods and producing high-
Spring? technology items. The loss of the Czechoslovakian economy to the Eastern bloc
in general and the USSR in particular might have far-reaching consequences.

Source F
How did the Soviets justify their actions in 1968? Firstly, they argued
that there was an external threat to the Warsaw Pact countries; and,
secondly, that internal counter-revolution with Western backing was
seeking to trample the socialist achievements of the workers. Was
there really an external threat? The fact that, in mid-1968, articles
were appearing in the Czechoslovak press hinting at the possible
withdrawal of the country from the Warsaw Pact reflected the
attitudes of Czechoslovak political forces. In other words, it resulted
from developments inside the country.

Extract from the memoirs of Mikhail Gorbachev, leader of the USSR 1985–91,
commenting on events in Czechoslovakia in 1968.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

The invasion had long-term consequences for the Eastern bloc, hindering
the economic development that was the catalyst for political reform in these
countries. It became clear that extensive economic reforms would result in
political and social reforms at a level that the Soviet Union would not tolerate.
Without being allowed to take these steps towards economic reform, the states
of Eastern Europe began to fall behind their Western rivals.

Throughout the 1970s, in a process known as ‘normalisation’, the Czechoslovakian

Communist Party was purged of reformers: 327,000 members were forcibly ousted
and a further 150,000 left voluntarily. The intellectual class was also attacked, and
more than 900 university lecturers were sacked. Censorship was restored, market
socialism abandoned, and there was a return to centralised economic control.
However, such actions gave rise to passive opposition outside the Communist
Party, which was now viewed very much as a foreign entity. The new government
had been imposed by the USSR, and failed to win popular acceptance.

Husák tried to rally support by establishing a ‘social contract’ with the people.
Although money wages were lower than those in the West, the Czechoslovakian
people were offered a greater ‘social wage’ in the form of basic economic security,
full employment, free and universal health care, guaranteed pensions and even
subsidised holidays. The amount of disposable income available to many people
began to rise and, by the late 1980s, Czechoslovakia ranked second in the world
for the number of people owning second homes (over 80% of Czech families had
a country cottage in addition to their main home). Such improvements pacified
the population to a certain degree, and police repression was not needed often.

However, the country’s economic success did not eliminate the population’s 163
enthusiasm for political reform. Opposition continued from some quarters.
For example, a group known as Charter 77 drew up a petition calling on the
government to respect the 1975 Helsinki Agreement on Human Rights, which
the group believed the government was in breach of (see Source G). Those who
signed the petition were punished.

Source G
Civic rights are seriously vitiated by interference in the private life
of citizens by the Ministry of the Interior, for example by bugging
telephones and houses, opening mail, following personal movements,
searching homes, and setting up networks of neighbourhood informers.
Charter 77 is an association of people united by the will to strive for
the respecting of human rights in our country and throughout the
world – rights accorded to all by the Helsinki Charter.

Prague, 1 January 1977.

Extract from Charter 77’s Declaration. Quoted in Cannon, M. et al. 2009. 20th
Century World History. Oxford, UK. Oxford University Press. p. 427.

The events of 1968 became deeply rooted within Czechoslovakia’s social

consciousness. The Communist Party was by this time alienated from the
masses, so when the political system in Eastern Europe began to change again
in the late 1980s, the party in Czechoslovakia was viewed by the people as an
obstacle that had to be removed.
 5 Czechoslovakia

What brought about the end of Soviet control

after 1968?
Between 1968 and the late 1980s, the situation in Czechoslovakia stagnated.
Fact The police state remained as strong as ever and the political system was highly
Economic decline led to problems for regulated. The Czechoslovakian leader Gustáv Husák hinted at economic reform
the workers, and the ‘social contract’, and the decentralisation of planning, but the experiences of 1968 made the
established after 1968, began to be communists wary of taking real steps that might weaken their grip on power.
eroded. This removed a major bank of Even by December 1987, when Milouš Jakeš became general secretary of the
support for the Husák regime. As social Communist Party in Czechoslovakia, there were few hopes for change. It seemed
mobility slowed, party membership the country would continue under conservative communist rule.
also began to decline.
The impact of Mikhail Gorbachev
By the mid 1980s, a crisis had emerged within the Eastern bloc. In 1979, the
Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, prompting the USA to increase the financial
and military support it was already giving to fundamentalist Islamist terrorist
groups within the country, who now became anti-Soviet insurgents. The West
decided to interpret the USSR’s invasion as a change in general Soviet policy,
despite the fact that the West had for a long time accepted Afghanistan as part
of the Soviet sphere of influence. Thus began a second Cold War, and under US
Mikhail Gorbachev (b. 1931)
president Ronald Reagan, the USA and NATO greatly extended their military
Gorbachev was general secretary of
capacity. The Soviets soon realised that they could not match Western military
the Communist Party of the Soviet
spending, and began to seek diplomatic solutions.
Union from 1985 to 1991, and the
last head of state of the USSR from
In order not to fall too far behind the West’s military lead, the Warsaw Pact
1990 to 1991. He linked political
164 countries spent more money than their relatively weaker economies could
and social reform with economic afford. The case for market socialism – abandoned after the Prague Spring in 1968
development, initiating policies of – was once more raised, but the Soviets realised that, as in the 1960s, it would
glasnost (openness), demokratizatsiya be difficult to introduce such economic reforms without prompting political
(democracy) and perestroika change. The situation was worsened by the rapidly widening technological gap
(economic reform and restructuring). between the West and the East. It was clear that, without reform, the West would
However, he feared that swift change soon outstrip the Eastern bloc both technologically and economically, and that
would create political unrest within the internal problems of product shortages and lack of economic infrastructure
the USSR, and attempted to develop might even cause the socialist societies of the Warsaw Pact to fail.
market principles within a Soviet
framework. He was unable to control Into this situation stepped Mikhail Gorbachev, who became leader of the Soviet
the pace of reform, and this led to Union in 1985. Gorbachev’s policy of perestroika meant the relaxation of central
the collapse of communism in the planning and the introduction of market economic forces. Overall, his calls
USSR and Soviet withdrawal from were similar to those made during the Prague Spring of 1968, and this made life
Eastern Europe. difficult for Husák’s supporters, who had rejected the idea of ‘socialism with a
human face’. Gorbachev also explicitly rejected the Brezhnev Doctrine, which
had justified Soviet intervention in Warsaw Pact countries. Instead, Gennadi
Gerasimov, the new Soviet foreign ministry spokesperson, spoke of the ‘Sinatra
Doctrine’. This policy effectively stated that, when it came to reform, Warsaw
Pact countries were free to ‘do it their way’. These developments in the Soviet
Union removed an important external support for Husák’s government.

Encouraged by Gorbachev’s statements, many Czechs and Slovaks began to

voice their opposition to various policies, and single-issue protest groups began
to emerge. For example, the Bratislava Aloud group published a report in 1987,
criticising the government’s lack of an environmental policy. Non-communist
student groups also formed. Some churches became centres of opposition,
calling for religious freedom. Václav Havel was imprisoned for his involvement in
anti-government demonstrations. This led to further protests, which eventually
resulted in Havel’s release.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

The fall of communism, 1989–91

Discussion points
How do Sources H and I support each
other? Source H is a primary source
Source H and source I is a secondary source
– what are the advantages and
Socialism With a Human Face Again disadvantages of using each kind of
The face was familiar, although it showed the passage of years spent source? How does the attitude of the
in hiding. Dubček, the tragic hero of the 1968 Prague Spring, returned crowd described in Source I reflect
triumphantly to join the huge protests. A week earlier, riot police had the information in this unit about
attacked student demonstrations, but now playwright Václav Havel could the outlook and traditions of the
speak of ‘the power of the powerless.’ Soon the Communists yielded Czech people?
power to a non Communist majority.

Václav Havel writes about

developments in Czechoslovakia,
24 November 1989. Source I
Students and dissidents led the revolution, but it was made on the
streets, and above all in Wenceslas Square in central Prague. Here,
from Saturday 18 November, Czechs gathered every day to hear
veteran dissidents, students, actors, priests and workers demand
change. The demonstrations were peaceful, cheerful and determined.
Every day they got larger: and not just in Prague, but throughout the
country. … As the days went by, it was clear that the future of the
165
Communist regime was at stake.

The demonstrations reached a climax on Friday 24 November when

Alexander Dubček, the Communist leader during the ‘Prague Spring’
of 1968, came to Prague. For over twenty years he had been silenced
by the regime. Now as he stepped out onto a balcony to speak, a great
roar met him. Dubček! Dubček! Echoed off the tall houses up and
down the narrow square. … As the demonstration ended, the people
in the square, in a spontaneous gesture, took keys out of their pockets
and shook them, 300 000 key-rings producing a sound like massed
Chinese bells.

Burke, Patrick. 1995. Revolution in Europe, 1989. London, UK. Wayland.

pp. 31–33.
Source J
In recent days the so-called protest marches, organized by the so-
called Independent Peace Association, have continued in Prague.
Approximately 100 individuals attended these activities. Saturday’s
marches were recorded by British and Austrian television companies.
Charter-77 has been divided over policy and tactics in preparation for
a confrontational rally. The older members are determined to stop
any activities on 21 August while the more radical youth groups want
an open clash with state authority. They have declared they are even
willing to allow themselves to be shot for their cause.

Extract from Czechoslovak Secret Police (StB) memorandum, 20 August 1989.

Adapted from http://www.cwihp.org.
 5 Czechoslovakia

The effect of Gorbachev’s rise to power was to cut Soviet support for the
communist leaders of Eastern Europe. With the threat of invasion by the Red
Army removed, these regimes found it impossible to control the frustrations and
tensions that had been building for years within their societies. In Czechoslovakia,
the final stage of events in the success of the nationalist movement began with
demonstrations in January 1989 to commemorate the death of Jan Palach (see
page 161). Initially the police attempted to suppress the demonstrations, but as
the year went on attitudes softened, and they were noticeably absent from the
demonstrations marking the anniversary of the Soviet invasion. In November
1989, the government announced that exit visas would no longer be required
for those wishing to travel to the West.

On 17 November 1989, an officially approved rally to commemorate the death of

Jan Opletal and the execution of nine students at the hands of the Nazis in 1939
turned into an anti-government protest. Riot police reacted violently, sparking
off even more protests. This marked the start of what became known as the
‘Velvet Revolution’ – the non-violent overthrow of the existing government.

Václav Havel used this unrest as an excuse to form the Civic Forum, which put
forward the demands of the people. The Communist Party, purged of reformers,
had nothing to offer except a continuation of ‘normalisation’. However, Husák
also felt unable to order outright suppression of the protests. In fact, even
the loyalty of sections of the police and the military was being eroded in the
face of mass opposition. In Slovakia, People Against Violence was formed (the
equivalent of the Civic Forum in the Czech regions). These two bodies began
demanding concessions from the government.
166
On 24 November 1989, Milouš Jakeš resigned as first secretary of the Communist
Party. Three days later, a general strike showed that the Velvet Revolution had
spread from intellectuals and students to the ordinary people and organised
workers. Over the next few days, the Communist Party renounced its leadership
A mass rally in Wenceslas Square,
role and made plans for free elections. On 28 December, Dubček was elected
21 November 1989
speaker of the new parliament and, the following day, Václav Havel was
elected president of Czechoslovakia. By early 1990 the communist system in
Activity Czechoslovakia had been completely dismantled.
The collapse of communism in
Czechoslovakia in December 1989 The speed of change
is sometimes called the ‘Velvet The change of regime in Czechoslovakia occurred much more swiftly than it
Revolution’. What does this term did in several other Eastern European states. In many ways, Czechoslovakia
imply? Research this topic further, was more prepared for the events of 1989–90 than the rest of the Eastern bloc.
and explain how and why the events It was one of the most industrially developed states in the region, with a history
of 1989 differ from those that (though limited) of democracy. The German occupation during the Second World
occurred in 1968. War had halted the development of Czechoslovakia’s economy and culture, a
situation that was not rectified by the liberation of the country by the Red Army
in 1945. The imposition of communist rule in 1948 was initially tolerated because
of the perceived security of having strong links with the USSR. However, after
the rebuilding of the country and the economic stagnation of the early 1960s,
the need for economic reform was recognised. The events of 1968 proved that
economic reform would not work without associated political and social reform.

Without the military intervention of the Warsaw Pact in 1968, Czechoslovakia

may have moved to a more democratic social system, albeit more slowly than it
Question did in 1989. The re-imposition of Communist Party dominance in the 1970s did
Why did Czechoslovakia make the not crush the reformist tendencies of the Czechoslovakian population; rather
transition to post-communism so easily? it drove them underground and formed, effectively, a government in waiting.
Furthermore, these socio-economic pressures for change could not be offset by
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

the rise in living standards experienced in the 1970s and 1980s. Once Gorbachev Discussion point
had made it clear that he would not repeat the repression of 1968, it was only a
matter of time before civic unrest toppled the communist government. Without Establish why Gorbachev felt that
the support of a state apparatus of social control, the party could not survive, the USSR and Eastern bloc needed
and reformists such as Havel moved to fill the political vacuum. reform, and assess the impact of
these reforms.

Why did Eastern European states last so long?

The main reasons for the longevity of Soviet control of Eastern Europe are
related to factors common to all states: coercion, persuasion and consensus.
Coercion – whether internal or external – was important, but the states could
not have survived for nearly 50 years without some consent, based on both
propaganda and persuasion, and on the impact of policies. One important
factor was the ‘nomenklatura’ – the party appointments that were filled by
workers and peasants, and which were an important source of social mobility.
Also, the Soviet-style socialist economic model had proved successful in
modernising what were largely backward agricultural economies. It had also
provided unprecedented levels of social welfare. The period 1945–73 saw real
improvements in standards of living, education and health care, accompanied
by full and secure employment and pensions.

For most Eastern European economies, the real problems began in 1973, with
the worldwide oil crisis. Although this affected economies in both the West
and the East, the more flexible nature of the capitalist system allowed Western
countries to shift their economic emphasis away from industry and towards the
service sector. Countries in the Eastern bloc, structured for years around a highly
industrialised communist economic system, were unable to adapt so easily. 167

The affluent populations in Eastern Europe, who had become used to economic
growth, health and welfare provision, became increasingly discontented when
the economy began to slow down. This led to growing numbers of protestors
who, ironically, were assisted in articulating their concerns and demands by the
high-quality, universal and free state education these regimes had provided.

End of unit activities

1 Design a spider diagram to illustrate some of the problems created by the
five-year plans in Czechoslovakia.
2 Find out about the role played by youth groups in the Prague Spring. To what
extent were they influenced by youth-organised revolutions in other parts of
the world in 1968?
3 In the margin is a street cartoon that appeared during the Soviet-led invasion
of 1968. Who do the figures in the cartoon represent? How does it reflect the
changing nature of the relationship between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet
Union? What sort of reaction is it designed to evoke?
4 ‘The Soviet treatment of its Eastern European satellites can be considered a
form of colonialism.’
Divide the class into two groups. One group should work out an argument
in support of this view. The other group should work out an argument to
oppose it.
5 Read the brief biography of Alexander Dubček at
http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/alexander_Dubcek.htm.
Use the information, together with information from other websites, to draw
a timeline to illustrate his role in Czech history.
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-communist
Czechoslovakia

Timeline
1989 Nov: parliament abolishes the Communist
Key questions
Party as the central feature of • What problems faced Eastern Europe after 1989?
Czechoslovakian civic life • What challenges faced post-communist Czechoslovakia?
• What part has Václav Havel played in the formation of
Dec: Dubček elected speaker of the
post-communist Czechoslovakia?
Czechoslovakian parliament;
Havel elected president
1991 rapid rise in inflation; Czechoslovakia Overview
leaves the Warsaw Pact
• A series of challenges faced post-communist Czechoslovakia
1993 Slovakia breaks away from the after 1990.
Czech Republic • The political reforms after the collapse of communism caused
serious problems. Havel failed to mediate between the various
2004 Czech Republic and Slovakia join the competing groups within the new, post-communist states.
European Union • Another pressing problem was reform of the economy along
more Western lines, so that the country could begin to trade and
function effectively. Here, the major issue was not the nature of the
168 reforms but the speed at which they should be implemented.
• Czechoslovakia was particularly affected by national tensions,
the most serious of which was the division between the Czechs
in the west and the Slovaks in the east. There was considerable
historical antipathy between these two groups, which had been
made worse by the early history of communist Czechoslovakia.
• In 1993, Czechoslovakia was divided along national lines into the
Czech Republic and Slovakia.
• By the end of the 20th century, both new states had entered the
European Union and once more taken their historical place at
the heart of European economic and cultural development.

Czechs collect information about the country’s accession to the European

Union in 2004
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-communist Czechoslovakia

What problems faced Eastern Europe after 1989? Theory of knowledge

There were four main problems facing the countries of Eastern Europe in the
Historical interpretation
transition from a command economy to a capitalist market economy, and from
Eric Hobsbawm was one of very few
a one-party state to a multi-party democracy.
historians who, though welcoming
1 Lack of democratic traditions the moves to democracy, warned
Only Czechoslovakia had had any experience of democracy – and that had that the collapse of one-party
been very short. Also, the groups that had led opposition to the communist regimes in Eastern Europe would not
governments were not democratic political parties, but rather disparate groups necessarily result in tolerant and
united mainly by their opposition to one-party rule. popular successors. In particular,
he pointed out that before 1945 the
2 Limited nature of the revolutions governments in that region – with
Because the revolutions in Eastern Europe in 1989 were peaceful (with the exception the exception of Czechoslovakia –
of those in Romania), they only swept away the top party leaderships. The state had been authoritarian and often
structures, and those party appointees running them, largely remained in place. racist, especially towards the Jewish,
The new regimes were thus reliant on communist-appointed administrators to Roma and Sinti minorities. He also
carry out the transition to a capitalist economy and a liberal democracy. questioned the likelihood of genuine
democracy being established. How far
3 Economic problems have his concerns been borne out by
Some historians have argued that, had the economic growth of the 1950s events since 1989?
been maintained, the 1989 revolutions might not have taken place. The post-
communist rulers, largely in power because of an economic crisis, now had to
solve it. In general, they decided to abolish the command economy that the
communist states had set up and which, to a large extent, had protected the
people’s welfare.
169
4 Socio-cultural issues
The transition to a capitalist economy was accompanied by poverty and hardship,
and the loss of traditional support structures, which resulted in uncertainty.
Some people turned to religion, others to nationalism and even racism – the very
irrational elements that ‘scientific socialism’ (another name for communism or
Marxism) had tried to eradicate or at least control. The new political leaders
exploited these sentiments, sometimes resulting in racist attacks particularly
against Jewish and Roma minorities. In fact, such developments had been
predicted by the Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm, who pointed out that as
a condition for receiving loans from the West the new governments would be
applying neo-capitalist policies in relatively backward economies. This would
cause great hardship for the majority of the population, as both jobs and social
services would be cut, although the changes would provide opportunities for a
small minority to become very wealthy.

What challenges faced post-communist

Czechoslovakia?
Fact
The new government of Czechoslovakia faced a number of social, political and The Jewish population of
economic challenges. Czechoslovakia suffered badly under
the Nazis. Before the Second World
National tensions War, there were 281,000 Jews living
Before the Second World War there had been considerable national, ethnic and there. An estimated 277,000 of them
racial tensions, including anti-semitism, in Central and Eastern Europe as a died in the Holocaust. It is estimated
whole. The communist regimes had managed to keep these tensions in check. that in 2006 the Jewish population of
This was partly due to ideology – communism is hostile to such prejudices the Czech Republic was only 6000.
and equates them with bourgeois capitalist society. The communist states
 5 Czechoslovakia

believed that such attitudes were undesirable, even impossible, in a workers’

state, and usually stepped in to prevent any potential social disorder such
hatreds might cause before it could get out of hand.

Czechoslovakia was more susceptible to certain national tensions than, for

example, Poland. Czechoslovakia emerged from the wreckage of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire in 1919 as a mix of competing nationalities. The most
extreme manifestation of this was the lack of harmony between the Czechs
and the Slovaks. There had been tensions between the Czech and Slovakian
halves of the country from the creation of Czechoslovakia after the 1919 Treaty
of Versailles. Slovakia briefly became a nominally independent – and pro-Axis
– state during the Second World War. In the wake of the communist takeover,
purges in the later 1940s had been directed disproportionately at the Slovakian
population. Antonín Novotný had played a major role in these purges and it
Fact
was not until 1962 that the sufferings of the Slovaks were recognised. Some
Rudolf Slánský became general
executions, such as that of Rudolf Slánský (see page 146), were deemed to have
secretary of the Czechoslovakian
been in contravention of party rules, but few were punished. The communist
Communist Party in 1946. He was one government’s reaction to the issue seemed to Slovaks to be grudging and half-
of 14 people arrested in 1951 during hearted. In 1960, a new constitution divided the Slovakian region into three,
Stalin’s anti-Titoist purges. Following diluting Slovakian influence in the state. To the Slovakian population there
a show trial in November 1952, he appeared to be disproportionate Czech influence at the heart of government.
was executed with ten others later This was held in check by Novotný by the use of the apparatus of state control,
that month. but was broken by the elevation of a Russian-educated Slovak, Alexander
Dubček, to the position of first secretary in May 1963.

The division of Czechoslovakia

170 Following the end of communist rule in 1989, problems between Czechs and
Slovaks quickly re-emerged. In the communist era the parliament had been
subservient to the party, but in the new democratic era each side blocked
legislation until it gained concessions from the other.

In addition, the Czechs and Slovaks had different ideas about how the post-
1989 state should be structured. On 1 January 1993, Czechoslovakia ceased to
exist. It disintegrated peacefully – in what was called the ‘Velvet Divorce’ – into
two independent states: the Czech Republic and Slovakia. There are different
historical explanations of this split. One view sees 1989 as a ‘return to history’:
the Cold War and Marxist–Leninist ideology had held nationalism in check, but
once the Cold War was over, these nationalist tensions resurfaced.

The Czechs were the larger and more powerful nation and were thus less
likely to question the existence of ‘Czechoslovakia’. In 1990, the ‘hyphen war’
occurred, when the Slovaks wanted the newly independent state to be called
‘Czecho-Slovakia’. Before 1989, Czech representatives wielded the real power
in decision-making and the Slovaks largely deferred to them. After 1989, there
had to be consensus before changes to the constitution could be made or new
laws introduced, but a minority could block them. Decisions about how best to
introduce change were increasingly split along nationalist lines. Václav Klaus
(right-wing) in the Czech area – which had a more industrialised economy than
Slovakia – advocated the rapid transition to a capitalist economy. However,
Vladimír Mečiar in Slovakia wanted a more gradual approach. Havel tried to
Question effect a compromise, but a split between the two halves seemed to offer a
What have been the main national solution. Although this division occurred without violence, the decision was
tensions in the Czech Republic and made by a political élite without much in the way of popular support. There
Slovakia since 1990? was no referendum, and opinion polls showed that the majority of people were
against the split.
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-communist Czechoslovakia

Economic problems
The Czechs faced the same basic
question as other post-communist
states in Eastern Europe – at what
Source A
pace should reform be made? In
Our country is not flourishing. Entire branches of industry are
Czechoslovakia, however, the national
producing goods that are of no interest to anyone, while we are
tensions made the decision more
lacking the things we need. A state which calls itself a workers’ state
difficult. The sharp economic shock
humiliates and exploits workers. Our obsolete economy is wasting
therapy of the Czech government
the little energy we have available. The country spends so little on
resulted in the Czech Republic having,
education that it ranks today as seventy-second in the world. We
by the mid 1990s, one of the most
rapidly expanding economies of all have polluted the soil, rivers and forests that we have today the most
the post-communist Eastern European contaminated environment in Europe. Adults in our country die earlier
states. However, while a small minority than in most other European countries.
became extremely wealthy as a result
of these developments, the social Václav Havel’s New Year’s Address to the Nation, 1 January 1990.
costs were high, and many people
suffered unemployment and a drop
in living standards. While the majority
had wanted political freedoms and
wider consumer choices, they did Source B
not bargain for the unemployment,
poverty and loss of social services In Czechoslovakia the economic transformation was started in early
that hit them after 1989. In the former 1991 when prices were freed, the currency could be traded, tax was
USSR, where several billionaire lowered, retail trade was privatised and property restored to its
oligarchs (the ‘Chicago Boys’) emerged former owners. In 1992 mass privatisation was started. The social 171
alongside 140 million Russians falling costs of these reforms have also proved higher than expected which,
below the poverty line, it was described
along with the awakening of nationalist feelings, led to the split of
as ‘all shock, no therapy’.
the country into the Czech Republic and Slovakia in January 1993.

As the former Czechoslovakia entered Extract from a lecture given by W. Roszkowski and J. Kofman in 1997.
the market economy, problems became Adapted from http://www.cerc.unimelb.edu.au/bulletin/bulmay97.htm.
evident. Inflation had rocketed by 25%
in 1991, with wages rapidly following.
However, as consumers were only able to purchase essential items, by 1992
inflation had dropped to 3%. Heavy industry felt the greatest impact. These
industries had been the backbone of Czechoslovakia’s communist economy;
without the support of the central government and the command economy the
inefficiencies of these industries, largely caused by obsolete equipment, rapidly
put them out of business, causing widespread unemployment. These problems economic shock therapy
created increasing racial tensions as workers reacted adversely to the impact The policies behind economic shock
of the rapid introduction of a capitalist market economy – there was even some therapy were based on the ideas of
anti-semitism, despite the fact that Jews were only a small minority. By the mid Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman
1990s, however, the situation had stabilised, and both the Czech Republic and who, from the 1960s, advocated
Slovakia had made the transition to a Western-style economy. However, large policies (such as monetarism and
numbers had paid a high social price for its introduction. ‘rolling back’ the welfare state)
for ‘free-market’ or unrestrained
The present situation capitalism. The ideas of this ‘Chicago
At the time of writing, both states of the former Czechoslovakia are members of School’ were first applied in the
the EU and part of mainstream European culture and politics. Both have made military dictatorships of Chile and
the transition from communism, and have developed – or begun to develop – Argentina in the 1970s, and were later
capitalist economies. The overarching institutions of the EU and NATO have adopted by the Reagan and Thatcher
allowed the two states to divide and prosper, and some sections of the Czech and governments in the US and UK.
the Slovak populations have been positively affected by these developments.
 5 Czechoslovakia

What part has Václav Havel played in the

formation of post-communist Czechoslovakia?
Václav Havel is a playwright, dissident
and politician. He emerged from
the final phase of communism as
Source C president of Czechoslovakia, and
held the post until the division of the
Extract from an article written by Václav Havel in 1984. country into the Czech Republic and
Slovakia in 1993.Thereupon he became
I am convinced that what is called ‘dissent’ in the Soviet bloc is a president of the new Czech Republic,
specific modern experience, the experience of life at the very ramparts a post which he held until 2003. He is
of dehumanized power. As such, that ‘dissent’ has the opportunity and a noted intellectual and has published
even the duty to reflect on this experience, to testify to it and to pass many plays and numerous works of
it on to those fortunate enough not to have to undergo it. Thus we too literature. He is interesting for our
study because he is very different from
have a certain opportunity to help in some ways those who help us, to
the other leaders of independence
help them in our deeply shared interest, in the interest of mankind.
movements under discussion. As
we have noted, intellectuals played
Quoted in Havel, V. 1990. Living in Truth, Essays on Politics and
an important role in opposition to
Conscience. London, UK. Faber and Faber.
the Communist Party’s centralising
role in Czechoslovakian politics and
society. Havel first emerged as part
Question of this general movement in 1960, when he began to publish overtly political
works. The Prague Spring and the subsequent government backlash prompted
Why was the change to a free market him to become the leader of the opposition group Charter 77 (see page 163),
172 economy not an easy process? which led to his imprisonment.

Havel was born in 1936 into a middle-class family that had been closely involved
in the politics and cultural developments of post-1919 Czechoslovakia. He was
forced to study economics at university, but the course did not suit him and he
dropped out after two years. In 1957, he worked as a stage hand in the theatre
and studied drama by distance learning. In 1963, his first play, The Garden Party,
was performed. This was followed by numerous other works, and in 1968 his
play The Memorandum brought him international acclaim after performances in
New York.

Like many others, Havel was caught up in the events of 1968. He broadcast
for Radio Free Czechoslovakia, an activity which drew the attention of the
authorities in the wake of the Soviet invasion. Havel was banned from the theatre
and not allowed to leave the country. His international standing remained,
however, and to an extent this protected him from the more extreme measures
of state repression. His literary activity simply went underground and a series
of autobiographical plays, in which Havel appears as the character ‘Vaněk’,
propelled him to the forefront of the dissident movement. This development
illustrates well the difficulty the Czechoslovakian communist regime had in
suppressing free expression within the state.

In 1977, Havel became a leading figure in the Charter 77 movement and co-
founded the Committee for the Defence of the Unjustly Persecuted in 1979. This
drew the attention of the authorities once more, and between this time and
the fall of communism, Havel spent much time in confinement, most notably
between 1979 and 1984. During this period he wrote the famous essay ‘Power of
the Powerless’. This articulated the nature of totalitarianism in the communist
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-communist Czechoslovakia

bloc and presented a blueprint for resistance. It is noteworthy that Havel, like Activity
Gandhi, believed that Czechoslovakian society – and indeed all the societies
of the Eastern bloc – contained so many contradictions that it was inherently Compare and contrast Havel‘s and
unstable. He argued that passive, non-violent opposition to such a regime Gandhi’s approaches to resistance
would, in the long run, bring about reform. to oppression.

Havel was a leading figure in the Velvet Revolution of 1989 as a key member of the
opposition group Civic Forum. On 22 December 1989, he was elected president.
Fact
His time as president was controversial and he was unable to hold together the
Havel can be used in an IB History
two halves of the country. He did, however, negotiate Czechoslovakia’s exit from
assessment to illustrate the force
the Warsaw Pact, and by 1991 Soviet forces had withdrawn from the country. He
also facilitated his country’s entry into NATO, a remarkable development given
of the intellectual in creating
the history of Eastern Europe since the Second World War. Havel also pushed historical change. Further, his
for the extension of the NATO alliance to all the former Soviet satellite states pacifism and non-violent agitation
of Eastern Europe. can be compared with that of Gandhi.
However, it is important to recognise
Havel left office in 2003 and became a full-time human rights activist. He has that Havel is very much a product of
hosted an international forum that lobbies for human rights and related issues, Czechoslovakia’s intellectual, artistic
Forum 200, since 1997. Since the end of his political life he has also pursued an and political tradition. It is difficult to
academic and literary career in the USA. see a similar figure being effective in
the other case studies in this book.

End of unit activities

1 Alexander Dubček died in 1992. Write a newspaper obituary for him, Theory of knowledge
outlining and evaluating his role in Czechoslovakia’s history.
2 Draw up a table listing the problems facing Czechoslovakia in 1990, adding History and the arts
173
information about the causes of each and suggesting possible solutions. How does Havel’s career illustrate the
3 Who deserves the title of the greatest hero in modern Czech history – Václav link between history and the arts?
Havel or Alexander Dubček? Divide the class into two groups. Each group Would he have been such a leading
should prepare an argument to support one of these candidates. figure in the Velvet Revolution if he had
4 Read the country profiles on these two websites: not also been an acclaimed playwright?

https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ez.html
(for the Czech Republic)
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/lo.html
(for Slovakia).
In each case, click on the icon labelled ‘People’. Look at factors such as
population size, average life expectancy, literacy levels, unemployment,
health care, religion, language, etc. Explain the differences between the two
countries. Which of these can you attribute to their history? Which country
seems to be in a more favourable position?
5 ‘To what extent was the collapse of Czechoslovakia as a state the logical
outcome of the collapse of communism?’
Write an essay to answer this question. Start by producing a single index
card for each factor involved in the collapse of communism. The cards
should have both the evaluative point that will drive the essay and evidence
to support it.
The final essay should point to two broad themes. Firstly, that the history
of Czechoslovakia since 1919 was in many ways artificial, with the state
lacking the qualities of a coherent nation state. Secondly, that communism
suppressed the forces that were pressing for the collapse of a united
Czechoslovakia. When the latter were removed, two states swiftly replaced
one in this key region of Central Europe.
 5 Czechoslovakia

End of chapter activities

Paper 1 exam practice
Question
According to Source A (left), why were
Source A Soviet and Warsaw Pact forces sent
into Czechoslovakia in 1968?
In connection with the events in Czechoslovakia the question of the [2 marks]
correlation and interdependence of the national interests of the socialist
countries and their international duties acquires particular topical and
Skill
acute importance. The measures taken by the Soviet Union, jointly Comprehension of a source
with other socialist countries, in defending the socialist gains of the
Czechoslovakian people are of great significance for strengthening the Examiner’s tips
socialist community, which is the main achievement of the international Comprehension questions are the
working class. … The peoples of the socialist countries and Communist most straightforward questions you
parties certainly do have and should have freedom for determining will face in Paper 1. They simply
the ways of advance of their respective countries. However, none of require you to understand a source
their decisions should damage either socialism in their country or and extract two or three relevant
the fundamental interests of other socialist countries, and the whole points that relate to the particular
working class movement, which is working for socialism. This means question. As only 2 marks are
that each Communist party is responsible not only to its own people, but available for this question, make sure
also to all the socialist countries, to the entire Communist movement. you don’t waste valuable time that
174
should be spent on the higher-scoring
Extract from the Brezhnev Doctrine, 25 September 1968. Quoted on questions by writing a long answer
http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1968brezhnev.html. here. All that’s needed are a couple of
short sentences giving the necessary
information to show that you have
understood the source. Basically, try to give one piece of information for each of
Fact the marks available for the question.
Events in Czechoslovakia in 1968
resulted in the ‘Brezhnev Doctrine’, Common mistakes
which defined a communist state as
When asked to show your comprehension/understanding of a particular source,
a one-party state belonging to the
make sure you don’t comment on the wrong source! Mistakes like this are made
Warsaw Pact. It also justified the right
every year – remember, every mark is important for your final grade.
of the Warsaw Pact to intervene in any
member country where communism
Simplified markscheme
was under threat.
For each item of relevant/correct information identified, award 1 mark, up to a
maximum of 2 marks.

Student answer

Source A claims that the invasion was justified because the fundamental
national interests of all socialist countries were interdependent.
 5 Czechoslovakia

Examiner’s comments
The candidate has selected one relevant and explicit piece of information
from the source – this is enough to gain 1 mark. However, as no other reason/ 1948
information has been identified, this candidate fails to gain the other mark
• Key event
available for the question.
• Leaders involved
• Political situation
Activity • Linked economic, religious,
Look again at the source and the student answer above. Now try to identify cultural issues
one other piece of information from the source, and so obtain the other mark • Changes that occurred
available for this question. • Challenges to Soviet or
centralised control

Summary activity
Copy the spider diagram opposite and, using the
information in this chapter, make notes in point
1968
form under each heading.
• Key event
Turning • Leaders involved
Paper 2 exam practice points in • Political situation
• Linked economic, religious,
1 To what extent did social and economic
issues play an important role in one
Czechoslovakia’s cultural issues
independence movement in one Soviet history • Changes that occurred
• Challenges to Soviet or
satellite state?
centralised control
2 How, and for what reasons, did
Czechoslovakia achieve independence 175
from centralised communist control and
Soviet domination?
1989
3 To what extent can the Prague Spring and the Velvet Revolution be attributed
to the part played by individuals? • Key event
• Leaders involved
• Political situation
Further reading • Linked economic, religious,
cultural issues
Try reading the relevant chapters/sections of the following books:
• Changes that occurred
• Challenges to Soviet or
Calvocoressi, Peter. 1987. World Politics Since 1945 (5th Edn). London, UK and New
centralised control
York, USA. Longman.
Crampton, Richard J. 1994. Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century – And After.
London, UK and New York, USA. Routledge.
Dubček, Alexander. 1993. Hope Dies Last. New York, USA. Kodansha America.
Kenny, Padraic. 2006. The Burdens of Freedom: Eastern Europe since 1989. London,
UK. Zed Books.
Longworth, Philip. 1994. The Making of Eastern Europe. Basingstoke and London,
UK. St Martin’s Press.
Pittaway, Mark. 2004. Brief Histories: Eastern Europe 1939–2000, London, UK.
Hodder Education.
Stokes, Gale. 1993. The Walls came Tumbling Down: The Collapse of Communism in
Eastern Europe. Oxford, UK. Oxford University Press.
Vadney, Thomas. E. 1998. The World Since 1945. London, UK. Penguin Books.
Webb, Adrian. 2002. Central & Eastern Europe Since 1919. London, UK. Routledge.
 6 Poland
Tsarist Russia A term applied to
Introduction
the highly autocratic pre-revolutionary Until the 18th century, Poland had enjoyed a long history as an independent state.
Russian state, ruled by the tsar (from However, during the later part of the 1700s it was partitioned by and absorbed into
the Latin Caesar, meaning emperor). its neighbouring states of Prussia, Russia and Austria. The largest portion was
Tsarist Russia was a dictatorship that allocated to the Russian Empire. Nationalism remained strong, despite attempts
ruled a huge empire stretching from by Tsarist Russia to extinguish Polish national consciousness in the 20th century,
Poland in the west to the Pacific Ocean including an attempt to impose Orthodox Christianity on a Catholic nation.
in the east. These events left a legacy of bitterness between Poland and Russia.

Polish independence was at last achieved by the defeat of Germany, Austria-

Hungary and Tsarist Russia in the First World War and the events of the Russian
Catholic and Orthodox Revolution in 1917. Taking advantage of the chaos that followed these events,
Christianity During the medieval the Poles declared an independent state on 9 November 1918. On 28 June 1919,
period, the Christian Church split the new state of Poland was recognised by the victorious powers as part of the
into two distinct forms – Catholic in Paris peace settlements of 1919–20, and was re-created from German, Austrian
the West and Orthodox in the East. and Russian territory. In 1920, Poland’s army, led by Marshal Piłsudski and
Under Byzantine influence, Russia encouraged by Britain and France, invaded the Russian territories of Belorussia
176 became Orthodox whilst most of and the Ukraine. An attempt by the Red Army to invade Poland was beaten
Europe, including Poland, became back, and in the 1921 Treaty of Riga, Poland took these western territories from
Catholic. Thus, the Russian domination the new Bolshevik state.
of Poland was seen by the Poles as a
religious struggle between these two Events in Poland in the 19th and early 20th centuries created a strong feeling
branches of Christianity. of nationalism based on the Catholic Church and a deeply rooted sense of
traditional Polish culture. In 1939, at the start of the Second World War, the West
effectively abandoned Poland to its fate after it was invaded by Nazi Germany
on 1 September. Sixteen days later, the USSR invaded eastern Poland to take the
lands assigned to it in the Nazi–Soviet
Sweden Latvia Non-Aggression Pact. Events such as the
Katyn Massacre in 1940 (see page 178),
Lithuania and the Warsaw Uprising of 1944 (see
page 179), only increased Polish bitterness
from
Danzig towards the Soviet Union. This bitterness
Germany Lithuania
1920 was worsened by the fact that, as the
from Red Army pushed back the Germans and
Germany advanced into Poland, Polish industrial
Germany 1919 Russia equipment was dismantled and sent to
Warsaw from
Russia the USSR as reparations. For many Poles,
Poland 1921 ‘liberation’ by the Red Army soon began
1918 to feel like ‘occupation’. Thus, in the
Kiev
period after the Second World War, many
Poles saw the imposition of Soviet-style
from km
Austria 1919 0 100 communism and the reduction of their
0 100 country to a satellite of the USSR as part
Czechoslovakia miles
of a repeating historical pattern.

Austria
Romania Map of Poland, showing territory gained
Hungary
from other countries by 1921
1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet
and centralised control of Poland

Timeline
Key questions
1919 establishment of independent Poland
• How did a communist-dominated, pro-Soviet state emerge in
after Versailles
Poland after the Second World War?
• How did de-Stalinisation affect Soviet control in Poland? 1919–21 Russo–Polish War
1939 Second World War begins; Poland is
Overview conquered after German and Soviet
invasions
• A pro-Soviet communist Poland was established after the Second
1940 Katyn Massacre
World War, which created a historical problem that influenced
events up to 1990. 1944 Warsaw Rising begins
• The Poles were promised independence after the Second World
War by the Allies, but were ‘short-changed’ by the West.
1945 Lublin Committee convenes
• As a result of this, the USSR acquired Poland as a satellite state. 1947 communists win Polish elections
Poland had a long-standing historical antipathy to Russia, yet
some of its population were prepared to accept Soviet domination 1947–53 purges in Poland
as a guarantee against future German aggression. 1953 death of Stalin 177
• Poland lost much of the eastern part of its pre-war territory to
the USSR. In return, its borders were shifted westwards at
Germany’s expense.
• Initial resistance to the domination of the USSR was crushed
by 1953.
• A situation developed that accommodated both sides and
established a workable communist state in Poland. However,
it left an undercurrent of anti-communist
feeling that re-emerged a few years later, as
a series of economic crises hit the country in
the 1960s and 1970s.

How did a communist-

dominated, pro-Soviet state
emerge in Poland after the
Second World War?
Poland in the Second World War
On 1 September 1939, Germany attacked Poland.
Two days later, Britain and France declared
war on Germany. On 17 September, the USSR
attacked eastern Poland. Pressed from two sides,
the Polish armed forces rapidly collapsed.

Armoured vehicles of the Soviet Red Army drive

alongside German troops, as the two forces meet up
inside Poland
 6 Poland

Historical debate The declarations of war from the West did not come quickly enough for the
Poles, and they viewed the events of 1939 as a betrayal by both the West and the
The issue of territorial changes USSR. This sense of betrayal was reinforced by decisions made by the Western
along the border between Poland Allies at the end of the war (see page 180), which left Poland firmly in the Soviet
and the Soviet Union continues to sphere of influence. The role of the USSR in the events of 1939 was even more
be hotly debated. Much of this land significant, as the Red Army’s attack appeared to be an attempt to reverse
had been old Poland before the Poland’s takeover of Russian land following the Russo–Polish war of 1919–21,
partitions of the 18th century, but and to re-establish traditional Russian control of the country.
had belonged to Russia from 1772.
In 1921, in the Treaty of Riga, Poland The Germans treated the Polish population badly, committing atrocities on a
took land that is now in Lithuania, grand scale. Poland also suffered during the brief period of Soviet rule, from 1939
Ukraine and Belarus – about 200 km to 1941. Stalin was determined to put in place a programme of Sovietisation.
(125 miles) east of the Curzon Line The purpose of this policy was to establish communist rule and suppress all
recommended by the British in 1920, members of Polish society who might potentially engage in anti-communist
and in areas where the Poles were activities after the expected German invasion – which came less than two years
an ethnic minority. In fact, Poland later. The opening up of Soviet archives after 1990 revealed that the number of
had seized much of this land from Poles who died during the Soviet occupation of their country may have been as
many as 40,000.
Lithuania in the 16th century.

Bodies are retrieved from the mass grave in which Polish officers were found after the
Katyn Massacre in 1940

Fact
The most infamous of the atrocities in
Poland at this time was the massacre
of Polish officers at Katyn on 5 March
178
1940, during which 5000 men died.
The officers were drawn from the Polish
upper and middle classes and had
military training. Thus, they posed
a clear threat to the new communist
order. The massacre was made public
by the Germans in 1943, placing
considerable strain on Polish–
Soviet relations.
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Poland

The suffering of the Polish people in the Second World War was extreme.
It has been calculated that about 22% of the original 1939 population died during
German occupation. The Germans systematically exploited Poland’s people and
resources to sustain their war effort. Estimates suggest that the country lost a
third of its housing stock, most of its schools, and almost all of its railways and
port facilities. More than any other Eastern European country, Poland had to
be totally rebuilt at the end of hostilities. This placed serious socio-economic
stress on the country and provided the post-war communist government with
an ongoing problem.

Polish resistance to the invasion continued even after the collapse of its armed
forces. This resistance came from three main groups: Polish troops serving in
both the Allied and the Soviet armies; two governments in exile (in Britain and
the USSR); and a domestic resistance force, the Polish Home Army. As the war
went on, the existence of these resistance movements created considerable
political tension, as both Britain and the USSR tried to promote the interests of
the Poles based in their respective countries to be the next rulers of Poland.

Governments in exile
There were two governments in exile – one in Britain, known as the London
Poles, and one in the USSR, which was known as the Lublin Poles. In addition to
opposing each other, both governments were used to give legitimacy to either
Western or Soviet plans for post-war Poland, as well as to defeat the German
invaders. Relations between the two governments improved slightly after the
USSR’s entry into the war in 1941, but in the long run they were never able to
establish an amicable relationship.
179
From 1943 onwards, with the tide of battle turning in favour of the Allies on
the Eastern Front, it became increasingly clear that Nazi Germany was going
to be defeated. The Red Army – in the process of liberating Eastern Europe
from Nazi occupation – would therefore end the war in Central and Eastern
Europe. To meet the USSR’s security needs, Stalin wanted to redraw Poland’s
eastern frontier, determined to recover land taken by Poland in 1921 as well
as to retain land seized in 1939. The London Poles could not accept this, and in Question
July 1943 the USSR broke off relations with them. It was clear that, while the Who were the London Poles and the
West was preparing the way for a pro-Western Polish government after the war, Lublin Poles?
Stalin was working for a pro-Soviet Polish communist takeover. Furthermore,
the Soviet leader was in a strong position to do so, given that the Red Army
would be physically present in Poland when hostilities ceased. The reality of
this situation was recognised by the Allied leaders at the Tehran Conference in Fact
1943 and was reinforced at Yalta in 1945. The Tehran Conference was held in
1943 and began the process by which
The Warsaw Rising the Allied powers established the
In mid 1944, the Red Army crossed the pre-1939 Polish–Soviet border. In August, form of post-war Europe. The Yalta
as the Soviets approached the Polish capital of Warsaw, the Polish Home Army Conference was held in February 1945.
rose up against the Nazi occupiers. The Polish government in exile in London By this point it was obvious that Nazi
had ordered the rising so that a pro-Western independent Poland might be Germany would be defeated and the
established before the capital was liberated. This would give the London Poles Allied powers – Britain, the USA and
a chance of setting themselves up as the legitimate leaders of Poland. The the USSR – sought to define the post-
Warsaw Rising was also an effort to divert German military resources away war map of Europe. This process not
from the battle against the Red Army. Stalin could have ordered his troops only established national boundaries,
to press forward to support the rising – but he did not. His plans for post- but also set the spheres of influence of
war Poland did not include the London Poles; he intended to establish a pro- the main contenders.
Soviet communist satellite state in this most important part of Eastern Europe.
 6 Poland

Question The Red Army halted its advance, and by October 1944 the Warsaw Rising had
been ruthlessly crushed by the German army. When the Red Army liberated the
Why have the events surrounding the city it did so without the aid of domestic resistance fighters. In fact, the Germans
Warsaw Rising been the subject of had eliminated a potential post-war anti-communist force. Stalin’s failure to
historical debate? support the Home Army in 1944 reinforced anti-Russian feeling amongst the
population. However, many also bitterly resented the fact that, as in 1939, the
Western Allies had provided no practical help.

SOURCE A
In the event of the fall of Warsaw you are not to surrender but to
withdraw from the city and attempt to link up with Soviet forces to
the east of Zoliborz. Should it be impossible to cross the river Vistula
retreat along the river to the south, where Soviet forces will do the
Discussion point utmost to help you cross in boats.

In groups of two, examine the

Instructions issued to the commander of the Polish Home Army, General
reasons why there was considerable
Skokowski, from General Berling, a Polish general in the Red Army, regarding
historical antagonism between the
possible outcomes of the Warsaw Rising in 1944.
Poles and the Russians.

The post-war reorganisation of Poland along communist

180 lines
At Yalta (see page 179), the Allies agreed that the Soviet Union could move its
border with Poland westwards, thereby regaining territory it had lost to Poland
in the 1921 Treaty of Riga. Although Poland lost a great deal of land to the USSR,
it was allocated a large – though not equivalent – block of land in the east of
Germany. Despite this, many Poles looked on Yalta as a ‘betrayal’ by the West,
in much the same way that many Czechoslovakians viewed the decisions at
Munich as a betrayal by the same powers (see page 142).

The Polish communists – the Polish Workers’ Party, or PWP – faced serious
Fact problems in establishing power. Firstly, they were opposed by traditional power
The Polish Communist Party had also groups that had historically opposed communism. Secondly, the communists
been purged in 1938 on Stalin’s orders had been prime targets for the Nazis, and the only activists left were the few
– several Polish communists had who had survived by going underground or those who had fled to the Soviet
continued to support Trotsky after his Union. Finally, association with the USSR was a drawback because of the deep-
expulsion from the USSR in 1929. rooted Polish distrust of all things Russian.

However, the communists did have an advantage in that they faced no

domestic political opposition. Unlike Czechoslovakia, Poland did not have a
strong democratic tradition in the period 1918–39. It was briefly a democracy
from 1918, but Marshal Piłsudski (who had been chief of state from 1918 to
1922) led a military coup in 1926, and remained effective dictator until his
death in 1935. There were thus no strong popular political organisations. Many
leaders of Poland’s public opposition to the communists had been eliminated
in the Warsaw Rising. The communists were also supported by the Red Army,
which had significant numbers of troops in Poland at the end of the Second
World War.
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Poland

Denmark Sweden

Lithuania

East
Prussia USSR

Germany

Poland in 1937
Territory lost in 1939
km
Territory gained from Germany in 1945–46 0 100
0 100
Poland since 1946 miles

Czechoslovakia

Austria Hungary Romania 181

Map showing territories lost and acquired by Poland as a result of the end of the
Second World War Władisław Gomułka (1905–
82) Gomułka had been part of the
communist government in exile in
Establishing Soviet/communist control the USSR. He emerged as leader of
Upon liberation, the Soviets established the Lublin Committee to oversee the communist Poland in 1947, but fell
administration of Poland during the transition to the post-war period. In July from power in 1954 as a result of
1944, this Polish Committee of National Liberation at Lublin was recognised by infighting within the party. He was
the other Allies as Poland’s provisional government, rather than the London- later rehabilitated and served as
based group. On 19 January 1945, the Soviets transformed this body into a party leader in 1970.
provisional government. In March, leading members of the London government
in exile and key members of the Home Army – especially its commander
general, Leopold Okulicki – were invited to discuss the country’s future. Despite
guarantees to the contrary, the Soviets arrested the delegation.

The provisional government contained some PWP members, but initially the
party was very much in the minority. From 1943, the PWP was led by Władisław
Gomułka; it had hardly any members and was forced to ally itself with the
Polish Socialist Party (PSP). Ranged against it was the powerful Peasant Party
under Stanisław Mikołajczyk, who had been a leading member of the Polish
government in exile in London, and the relatively weak Labour Party and
Democratic Party. At the Yalta Conference, Stalin had promised free elections
in Poland, and in early 1945 it was difficult to see how the PWP would survive
these, let alone emerge as the ruling party.
 6 Poland

Despite indications to the contrary, however, the rise of the PWP to power was
Fact rapid. After 1945, Poland moved quickly from a ‘bogus’ coalition – in spite of the
With Soviet aid, the PWP also set up a inclusion of some London Poles – to an increasingly obvious PWP dictatorship.
secret police, the Urza̧d Bezpieczństwa On Stalin’s orders, key positions were placed in the hands of communists.
(UB), and the Volunteers’ Citizens Communists held the office of president (Bolesław Bierut) and deputy prime
Militia Reserve, numbering 100,000. minister (Gomułka), with the socialist Edward Osóbka-Morawski as prime
The militia was established initially to minister. Communists also controlled the Ministry of Public Security and made
crush an anti-communist guerrilla war significant steps towards controlling the economy. On 3 January 1946, all but the
conducted by members of the pre-war very smallest Polish companies were nationalised, and in 1947 the massive task
Polish Home Army from 1945 to 1947. of reconstruction was placed in government hands.
However, both the secret police and
Because the bulk of the Polish upper and middle classes had perished under
the militia soon became arms of a
the Nazis, there was little opposition to the reforms instigated in Poland in
totalitarian state.
the immediate post-war period. The main threat to the communists came
from the Polish peasants. A member of the Polish government in exile in
London, Stanisław Mikołajczyk, had formed the Polish Peasants’ Party (PPP),
and was determined to derail communist attempts to dominate the country.
By January 1946, this party was the largest in Poland, with 600,000 members.
The communists tried to buy off the peasants by redistributing land – as well
as animals, farm machinery and housing – especially in the newly acquired
German territories. Such action was taken all over Eastern Europe, but in Poland
the communists were careful to parcel out land in small lots of 2–3 hectares
(5–7 acres) so that as many people as possible would benefit from the reform.

In January 1947, the promised elections took place. As a result of intimidation

and vote rigging, the communists emerged victorious, with 80% of the vote.
182 Before the elections, the communists arrested 142 candidates, and thousands of
non-communist supporters were also arrested and imprisoned. Mikołajczyk fled
Fact the country; his party was taken over by the communists and became the United
Nationalisation took place quite Peasants Party. The communists swiftly created a constitution based on that
gradually in Poland, compared to other of the USSR, and the socialist Józef Cyrankiewicz was installed as prime
East European countries, and there minister. On 1 May 1947, Gomułka merged all leftist parties into a single,
were no mass purges or show trials in Marxist-dominated Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP). Industries were
the years that followed. nationalised and peasant lands became part of collectives known as the Polish
Agricultural Enterprises.

The presence of the Red Army on Polish soil and Stalin’s actions at the end of the
Second World War meant that the pro-Western Poles in London simply did not
have the political leverage to put up a credible fight. However, the Sovietisation
of Poland was not as extreme as it was in other parts of the Eastern bloc. The
Catholic Church, with its deep roots in the country, was actually treated well by
the communists. It retained its property until 1950, and religion remained on
the school curriculum. As a result, the church continued to be one of the main
focuses of Polish life, both spiritual and social.

The Soviet grip tightens

The motive behind the Soviet domination of Eastern Europe was primarily
defensive. Poland was the largest country in the region and it had been one
of the main routes taken by invaders of Russia in the past. Stalin simply could
Cominform An international not tolerate policies that might create an independent Poland. The event that
organisation of communist parties triggered a Soviet clampdown on Poland was Stalin’s confrontation with Tito’s
dominated by the USSR. Cominform Yugoslavia and that country’s subsequent expulsion from Cominform in 1948.
was established in 1947 and dissolved Thus, the imposition of a more orthodox Soviet-style communist system in
in 1956. Poland was a reaction to the potential collapse of the USSR’s dominance in
Eastern Europe.
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Poland

The backlash began with attacks on Gomułka by pro-Soviet members of the PUWP,
in which Gomułka was accused of having right-wing nationalist tendencies.
This soon developed into a full-scale purge of the PUWP, and by 1952, 25% of its
membership had been ejected from the party. The Soviets ordered the arrest of
potential dissidents. Many were executed, but it is probably the case that the
country suffered less than its Eastern European neighbours due to Gomułka’s
unwillingness to apply the purges with full force.

Gomułka’s wartime career had marked him out as a loyal ally of the USSR. He
was, however, a strong Polish patriot and believed that his country could follow
a separate communist path to that of the USSR. Although they had a good
relationship to begin with, it is clear that Stalin became increasingly suspicious
of many of Gomułka’s policies. Gomułka had opposed the collectivisation of
Poland’s farms on the grounds that it would give rise to peasant resistance.
Gomułka had also failed to crack down on the Catholic Church, and had opposed
the formation of Comintern. In addition, his open support for Tito in Yugoslavia
was considered totally unacceptable by Stalin.

However, the Soviets feared that military intervention to bring Gomułka into line
might not have the desired effect. Furthermore, at this time the first steps were
being taken in Europe towards the formation of NATO in 1949. This meant that
the Soviets faced the added danger of a potential war with the West should they
NATO The North Atlantic Treaty
decide to exert their dominance in Poland by force of arms. To add to these fears, Organisation, a Western European
ongoing anti-communist resistance in Poland could destabilise the country so and North American military alliance
much that the communist regime would collapse completely, perhaps pushing dominated by the USA.
Poland into the Western camp.
183
It can be argued, therefore, that the USSR was unable to impose purges in Poland
on a scale experienced in other parts of Eastern Europe simply because it did not
feel confident enough to back up its threats with force. Gomułka, a communist
with strong Polish nationalist leanings, managed to survive the crisis and
remained as leader of his country until 1951. He was then removed from power,
but re-emerged to play a part in the nationalist movement nine years later.

Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev (left) meets secretary of the Polish Communist Workers
Party Władisław Gomułka in 1960
 6 Poland

How did de-Stalinisation affect Soviet control

in Poland?
Stalin’s death in 1953 brought a new reformist faction to power in the USSR,
which was eventually led by Nikita Khrushchev. The impact of the Second World
War and the effect of the purges had a devastating effect on economies across
the communist bloc, and it was agreed that changes were essential if the Soviet
Union and its allies were to keep up with developments in the West and create
an economy strong enough to deter a Western military attack.

Unrest in 1956
The change of leadership in Moscow triggered internal unrest in Poland. In fact,
Fact it was Polish communists who leaked Khrushchev’s ‘secret’ speech of February
In his secret speech, Khrushchev 1956, in which he attacked Stalin. By then, Poland had already begun its own
attacked Stalin’s policies and accepted process of de-Stalinisation. However, in June 1956, there were strikes and
that there could be ‘national roads to riots in the city of Poznán after wage cuts and changes to working conditions
were announced. Two days of fighting between workers and the police left 53
socialism’ that did not necessarily have
dead and over 300 injured. The PUWP was divided on how to respond – a pro-
to follow the Soviet model. Although
Soviet faction was against change, while a reformist communist wing wanted
intended to have only a domestic
liberalisation and economic reform.
impact – to achieve de-Stalinisation
or liberalisation – it rapidly caused
There were three main reasons for the public unrest.
serious problems in Eastern Europe.
1 The Poles still harboured resentment towards the Russians based on their
historical relationship.
184
2 Since 1948, the USSR had taken a notoriously heavy-handed approach to
certain aspects of Polish civic life (for example, the USSR had imposed a
Russian officer, Konstantin Rokossovsky, on Poland as its minister of war).
3 Poles faced continuing economic austerity as the country struggled to recover
from the devastating effects of the war. In 1951, rationing was introduced,
followed by large price increases in 1953 and a drop in real earnings
by 1955.

The reforms pioneered by the USSR after 1953 also had a serious effect on the
Polish population. Intellectuals began to discuss the future form of socialism –
one with a distinctly Polish flavour. Many clubs sprang up in this period, including
the Crooked Circle, which encouraged open discussion of issues affecting Polish
citizens. Young people were exposed to an influx of Western popular culture in
the form of jeans and jazz. Student groups began to produce satirical theatre.
All these developments inevitably led to increasing criticism of the PUWP.

Tensions in the upper echelons of the party began to weaken the apparatus of
state control. In 1954, the party leader, Bolesław Bierut, died and was replaced by
Edward Ochab, who advocated the return of Gomułka. The party also embraced
the reformist message coming from the USSR and allowed the formation of a
Catholic youth organisation and the release of former members of the Home
Army then being held in detention camps.

In summary, the initial trigger to the unrest that surged through Poland in 1956
was economic, with Poznán’s railway workers striking and demonstrating for
better living conditions. The strikers were shot at – an action that released the
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Poland

underlying tension in Polish society. This was no longer a campaign for better Question
living conditions. It became a much wider issue that questioned Poland’s role
in the post-war order. The public perception of events in Poznán was that the How did events following the death of
USSR was acting behind the scenes. Furthermore, the PUWP was not isolated Stalin affect Poland?
from these developments. Members of the party, including its leadership, were
genuinely distressed by the events in Poznán and sought to distance themselves
from the shootings by promising further reform. Collectivisation was slowed,
former members of the Home Army were fully readmitted to civic society and
workers’ councils were formed. Gomułka, who had suffered in the purges of 1949,
became a pro-reform symbol in the party. In August 1956, he was readmitted to
party membership and appointed to the Politburo (see page 147) – without this
action being approved by the USSR. From the outside, this seemed like the start
of a process that could easily lead to the collapse of socialism in Poland.

SOURCE B
On 25 October this year in Warsaw an enormous rally was held,
where Gomułka said that Khrushchev had agreed that Soviet troops
would withdraw to their former positions in Poland. However, they
would still remain in Poland because of the West German militarists’
threat. This is accepted by the greater part of the Polish people. There
were some isolated anti-Soviet demonstrations under the slogans:
‘For a free Poland’, for the return of Rokossowski to Moscow and
support for the Hungarians and demands for the release of leading 185
Polish churchmen.

Extract from a Bulgarian military intelligence report on the situation in

Hungary and Poland, 1 November 1956. Adapted from http://www.cwihp.org.

The restoration of stability

The Soviets now had to consider the best way of bringing the Poles back into
line without using force. More serious anti-Soviet activity was taking place in
Hungary, and military intervention in two Warsaw Pact countries would have
stretched the USSR’s resources to the limit. In addition, it was clear from the
outset that the leadership of the PUWP would not tolerate the reinstatement of
the pro-Stalinist faction that had been agitating for a return to more extreme
measures of social control.

On 19 October 1956, Khrushchev visited Warsaw, and Soviet troops in Poland were
told to prepare to move on the capital. However, the Politburo then elected Gomułka
puppet state A state which has a
as secretary general. After Soviet fears about a possible ‘sell-out’ to the US had been
nominal leader but which in reality is
addressed – and in return for Poland’s promise to remain loyal to the Warsaw Pact
controlled by a foreign power.
– the USSR had no option but to allow the PUWP leadership to follow a reformist
Polish ‘road to socialism’. Gomułka was confirmed as first secretary of the PUWP, client state A state which, usually
and a series of concessions were offered to the Poles, including promises not to in return for economic or political
interfere in Poland’s internal affairs. In practice, this meant Poland had moved support, gives uncritical allegiance
from the position of puppet state to that of a client state. The workers’ councils to another state.
were retained and collectivisation was abandoned. The land was returned
 6 Poland

to peasants and land ownership on a relatively large scale was permitted.

Greater freedom of speech and of expression in the arts, along with greater
personal freedom, was also allowed. The church was given guarantees of limited
freedom, making it the only fully independent church in the Eastern bloc.

SOURCE C
The Polish leaders, especially Gomułka, sought to defend everything
that was happening in their country. They assured the Soviet delegation
that the measures being taken would not have an adverse effect on
Poland’s relations with the USSR. On the question of why so many
changes had occurred in the Polish Communist leadership Gomułka
said that the comrades who had not been re-elected to the Politburo
had lost the confidence of the party masses. We are very worried
because the comrades who were replaced were known to the USSR as
trustworthy revolutionaries who were faithful to the cause of socialism.

Extract from the minutes of a meeting of the Politburo of the USSR, 24 October
1956, detailing the report of a Soviet commission sent to Poland. Adapted from
http://www.cwihp.org.

186 These measures brought the situation in Poland back under control, and
Fact stability returned. In effect, a small revolution took place in 1956, but it was
The Polish border was a key point channelled through, and resolved by, the communists, whose leading role was
of contention between Poland and not seriously challenged. Gomułka realised that some reform was necessary if
Germany in the west and Poland and the PUWP was to survive. In fact, in the long term, he managed to restore party
the USSR in the east (see page 176). dominance. For example, by the 1960s the workers’ councils were effectively
In 1939, the Soviets had occupied (or functioning as extensions of the party. It was difficult to resist this development
reoccupied) land taken from Russia because there was no real organised political movement outside the PUWP.
by Poland in 1921, and in 1945 they Gomułka also believed that the USSR was Poland’s only protection against
refused to return it. To compensate a resurgent Germany. In 1955, West Germany became a member of NATO
and started rearming. The West Germans pointedly refused to recognise the new
the Poles, the Allies shifted Poland’s
western border of Poland as it had been established along the Oder–Neisse line,
western border further west at
and fear of a future attempt by the Germans to recover this territory influenced
Germany’s expense. This realignment
Gomułka’s decisions in 1956.
of Poland’s frontiers involved mass
resettlement of Germans.
The main trend evident from the events of 1956 is the effect of reform within an
authoritarian political structure – that is, reform tended to spark off radicalism.
The events also show that the use of force, a common reaction by Eastern bloc
regimes to popular unrest, was not always appropriate or effective. Gomułka
restored order and stability through a degree of compromise. In some ways
his policy worked because he knew he could eventually restore communist
dominance. In other ways, however, his policy made problems worse because
it did not address fundamental issues such as social organisation and freedom,
and it allowed the survival of elements of Polish society that later became a
Question focus for resistance. In particular, an independent Catholic Church that was
How and to what extent did religion diametrically opposed to many of the basic principles of Marxism developed into
play a role in undermining communist a powerful political force in Poland. The failure to carry through collectivisation
control in Poland? also allowed for the survival of a bourgeois class that agitated for further reform
as time went on.
 1 The origins and growth of movements challenging Soviet and centralised control of Poland

Gomułka’s solution to the events of 1956 began to fall apart in the mid 1960s. The
compromises to which he had agreed did not address the underlying tensions
within Polish society. In particular, Gomułka was at heart an authoritarian. As
he slowly reinstated communist dominance in Polish society, rifts began to
appear once more. As social tension rose in Poland, communist chiefs within
the country, and outside observers like the Soviets, perceived events as part of
a wider pattern and thus interpreted them as a greater threat to the PUWP and
communism than they perhaps were.

End of unit activities

1 Using the information in this chapter, draw up a table to clarify the role
played by each of the organisations listed below in the history of Poland
after 1939. For each, include information (if available) on leaders, who
the organisation represented, what it wanted for Poland, and what actions
it took.
• Polish Home Army
• London Poles
• Polish Workers’ Party
• Peasant Party
• Lublin Committee
• Polish United Workers’ Party
2 Choose one of the following topics and carry out some research on it. Then
prepare an oral presentation to explain clearly how the incident contributed
to anti-Soviet feelings in Poland. You may start by consulting one of the
websites below, but look for other information as well.
187
The Katyn Massacre (1940)
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8606126.stm
https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-
publications/csi-studies/studies/winter99-00/art6.html
The Warsaw Rising (1944)
http://www.warsawuprising.com/
http://www.warsaw-life.com/poland/warsaw-1944-uprising
3 ‘The communists used a combination of persuasion and intimidation to
consolidate their hold on power in post-war Poland.’
Carry out some research into this statement. Then divide the class into two
groups. One group should prepare an argument to support the statement
and the other an argument to oppose it.
4 Draw a spider diagram to illustrate the factors contributing to unrest in
Poland in 1956. Include information on political, economic and cultural
factors, as well as external influences.
5 Select evidence from the text in this unit to prepare an argument to support
(or oppose) the view that Gomułka was a Polish nationalist as well as a
communist. Write up your findings in the form of a newspaper article, with
a suitable headline.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and
centralised control

Timeline
1956 USSR agrees not to interfere in the
internal affairs of Yugoslavia; severe Key questions
civil disturbances in Poznán and other • What role did Mieczysław Moczar play in challenging Soviet and
parts of Poland centralised control?
1968 disturbances in Poland • What was the contribution of Edward Gierek?
• What organisations challenged Soviet/centralised control?
1973 oil crisis plunges the world economy • What brought about the end of communism and Soviet control?
into crisis
• What part did Lech Wałȩsa play?
1976 Committee for the Defence of the Workers
(KOR) founded
1978 Karol Wojtyła elected first Polish pope, Overview
John Paul II
• During the 1960s, opposition to the communist regime in Poland
1979 papal visit to Poland increased.
• Like other Eastern bloc states, Poland was affected by the events
1980 more unrest leads to formation of of 1968.
188
Solidarity (Solidarność) • Increasing economic problems in Poland from the late 1960s
1981 military coup by General Jaruzelski onwards created a workers’ movement, Solidarność (Solidarity),
which initially agitated for better wages and working conditions.
1985 Mikhail Gorbachev becomes leader • Solidarity soon became an influential political movement,
of the USSR challenging many of the basic precepts upon which the
communist state was based.
1989 fall of communism in Poland; Wałȩsa,
• Initially, Solidarity was very effective, but in the medium term it
becomes president failed in the face of state repression.
• By the mid 1980s, the state had restored order and pushed
Solidarity underground.
• By the late 1980s, a situation was evolving that provided the
context for the fall of communism in Poland.
• Solidarity played an important role in these events, but there were
other key factors too, including continuing economic problems
and changes in the USSR.

What role did Mieczysław Moczar play

in challenging Soviet and centralised
control?
Mieczysław Moczar (1913–86)
Moczar was a high-ranking member of Initially, pressure for change came from an unexpected quarter.
the Polish Workers’ Party and an army A Polish general, Mieczysław Moczar, formed a veterans’ association
general. Famous for his virulent anti- to bring together members of the communist resistance and the
semitism and his extreme nationalism, Home Army. He also began to severely criticise the USSR for its
he headed a faction of party hardliners actions during the Second World War, especially the Katyn Massacre
in 1968. (see page 178). Moczar did not call for reform – despite being a leading
communist, he was also a strong nationalist and even resorted to
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

stirring up anti-semitism in order to gain support for his ideas. In fact, in 1952, Theory of knowledge
he was dismissed from office because of these views, and spent a brief time in
prison. The thrust of his campaign was the establishment of a more nationalist
approach to communism in Poland. The effect of his actions, however, was History and ethics
to bring Poland’s relationship with the USSR into sharp focus once more. In The tactic of using anti-semitism to
1966, there was a direct clash between the communists and the church. On the win popular support raised issues of
1000th anniversary of the foundation of the Polish church, bishops wrote to deep concern, as well as questions
their German counterparts seeking reconciliation for the events of the Second about the attitude of many Poles
World War. The PUWP immediately accused the church of undermining Poland’s towards Nazi actions during the
national interests. Thus, as the important year of 1968 and the Prague Spring German occupation. About 3 million
(see page 155) approached, Poland’s internal political and social stability was Jews died – 90% of the Jewish
beginning to show signs of weakness. population of Poland – and many
of the most notorious Nazi death
The events of 1968 camps, including Auschwitz and
The events in Poland in 1968 were not as dramatic as those that occurred at Treblinka, were in Poland. Read this
the same time in Czechoslovakia, but they cast doubt on Gomułka’s ability review of a study of post-war anti-
to maintain communist dominance in Poland. There was also a danger that semitism in Poland, and comment
events in Czechoslovakia would incite similar actions in Poland – one of the on the attitude of the Catholic
most important members of the Warsaw Pact. In January 1968, a production of Church towards it. http://www.
the strongly anti-Russian 19th-century play The Forefathers encouraged student nytimes.com/2006/07/23/books/
protest againsts the centralised regime, which led to calls for a general strike. review/23margolick.html?_r=1
These popular acts of passive opposition to Soviet control turned into direct
action in March, as events in Czechoslovakia unfolded. In Warsaw, violent
clashes took place between students and the police, and it seemed that military
intervention might be necessary to restore order. Gomułka’s position as PUWP
leader was also directly threatened by Moczar. Order was restored by force
and by targeting Jews as the alleged instigators of anti-socialist activity. This 189
anti-semitism played to a deep-rooted prejudice in Polish society. Gomułka
was lucky to survive the crisis, and the USSR played a key role in ensuring he
retained his position. Given the events in Czechoslovakia, which had diverted
the Warsaw Pact’s military resources, Moscow could not allow another socialist
state to stray from the communist mainstream.

Thus, by 1968, political agitation within Poland had twice been prevented by the
party. The underlying economic and social forces that had caused the unrest in
the first place had not been addressed, however.

What was the contribution of Edward Gierek?

Economic and political developments in the 1970s
The events of 1968 had shaken the USSR, and it decided that a new form of
socialism would have to be imposed to maintain the stability of the communist
bloc. Since Khrushchev’s time, the concept of market socialism (see page 149)
had driven reform, and the Soviets decided to place greater emphasis on changes
in the economic structure of Eastern Europe – in particular the production of
consumer goods – to prevent a repeat of the events of 1968. There were problems
with implementing this policy, however. To begin with, workers were not used
to manufacturing high-quality goods. Furthermore, technological development
had tended to be confined to the military sector of the economy and it was Helsinki Agreements A series
difficult to expand this to cover consumer items. Finally, capital was needed to of documents signed by all European
finance these changes, and the only real source of such funding was the West. states and the USA, amongst others,
In part, it was this need for financial aid to implement economic changes in in which they undertook to improve
the Eastern bloc that encouraged the interval of détente which characterised East–West relations.
this period of the Cold War, and which led to the Helsinki Agreements of 1975.
 6 Poland

Edward Gierek and events in the 1970s

Even before 1975, Poland and other Eastern bloc states began to seek loans
from the West. At first Western banks were eager to lend money, but in 1973
the October War in the Middle East and the ensuing oil crisis transformed the
situation. Poland’s plans to change the direction of its economic development
were stopped in their tracks.

The first major signs that the settlements of 1956 and 1968 were about to
break down emerged in December 1970. The economic problems that had
plagued the country since 1948 resurfaced, and strikes and riots broke out in
reaction to the government’s announcement of a 36% increase in food prices
just before Christmas. Workers at the Gdańsk and Gdynia shipyards led these
demonstrations, and their protest movement this time was largely outside any
communist-controlled bodies and structures. Instead, workers wanted their
independent trade union to be legitimised. The Lenin shipyard in Gdańsk later
became the birthplace of the Solidarity trade union, and one of the leading
members of the strike committee in 1970 was Lech Wałȩsa, who later played a
key role in developments in Poland.

Initially, Gomułka’s reaction was characteristically repressive, and police were

Edward Gierek (1913–2001) ordered to crush the ‘counter-revolutionaries’. Order was restored, but in the
The leader of the PUWP from 1970 process 75 people were killed and 2000 injured. Public outrage at these events
to 1980, Gierek was a reformer who placed so much pressure on the government that Gomułka – who had already
oversaw a period of expansion and lost much credibility in the 1968 crisis – was forced to resign as first secretary
prosperity in Poland in the 1970s. of the PUWP. He was replaced by Edward Gierek. The fall of the party’s leader
He was also an advocate of better showed the extreme pressure it was under, and demonstrated the power of
190
relations with the West. He was ousted popular opposition to the government. The events of 1970 provided a model for
in 1980, after the Polish economy went later political action.
into rapid decline and unrest grew.
Gierek rushed to make concessions to restore order. Price increases were
cancelled, and wages and social security benefits were increased. In January
1971, he successfully appealed to strikers to return to work. He also launched
an ambitious plan for ‘consumer socialist’ economic regeneration, based on
Western loans and imported technology. Attempts were also made to increase
the import of luxury goods from the West, at considerable cost to the government.
Over half of the personnel in the middle and upper ranks of the PUWP were
changed. For a short period of time, between 1972 and 1974, the press was given
extensive freedoms. These radical steps had the desired effect, and not only
did the disturbances of 1970 abate but the living standards of average Poles

SOURCE A
Eastern European GNP as a percentage of the European average.

Country 1910 1938 1973 From Berend, I. T.

Europe 100 100 100 1996. Central and
Eastern Europe,
Czechoslovakia 98 82 117 1944–1993.
Hungary 75 67 89 Cambridge, UK.
Cambridge
Poland 70 55 89
University Press.
Romania 61 51 66 p. 188.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

genuinely improved by up to 40%. Gierek also negotiated personally with the

strikers and promised them greater inclusion in government decisions.

In 1972, wages were again increased to encourage harder work and thus greater
productivity. By the following year, agricultural and industrial production,
investment and wages were all up. In addition, prices had stabilised and the
prospect of a genuine economic boom within a structure of market socialism
seemed to be within Poland’s grasp. Political change, however, had not kept up
with economic reform. Much more seriously, Poland had dangerously exposed
itself in order to finance the consumer demand and industrial development
that lay behind this progress. When the world economy went into rapid decline,
new loans from the West dwindled and existing ones were subject to far higher
interest rates. All these developments created a massive national debt, just as
the world was hit by the 1973 oil crisis. Furthermore, by 1974 half of Poland’s
trade was with the West rather than with its Comecon (see page 147) partners,
so when Western demand for Polish goods evaporated, an economic crisis
ensued in Poland.

Workers’ expectations had been raised by the reforms of the early 1970s. Now,
however, the government could no longer meet these expectations. In 1976,
attempts to increase food prices by 60% resulted in a renewed wave of strikes,
protests, civil unrest and riots. These were met with a heavy-handed police
reaction. Gierek managed to stave off a major crisis by withdrawing the food-
price increase and instead begged the West successfully for food and economic
support. However, this could not halt Poland’s ongoing economic problems.

Gierek had reorganised some parts of Polish industry into what were called
191
Large Industrial Concerns. Wages in these organisations were allowed to rise
steeply. Poland faced a housing crisis, with chronic shortages in the cities and
low standards of amenities in rural dwellings. Public services such as health
care collapsed under the pressure. Four million Poles left the country to settle in
the West, and these were mainly highly skilled workers. These problems were
exacerbated by social inequalities – the privileges enjoyed by party members
caused resentment in others. Such discontents were heightened by the fact
that 30% of the industrial working class was under 25. Though these young
people were often better educated than older workers, most of them had ended
up in the factories, as the nomenklatura system (see page 167) meant there
were limited opportunities for significant social mobility.

There was also discontent within the PUWP. Polish communism had always
had nationalist leanings and, as we have seen, this created friction between
elements of the party and the USSR. By 1979, the large debt owed to the West
had created a new insult to Polish national pride. The PUWP was, however,
unable to control the situation. Managing wages and prices was difficult due
to the potential for civic unrest. The country’s debts could only be serviced by
more borrowing – so much so that, by 1979, 92% of Poland’s export earnings
were being used to pay off its international debt.

Gierek’s attempts to find a political solution to these economic problems had little
effect. In 1977, an amnesty was granted to all those involved in the disturbances
of 1976. In the same year, Gierek met Cardinal Wyszyński (a leading figure in the
reform movement) and Pope Paul VI in the hope of enlisting the support of the
Catholic Church. This was simply interpreted as a sign of weakness. Gierek even
appealed to the country’s deep-rooted sense of nationalism by allowing a statue
of Marshal Piłsudski, the right-wing nationalist dictator of Poland from 1926 to
1935, to be erected. But nothing could quell the rising unrest in the country.
 6 Poland

What organisations challenged Soviet/

centralised control?
The problems of the late 1970s created a new feature of opposition in Poland –
organised groups that could articulate the demands of civil society in a more
coherent and effective manner than striking and rioting. In particular, the
teachings of Karl Marx on issues such as egalitarianism led many well-educated
young workers to criticise the privileges of the communist élites. The first of
these groups to emerge was the Committee for the Defence of the Workers
(KOR), in reaction to the events of 1976. Initially this body – led by Jacek Kuroń
and Karol Modzelewski – was a welfare organisation established to provide
support for those in prison and the families of those who had died in the labour
strikes. Within a year, however, KOR had become politicised and renamed itself
the Committee for Social Self Defence, or KSS/KOR. It began to criticise the
inability of the PUWP to protect the rights and interests of workers.

One of the most significant aspects of KSS/KOR was that it drew support from
Finlandisation A term derived Warsaw intellectuals from outside the communist structure, teaming up
from the political situation in Finland intellectuals who had protested in 1968 with workers who had protested in
after the Second World War. Although 1970. This was an entirely new and very dangerous development, because until
a free, liberal democratic state with a this time the PUWP had been able to control dissident elements within society
capitalist economic system, Finland by offering concessions and then absorbing them into party structures. KSS/KOR
lived in the shadow of its former began to argue for the Finlandisation of Poland, to create a truly independent
wartime enemy the USSR. It was Polish form of socialism. The group created an underground press and produced
therefore very careful to accommodate newspapers such as Robotnik (‘The Worker’). By September 1976, the Ministry of
Soviet wishes. The term Finlandisation the Interior had identified 26 anti-socialist groups in the country, including the
192
therefore refers to a Western-style right-wing Confederation for an Independent Poland. It was KOR, however, that
state under heavy Soviet influence. began the movement which led to the launch of the first of the independent
trade unions on 1 May 1978 in Gdańsk. This was the Free Trade Unions of the
Coast, and one of its leaders was Lech Wałȩsa.

On 16 October 1978, Karol Wojtyła was elected Pope John Paul II. Wojtyła had
been a professor at the Catholic University of Lublin and Archbishop of Krakow.
His election as the first Polish pope provided an immediate focus for Polish
national aspirations. Although he never openly criticised the communist
regime, he had spoken out about the dignity of humankind and the right for
personal freedom. In June 1979, he visited his native country, where his meetings
attracted huge crowds. While in Poland, he highlighted human-rights issues.
Wojtyła’s popularity with the Polish masses only emphasised how unpopular
the PUWP had become. By 1979, the party had developed into an organisation
of élite workers. By the end of the 1970s, the Polish opposition – KOR, workers’
unions and the church – was thus more united than it had ever been.

In the later part of the 1970s, the Polish authorities experienced a period of crisis.
Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, a pattern of civil unrest in the form of strikes
and riots was repeated again and again. This unrest was normally prompted
by economic problems often brought into focus by price rises. In each case, the
situation was brought under control by a mixture of force and concessions.
With regard to the latter, the party had often been able to reinstate political
reforms and always managed to infiltrate any new bodies that threatened
democratic reform. As a result, communist rule retained its central position in
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

193

Pope John Paul II visits Poland in June 1979

Polish society. Economic reforms, however, were almost impossible to stop once Theory of knowledge
set in motion. This would not have been a problem if Poland had not embarked
on an ambitious programme of reform at the same time that the West entered a
History and religion
period of prolonged economic crisis. By 1979, rapid economic decline in Poland
Poland is an example of a situation
led to the emergence of a genuine alternative to the PUWP, a development that
where nationalism and religion
had been accelerated by Wojtyła’s election as pope.
overlapped to become a powerful
political and historical force. Can you
The crisis of 1980 and the rise of Solidarity think of an example in the world today
where this overlap exists, or where it is
The trigger for the crisis of 1980 was, as always, economic. Poland’s international used by politicians to incite support?
debt had led Western creditors to call on the Polish government to apply price
increases. On 1 July 1980, Gierek agreed to increase the price of meat, prompting
some small protests as well as strikes at the Ursus tractor factory in Warsaw.
However, in August, the sacking of a popular female union activist led to
demands for her reinstatement. By 18 August, over 200 factories in the Gdańsk
Questions
region had joined a strike committee established by Lech Wałȩsa. It was from What were the long-term economic
these crises that the unofficial trade union Solidarność (Solidarity) emerged. problems faced by the communist
Solidarity produced its 21 Demands, which included calls for improved pay and regime in Poland? Why did they lead
conditions, and for the right to form independent trade unions. Solidarity’s to political agitation?
demands were supported by both KOR and the Catholic Church.
 6 Poland

This was the first major challenge to communist control in Eastern Europe since
the Prague Spring of 1968. The Politburo decided to negotiate, and on 31 August
1980 the Gdańsk Agreement was reached. In exchange for acknowledgement of
the PUWP’s leading role in society, Solidarity secured for itself and for all Polish
workers a series of remarkable concessions, including the right to establish
independent trade unions and the right to strike.

The success of Solidarity and its leader Lech Wałȩsa would be challenged by
Lech Wałȩsa (b. 1943) Wałȩsa the authorities in 1981, and in the short term the movement was countered
was a political and union activist, and by the imposition of martial law and the use of the apparatus of state control.
the leader of the trade union Solidarity However, Solidarity was a unique development in the communist bloc, and
from 1980. He later became a key eventually played a significant role in the collapse of communism.
player in the collapse of communism
in Poland. He was the first post- Workers outside the Lenin shipyard in Gdańsk in July 1980, catching leaflets being
communist president of his country distributed by strikers
in 1990, a position he held until 1995.

194

Historian Jacques Rupnik described the rise of Solidarity as Europe’s ‘first

genuine workers’ revolution since the Paris Commune of 1871’. The significance
of Solidarity was the source of its power – the industrial working class. In other
communist countries, protest had always come from intellectual sources. This is
not to say that there were no intellectual influences on Solidarity, but rather that
the core of its support was rooted in the mass of the working-class population.
No other communist regime had to accommodate such a movement.

There are several reasons why Solidarity was so important to the independence
movement in Poland. Firstly, the emergence of this organisation fundamentally
undermined the ideology of Eastern European and Soviet-dominated socialism,
in which workers and their practices were controlled by the state. Secondly,
Solidarity soon evolved into a political organisation, campaigning for more
than just changes in workers’ pay and conditions, making demands for greater
freedom of expression and religion, and for the release of political prisoners.
Furthermore, the politicisation of Solidarity led to it being supported by both
Polish intellectuals and, critically, the Catholic Church in Poland. Finally, the
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

organisation provided a channel through which Polish national consciousness

could find expression. This created a momentum that was difficult for the PUWP
to counteract and was the reason why, despite its immediate authoritarian
reaction, the party was eventually forced to negotiate with the movement.

What brought about the end of communism

and Soviet control?
Impact of the Solidarity strikes
In February 1981, the moderate general Wojciech Jaruzelski became prime
minister. He faced the first crisis of his administration just one month later, Wojciech Jaruzelski (b. 1923)
when a demonstration in Bydgoszcz in favour of the farmers’ trade union Rural Jaruzelski was the last commander
Solidarity was dealt with harshly by the security forces. On 27 March, Solidarity in chief of the Polish People’s Army
called a four-hour general strike in protest. The strikes were causing significant (LWP), and the chair of the PUWP
damage to Poland’s fragile economy, and the constant pressure of servicing the
from 1981 to 1989. He was prime
country’s debts forced the government to negotiate and concede some rights.
minister from 1981 to 1985, and then
Successes such as this gained Solidarity further recognition, and by mid 1981
president 1985–89. He resigned as
the organisation had 10 million members. This was not just an important
head of state after the Polish Round
development in Poland – it also provided an inspiring example for other Eastern
Table Agreement in 1989 was followed
European states.
by democratic elections. Previously,
Solidarity supporters take part in a May Day march in 1985 as minister of defence in 1968, he
had ordered the Polish 2nd Army
to join in the Warsaw Pact invasion
of Czechoslovakia. In 1970, he had
helped Gierek oust Gomułka. 195
 6 Poland

On 10 February 1981, a court decided that Rural Solidarity could register as

an association but not as a union. This group represented Poland’s 3.2 million
smallholders, and they demanded the right to engage in collective bargaining.
When the state reacted by arresting and beating up Rural Solidarity’s leader, Jan
Rulewski, calls went out for a general strike. Although this did not challenge the
state directly, the government once again compromised, formally recognising
Rural Solidarity in May 1981. However, many of the rank-and-file members
began to champion more extreme action than Lech Wałȩsa and other members
of Solidarity’s leadership were happy with.

By this time Gierek was coming under increasing political pressure from within
the PUWP. His political base lay in the coalfields of his home province of Silesia,
and the workers there had engaged in widespread industrial action, destroying
his credibility.

Furthermore, Gierek was not certain that elements of the armed forces and
police would co-operate in crushing the strikers by force. In fact, Gierek stuck to
the same strategy that had worked in the past – offer concessions then regain
control by making any independent organisation subservient to the party. Now,
though, this strategy failed to work, and as a result, Gierek was replaced as first
secretary by Stanisław Kania. However, Kania had no new solutions, resorting
instead to simply sacking discredited officials and engaging in rhetoric.

The October Programme

In October 1981, Solidarity’s October Programme directly challenged the party’s
leading role for the first time. The programme came at a time when the economic
196 crisis meant rationing was widespread and the government was consistently
unable to meet its debt payments. On 3 October Solidarity moved to force the
government’s hand, staging a one-hour national strike. Kania tried to buy off
the workers with a 12% pay rise, but this simply worsened Poland’s economic
woes and was not enough to appease Solidarity.

Kania flew to Moscow to reassure the Soviets that the situation was under
control, whilst East Germany and Czechoslovakia closed their borders with
Poland. Tensions grew with the first arrest of a Solidarity member, Jan Narozniak,
and when a leading member of the Warsaw branch of the movement, Zbigniew
Bujak, demanded an investigation into the secret police and the circumstances
surrounding the deaths of protesters in 1970 and 1976. As far as the PUWP was
concerned, Solidarity had now become an open political threat.

Despite this, there was no direct confrontation between Solidarity and the party.
This was partly due to the personalities of the key players in the leadership –
both Wałȩsa and Kania were instinctively more inclined to compromise than
fight. The church also began to call for restraint. All sides were also afraid of a
Soviet invasion and, indeed, troops were massing on the Polish frontier in the
Baltic States and the Ukraine.

Solidarity demanded legal recognition, and this was formally granted in a

Warsaw court on 24 October. The court, however, inserted a series of caveats into
Question the legal document of recognition, including agreements that the union would
Why were the communist authorities not become a political party or undermine Poland’s alliances. Many Solidarity
forced to officially recognise Solidarity members believed that the court had acted beyond its jurisdiction, and at an
in 1981? open-air mass on All Saints Day, Solidarity leaders both commemorated the
Katyn Massacre and called for a general strike.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

The Communist Party regains control

At this point, the PUWP began an attempt to regain control of the situation,
after considerable pressure was placed on the party by the USSR. In July 1981,
the party held its ninth congress, in the course of which it voted a number of
members who also belonged to Solidarity on to its central committee. Secret
voting in party elections was also introduced. Although radical, these acts did
little to change the basic outlook of PUWP members, which was conservative in
the extreme and sought to protect the privileges of its members. Furthermore,
the congress was overshadowed by Solidarity’s first national congress in
September. This meeting demanded that a referendum should be held on party
reform. Solidarity also decided to publish books on Polish history, and even
publicly declared it would support the peoples of other Eastern bloc states in
setting up similar unions. In November 1981, Solidarity members went further
still, openly attacking the Soviet leadership in Moscow and demanding full- hegemony The dominant influence
scale reform in Poland. The government then began talks with Solidarity on of one region or country over others
the formation of a ‘Front of National Unity’. These developments were a direct in political affairs. It can also refer to
threat to Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe, and prompted action by the new the power and influenceof some social
first secretary, ex-minister of war Wojciech Jaruzelski, who had replaced Kania classes or groups over others.
in October.

SOURCE B
In regard to the situation in the Polish People’s Republic the Politburo
of the USSR recommends: 197

1. The endorsement of Comrade Brezhnev’s information about the

situation unfolding in the Polish People’s Republic.
2. The establishment of a Commission to deal with this matter.
3. To instruct the Commission to pay close attention to the situation
unfolding in Poland and to keep the Politburo regularly informed
about the state of affairs in Poland and about possible measures on
our part.
4. In the event of dangerous development the Commission is to bring
suggestions about necessary courses of action before the Politburo.
Historical debate
Extract from Top Secret Politburo instructions about how to deal with the There is some historical debate over
Polish crisis, 25 August 1980. Adapted from http://www.cwihp.org. the extent to which the concerns of
the Soviet and Polish governments
about the intentions of Solidarity
Imposition of martial law leaders were justified. Robert Gates,
Despite reformers in the Communist Party having gained greater internal for instance (in From the Shadows),
democracy, hardliners now began to call for strong action to deal with both the has commented on how the CIA
economic and the political crisis. The government struck first at Solidarity’s most actively engaged in covert action
radical centres, in Wrocław and Katowice. On 2 December 1981, riot police landed against Soviet influence in Eastern
by helicopter on the roof of a fire officers’ training school to break up a strike Europe by providing Solidarity with
there. This act shook the union’s leadership and they met in secret in Radom to ‘printing materials, communications
plan their response. The meeting was radical, and some argued for a full-scale equipment and other supplies
revolt. Unfortunately, the meeting had been bugged by the secret police. The for waging underground political
tapes were doctored to make the Solidarity leadership seem a threat to public warfare …’.
order, and then published. This prompted a full-scale government crackdown.
 6 Poland

On the night of 13–14 December 1981, Jaruzelski imposed martial law, and Poland’s
borders and cities were sealed off. The authorities rounded up and imprisoned
most of Solidarity’s leadership, including Wałȩsa, along with thousands of
activists and strikers. Political authority was placed in the hands of a military
council, all civil rights were suspended and public services were placed under
military control. Although some workers fought back, especially in the Silesian
coalfields, the state had overwhelming force at its disposal and any attempts at
protest were quickly suppressed. By Christmas 1981, Solidarity seemed finished,
and the government was in total control of the country. The reason that the Polish
army co-operated with Jaruzelski’s action was simple – fear of Soviet invasion.

However, Jaruzelski did not attempt to use the ‘normalisation’ approach

followed by Gustáv Husák in the wake of the Prague Spring (see page 155).
Instead, he announced that the measures he had taken were temporary and
would be rescinded once order was restored. He realised that Solidarity had
changed Polish politics, creating an alternative to the PUWP, which had now
lost all credibility in the eyes of the Polish people. So, although the media and
artists were once again placed under government control, they were left alone
as long as they avoided involvement with the banned Solidarity. Similarly, the
Catholic Church, under Archbishop Glemp, reached agreement with Jaruzelski’s
government. However, in the long term it would become impossible to relax the
grip that the military had on the state without the political situation once again
spiralling out of control.

A few activists escaped arrest and continued their opposition underground.

KOR pursued a form of ‘anti-politics’ protest, by creating an underground
198 alternative society which spread rapidly in different localities. However, this
made it difficult to conduct any national resistance or co-ordinated protest, and
a generational divide began to emerge within the opposition movements.

In addition, Jaruzelski’s actions did nothing to solve the economic problems

Fact that were at the root of the crisis. Indeed, the military coup of 1981 prompted
The events of 1981 have parallels with economic sanctions by the West – one of Poland’s major trading partners.
the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia Economically, the situation in the country worsened. The role of the Soviet Union
in 1968. When faced with economic in these events is also significant: behind every action that occurred throughout
stagnation and collapse, the ruling 1981 lay the threat of the Red Army. However, the USSR was facing problems
parties in both states had to resort of its own and, as the 1980s wore on, the fear of Soviet military action against
to the use of armed force. anti-communist forces and in support of the oppressive regime in Poland and
the other states in the Eastern bloc began to wane.

The fall of communism in Poland

Between 1981 and 1984, Jaruzelski slowly relaxed his hold on the country. Lech
Wałȩsa was released from detention in December 1982 and martial law was
suspended. During 1983 and 1984, other Solidarity leaders were also released.
In 1984, an amnesty was declared for all those who had been caught up in
the events of 1981. However, there was no doubt that Solidarity had suffered
a major setback, which became clear during the 1984 local elections. Although
Solidarity had called for a boycott, the turnout was over 60%.

Jaruzelski also carried out reforms and changed the party’s approach to dealing
with crises. When the pro-Solidarity priest Jerzy Poiełuszko was kidnapped and
murdered for his anti-communist preaching, the security police responsible
were put on public trial.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

Question
Why do you think Solidarity members
chose to commemorate their victory at
Warsaw Cathedral?

199

Solidarity members celebrate the first anniversary of the recognition of Rural Solidarity,
outside Warsaw Cathedral, May 1982

In 1985, prices were increased in an attempt to bring the economy under

control. This resulted in a predictable repeat of the events of previous years
and Solidarity once more became active, demanding a boycott of that year’s
elections. Once again, this was only partially successful, and caused Wałȩsa to
be imprisoned for a second time, in February 1986. Later that year, Jaruzelski
granted an amnesty to all those who had been arrested under martial law.

In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev became leader of the Soviet Union, and his reforms
in the USSR began to have an impact in Poland. In particular, it was becoming
obvious that, far from threatening to invade to restore communism, Gorbachev
would no longer back Jaruzelski’s regime with armed force. Jaruzelski moved
quickly to support Gorbachev’s policy of glasnost (freedom), and Poland soon
became the most liberal state in the Eastern bloc. This led to the lifting of
international economic sanctions. In September 1987, the US vice-president
George Bush made an official state visit, during which he met both Jaruzelski
and Wałȩsa.
 6 Poland

SOURCE C
Acting on the basis of a mandate given to me in democratic elections
at the First Congress of Solidarity in 1981 as chairman of that Union,
led by an opinion expressed by the leaders of national and regional
authorities, I am calling on the government to take measures, which
would enable the realization of the principle of union rights and
put an end to the martial law which constrains the development
of trade unionism.

I am also concerned about progress towards further economic

development, particularly in relation to the West.

Extract from a letter from Lech Wałȩsa to the Polish communist government,
2 October 1986. Adapted from http://www.cwihp.org.

The main problem the regime now faced was that Solidarity’s leadership and
example had created a deep-rooted opposition to the PUWP in Polish society.
By 1986, there were six underground newspapers and even an anti-government
radio station, Radio Solidarity. Thus, when the government attempted radical
economic reforms in October 1986, the population was able to co-ordinate
resistance. However, the economy was once again on the point of collapse, and
200 this led to a new political crisis. Jaruzelski agreed to the formation of private
firms, but the austerity measures imposed resulted in major price rises. So, in
November 1987, the government held a national referendum to seek approval
for the changes. Significantly, Solidarity called for boycotts and the government
lost the vote.

More radically, in January 1988, a co-ordinated wave of strikes brought

the Polish economy to a standstill. These strikes were led by younger
Solidarity – as well as non-Solidarity – workers, and were beyond the control of
Solidarity’s leadership.

SOURCE D
Generally, anxiety is rising due to the prolonged economic crisis.
The opinion is spreading that the economy instead of improving is
getting worse. As a result, an ever greater difference is developing
between the optimism of the authorities and the feeling of the mass
of society. Criticism directed at the authorities is rising because of
the ‘slow, inept and inconsistent’ introduction of economic reform.
Dissatisfaction is growing because of the rising costs of living. The
opinion is spreading that the government has only one answer, price
increases. Against this background the mood of dissatisfaction is
strongest among the workers.

Extract from a Polish government report, 28 August 1987. Adapted from

http://www.cwihp.org.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

In August 1988, the coal industry went on strike, forcing the government
to negotiate. At this point Jaruzelski made Wałȩsa an offer – if Solidarity’s
leadership could persuade the militants to call off the strikes, the government
would legalise Solidarity. Wałȩsa convinced the union to accept, and after three
days the strikes were called off.

SOURCE E
Right now we can begin to discuss the topics for negotiations. I think
we should be concerned with two questions:

1) implementation of the promise made by the authorities that there

would be no repression toward striking workers.
2) the legalization of Solidarity, consistent with the wishes of the
striking workers.

A positive consideration of the above-mentioned questions will allow

for a broader debate on economic and political reforms in our country.

Extract from a memorandum from Lech Wałȩsa to the Polish communist

government, 4 September 1988. Adapted from http://www.cwihp.org.

There were widespread changes in the upper echelons of the government 201
and a new reformist, Mieczysław Rakowski, came to power as prime minister,
alongside Jaruzelski. These changes in the Polish leadership – and the crippling
nature of the industrial action – made it easier for Jaruzelski to overcome the
divisions in the party and convince the Central Committee to agree to talks,
which began on 18 January 1989.

Initially, these negotiations were simply to discuss legalising the union, but they
soon took on a political tone. On 6 February, they became round-table talks,
involving not just the government and Solidarity, but also other trade unions,
opposition parties, intellectuals and the church. These were the first steps in
the dismantling of communist rule in Poland.

The discussions came to an end on 5 March. Solidarity was to be given legal

recognition by the state, as well as minority representation in a new parliament,
while wide-ranging economic changes were to be put in place. The Catholic
Church was to be given full legal status. Most radically, the political system
was to be completely overhauled. A new parliament with two houses, an upper
house called the senate and a lower house, the sejm, was to be set up and truly
free elections would follow. The senate could veto decisions unless they were
backed by a 65% majority in the sejm.

On the surface it might seem that Wałȩsa was foolish to have accepted the
conditions laid down by the government. Firstly, he agreed to an election
within only two months of making the accord with the government. Solidarity
had no experience of administering a nationwide election and had none of
the infrastructure needed to guarantee success. Even Wałȩsa despaired at
having to agree to such a swift election in return for the recognition of the
union for the second time. Secondly, not all of the seats in the parliament were
contested. Voting for the senate was to be completely open but the phrase
 6 Poland

‘non-confrontational election’ was used to describe the voting arrangements

for the sejm. These arrangements meant that 65% of the seats in the sejm were
contested unopposed by the PUWP and its allies. Solidarity and all the other
opposition parties would contest only 35% of the available seats.

SOURCE F
Outlawed for seven years, Solidarity became the government’s
negotiating partner in February and a full-blown opposition party
in the summer’s parliamentary elections. Running largely on
their identification with Lech Wałȩsa, the Solidarity candidates so
completely defeated the communists that the regime felt it had
no choice but to form a coalition. President Jaruzelski settled on
Walesa’s handpicked choice for the premiership, the lawyer Tadeusz
Mazowiecki. Now the once jailed and their former jailers share a
common enemy: a bankrupt economy.

Extract from an article by Adrzej Wojda, a senator in the sejm,

August 1989. Quoted on http://web.archive.org/.

Free elections
202 The Polish elections in June coincided with the first free elections in the USSR.
Solidarity was elected with a staggering 99% of the openly contested seats, and
some voters simply crossed off those they did not want elected from the ballot
papers. In all, Solidarity candidates won all 161 seats in the sejm, and 99 out of
the 100 seats in the senate; 33 of the 35 main communist leaders – including the
prime minister, Rakowski – failed to secure seats in the sejm. Most significantly,
the PUWP was prepared to accept this outcome. The only concession to the
past was that Jaruzelski kept his position as head of state, and Solidarity even
contrived to keep enough of its members absent from parliament to ensure
his position could be secured by vote. Jaruzelski diplomatically resigned all his
posts in the PUWP, but remained head of the army. This concession to the old
regime was designed to allay Soviet fears and prevent a possible invasion by the
USSR. It is clear from subsequent events, however, that such an invasion was
never likely to happen.

Jaruzelski proposed that Solidarity enter into a coalition government, but Wałȩsa
insisted that their candidate,Tadeusz Mazowiecki, a Catholic intellectual and long-
standing political advisor to Solidarity, should be prime minister. The communists
attempted to secure Soviet support, but when Rakowski spoke to Gorbachev in
late August, the Soviet leader stated that he was not concerned about the internal
Fact
politics of Poland, although he would give Jaruzelski his nominal support. Only
Gorbachev had abandoned the defence
if the situation in Poland seemed to be a direct threat to the security of the USSR
policy established by Stalin in the
would he act. Once Gorbachev had been given assurances by Solidarity leaders
immediate post-war period, and
that Poland would not leave the Warsaw Pact, Jaruzelski accepted Wałȩsa’s
had come to the conclusion that the
proposal and on 18 August, an interim administration was set up. On 21 August,
USSR could not afford to garrison on the 21st anniversary of the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, 10,000
Eastern Europe and pay for military demonstrators took to the streets, chanting: ‘Long live Dubček’ and ‘Long live
interventions to support the region’s Poland’. Poland thus led the way in 1989, holding the first free elections, with
communist leadership. Mazowiecki becoming the first non-communist leader in the Eastern bloc. These
events in Poland were followed by upheavals right across Eastern Europe.
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

On 29 December 1989, the Republic of Poland was declared and the deputy prime
minister, Leszek Balcerowicz, implemented his ‘big bang’ economic reforms
(see page 208). Overnight, communism had ceased to exist in Poland.

Reasons for the communist collapse in Poland

The reasons for the collapse of communist power in Poland are twofold. Firstly,
the country, like many of its neighbours, was at least partly reliant on the threat
of Soviet intervention for the maintenance of its communist political system.
Although the Soviets had not actually applied military power to the Polish
situation – as they had in Czechoslovakia – the threat was always there. Indeed,
fear of Soviet military intervention was a factor in maintaining relatively cordial
relations between the government and the opposition. Furthermore, in the
events that unfolded after 1980, the party had made concessions to Solidarity
simply because it did not want the Red Army restoring order in its country.

The second factor, however, was almost uniquely Polish. The course taken by
opposition in the country had been dictated by Poland’s history. The strength
of the Catholic Church in the country had protected it from direct attack by
the party, and as the church became more politicised it had created a lasting
and well-organised opposition. The Soviets represented more than a new
order in the country after 1945; they were seen as a foreign invader who had
stabbed Poland in the back in 1939 and 1945, and seemed to be attempting to
reverse the events of the Russian Revolution, which had seen Poland regain
its independence from the Russian Empire. This meant that, when opposition
appeared, it was sustained over a period of time and grew into the KSS/KOR
and, eventually, into Solidarity. Solidarity was a unique development because
it directly challenged the idea that workers were the social élite in Poland – 203
a belief that lay at the heart of communist ideology – and slowly eroded the
legitimacy of the PUWP. Thus, as economic crisis followed economic crisis,
the government lost the support of all but a few members of Polish society.
This, combined with developments in the Soviet Union following the rise of
Gorbachev in 1985, meant it could not retain its hold on power.

SOURCE G
In 1980–1981, the Solidarity movement drew the support of ten million
Poles (that is, almost all the adult Poles of working age). A deep dent
was made in the monolith of the Soviet bloc, whose fate would be soon
sealed by its defeat in the Soviet–US economic struggle played out as
the ‘star wars’ armament race. The national minorities, so invisible to
the average Pole, considered Solidarity a ‘Polish affair’, into which they
would not meddle. This was also due to the fact that most Solidarity
members chose to express their anti-communist yearning for Poland’s
independence through Polish nationalism centered on the Roman
Catholic Church. Prior to the imposition of martial law (1981–1983),
however, Solidarity issued a statement, in which it obliged itself to
guarantee ‘full civil rights for all Poles in spite of their national origin’.
Questions
Kamusella, T. ‘Poland’s Minorities in the Transition from Soviet-Dominated
What does this academic think caused
Ethnic Nation-State to Democratic Civic Nation-State’. Quoted on http://
www.yorku.ca/soi/_Vol_3_4/_HTML/kamusella.html the success of Solidarity? Are there any
flaws in his argument?
 6 Poland

What part did Lech Wałȩsa play?

Lech Wałȩsa was born in 1943 to a working-class family. He entered the Lenin
Shipyard in Gdańsk as an electrician in 1966. In 1980, he became the leader of
the Solidarity trade union and after a period as a political prisoner he became
a major figure in the final days of communist rule in Poland. In 1983, he was
awarded the Nobel Peace prize. He was president of his country between 1990
and 1995. A charismatic leader with no higher education, he was propelled to
the forefront of world politics by the events of the 1980s.

Lech Wałȩsa addressing a Solidarity demonstration

204
 2 Methods of achieving independence from Soviet and centralised control

Wałȩsa was active as a trade unionist before the formation of Solidarity. Initially,
he was interested in mainstream trade union issues: pay and conditions of
service. The events of 1980, however, pushed Wałȩsa over the line into politics.
The reason for this was the nature of the communist state in Poland. At the heart
of the state’s ethos was the concept of ‘workerism’ – the idea that the workers of
Poland were the élite of society. The problem was that the economic issues faced
by the country in the later part of the 1970s put great stress on the relationship
between the working classes and the Communist Party. Thus, when the
demonstrations of 1980 began they were initially over pay, conditions and food.

Once it became obvious that the state could not easily fulfil the workers’ needs,
full-scale political activity became the next obvious step. Wałȩsa recognised
that the needs of the workers could only be met by internal reform of Poland’s
political system.

Solidarity leader
Wałȩsa’s career as a trade unionist began in 1968, when he encouraged his co-
workers in the Gdańsk shipyards to boycott government-organised rallies that
condemned recent student strikes. In 1970, he organised strikes in the shipyards
against government plans to raise food prices. The heavy-handed reaction of
the government to this industrial action, which resulted in the deaths of 30
workers, started Wałȩsa on the road to full-scale political activity. In 1976, he
was sacked from his job for his trade-union affiliations. As a result he suffered
from long periods of unemployment.

In the later part of the 1970s, Wałȩsa and his family were placed under
surveillance by the secret police, and Wałȩsa was arrested several times during 205
this period. In 1976, he worked closely with KOR. By this point it is possible to
argue that Wałȩsa had become a full-scale political dissident.

The Gdańsk strike

Wałȩsa was not actually a shipyard employee when he became the leader of the
Gdańsk strikers in 1980. He soon rose to become leader of the Inter-Enterprise Fact
Strike Committee that turned what was a limited dispute into a genuine threat The Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee
to the government. As a result, he became both a key player in the subsequent was formed by Wałȩsa and others in
Solidarity movement and a figure of international renown. He was eventually August 1980. It was best known for
arrested and imprisoned between 1981 and 1982, after which he attempted to the issuing of its 21 Demands, which
return to the shipyards as an ordinary electrician. It was at this point that he led to the Gdańsk Agreement. The
was awarded the Nobel Peace prize. demands included the right to form
free and independent trade unions,
Throughout the 1980s he continued his underground pro-Solidarity activities,
pay increases, and compensation for
until 1988, when he helped organise more strikes in Gdańsk. In December
workers participating in the strikes.
of that year he co-founded the Solidarity Citizens’ Committee, effectively a
political party, which emerged as the most powerful bloc in the sejm after the
events of 1989. As leader of this bloc he backed Mazowiecki as Poland’s first non-
communist prime minister since 1939. In 1990, Wałȩsa was elected president, a
post he held until 1995.
 6 Poland

Presidency
During his presidency Wałȩsa oversaw the difficult transition to a market
economy, although he actually left most of the decisions regarding this
development to his prime minister, Hanna Suchocka. He was criticised for being
over-authoritarian, especially within Solidarity, and proved ill-equipped either
to lead the state or to handle the media. He was defeated in the presidential
election of 1995 by Aleksander Kwasniewski.

Wałȩsa was not a typical worker. He was essentially a political activist from
1970 onwards. Where he differed from other key players, such as Václav Havel
in Czechoslovakia, was his background. He was not highly educated and saw
the way to political reform through the organisation of workers and the use
of industrial muscle in the form of strikes. During the period of opposition
to the government he was a highly effective leader. In the more open and
sophisticated political environment of a fully democratic state, however, he was
found wanting and was soon marginalised.

End of unit activities

Activity 1 Identify each of the following leaders and briefly explain the political role he
played:
Historians discuss the role of • Moczar
individuals in the historical process. • Gierek
Consider Wałȩsa as an individual • Kania
who may have changed the course • Jaruzelski
206 of history. Use him as a case study • Mazowiecki.
in a general essay based on the
2 Write an argument to support or oppose the view that economic issues were
question below. the basis of the dissatisfaction with communist rule in Poland.
‘To what extent is the historical 3 Draw a spider diagram to illustrate the significance of the emergence of
process driven by the influence of Solidarity as a political force in the early 1980s.
individual human beings?’
4 Draw up a table to summarise the reasons for the collapse of communism
Discuss your answer. Try to compare in Poland in 1989. Include issues such as economic problems, the political
Wałȩsa to other similar figures who situation, the role of the church, external factors and the rise of Solidarity.
might have changed the course 5 Write a critical biography of Lech Wałȩsa in the form of a newspaper article.
of history. In it, examine how he emerged as a political activist, whether he deserved
to win the Nobel Peace prize in 1983, and explain how someone who was so
admired as a national hero could be voted out of office within five years.
6 ‘Lech Wałȩsa’s leadership was the critical factor in the collapse of communist
control in Poland.’ Discuss.
In pairs, produce a profit/loss account for Wałȩsa on a single piece of
paper. On one side list positive factors which support the statement, on
the other negative factors which challenge it. Then rate the factors from
1 (least convincing) to 5 (most convincing). Use the results as the basis for
an essay plan.
3 The formation of and challenges to post-communist
Poland

Timeline
Key question
1990 Solidarity wins the first free local elections
• What problems faced post-communist Poland?
in Poland; Wałȩsa becomes first president
of the country
1991 Hanna Suchocka made prime minister and
Overview effects successful economic reforms
• The biggest problem Poland faced after 1990 was the creation of a 1993 Solidarity’s influence declines in the
market economy. The leaders of the new Poland had to decide how
elections
this was to be achieved without inflicting unacceptable damage
on the social fabric of the country. As in Czechoslovakia, some 1999 Poland becomes a member of NATO
argued for a short, sharp shock, others for a slower conversion.
2004 Poland becomes a member of the
• The second issue was the creation of a democratic constitution
along Western lines; this was achieved relatively easily and with
European Union
great success.
• A rapid privatisation of the economy – the ‘big bang’ – was
initiated, intended to launch Poland in the global capitalist
market. One result of this was that, by 1990, Poland enjoyed the 207
lowest rates of unemployment in Europe.
• The largest political problem lay with the new president, Lech
Wałȩsa. He had been an excellent campaigner for reform but he
proved to be a poor leader of state. He soon fell from power.
• Solidarity, the movement that had so influenced the collapse
of communism in Poland, was unable to adapt to the needs of
the new state and rapidly declined. It eventually reverted to its
former status as one of several national trade unions.
• Hanna Suchocka became prime minister in 1991 and managed to
pilot the state through the complexities of the early 1990s.
• Since Poland made the transition from communism, it has
become a mainstream European state.

Historical debate
Historian Francis Fukuyama’s view that the 1989 events in Poland – and
in the rest of Eastern Europe – marked the ‘end of history’ has been
criticised by several historians as being an example of ‘retrospective
determinism’. Timothy Garton Ash, for example, questions whether
the ‘triumph’ of free-market capitalism and the collapse of communism
were ‘inevitable’.
 6 Poland

Fact What problems faced post-communist Poland?

When, on 12 September, the sejm Economic problems
voted to accept Mazowiecki and his
The new Polish government’s first priority was economic reform. The country’s
government, it meant that – for the
economic weakness had always been at the root of the political problems
first time in over 40 years – Poland had
faced by the former communist regime. Under the PUWP, the economy was
a government led by non-communists.
over-centralised and dependent on heavy industry. This made it inflexible in
In July 1990, the coalition cabinet
the global capitalist marketplace, which increasingly dominated the late 20th
was re-shuffled to remove the last
century. Furthermore, the construction of a more consumer-oriented economy
remaining communists; and in
had only been achieved by borrowing heavily from the West. This created a
October, the constitution was amended serious debt crisis that Poland had been unable to control. These factors had
so that Jaruzelski could be replaced conspired to set in train the events that had led to the collapse of communism
by a new president. This happened in in 1989. It was important that they were put right if the planned new liberal
December 1990, when Wałȩsa became capitalist democracy was not to face the same fate.
the first Polish president elected on a
popular vote.

SOURCE A
The first country to institute a ‘shock therapy’ was Poland, in 1989.
Under the pressure of a clear economic disaster, its initial objective
was basically to overcome hyperinflation and then introduce a market
economy. Initial hyperinflation made the social costs very high. High
unemployment and the economic ruin of individual farmers created
208 widespread discontent. These social costs resulted in the defeat of
the Solidarity reformers in the election of September 1993. The new
government generally continued earlier policies but slowed down
privatisation. Nevertheless, the overall growth rate of the Polish
economy remains one of the highest in Europe.

Extract from a lecture delivered in 1997 by W. Roszkowski, the director of

the Institute of Political Studies at the Polish Academy of Sciences. Quoted on
http://www.cerc.unimelb.edu.au.

The new finance minister was American-educated Leszek Balcerowicz, supported

by the Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs. They proposed a rapid privatisation of
the economy along Western lines, which they called the ‘big bang’. A two-phase
approach was put into action. Firstly, the currency was to be stabilised and inflation
brought under control. This would allow Poland to enter the global capitalist
market. Then the plan would enter phase two, in which mass privatisation
would take place. A reluctant sejm passed the reform act in December. The
Fact
reaction of the West – and Western firms – was predictably positive, and new
The reforms were not without
loans were offered to help cushion Poland during the period of transition. The
problems. The transition created
reforms had an instant effect, as small businesses began to flourish. However,
fluctuation in prices – an effect
this success was also due in part to the existence of a bourgeois farming class
that Poles were not used to in the
that had always indulged in small-scale free market trade, but that was now
communist era. In addition, the move
released from the constraints of the planned economy with the ‘big bang’. The
to free-market capitalism initially reforms also allowed what had been a black market to come out into the open.
pushed down wages by almost 30%. What is more, with the establishment of a stable currency with a favourable
exchange rate with Western currencies, exports expanded considerably.
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-communist Poland

Solidarity, a workers’ movement, had swept aside a state which had in many
ways been a workers’ state, in that for almost 50 years it had provided significant
social and welfare benefits for the majority of the population. In its place, along
with the political freedoms and democracy that the workers desired, came the
economic liberalism of free-market capitalism. The effects of this economic
system in Poland soon disillusioned the workers who had brought Solidarity
to power, as they quickly found themselves suffering from the effects of global
capitalism. The early imposition of Western-style ‘economic shock therapy’ to
post-communist Poland caused similar social suffering and deprivation to that
which occurred later in Czechoslovakia and the other Eastern bloc countries
after the fall of communism.

SOURCE B
Key economic indicators in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, 1988–90

Country Economic growth (%) Inflation (%)

1988 1989 1990 1988 1989 1990

USSR 6 3 –4 7 9 10

Poland 5 0 –12 60 241 800

209
Czechoslovakia 2 1 –3 0 1 14

Hungary 2 1 –5 16 17 29

Romania 0 -11 –12 1 2 20

Cannon, M. et al. 2009. 20th Century World History. Oxford, UK. Oxford
University Press. p. 440.

SOURCE C
When Solidarity won, Polish workers lost. … with the one group
that could control them [the workers], Solidarity, chiefly interested
in promoting the marketization causing the emotional distress, a
political crisis was inevitable.

Ost, D. 2005. The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in

Postcommunist Europe. New York, USA and London, UK. Cornell
University Press.
 6 Poland

Question From January 1990, the Polish economy – and the Polish people – were subjected
to the demands of a capitalist market economy. Price controls and trade
What were the initial effects of barriers were removed, as were many state subsidies. The Polish złoty was
Western-style capitalist economic made convertible with foreign currencies. Inflation was brought under control
policies and privatisations on the – but at a massive social cost. Industrial output fell by 30%, wages by 40% and
Polish economy? unemployment rose from almost nil (under the communists) to over 1 million
by the end of 1990. Poland soon had the highest unemployment rate in the
whole of Europe.

Privatisation soon followed, and by the end of 1991 almost half of all small
Fact firms were in private hands. Balcerowicz was more reluctant to privatise large-
It must be remembered that at the scale economic concerns, though. These remnants of the communist era were
root of the events of 1991 was highly inefficient, and if they were reorganised along Western lines many of
Solidarity, which was a union whose them may have gone bust and all would have had to shed labour. The new
prime reason for existence was the government feared that this would create mass unemployment and create
protection of workers’ rights. As a further political instability.
result, it was difficult or impossible
for the government to push ahead In 1991, when five of the largest concerns in Poland were offered for sale, the
with reform if it would create undue response of potential owners was lukewarm at best. An attempt to broaden
suffering to workers. the privatisation plan by offering vouchers to all Polish citizens (which were in
effect shares) floundered in 1990, as a new political crisis developed.

Political problems
In May 1990, the first free local elections confirmed Solidarity’s domination.
In July 1990, the coalition cabinet was reshuffled to remove the last remaining
communists. On 12 September, the sejm voted to accept Mazowiecki and his
210 government – for the first time in over 40 years, Poland had a government led
by non-communists.

However, during September 1990, political pressure caused by the rapid

‘Westernisation’ of the country’s economy came to the surface when the United
Peasants’ Party withdrew its support for the government coalition because of
the end of state farming subsidies. Wałȩsa followed suit when he began to
politicise Solidarity due to frustration at the pace of reform. Wałȩsa sacked the
head of the Citizens’ Committee, Wujec, prompting a political crisis. The sejm
proportional representation soon called for new elections and, in October, the constitution was amended
A method of voting whereby each so that Jaruzelski could be replaced by a new president. This happened in
party gains representation in December 1990, when Wałȩsa became the first Polish president, elected with
parliament more closely related to 40% of the popular vote. However, the outcome of the election was not decisive
the proportion of the total votes it enough to prevent Wałȩsa being overruled on reforms to the electoral system,
receives in an election. and, at the behest of the sejm, a new system of proportional representation
was introduced.

The following year saw another election, with a large number of parties
competing for seats. A coalition of six parties emerged. Significantly this election
eliminated the last of the communists and the nationalist Confederation for an
Independent Poland, which had come into being as an underground opposition
movement in 1982. Solidarity was slowly collapsing in this new political
environment. It had held together prior to the fall of communism as the primary
opposition group, but once it had to compete in a proper political battle, cracks
started to appear in its ranks and the interests of different members of the
organisation began to create friction.
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-communist Poland

Solidarity supporters increasingly began to oppose the government, and this led
to divisions and the creation of new political parties. Although Wałȩsa defeated Hanna Suchocka (b. 1946)
Mazowiecki in the presidential elections, the election contest had been bitter, Suchocka had a legal background and
and Solidarity became even more divided. The much-delayed parliamentary emerged as Poland’s prime minister in
elections finally took place in October 1991 and gave further evidence of the 1992, a position she held for a year.
political divisions in Poland. There followed a series of weak and short-lived Her mix of leftist economic politics and
coalition governments. right-leaning social politics made her
a compromise candidate who appealed
At the time of writing, Solidarity has returned to its roots and now serves to all wings of the sejm and allowed
Polish workers in the same capacity as a Western trade union – the only her to successfully pilot economic
difference is its vast size and its legitimacy as the force that brought down reform in Poland in the immediate
the PUWP. Eventually, Eastern Europe’s first female prime minister, Hanna post-communist years.
Suchocka, emerged as leader of a disorganised sejm under a hostile president,
Lech Wałȩsa.

Suchocka created a programme for full-scale privatisation. She made a

deal with organised labour called the Pact on Enterprises – a transfer of the
remaining large-scale sectors of the Polish economy to private ownership.
This would be phased to allow the economy as a whole time to adjust to the
changes in the labour market. By 1993, Suchocka had managed to halt the decline
of Polish production and create economic growth without simultaneously
creating mass unemployment.

However, the September 1993 elections showed the continuing disintegration of

Solidarity and the political impact of the introduction of capitalist free-market
economic policies. Solidarity received less than the 5% necessary to obtain
representation in the new parliament, while the ‘former’ communists gained 211
a clear majority.

In the presidential elections of 1995, ex-communist Aleksander Kwasniewski

defeated Wałȩsa by a narrow margin. Capitalist economic shock therapy (see
page 171), and Wałȩsa, had done what Jaruzelski and martial law had failed
to do – destroy Solidarity. As one Gdańsk worker commented in 1999: ‘Yes, we
have freedom: but what good is that if you have no money to buy the shiny
goods in the shops?’ Solidarity continued, but as only one of several national
unions, and with a membership of only a few hundred thousand, compared to
its 10 million members during the mid 1980s.

SOURCE D
The irony is painful. Workers started the great changes, yet have paid
the highest price. Solidarity was originally a trade union, yet the result
of its triumph is that Gdańsk workers are employed by their former
workmates, now turned capitalist, in private firms with no trade
unions at all.

Garton Ash, T. 2002. The Polish Revolution: Solidarity. New Haven, USA.
Yale University Press. p. 380.
 6 Poland

Poland and the wider world

Despite the political changes of 1993–95, the free-market policies of privatisation
and de-regulation continued. As the millennium approached, Poland began to
enter the European mainstream, not just politically and economically, but also
culturally. By 2000, Poland was fully integrated with the capitalist nations in
the West, and the most extreme expressions of the development of the country
were its entry into NATO in 1999 and the European Union in 2004.

In some ways this is a return to Poland’s historical position – later medieval

and early modern Poland was one of the most powerful of European states. In
others it marks real change: post-communist Poland is, like many other states,
not a fully independent country. It is part of larger trans-national organisations
like the European Union and is heavily under the influence of capitalist
globalisation. The main difference experienced by Poland since 1989, however,
is self-determination. Prior to that date the country had not been independent
since the 18th century, apart from a short period in the inter-war years. It had
been an outpost of the Tsarist Russian Empire, then it had fallen under Nazi
tyranny and finally it operated as a satellite of the USSR. In none of these periods
could Poland act independently. So too today, but the difference now is that it
is a fully integrated part of Western European liberal democracy and Poles can
influence their fellow Europeans via democracy, diplomacy and negotiation.
Poland’s economy is more efficient, and a stable and forward-looking country
has been created. Whether this will last is, obviously, open to debate. The recent
economic crisis has placed a burden on all developed states that has not yet
been resolved.
212
Since 1990, Poland has enjoyed the relative weaknesses – political, economical
and military – of the Soviet Union and then its successor Russian state. With
a resurgent Russia, can Poland maintain its Western orientation without some
kind of accommodation with its powerful Eastern neighbour?

Theory of knowledge

History and reason

On 10 April 2010, the Polish president, Lech Kaczynski, together with 89 other high-
ranking Polish officials, including the head of the army and the head of the central
bank, died in a plane crash in Smolensk, Russia, on their way to a ceremony to mark
the 70th anniversary of the Katyn Massacre. Some people immediately assumed that
the Russians were responsible. Explain why this is an example of bad reasoning. Find
out what you can about relations between the two countries since the collapse of
communism, and whether this accident revived old tensions.
 3 The formation of and challenges to post-communist Poland

End of unit activities

1 Draw a spider diagram to illustrate the impact of the ‘big bang’ reforms on
the Polish economy in the early 1990s.
2 Poland joined the European Union in 2004. Find out how EU membership
has affected the Polish economy, as well as the impact it has had on other
aspects of economic life, such as migration to other EU member states.
3 Design a flow chart to illustrate the transformation of Solidarity from its
establishment as an unofficial trade union in 1980, to its dominant role as
an opposition political movement by 1989, and then its position in post-
communist Poland.
4 Use the information in this unit, together with more from books and websites,
to find out how successfully democracy has worked in Poland since 1990.
5 Hot-seating exercise:
The character in the hot seat is Lech Wałȩsa, and he will be interrogated in
two sittings. Allow the individual who volunteers for the hot seat time to
prepare a case, perhaps with the support of a team. The two sittings address
the two phases of his political life, as a trade union and political activist
and as president of Poland. The thrust of the questioning will demand
explanations for success in the former, failure in the latter.

213
 6 Poland

End of chapter activities

Activity
‘What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a
particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such. … That is, the
end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western
liberal democracy as the final form of human government.’
Fukuyama, F. 1989. ‘The End of History’
To what extent is this perspective a valid one when applied to the situation in post-
communist Poland?

Summary activity
Copy the diagram below and, using the information in this chapter, make point
form notes under each heading.

Poland:
214 the road to
independence

Imposition of communist control

• Impact of the Second World War
Success of the Polish nationalist
• Role of the Lublin Committee
movement
• 1947 elections
• Strikes in Gdańsk
• Purges
• Solidarity
• Role of Wałȩsa
• Impact of Gorbachev’s reforms
• Events of 1989
Challenges to communist control • Post-communist Poland
and Soviet domination
• Events in 1956
• Poland under Gomułka
• Poland under Moczar
• Poland under Gierek
• Role of the Catholic Church
• Committee for the Defence of
the Workers (KOR)
 6 Poland

Paper 2 exam practice

1 ‘Non-violent movements rarely achieve political and social change.’ How far
do you agree with this assertion?
2 Why did Poland achieve independence from centralised Communist control
and Soviet domination?
3 Analyse the role of religion and nationalism in Poland’s quest for
independence from communist control and Soviet domination.

Further reading
Try reading the relevant chapters/sections of the following books:

Calvocoressi, Peter. 1987. World Politics Since 1945 (5th Edn). London, UK and
New York, USA. Longman.
Crampton, Richard J. 1994. Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century – And After.
London, UK and New York, USA. Routledge.
Dubček, Alexander. 1993. Hope Dies Last. New York, USA. Kodansha America.
Kenny, Padraic. 2006. The Burdens of Freedom: Eastern Europe since 1989. London,
UK. Zed Books.
Longworth, Philip. 1994. The Making of Eastern Europe. Basingstoke and London,
UK. St Martin’s Press.
Pittaway, Mark. 2004. Brief Histories: Eastern Europe 1939–2000, London, UK.
Hodder Education.
Stokes, Gale. 1993. The Walls came Tumbling Down: The Collapse of Communism in
Eastern Europe. Oxford, UK. Oxford University Press.
215
Vadney, Thomas E. 1998. The World Since 1945. London, UK. Penguin Books.
Webb, Adrian. 2002. Central & Eastern Europe Since 1919. London, UK. Routledge.
 7 Exam practice
Introduction
You have now completed your study of the main aspects and events of nationalist
and independence movements in Africa and Asia and post-1945 Central and
Eastern Europe. In the previous chapters, you have practised answering some of
the types of source-based question you will have to deal with in Paper 1. In this
chapter, you will gain experience of dealing with:

• the longer Paper 1 question, which requires you to use both sources and
your own knowledge to write a mini-essay
• the essay questions you will meet in Paper 2.

Exam skills needed for IB History

This book is designed primarily to prepare both Standard and Higher Level
students for the Paper 2 Nationalist and Independence Movements in Africa
and Asia and post-1945 Central and Eastern Europe topic (Topic 4). However, by
providing the necessary historical knowledge and understanding, as well as an
awareness of the relevant key historical debates, it will also help you prepare
216
for Paper 1. The skills you need for answering both Paper 1 and Paper 2 exam
questions are explained in the following pages.

The example below shows you how to find the information related to
the ‘W’ questions that you will need to evaluate sources for their value
and limitations.

SOURCE X
The situation in Indochina is not that of open military aggression by the
Chinese Communist regime. Thus, in Indochina, the problem is one of
restoring tranquillity in an area where disturbances are fomented from
Communist China, but where there is no open invasion by Communist
address WHAT? (type of source) China. This task of pacification, in our opinion, cannot be successfully
John Foster Dulles WHO? met merely by unilateral armed intervention. Some other conditions
(produced it)
need to be established. Throughout these Indochina developments, the
11 June 1954 WHEN? (date/time of United States has held to a stable and consistent course and has made
production)
clear the conditions which, in its opinion, might justify intervention.
situation in Indochina WHY?
(possible purpose) Extract from an address by US secretary of state John Foster Dulles, 11 June
World Affairs Council WHO? 1954 on the situation in Indochina, delivered to the World Affairs Council.
(intended audience)
Paper 1 exam practice

Paper 1 skills and questions

This section of the book is designed to give you the skills and understanding to
tackle Paper 1 questions. These are based on the comprehension, critical analysis
and evaluation of different types of historical sources as evidence, along with
the use of appropriate historical contextual knowledge. For example, you will
need to test sources for reliability and utility – a skill essential for historians.
A range of sources has been provided, including extracts from official
documents, personal diaries, memoirs and speeches, as well as visual sources
such as photographs, cartoons and paintings.

In order to analyse and evaluate sources as historical evidence, you will need to
ask the following ‘W’ questions of historical sources:

• Who produced it? Were they in a position to know?

• What type of source is it? What is its nature – is it a primary or secondary
source?
• Where and when was it produced? What was happening at the time?
• Why was it produced? Was its purpose to inform or to persuade? Is it an
accurate attempt to record facts, or is it an example of propaganda?
• Who was the intended audience – decision-makers or the general public? 217

This will help you to become familiar with interpreting, understanding,

analysing and evaluating different types of historical sources. It will also aid
you in synthesising critical analysis of sources with historical knowledge when
constructing an explanation or analysis of some aspect or development of the
past. Remember, for Paper 1, as for Paper 2, you need to acquire, select and
deploy relevant historical knowledge to explain causes and consequences,
continuity and change. You also need to develop and show an awareness of
historical debates and different interpretations.

Paper 1 questions will thus involve examining sources in the light of:
origins The ‘who, what, when and
• their origins and purpose
where’ questions.
• their value and limitations.

The value and limitations of sources to historians will be based on the origins purpose This means ‘reasons,
and purpose aspects. For example, a source might be useful because it is primary what the writer/creator was trying
– the event depicted was witnessed by the person producing it. But was the to achieve, who the intended
person in a position to know? Is the view an untypical view of the event? What audience was’.
is its nature? Is it a private diary entry (therefore possibly more likely to be true),
or is it a speech or piece of propaganda intended to persuade? The value of a
source may be limited by some aspects, but that doesn’t mean it has no value
at all. For example, it may be valuable as evidence of the types of propaganda
Remember – a source doesn’t have
put out at the time. Similarly, a secondary – or even a tertiary – source can have to be primary to be useful. Remember,
more value than some primary sources, for instance, because the author might too, that content isn’t the only aspect
be writing at a time when new evidence has become available. to have possible value. The context,
the person who produced it, and so
Finally, when in the exam room, use the information provided by the Chief on, can also be important in offering
Examiner about the five sources, as it can give some useful information and an insight.
clues to help you construct a good answer.
 7 Exam practice

Paper 1 contains four types of question. The first three of these are:

1 Comprehension/understanding of a source – some will have 2 marks, others

3 marks. For such questions, write only a short answer (scoring 2 or 3 points);
save your longer answers for the questions carrying the higher marks.

2 Cross-referencing/comparing or contrasting two sources – try to write an

integrated comparison, e.g. comment on how the two sources deal with one
aspect, then compare/contrast the sources on another aspect. This will usually
score more highly than answers that deal with the sources separately. Try
to avoid simply describing each source in turn – there needs to be explicit
comparison/contrast.

3 Assessing the value and limitations of two sources – here it is best to deal
with each source separately, as you are not being asked to decide which source
is more important/useful. But remember to deal with all the aspects required:
origins, purpose, value and limitations.

These three types of questions are covered in the chapters above. The other,
longer, type of Paper 1 question will be dealt with in this section.

Paper 1 – judgement questions

The fourth type of Paper 1 question is a judgement question. Judgement
questions require a synthesis of source evaluation and own knowledge.

218 Examiner’s tips

• This fourth type of Paper 1 question requires you to produce a mini-essay
to address the question/statement given in the question. You should try to
develop and present an argument and/or come to a balanced judgement by
analysing and using these five sources and your own knowledge.
• Before you write your answer to this kind of question, you may find it useful to
draw a rough chart to note what the sources show in relation to the question.
This will also make sure you refer to all or at least most of the sources. Note,
however, that some sources may hint at more than one factor/result. When
using your own knowledge, make sure it is relevant to the question.
• Look carefully at the simplified markscheme below. This will help you focus on
what you need to do to reach the top bands and so score the higher marks.

Simplified markscheme
Band Marks

1 Developed and balanced analysis and comments using 8

BOTH sources AND own knowledge. References to sources
are precise, and sources and detailed own knowledge are
used together; where relevant, a judgement is made.

2 Developed analysis/comments using BOTH sources AND 6–7

some detailed own knowledge; some clear references
to sources. But sources and own knowledge not always
combined together.

3 Some developed analysis/comments, using the sources OR 4–5

some relevant own knowledge.

4 Limited/general comments using sources OR own knowledge. 0–3

 7 Paper 1 exam practice

Common mistakes SOURCE A

When answering Paper 1 argument/judgement
questions, make sure you don’t just deal with sources
Viet Cong guerrillas.
or own knowledge! Every year, some candidates
(even good ones) do this, and so limit themselves to
– at best – only 5 out of the 8 marks available.

Student answers
The student answers that follow have brief examiner’s
comments in the margins, as well as a longer overall
comment at the end. Those parts of the answers that
make use of the sources will be highlighted in green.
Those parts that deploy relevant own knowledge will
be highlighted in red. In this way, you should find
it easier to follow why particular bands and marks
were – or were not – awarded.

Question 1
Using Sources A, B, C, D and E on pages 219–20, and
your own knowledge, explain why the NVA/VC won
the Vietnam War by 1975.
[8 marks]

219

SOURCE B
The Pentagon was recommending that the US mobilize for virtually
total war and this in an election year. The war had already exacerbated
the rate of inflation, and taxes would have to be increased. It was a fact
that opinion polls during the Tet crisis indicated that the American
public favoured a stronger
military response, but it was also
the case that Johnson’s standing
with the people was plummeting.
Americans wanted to win, but
SOURCE C
the president seemed incapable
The US military never successfully resolved the tension between
of delivering. The scene was set
‘clearing and holding’ and ‘searching and destroying’. The effort against
for the most dramatic turnabout
the VC was largely successful, however, and pacification programmes
in the war.
did show some effectiveness over the medium term. Operational errors
on the part of the VC (most notably, the Tet Offensive) also contributed
Vadney, T. E. 1987. The World Since
vitally to erosion of the internal rebellion; over time, the NLF became
1945. London, UK. Penguin.
pp. 327–28. an enormously less important part of the military equation in
South Vietnam. These successes were, however, undermined by US
willingness to undertake a serious effort to control infiltration into
South Vietnam: as the VC withered, the NVA took responsibility for
fighting the communist ground war in South Vietnam.

Walton, C. Dale. 2005. The Myth of Inevitable US Defeat in Vietnam.

London, UK. Frank Cass. p. 56.
 7 Exam practice

SOURCE D
The situation in Indochina is not that of open military aggression by the
Chinese Communist regime. Thus, in Indochina, the problem is one of
restoring tranquillity in an area where disturbances are fomented from
Communist China, but where there is no open invasion by Communist
China. This task of pacification, in our opinion, cannot be successfully
met merely by unilateral armed intervention. Some other conditions
need to be established. Throughout these Indochina developments, the
United States has held to a stable and consistent course and has made
clear the conditions which, in its opinion, might justify intervention.
These conditions were and are (1) an invitation from the present
lawful authorities; (2) clear assurance of complete independence to
Laos, Cambodia, and Viet-Nam;
(3) evidence of concern by the
United Nations; (4) a joining in
the collective effort of some of
the other nations of the area; and SOURCE E
(5) assurance that France will not
itself withdraw from the battle Comments made by North Vietnamese politician Pham Van Dong in 1964.
until it is won.
The US can go on increasing aid to South Vietnam. It can increase
Extract from an address by US its own army. But it will do no good. I hate to see the war go on and
220
secretary of state John Foster Dulles, intensify. Yet our people are determined to struggle. It is impossible
11 June 1954, on the situation in for westerners to understand the force of the people’s will to resist
Indochina, delivered to the World and to continue.
Affairs Council.
Quoted in Chandler, M. and Wright, J. 1999. Modern World History. Oxford,
UK. Heinemann. p. 110.

Student answer

There are a number of reasons why the North had won the Vietnam
War by 1975, and these five sources offer a range of examples. Firstly,
Source A shows that the NVA/VC fought a guerrilla rather than a
conventional war. The US found this very difficult to counter. However,
some historians believe that the US had found an effective military
Examiner’s comment answer to the nationalist guerrillas, as Source C demonstrates. It was
This is a good, well-focused, start. not purely military factors that led to communist victory, however. The
Sources A, B and C are referred to, events on the ground had a seriously negative effect on US domestic
interwoven and used, along with opinion, as Source B shows. This finally forced the US to withdraw from
a little own knowledge, to set up a Vietnam, allowing a victory for the North.
sustainable line of debate.
 7 Paper 1 exam practice

Sources A, B and C all relate to each other. Sources A and D show that
the guerrilla offensive in the South was effective because of the support
of Communist China, which supplied military materiel. Source D comes
from a US government source and overstates the Chinese threat. Source
E, however, shows the determination of the Vietnamese people to resist
Examiner’s comment
whatever actions the US took. So, Sources D and E are also linked, All five sources are clearly referred
because the US feared that the Vietnam War was part of a larger to and used, showing a good
communist plot to dominate the whole of Southeast Asia. This was one understanding of their content, as
of the reasons that the US resorted to a full-scale military reaction to the well as a little own knowledge. There
guerrilla threat in the South, rather than seeking a diplomatic solution to is also a comment at the end that
the Vietnamese problem. In the long term, this tied the USA’s hands and hints at a wider understanding of the
created the domestic pressures to withdraw as laid out in Source B. developments in Vietnam and develops
the initial line of debate.

Finally, Source C is a revisionist theory which challenges the impact

of the guerrilla strategy on the outcome of the war. Because of the
nature of the war and its high media profile, the US was often depicted
221
in sources and, hence, modern histories of the conflict, as incapable of
checking the guerrillas. Source C challenges this, arguing that actually
the US military reaction was both well thought out and effective. Examiner’s comment
It argues that, militarily, the Tet Offensive of 1968 was a massive As before, sources (C and B) are clearly
military setback for Hanoi. This ‘truth’, however, was not reflected in used and, in this case, linked. There
the media coverage of the war in America, and led the US public to is also relevant own knowledge and
come to the wrong conclusions, prompting the political opposition to evidence of a high-level response
the war outlined in Source B. This both lends weight to the original line pointing to the way in which historians
of debate and shows how perspectives can be affected by depictions of revise their views of the past, and how
the same events can be interpreted in
events on television.
radically different ways.

In conclusion, these five sources touch on all the main reasons why the
NVA/VC won the Vietnam War by 1975. Overall, the main reason was
probably the one shown in Source B – the impact of events in Vietnam
on US domestic opinion. The other sources, however, all interlink to
set up the outcome described in Source D, thus showing that, although Examiner’s comment
reasons for historical change can be laid out in an order of hierarchy, The conclusion shows that the student
in reality factors are linked to each other to produce historical change. has kept the question in mind and has
attempted to make a judgement.
 7 Exam practice

Overall examiner’s comments

There is good use of most of the sources, with clear references to them. However,
Source E is not used extensively. The response displays a good grasp of the
historical process. There is some use of own knowledge, mainly integrated with
comments on the sources. There are, however, some omissions. For example,
the strong willingness to resist – and the methods used – by the Viet Cong and
the North Vietnamese are not dealt with. Also, the unstable political situation in
South Vietnam is not mentioned by the sources nor brought in by the candidate.
Hence, this is a good Band 2 answer, but it fails to get into Band 1.

Activity
Look again at all the sources, the simplified markscheme on page 218 and the
student answer on pages 220–21. Now try to write a few paragraphs to push the
answer up into Band 1, and so obtain the full 8 marks.

Question 2
Using Sources A, B, C, D and E below, and your own knowledge, analyse reasons
for the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia in 1968.
[8 marks]

SOURCE A
222
Ulbricht, who was already concerned with Czech co-operation with
West Germany, became alarmed. Moscow, though still generally
supportive of Dubček, felt uncomfortable. For his part, Dubček
welcomed the Warsaw Pact manoeuvres on Czech soil as a means of
demonstrating loyalty to the alliance. But when Pact forces withdrew,
Dubček’s meetings with the Soviet Politburo showed how seriously his
allies regarded Czech developments. They
were afraid that he would not be able to
contain the situation; and that he had SOURCE B
already opened Pandora’s box.
US troop build-up in Vietnam in the years running up to 1968.
Adapted from Longworth, P. 1992. The
Making of Eastern Europe. London, UK.
Macmillan. p. 25. 600,000

500,000

400,000

300,000

200,000

100,000

0
1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969
 7 Paper 1 exam practice

SOURCE C
The principles of peaceful coexistence, friendship, and cooperation
among all states have always been and still form the unshakable
foundation of the foreign relations of the U.S.S.R. This policy finds its
most profound and consistent expression in the relationship with
socialist countries. Socialist nations can build their relations only
on the principle of full equality, respect of territorial integrity, state
independence and sovereignty, and non interference in one another’s
domestic affairs.

This does not exclude, but on the contrary presupposes, close fraternal
cooperation and mutual aid between the countries of the socialist
commonwealth in the economic,
political, and cultural spheres. It is on
this basis that after World War II and
SOURCE D
after the rout of fascism the regimes
A map showing Czechoslovakia as a potential
of the people’s democracies came into
being in a number of countries of Europe invasion route into the USSR.
and Asia.
NATO members
Warsaw Pact members km
Extract from an official Soviet Statement Finland
0 250
Other communist nations
titled ‘Friendship and Co-operation Between Norway
0
miles
250 223
the Soviet Union and Other Socialist States’. Sweden

30 October 1956. The Department of State

Bulletin XXXV, No. 907. pp. 745–47. Republic Denmark
of Ireland U S S R
Great
Britain
Netherlands
East Poland
Belgium Germany
West
Germany Czechoslovakia

France Switzerland Austria Hungary

Romania
Italy
Portugal Yugoslavia

SOURCE E Spain Bulgaria

Albania

It’s no secret that the KGB played an Turkey

Greece
important role in many decisions
concerning foreign policy matters.
This applies to the events of 1968 in
Czechoslovakia. The KGB stirred up fears
among the country’s leadership that Czechoslovakia could fall victim
to NATO aggression or a coup unless certain actions were undertaken
promptly. At about the same time, I reported from Washington that the
CIA was not involved in the developments of the Prague Spring. But my
attempt at an even-handed report simply did not fit in with the KGB’s
concept of the way events were shaping up in Czechoslovakia, and
therefore never got beyond the KGB. My information was wasted.

A Russian spy working in America during the Prague Spring, commenting

on events in 1990. Cold War International History Project Bulletin no. 3. p. 6.
http://www.cwihp.org.
 7 Exam practice

Student answer

There were several main factors behind the Soviet intervention in

Czechoslovakia in 1968. Most of these are mentioned by the five
sources. The main ones are Soviet fear of internal changes in socialist
societies and fear of the West. The Soviet-style economies established
in Eastern Europe after the Second World War were not efficient and
needed reform. The Prague Spring was part of a general reform of these
economies that was sweeping across Eastern Europe. Czechoslovakia
Examiner’s comment was at the forefront of this development. The Soviet Union feared that
This is a good introduction, showing a
economic reform would be followed by pressure to change the societies
clear understanding of the topic and
of the Eastern bloc, perhaps putting communism in jeopardy.
the question.

Source A shows the fears of communist leaders, especially the East

German leader Ulbricht. They were afraid that the situation within
Czechoslovakia would spiral out of control. Socialism would be
threatened not only there, but also in neighbouring countries. One
224 of the reasons that this fear might have been understandable was
Czechoslovakia’s recent history – before the Second World War, Czecho-
slovakia had been a vibrant democracy within the Western European
mainstream. Ulbricht’s views would have been influenced by this and
popular pressure within the country to move to a more Western-style
Examiner’s comment
society. It is interesting, however, that Source A also shows that the
There is good use of Source A, and the
use of some precise own knowledge Czech leader did not want to break away from the socialist bloc, and
integrated in the answer. went to extreme lengths to convince the other communists of this.

Examiner’s comment
There is good understanding and
Sources C and D touch on another important reason – the growing fear
clear use of two, or even three, more
of the extension of Western influence into a socialist country. Source C
sources. There is also integration
of some sound and relevant own makes two statements. Firstly, it notes a Soviet promise to protect and
knowledge. However, an opportunity maintain alliances with other socialist states. It promises that the USSR
has been missed to integrate the will respect the sovereignty of fellow socialist states. At first sight this
response further by commenting on seems to contradict Soviet actions in 1968. However, in the second part
Source B. This source is by far the most of Source C there is a clear statement of Soviet intentions to maintain
difficult of the three to use, and you ‘close fraternal co-operation and mutual aid’ between socialist countries.
will note it gets hardly any attention
It also refers to the defeat of Nazi Germany ‘after the rout of fascism’.
from the candidate. The response
To an extent, Source A echoes this with its references to ‘Czech
could have argued that Source B
reinforced Soviet paranoia by showing co-operation with West Germany’. Thus, the Soviets intervened in
a build-up of anti-communist forces Czechoslovakia because of wider fears of threats to their security.
in a region of the world where the two Source D shows clearly that there is a direct route from the West and
ideologies were in open conflict. the NATO alliance through Czechoslovakia to the frontier of the USSR.
 7 Paper 1 exam practice

The final reason for the Soviet intervention is suggested by Source E. Examiner’s comment
This source is important firstly because it was written in 1990, after This is a good analysis because
the opening of the Soviet archives, and secondly because it shows the it focuses on the provenance of
Source E to reach a judgement.
views of a Soviet agent. He states that the KGB deliberately manipulated
However, a criticism of this evaluation
intelligence to paint a picture of US and NATO threats to the Eastern
is that the candidate takes what is
bloc. This reinforces the arguments given in Sources C and D. written at face value.

Examiner’s comment
This is little more than a fragment.
Source B shows American troop build-ups in Vietnam in 1968. This is
It is a simple description and makes
proof that the USA was becoming more involved in the Vietnam War. only a limited evaluative point. The
candidate cannot link this source
to the question set and has simply
inserted this section because they
realise they must address all the
sources. This is an example of a weak
response to a source.
Consequently, the most important reasons for the Soviet intervention
in Czechoslovakia in 1968 were fear of attack from the outside and
internal threats to communism. The Soviets had expanded into Eastern 225
Europe after the Second World War to create a buffer zone to stop an
attack like the one launched by the Nazis in 1941. The second factor
was due to the failings of the communist economies of the Eastern bloc
and the need for reform, which might encourage social upheaval.

Overall examiner’s comments

There is good and clear use of most sources throughout, and constant integration
of precise own knowledge to both explain and add to the sources. There are
weaknesses, however. Source B is used poorly. Source E could have been subject
to further scrutiny about its reliability. Finally, the candidate mentions two
reasons for Soviet intervention – fear of invasion and a collapse of socialist
society. The former reason is dealt with very well, with sound integration of
sources. The latter is almost an aside. The candidate is using own knowledge
to reach these two conclusions, but the sources do not easily allow access to
the second. A better tactic would have been to state openly that the sources are
weak on the second half of the line of debate. This would have allowed this part
of the argument to be used in the essay under the question prompt ‘and your
own knowledge’, and it would have allowed for a further layer of analysis of the
limitations of the sources as a set. Overall, however, this is a strong response and
would have been marked into Band 2, scoring 6 marks out of the 8 available.

Activity
Look again at all the sources, the simplified markscheme on page 218, and the
student answer above. Now try to write your own answer to this question and
see if you can remedy the weaknesses noted in the overall examiner’s comments
to score maximum marks.
 Paper 2 exam practice

Paper 2 skills and questions

For Paper 2, you have to answer two essay questions from two of the five
different topics offered. Very often, you will be asked to comment on two
states from two different IB regions of the world. Although each question has
a specific markscheme, you can get a good general idea of what examiners are
looking for in order to be able to put answers into the higher bands from the
‘generic’ markscheme. In particular, you will need to acquire reasonably precise
historical knowledge in order to address issues such as cause and effect, or
change and continuity, and to learn how to explain historical developments
in a clear, coherent, well-supported and relevant way. You will also need
to understand and be able to refer to aspects relating to historical debates
and interpretations.

Make sure you read the questions carefully, and select your questions wisely.
It is a good idea to produce a rough plan of each of the essays you intend to
attempt, before you start to write your answers. That way, you will soon know
whether you have enough own knowledge to answer them adequately.

Remember, too, to keep your answers

226 relevant and focused on the question.
Simplified markscheme For example, don’t go outside the dates
mentioned in the question, or answer
Band Marks
on individuals/states different from the
1 Clear analysis/argument, with very specific 17–20 ones identified in the question. Don’t
and relevant own knowledge, consistently just describe events or developments –
and explicitly linked to the question. A sometimes, students just focus on one
balanced answer, with references to historical key word or individual, and then write
debate/historians, where appropriate. down all they know about it. Instead,
select your own knowledge carefully,
2 Relevant analysis/argument, mainly clearly 11–16 and pin the relevant information to
focused on the question, and with relevant the key features raised by the question.
supporting own knowledge. Factors identified Also, if the question asks for ‘reasons’
and explained, but not all aspects of the and ‘results’, or two different countries,
question fully developed or addressed. make sure you deal with all the parts of
the question. Otherwise, you will limit
3 EITHER shows reasonable relevant own 8–10
yourself to half marks at best.
knowledge, identifying some factors, with
limited focus/explanation – but mainly
narrative in approach, with question only
Examiner’s tips
implicitly addressed OR coherent analysis/ For Paper 2 answers, examiners are
argument, but limited. looking for clear/precise analysis and
a balanced argument, linked to the
4 Some limited/relevant own knowledge, but 6–7 question, with the use of good, precise
not linked effectively to the question. and relevant own knowledge. In order
to obtain the highest marks, you should
5 Short/general answer, but with very little 0–5
be able to refer to different historical
accurate/relevant knowledge and limited
debate/interpretations or relevant
understanding of the question.
historians’ knowledge, making sure it
is relevant to the question.
 7 Paper 2 exam practice

Common mistakes
• When answering Paper 2 questions, try to avoid simply describing what
happened. A detailed narrative, with no explicit attempts to link the
knowledge to the question, will only get you half marks at most.
• If the question asks you to select examples from two different regions, make
sure you don’t choose two states from the same region. Every year, some
candidates do this and so limit themselves to – at best – only 12 out of the
20 marks available.

Student answers
Those parts of the student answers that follow will have brief examiner’s
comments in the margins, as well as a longer overall comment at the end.
Those parts of student’s answers that are particularly strong and well-focused
will be highlighted in red. Errors/confusions/loss of focus will be highlighted in
blue. In this way, you should find it easier to follow why marks were – or were
not – awarded.

Question 1
For what reasons were India and Pakistan granted independence in 1947?
[20 marks]

Skill
Analysis/argument/assessment
227
Examiner’s tip
At first sight this question seems straightforward, but it conceals a major
potential pitfall. The combination of two states, India and Pakistan, effectively
makes this a dual question.

Student answer

India and Pakistan were granted independence in 1947 essentially

for two reasons. Firstly, even before the First World War, Britain had
become uncomfortable with retaining its colonial possessions in India,
and wished to grant independence. Colonialism did not sit well with
Britain’s liberal democratic political ideology. This apparent political
contradiction had been exposed by the activities of Congress and
Gandhi in the interwar years. The second reason was the impact of
the Second World War. Prior to this, there were elements of the British
establishment that could not, for ideological or economic reasons,
tolerate the loss of their Indian empire. It took the Second World War
to so weaken Britain as a colonial power that it had little choice but
to grant independence. The fact that the British were forced to give up Examiner’s comment
This is a clear and well-focused
India as a result of the pressures of the Second World War explains
introduction, showing a good grasp of
why two states emerged in 1947.
the key requirements of the question.
 7 Exam practice

It is clear from the period before the First World war that the British
Empire did not want to hold on to its Indian possessions indefinitely.
As early as 1909, the British minister John Morley had pushed for
political concessions in the subcontinent. These came to fruition in 1910,
when the first elections were held and 135 Indians took their places as
legislators. But Morley was motivated by the need to maintain Britain’s
hold on this most important part of the empire, rather than the granting
of full independence. The First World War, however, showed both
Congress and the British just how dependent the colonial power was
on India in terms of military power and finance. This increased the
pressure on Britain to meet certain demands and grant India increasing
autonomy. This can be seen in a report to the British parliament in 1917
by Edwin Montagu, the secretary of state for India. In the report, he
stated the government’s intention to encourage ‘the gradual development
Examiner’s comment
There is a clear line of debate being
of self governing institutions’. Thus, by the end of the First World War it
developed here, with both supporting was clear that Britain intended to modify its relationship with India. The
accurate own knowledge and a sense problem, however, was that once the crisis of the First World War passed
of critical judgement. there was less incentive to actually carry out these plans.

228

The First World War, therefore, had two effects on the process of Indian
independence. Firstly, it had shown the strength of India as a potential
sovereign state. Secondly, it had resulted in a grudging willingness of the
colonial power to grant the subcontinent a level of autonomy. Against
this, however, comes the second raft of factors, all associated with the
Indian independence movement itself. At the core of the movement was
Congress. This organisation had its origins in the later 19th century.
Prior to the First World War, Congress had sought a negotiated solution
to the question of independence. Once progress stalled after Montagu’s
announcements in 1917, it was clear that more militant tactics would
have to be adopted to force the British out. This development was
encouraged by the 1918–19 influenza epidemic, which killed over 12
million Indians, and by the bloodshed in the holy city of Amritsar in 1919.

Congress, however, was composed of an indigenous élite that had

supplied the subcontinent’s civil service for a century. Congress had to
balance militant action against the real threat of the development of
new forms of nationalist agitation so extreme that they would create a
post-colonial India under the control of radicals rather than the traditional
Examiner’s comment
Indian élite. Proof of this was the formation of the Indian Communist
There is accurate supporting own
Party by Manabendra Nath Roy during this period. This organisation
knowledge here, with explicit
development of the original line
championed armed struggle against the British – a development that
of debate. Once again the answer would only succeed after considerable bloodshed and would probably so
displays both control and a sense of destabilise India as to produce chaos. Thus, Congress had to tread very
critical judgement. carefully if it was to achieve its objectives.
 7 Paper 2 exam practice

Into this situation stepped Gandhi. He was in many ways the solution
to Congress’s dilemma. His political tactic of satyagraha and his
public image had a devastating effect on Britain’s legitimacy as a
colonial power. Acts of satyagraha exposed the inherent injustice of
colonial rule. A good example of this is the Salt March of 1930. Secondly,
Gandhi became a world figure. His image of a quasi holy man who
was resisting the might of the British Empire with reasonableness and
dialogue was very appealing to both the more liberal elements of the
British élite and the wider world, especially the USA. Gandhi presented
the Indian nationalists with a middle way – resistance to colonial rule
through non-violent action – which exposed the ridiculousness of a
liberal democracy like Britain maintaining its grip on India. To some
extent, this neutralised the more radical elements of both Congress,
such as Subhas Chandra Bose, and the extreme left. To a great degree Examiner’s comment
it also created a stable environment for political change. In this Gandhi There is more analysis here, with
proved to be a unique historical figure. supporting accurate own knowledge.
The response extends the debate.

229

The key event was, however, the Second World War. This conflict
bankrupted Britain and made maintenance of its empire impossible.
Thus, in the immediate post-war period the British rushed to meet
Congress’s demands. By 1947, independence had been granted to the
subcontinent. This period was characterised by British mismanagement,
which both allowed for the emergence of two states in the region, India
and Pakistan, and led to massive inter-communal violence.

The emergence of Pakistan was, in many ways, inevitable. The Muslim

League had been formed before the First World War and its leader,
Jinnah, had long since come to the conclusion that an independent
Muslim state had to be created if Muslims were to retain political
independence from the Hindu majority. The British, however, connived Examiner’s comment
with the Muslim League in an attempt to control the situation and, as Here the candidate extends the
a result, when the two-state solution came into existence it was in an debate to cover the Pakistan command
unsatisfactory form. The solution of dividing Pakistan into East and prompt in the question. However, the
relationship between Britain and the
West was unworkable in the long run, and the mass movement of
Muslim League lacks detail, and the
population resulted in killing on a huge scale.
concluding sentence is unfocused.
 7 Exam practice

Thus, Indian and Pakistani independence came about due to a

combination of three factors. Firstly, the British had indicated they were
willing to make serious concessions to the nationalists by the time the
First World War had ended. Secondly, the Indian nationalists had set
in train a very effective political campaign in the 1920s and 1930s,
in which Gandhi played a key part. Thirdly, the Second World War
had forced Britain to grant independence. It was the circumstances
associated with this final factor that led to the specific form of
independence adopted in the subcontinent, a region divided along
religious grounds in the form of India and Pakistan. This unsatisfactory
Examiner’s comment solution led to mass bloodshed at the time and has created instability
This is a punchy and focused conclusion both in Pakistan and between Pakistan and its neighbour ever since.
that finishes with a flourish.

Overall examiner’s comments

This is a good, well-focused and analytical answer, with very specific and
relevant own knowledge that supports the points made without obscuring them.
The answer is thus good enough to be awarded a mark in Band 1 – probably
18 marks. However, not all aspects are given equal weight. In particular, the
230 Pakistani element of the response is unbalanced. More importantly, it would
have been very useful to have some mention of relevant specific historians/
historical interpretations.

Activity
Look again at the simplified markscheme on page 226 and the student answer
above. Now try to write a few extra paragraphs to push the answer up to the top
of Band 1 and obtain the full 20 marks available.

Question 2
Analyse the successes and failures of Lech Wałȩsa.
[20 marks]

Skill
Analysis/argument/assessment

Examiner’s tip
This is a fairly straightforward question. It has a narrow focus on a single
individual, and the response must show a balance between Wałȩsa’s successes
and his failures. Better responses deal with this in a thematic manner. For
example, you could discuss the theme of Wałȩsa as president, and then in one
sub-section discuss successes and failures. Weaker responses tend to deal
with successes and failures as two separate parts of the essay, with paragraphs
following one another, success–failure–success, and so on.
 7 Paper 2 exam practice

Student answer

Lech Wałȩsa was born in 1943 and became an electrician in the Gdańsk
shipyards in 1966. By 1980, he had become leader of the Solidarity
trade union, where he became a leading agitator for workers’ rights
and political freedoms. He was imprisoned several times in the 1980s,
but with the fall of communism in 1990 he became president of Poland, Examiner’s comment
This is a generalised introduction that
a position he retained until 1995. He is now a world figure and a Nobel
only presents background knowledge.
Prize winner. It does not address the question.

In the later part of the 1970s, deeply rooted problems in Poland

associated with economic issues came to a head when the Polish pope,
John Paul II – also known as Karol Wojtyła – visited Poland in 1979.
This led to a wave of civil unrest. This was most extreme in Gdańsk,
where the shipyard workers went on strike. It was at this time that Examiner’s comment
Wałȩsa became leader of the Gdańsk strikers. He was very successful The paragraph makes little attempt to
in this period and he rose to become the leader of the Inter-Enterprise engage the question. It is also mainly 231
Strike Committee. He was also successful because in 1980, he managed narrative, and therefore does not have
to force the government to give the strikers a series of concessions to do a clear enough explanatory thrust.
with their working conditions, pay and their right to free association. However, an example of his success
is given at the end.

In the 1980s, Wałȩsa was less successful. He was imprisoned between

1980 and 1981, and when he was released he found it difficult to
Examiner’s comment
find employment because the government did not trust him, and
Again, the candidate is attempting
since December 1981 had been cracking down on the activities of to advance an argument. Unlike the
Solidarity. Wałȩsa’s position in the early 1980s is proof of his failures. previous paragraph, this section
As the 1980s continued, however, he enjoyed a mix of success and has more balance – there is a mix of
failure. Wałȩsa worked underground for Solidarity. Six underground success and failures. There is also
newspapers and an underground radio station, Radio Solidarity, were greater balance between analytical
set up. Wałȩsa was also successful because in 1984 the government comments and evidence. The analysis,
declared an amnesty for all who had been caught up in the events of however, is still based on assertions
and the candidate is failing to develop
1980. But, during this period Wałesa was a failure because his efforts
points to give the answer a clear
to advance the cause of Solidarity got nowhere. Throughout the 1980s,
explanatory thrust. However, the
therefore, there was a mix of successes and failures for Wałȩsa. section does have focus.
 7 Exam practice

Wałȩsa was successful in the events surrounding the fall of communism

in Poland in 1990. He was a key player in the Solidarity agitation
Examiner’s comment in the run-up to 1990 – for example, in January 1988 a wave of
Again, the candidate is attempting co-ordinated strikes were very effective. The communist leader,
to advance an argument, but there Wojciech Jaruzelski, also negotiated with Wałȩsa when he realised
are clear problems of development. the situation was getting out of hand and the USSR would not
If the examiner has to read between
support him. These are examples of success. Wałȩsa also played a
the lines to establish why things are
key role in the elections to the sejm, where Solidarity won most of the
happening or why they are having a
particular effect then the essay will seats. Wałȩsa was also successful when he was elected president in
not get into the upper bands. 1990. In this period overall, he was successful.

Wałȩsa was a failure as president. He was unable to handle the move

Examiner’s comment to a more Western style economy. He overreacted to pressure and
This paragraph has shifted the sacked people such as the head of the Citizens Committee, Wujec.
other way. It has some very astute He clashed with his prime minister, Hanna Suchocka, who was very
analytical observations that are successful. He was a failure as president because he could not make
focused, if underdeveloped. Here, the transition from a political agitator to a proper political leader with
232 the weakness is a failure to support
responsibilities. So, in this period, he was a failure.
points with evidence.

Examiner’s comment
This is a very basic conclusion. It
presents an argument of sorts, but On balance, Wałȩsa was a success. On reviewing the evidence we see
is littered with assertions. On the that he was very successful in the early period, a limited failure in the
positive side, it does make sense of the
1980s and a failure as president. Wałȩsa was most successful in 1980
arguments that have come earlier in
and 1990, when he played a key role in Solidarity.
the essay.

Overall examiner’s comments

This answer attempts to address the question explicitly, but is unable to
balance the analysis with the evidence. As a result it swings from narrative,
accompanied by nods at the question, to barely supported assertions. It is
a real answer to the question set and it does display understanding, but it
fails to develop the debate to a point where it offers the clear explanatory
thrust needed to get into Bands 1 or 2. The answer is good enough to be
awarded a mark at the middle part of Band 3 – probably about 9 marks. To reach
the higher bands, some specific development of the reasons for success/failure
is needed.
 7 Paper 2 exam practice

Activity
Look again at the simplified markscheme on page 226 and the student answer
above. Now try to write a few extra paragraphs to push the answer up to the top
of Band 1 to obtain the full 20 marks.

Question 3
Compare and contrast the independence movements in two developing states
– one in Africa and the other in Asia.
[20 marks]

Skill
Analysis/argument/assessment

Examiner’s tip
This question once again seems to be fairly straightforward. It allows the
candidate to select the case studies to use in support of the question, and
the demands of the question will be met as long as the essay discusses Asia
and Africa. The potential pitfall lies in the open-ended nature of the question.
What exactly is meant by ‘compare and contrast’? Before embarking on the
essay, therefore, you will need a clear plan, based on themes if possible. Thus,
you might look at the basis of support, the historical context of each case study,
the methods of achieving independence, and so on. In this way, you will be able
to interweave the two case studies into the text to meet the demands of the
upper bands of the markscheme. 233

Student answer

Examiner’s comment
In Indochina, the independence movement was called the Viet Cong. This is a very basic start, which
They were helped by the army of North Vietnam. They were guerrillas addresses the question set only on a
superficial level. There is a very limited
and fought a guerrilla war against the Americans. In Rhodesia, the
attempt at comparison. The candidate
independence movement was ZANU and ZAPU, who were also
fails to identify the outside support for
guerrillas but who did not receive any help from outside people. the Zimbabweans.

The VC had fought the French and had been able to set up an
independent North Vietnam, but when the Americans helped the
South Vietnamese, the war began again. The VC fought as guerrillas Examiner’s comment
Some relevant knowledge is displayed,
and this defeated the Americans because US troops were not used to
but it is not focused on the question
fighting in the jungle.
except by inference.
 7 Exam practice

In Rhodesia, the whites had total control and the black people were
little more than serfs. By 1965, the whites had set up an independent
Examiner’s comment Rhodesia on their own. They would not give independence to the blacks.
This paragraph shows some relevant The white leader was Ian Smith and he was an extremist. The blacks
knowledge, but it is even more were so upset by this that they set up their own armies, called ZAPU
generalised than the previous one.
and ZANU. Robert Mugabe led the blacks and they fought a guerrilla
There are also inaccuracies – for
war against the whites. The blacks had a hard time of it because of the
example, ZAPU and ZANU were the
organisations themselves, not the powerful Rhodesian army, and it was only after a long time that they
military wings. were successful.

Examiner’s comment
Some relevant knowledge is displayed In Vietnam there was a big battle called Tet. The VC won Tet and they
but it is not moulded to the question captured the US embassy in the South Vietnamese capital Saigon. This
set. Some of this is on the brink of was shown to the Americans on television and it so upset them that
being inaccurate – Tet was in fact they turned against their president, Lyndon Johnson, and forced him
a big setback for the VC. Note the to step down. Because of this battle the VC won. There were no battles
crude failed attempt at a comparative like this in Zimbabwe.
234 analysis at the end.

Examiner’s comment
This is a conclusion of sorts. The
candidate realises the need for
comparative analysis, but the answer So, the Zimbabwean and Vietnamese independence movements were
fails to meet this demand of the the same because they were both guerrilla wars. They also had good
assessment beyond assertions. This leaders like Mugabe and Ho Chi Minh, which allowed them to win.
is a pity because this paragraph flags There were many similarities, but some factors were different. The
up – in red – valid points, that could
Vietnamese had a jungle to hide in, whereas the Zimbabweans did not.
have become the basis of a much
So there were differences and similarities between the two movements.
better response.

Overall examiner’s comments

This is weak response that barely engages the question set. It does display
some valid own knowledge but has problems moulding this to the question. It
flags up some interesting points but fails to develop them. It has real problems
of control. It shows limited relevant own knowledge and would thus enter the
markscheme in band 4. The short length of the response, however, would place
it at the bottom of this band, gaining 6 marks.

Activity
Look again at the simplified markscheme on page 226 and the student answer
above. Now try to write a more detailed response to push the answer up to the
top of Band 1 and obtain 20 marks.
 Further information

Further information
Sources and quotations in this book have been taken from the following publications.

Afigbo, A. E. et al. 1986. The Making of Modern Africa, Volume 2: The Twentieth Century. London,
UK. Longman.
Arnold, Guy. 2006. Africa: A Modern History. London, UK. Atlantic Books.
Berend, I. T. 1996. Central and Eastern Europe, 1944–93. Cambridge, UK. Cambridge University
Press.
Blake, Robert. 1977. History of Rhodesia. London, UK. Methuen Publishing.
Bose, Sugata and Jalal, Ayesha. 1998. Modern South Asia. London, UK. Routledge.
Bottaro, J. et al. 2001. Successful Human and Social Sciences Grade 9. Cape Town, South Africa.
Oxford University Press.
Burke, Patrick. 1995. Revolution in Europe, 1989. London, UK. Wayland.
Buss, Claude A. 1958. Southeast Asia and the World Today. Princeton, USA. D. Van Nostrand.
Cannon, Martin et al. 2009. 20th Century World History. Oxford, UK. Oxford University Press.
Chandler, Malcolm. and Wright, John. 1999. Modern World History. Oxford, UK. Heinemann.
Chandra, Bipan, et al. 2000. India after Independence: 1947–2000. London, UK. Penguin.
Cole, A. B. (ed.). 1956. Conflict in Indo-China and International Repercussions. New York, USA.
Cornell University Press.
de Bary, William. 1958. Sources of Indian Tradition. New York, USA. Columbia University Press.
Demma, V. H. 1989. American Military History. Washington, DC, USA. US Army.
Documents from the Military Archives of Former Warsaw Pact Countries. 2000. Historical
Office, Office of the Secretary of Defence and Joint History Office.
Dubček, A. 1992. Hope Dies Last. Tokyo, Japan. Kodansha International.
Fisher, P. 1985. The Great Power Conflict After 1945. London, UK. Basil Blackwell.
Galbraith, John Kenneth. 1994. A Journey Through Economic Time: A Firsthand View. Boston, USA.
Houghton Mifflin. 235
Garton Ash, T. 2002. The Polish Revolution: Solidarity. New Haven, USA. Yale University Press.
Gates, R. 1997. From the Shadows. New York, USA. Simon & Schuster.
Geary, Patrick J. 2003. The Myth of Nations. Princeton, USA. Princeton University Press.
Guha, Ramachandra. 2007. India after Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy.
London, UK. Macmillan.
Havel, V. 1990. Living in Truth, Essays on Politics and Conscience. London, UK. Faber and Faber.
Hayslip, Le Ly. 1993. When Heaven and Earth Changed Places. New York, USA. Plume.
James, Lawrence. 1997. Raj: The Making and Unmaking of British India. London, UK. Abacus.
Karnow, S. 1984. Vietnam: A History. Harmondsworth, UK. Penguin.
Kelly, George A. 1968. Addresses to the German Nation. New York, USA. Harper Torch.
Leaver, David. 2004. Encyclopedia of African History II. London, UK. Routledge.
Longworth, Philip. 1992. The Making of Eastern Europe. London, UK. Macmillan.
Meredith, Martin. 2005. The State of Africa. London, UK. Free Press.
Metcalf, Barbara and Metcalf, Thomas. 2006. A Concise History of Modern India. Cambridge, UK.
Cambridge University Press.
Nehru, Jawarharlal. 1946. The Discovery of India. London, UK. Meridian Books.
Nkrumah, Kwame. 1965. Neo-colonialism: the Last Stage of Imperialism. London, UK. Thomas
Nelson & Sons.
Ost, D. 2005. The Defeat of Solidarity. New York, USA and London, UK. Cornell University Press.
Pollock, Alan. 1995. Vietnam: Conflict and Change in Indochina. Melbourne, Australia. Oxford
University Press.
Raftopoulos, B. and Mlambo, A. 2009. Becoming Zimbabwe. Harare, Zimbabwe. Weaver Press.
Santoli, Al. 1985. To Bear Any Burden. New York, USA. E. P. Dutton.
Talbot, Ian and Singh, Gurharpal. 2009. The Partition of India. Cambridge, UK. Cambridge
University Press.
Vadney, T. E. 1987. The World Since 1945. London, UK. Penguin.
Walsh, Ben. 2001. Modern World History. London, UK. John Murray.
Walton, C. Dale. 2005. The Myth of Inevitable US Defeat in Vietnam. London, UK. Frank Cass.
Zeman, Z. A. B. 1969. Prague Spring. Harmondsworth, UK. Penguin.
Zhai, Q. 2000. China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950–1975. Chapel Hill, USA. University of North
Carolina Press.
 Index

Index British South Africa Company (BSAC) 16

Buddhists, in Vietnam 119, 122–3
Czechoslovakia
Action Programme 155–7
Bush, George 199 agriculture 148
Action Programme, Czechoslovakia 155–7
challenges after communist rule 169–71
Afghanistan 95
Cambodia 103, 134, 137 civil liberties reform 156
African National Congress (ANC) 30
Cao Dai 104, 118 ‘democratic centralism’ 147
African National Council 35
Carter, Jimmy 37 division of 170
agriculture
caste system, India 61, 70, 71, 92 economy 148–50, 152–3, 156, 157, 171
in Czechoslovakia 148
Catholic Church elections in 145
in India 61, 66, 90
in Czechoslovakia 157 end of Soviet control 164–7
in Poland 182, 186, 191
in Poland 182, 186, 198 formation of the National Front 157
in Vietnam 104, 117, 135, 137
in Vietnam 117, 118, 119 German occupation of 142–3
in Zimbabwe 18, 52
cells, communist party 105, 120 historians on 171
AIDS crisis, in Zimbabwe 51
censorship, in Czechoslovakia 153 impact of the Cold War 143
Akali Dal, India 89–90
Central African Federation (CAF) 18–19, 21 impact of de-Stalinisation on 147–8
Algeria 8, 14, 22
break-up of 22–4 industry 149, 152–3, 171
Ali, Mohammed and Shaukat 70
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 122 ‘market socialism’ 149–50
Ambedkar, Dr B. R. 73
Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) 95 ‘normalisation’ 163
America see USA
Champaran agitation, the 81 political reform 153–7
Amritsar Massacre, India (1919) 65–6
Charter 77, Czechoslovakia 163 post-war years (1945–53) 145–7
Angola 8, 31, 36
China ‘Prague Spring’ (1968) 155–7
civil war in 14
involvement in Vietnam 112, 116, 130, present situation 171
gains independence 35
131, 137–8 religion 153, 157
anti-Semitism 169, 171, 189
involvement in Zimbabwe 30, 31 ‘Two Thousand Words’ document 159
apartheid 21
signs treaty with India 92 unemployment 171
Army of the Republic of South Vietnam
Sino–French War (1884–85) 103 unions in 157, 158
(ARVN) 118, 121, 122, 123–32
Chirau, Chief Jeremiah 37 Velvet Revolution (1989) 162, 166
Atlantic Charter (1941) 77
Chitepo, Herbert 35 Warsaw Pact invasion (1968) 160–3
August Revolution, Vietnam (1945) 106–7
Churchill, Winston 18, 77
authoritarian rule, in Zimbabwe 47–9
Civic Forum, Czechoslovakia 166 Dai, Bao 106, 107, 118
Azad, Maulana 74–5
client state, definition of 185 Dalai Lama, the 92
Cold War (1945–91) 6, 7, 21 decolonisation, definition of 6, 11
Banda, Dr Hastings Kamuzu 22–3
236 impact on Czechoslovakia 143 demilitarised zone (DMZ) 115
Bangladesh, formation of 94
impact on Vietnam 114, 131 ‘democratic centralism’ 147
Bella, Ahmed Ben 8
India’s non-alignment policy 92 Democratic Party, Poland 181
Belgian Congo 8, 14
Pakistan’s involvement in 95 détente, definition of 34
Beneš, Edvard (1884–1948) 143, 145, 147
Zimbabwe and 31 diaspora, definition of 61
Bharatiya Jan Sangh (BJS), India 90
collectivisation, agriculture 117, 135, 137, Diem, Ngo Dinh (1901–63) 116, 118–19,
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India 71, 90
149, 185, 186 122–3
Binh Xuyen 118
colonialism, definition of 6, 11 Dien Bien Phu, battle of (1954) 112–14
Bledisloe Report (1939) 17, 18
Comecon (Council for Mutual Economic ‘Direct Action Day’, India (1946) 85
‘boat people’, Vietnam 136
Assistance) 137, 147, 148 dominion status, India 71–2
Bose, Subhas Chandra (1897–1945) 71, 74,
Cominform 182 ‘domino theory’ 114
75, 78
Comintern 150, 183 Dong, Pham Van 124
Botha, P. W. 37
command economies 150 Dubček, Alexander (b. 1921) 153, 154–5, 158,
boycotts
Committee for Social Self Defence (KSS/ 162, 166
in India 63, 69, 70, 72
KOR), Poland 192 Duc, Thich Quang 122
in Poland 200
Communal Award, India 72–3 Dyer, General Reginald 65
Brezhnev, Leonid 154, 162
communalism
BRIC countries 91
definition of 79 economic sanctions
Britain
in India 90 against Poland 198, 199
and the Amritsar Massacre (1919) 65–6
Cong An 135 against Vietnam 134
and the Atlantic Charter (1941) 77
conscription, Zimbabwe 33, 36 against Zimbabwe 25, 26, 31
Bledisloe Report (1939) 17, 18
constitutions economic shock therapy 171
and the Central African Federation (CAF)
in India 67, 74, 89 economy
18–19, 21, 22–4
in Pakistan 94–5 in Czechoslovakia 148–50, 152–3, 156,
and the Cold War 21
in Poland 210 157, 171
colonises Zimbabwe 16–19
in Vietnam 124 in India 63, 66, 90
involvement in Vietnam 107–8
in Zimbabwe 17, 32, 38 in Pakistan 93
Lancaster House talks (1980) 38–9
conventional warfare, Vietnam 111, 112, in Poland 184–5, 189, 190–1, 192–3, 198,
partitions Bengal 63–5
129 199, 208–10
Pearce Commission (1972) 31, 32
counter-insurgency (COIN) measures, in Vietnam 104, 136–7
rule in India 60–7, 85
Vietnam 125 in Zimbabwe 17, 18, 43, 51–2
and the Second World War 6, 17
coup, definition of 122 education
Simon Commission (1927) 71
Cripps, Stafford 77 in Czechoslovakia 153
and Zimbabwe’s ‘Internal Settlement’ 38
Crooked Circle, Poland 184 in India 91
and Zimbabwe’s Unilateral Declaration
Cuba 35, 153 in Zimbabwe 19, 44
of Independence (UDI) 24–6
Cyrankiewicz, Józef 182 Eisenhower, Dwight D. 114
 Index

elections in India 92 Indian National Congress (INC) 62–3

in Czechoslovakia 145 in Poland 191 indigenous, definition of 6
in India 64, 74, 75, 89 in Zimbabwe 44 Indochina 22 see also Vietnam
in Poland 182, 201–3, 210 hegemony, definition of 197 divisions within 103
in Zimbabwe 18, 37, 38–9, 47, 48 Helsinki Agreements (1975) 189 First Indochina War (1946–54) 111–14
English East India Company (EIC) 60 Hindus, in India 60, 63, 71, 85–7, 90 French involvement in 103
ethnic cleansing, in India 86 Hitler, Adolf 142 Second Indochina War (1959–75) 121–32
European Union (EU) 212 Ho Chi Minh (1890–1969) 104, 131 Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union
accepts the Geneva Accord 115 (ICU), Zimbabwe 19
Fichte, Johann Gottlieb 10, 11 declares independence 107 industry
Fifth Brigade, Zimbabwe 46 establishes the Indochinese Communist in Czechoslovakia 149, 152–3, 171
Finlandisation, definition of 192 Party 104–5 in India 61, 66, 90
First Indochina War (1946–54) 111–14 establishes power in North Vietnam 117 in Pakistan 93
First World War (1914–18) 6 role in the struggle for independence in Poland 182, 189, 191
impact on India 65 132–3 in Vietnam 117, 136–7
food shortages and the Second World War 106–8 in Zimbabwe 18, 44
in Czechoslovakia 148 on the USA 126 influenza epidemic (1918) 65
in Poland 184 Ho Chi Minh Trail 117, 121, 124, 130 Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee, Poland
in Vietnam 129 Hoa Hao 104, 118 205
in Zimbabwe 17, 46, 52 Huggins, Godfrey 19, 20 Internal Settlement, Zimbabwe 37–8
Forward Bloc Party, India 75 Hungary 8, 185 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 157
‘fragging’, definition of 128 Husak, Gustáv (1913–91) 148, 163, 166 Iron Curtain, definition of 157
France
First Indochina War (1946–54) 111–14 ideology Jaruzelski, Wojciech (b. 1923) 195, 197,
Geneva Conference (1954) 114–16 communalism 79 198–9, 201, 202
involvement in Indochina 103–8 communism 169 Jews 169, 171, 189
and the Second World War 6 Maoism 30, 31 Jieshi, Jiang (1887–1975) 106, 108
FRELIMO (Frente de Libertaçâo de Marxism 6 Jinnah, Mohammed Ali 71, 74, 78–80, 84–5
Moçambique) 31 Marxism–Leninism 153 John Paul II, Pope 192
French Revolution (1789–99) 10 nationalism 10–11 Johnson, Lyndon B. (1908–73) 114, 124, 128
imperialism, definition of 6
Gandhi, Indira 90 India Kania, Stanisław 196
Gandhi, Mohandas agriculture 61, 66, 90 Katyn Massacre (1940) 178, 188 237
and the Amritsar Massacre 66 Amritsar Massacre (1919) 65–6 Kaunda, Kenneth 22–3, 34, 35
assassination of 82, 88 boycotts 63, 69, 70, 72 Kennedy, John F. 114, 123
backs the demand for complete under British rule 60–7 Kenya 22
independence 72 call for dominion status 71–2 gains independence 14
contribution to the independence caste system 61, 70, 71, 92 Khalifat movement 70
movement 80–2 changing role of women 91 Khan, Liaqat Ali 94
imprisonment 70, 72–3 consolidating the new regime 87–90 Khe Sanh, battle of (1968) 126
and the ‘Quit India’ campaign (1942) 77 constitution 67, 74, 89 Khmer Rouge 134
and the Salt March (1930) 72 ‘Direct Action Day’ (1946) 85 Khrushchev, Nikita 147, 148, 184, 185
and satyagraha 69–70 economy 63, 66, 90 Kissinger, Henry 36, 128, 130
Gaulle, Charles de 108 elections in 64, 74, 75, 89 Korean War (1950–53) 114
Geneva Conference (1954) 114–16 factors influencing the rise of KSS/KOR see Committee for Social Self
Geneva Conference (1976) 36 nationalism 62–7 Defence
Germany and the First World War 65, 66–7 Kwasniewski, Aleksander 211
formation of Trizonia 147 foreign policy 92 Ky, Air Marshal Nguyen Cao 124
occupation of Czechoslovakia 142–3 formation of the nationalist movement
occupation of Poland 177–80 72–5 Labour Party, Poland 181
Ghana 8, 14, 39 gains independence 85 Lancaster House talks (1980) 38–9
Giap, Vo Nguyen (b. 1911) 111, 129 historians on 61, 70, 74, 79, 84 land distribution
Gierek, Edward (1913–2001) 190–1, 193, 196 industry 61, 66, 90 in Poland 182, 185–6
glasnost (freedom) 199 language issues 89 in Vietnam 117, 119, 123
Godse, Nathuram 82, 88 move to independence (1945–47) 84–5 in Zimbabwe 17, 18, 32, 38, 44, 45, 50–1
Gomułka, Władisław (1905–82) 181, 183, non-co-operation campaign (1920–22) Laos 103
184, 185, 186–7, 189, 190 70–1 literacy rates, India 92
Gorbachev, Mikhail (b. 1931) 154, 164–6, 199 partition 74, 78, 85–6 London Poles, the 179, 182
Gottwald, Klement 145, 146, 148 partition of Bengal 63–5 Lublin Poles, the 179, 181
Great Depression, the 17 ‘princely states’ 60, 88
guerrilla warfare ‘Quit India’ campaign (1942) 77 majority rule, definition of 19
in Vietnam 106, 111, 112, 119, 129 religious divisions 60, 71, 74, 78, 79, 82, Mandela, Nelson 49
in Zimbabwe 29–33, 36–7 84–7, 89–90 Maoism 30, 31
gulags, Czechoslovakia 146 Salt March (1930) 72 ‘market socialism’
Gulf of Tonkin incident (1964) 124 satyagraha 69–70 in Czechoslovakia 149–50
and the Second World War 76–8 in Vietnam 137
Havel, Václav (b. 1936) 157, 164, 166, 172–3 social issues 91–2 Marley, Bob 39
health service unions in 72 Marshall Aid 145
 Index

martial law, in Poland 194, 197–8 Novotný, Antonín (1904–75) 148, 149, 150–1, Polish Worker’s Party (PWP) 180–2
Marxism 6 154, 170 Politburo, the 147, 185
Marxism–Leninism 153 nuclear weapons 106 Portugal
Mau Mau uprising, Kenya 14, 22 in Angola 8
Mazowiecki, Tadeusz 202, 208, 210 October Programme, Poland 196 control in Mozambique 31
Mbeki, Thabo 49 Okulicki, Leopold 181 withdrawal from Goa 92
Mikołajczyk, Stanisław 181, 182 Operation Hurricane, Zimbabwe (1973) 32 Pot, Pol 134
Mňačko, Ladislav 154 Operation Rolling Thunder, Vietnam (1965) ‘Prague Spring’, Czechoslovakia (1968) 155–7
Moczar, Mieczysław 188–9 124 ‘princely states’, India 60, 88
Morley, John 64 Organisation of African Unity (OAU) 24, 25 proportional representation 210
Mountbatten, Lord Louis 85 Outward Policy, South Africa 34 ‘protected villages’, Zimbabwe 32, 36
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), puppet state, definition of 185
Zimbabwe 47–8 Pakistan purges
Mozambique challenges after partition 93–5 in Czechoslovakia 146, 154, 170
arrests Robert Mugabe 35 and the Cold War 95 in Poland 180, 183
gains independence 34 constitution 94–5
involvement in Zimbabwe 36 formation of 79, 85–6 ‘Quit India’ campaign (1942) 77
Portuguese control of 31 formation of Bangladesh 94
MPLA see People’s Movement for the Muslim League demands an independent racial segregation
Liberation of Angola state 74, 78, 84 in South Africa 21
Mugabe, Robert (b. 1924) 24, 29, 30, 35, Palach, Jan 161, 166 in Zimbabwe 19, 21
39–40, 43 Pan-Africanism 39 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), India
economy 51–2 Patriotic Front, Zimbabwe 35, 37–8 71, 88
and land distribution 50–1 Pearce Commission (1972) 31, 32 Reagan, Ronald 164
move to authoritarian rule 47–9 People Against Violence, Slovakia 166 referendums, in Zimbabwe 16, 24, 47
reconciliation speech 38 People’s Agricultural Tribunals, Vietnam 117 religion
rise to power 36 People’s Caretaker Council (PCC), in Czechoslovakia 153, 157
role since independence 52–3 Zimbabwe 22 in India 60, 71, 74, 78, 79, 82, 84–7, 89–90
and ZANU-PF 45–6 People’s Movement for the Liberation of in Poland 182, 186, 189, 198
Murambatsvina, Zimbabwe 48 Angola (MPLA) 35 in Vietnam 104, 117, 118, 119, 122–3, 136
Muslims, in India 60, 62–5, 71, 74, 78, 79, Phung, Phan Dinh 103 Rhodes, Cecil John (1853–1902) 16
85–7 Poland Rhodesia see Zimbabwe
238 Muzorewa, Bishop Abel 35, 37 agriculture 182, 186, 191 Rhodesian Front, the 24, 30, 36
My Lai Massacre (1968) 128 constitution 210 Roosevelt, Franklin D. 18, 107
economy 184–5, 189, 190–1, 192–3, 198, Rulewski, Jan 196
Namibia 31 199, 208–10
National Democratic Party (NPD), effect of de-Stalinisation 184–7 Salt March, India (1930) 72
Zimbabwe 22 elections in 182, 201–3 sanctions see economic sanctions
National Front, Czechoslovakia 157 factors bringing about the end of search and destroy operations, Vietnam
National Liberation Front (NLF), Vietnam communism 195–8 125, 126
117, 120, 121 fall of communism 198–203 Second Indochina War (1959–75) 121–32
national service, in Zimbabwe 32, 33 governments in exile 179 Second World War (1939–45) 6
National Union for the Total Independence historians on 194, 203, 208, 211 contributes to the growth of African
of Angola (UNITA) 35 industry 182, 189, 191 nationalism 20–1
nationalism, definition of 10–11 Katyn Massacre (1940) 178, 188 impact on India 76–8
Nehru, Jawaharlal (1889–1964) 62, 71, 74, 75 land distribution 182, 185–6 impact on the British Empire 17
becomes prime minister 87 martial law 194, 197–8 impact on Vietnam 106–8
non-alignment policy 92 October Programme 196 and Poland 177–80
and the ‘Quit India’ campaign (1942) 77 organisations that challenged Soviet self-determination, definition of 18
Nehru, Motilal (1861–1931) 71 control 192–5 show trials, Czechoslovakia 146, 148
neo-colonialism 12 post-communism challenges 208–12 Sibanda, Gibson 47
in India 90 public unrest, 1956 184–5 Sikhs, in India 60, 86, 89–90
New Party, India 63 religion in 182, 186, 189, 198 Simon Commission (1927) 71
Nhari rebellion (1975) 34–5 reorganisation along communist lines Sino–French War (1884–85) 103
Nigeria 38 180–3 Sinoia, battle of (1966) 30
Nixon, Richard 128 role of Edward Gierek 190–91 Sithole, Reverend Ndabaningi 29, 35, 37
Nkomo, Joshua (1917–99) 21, 22, 24, 29, 30, role of Lech Wałȩsa 204–6 Slánský, Rudolf 146, 170
35, 45, 46 role of Mieczysław Moczar 188–91 Slovakia 154, 155, 157, 166, 170
Nkrumah, Kwame 8, 12, 39 and the Second World War 177–80 Smith, Ian (1919–2007) 24, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37
‘nomenklatura’, communist party 167 social issues 191 social issues
non-alignment policy, India 92 Solidarity 193–203, 210–11 in Czechoslovakia 153, 163
non-co-operation campaign, India (1920– unemployment 210 in India 91–92
22) 70–1 unions in 190, 192, 193–203, 205, 210–11 in Pakistan 93
‘normalisation’, Czechoslovakia 163 the Warsaw Rising (1944) 179–80 in Poland 191
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) Polish Peasants’ Party (PPP) 181, 182 in Zimbabwe 44
183, 212 Polish Socialist Party (PSP) 181 Solidarity, Poland 193–203, 210–11
North Vietnamese Army (NVA) 123–32 Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) 182–3, South Africa
Nosek, Václav 145 184, 185, 186, 190, 191, 197, 202 apartheid 21, 49
 Index

involvement in Angola 35 sets up pro-Western regime in South imprisonment 198

involvement in Zimbabwe 30, 34, 35–6, Vietnam 116 role in achieving independence 204–6
37 supplies aid to South Vietnam 118, 120 and Solidarity 190, 192, 196, 201
Outward Policy 34 supplies weapons to the Viet Minh 106 Wall Street Crash (1929) 17, 66
South East Asia Treaty Organisation Wall Street Crash (1929) 17, 66 ‘War on Terror’ 95
(SEATO) 95, 124 ‘War on Terror’ 95 Warsaw Pact 143, 147, 158–9
Southern Rhodesia see Zimbabwe USSR 7 Warsaw Pact invasion, Czechoslovakia
Southern Rhodesian African National establishes Comecon 147 (1968) 160–3
Congress (SRANC) 19, 20–2 financial aid for Vietnam 137, 138 Warsaw Rising, Poland (1944) 179–80
Soviet Union see USSR invasion of Poland 177–8 Welensky, Roy 21
Stalin, Joseph 143, 146–7, 178, 179, 181, 182, involvement in Czechoslovakia 143, Westmoreland, William 128
183 144–8, 158–66 white immigration, Zimbabwe 19
‘strategic hamlets’, Vietnam 121 involvement in Poland 179–87, 197 women, changing role in India 91
strikes involvement in Zimbabwe 30, 31
in Czechoslovakia 157 Politburo 147, 185 Yalta Conference (1945) 179, 180, 181
in India 72 supplies weapons to North Vietnam 124, youth movements, in Czechoslovakia 157
in Poland 184–5, 190, 191, 193, 195, 197, 130 Yugoslavia 8, 146, 147, 182
200–1, 205
in Zimbabwe 20–1, 51 Vaculík, Ludvík 154, 159 Zambia 26, 34, 35, 36
student demonstrations Velvet Revolution, Czechoslovakia (1989) Zambia African National Congress (ZANC)
in Czechoslovakia 154, 161 162, 166 22–3
in Poland 189 viceroys, in India 60 ZANLA (Zimbabwe African National
Suchocka, Hanna (b. 1946) 211 Viet Cong (VC) 117, 119–20, 121, 123–32 Liberation Army) 29, 30, 32–3, 34–5, 36–7
Viet Minh 104, 106–8, 111–17 ZANU-PF (Zimbabwe African National
Tagore, Rabindranath (1861–1941) 65 Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang (VNQDD) 103 Union–Patriotic Front) 29, 38–9, 45–9
Tang, Truong Nhu 120 Vietnam ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union)
Tehran Conference (1943) 179 after the Geneva Conference 116–20 22, 29–31, 34–5, 40
Tekere, Edward 35, 47 agriculture 104, 117, 135, 137 Zápotocký, Antonín 149, 150
terrorism 95 August Revolution (1945) 106–07 ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People’s Union)
Tet Offensive, Vietnam 126–8 battle of Khe Sanh (1968) 126 22, 29–31, 35
Thatcher, Margaret 37–8 Chinese involvement in 112, 116, 130, Zimbabwe
Thieu, General Nguyen Van 123 131, 137–38 agriculture 18, 52
Tilak, Bal Gangadhar (1856–1920) 63, 65 Communist Party established 104–5 armed struggle in 29–33, 36–7 239
Tito, Josip (1892–1980) 146, 183 constitution 124 becomes a British colony 16–19
trade embargoes see economic sanctions divided into North and South 115 Bledisloe Report (1939) 17, 18
trade unions see unions economy 104, 136–7 challenges after 1987 47–52
Tsvangirai, Morgan 47, 48 effect of the Cold War 114, 131 constitution 17, 32, 38
Tutu, Archbishop Desmond 49 First Indochina War (1946–54) 111–14 economy 17, 18, 25, 26, 43, 51–2
‘Two Thousand Words’ document 159 France establishes a federal protectorate elections in 18, 37, 38–9, 47, 48
over 103 external influences 30, 31, 34, 35, 37
unemployment France re-establishes power 108 factors leading to Unilateral Declaration
in Czechoslovakia 171 gains independence 107 of Independence 22–6
in India 66 Gulf of Tonkin incident (1964) 124 growth of opposition to white rule 19–22
in Poland 210 historians on 112, 113, 131 historians on 22, 26, 29, 31, 32, 39, 40, 43,
in Zimbabwe 22, 51, 52 industry 117, 136–7 45, 48, 50, 53
Unilateral Declaration of Independence land distribution 117, 119, 123 industry 18, 44
(UDI), Zimbabwe 24 My Lai Massacre (1968) 128 Internal Settlement 37–8
unions Operation Rolling Thunder (1965) 124 Lancaster House talks (1980) 38–9
in Czechoslovakia 157, 158 post-war Vietnam 134–8 land distribution 17, 18, 32, 38, 44, 45,
in India 72 religion in 104, 117, 118, 119, 122–3, 136 50–1
in Poland 190, 192, 193–203, 205, 210–11 rise of the independence movement move to authoritarian rule 47–9
in Zimbabwe 19, 20–21, 47, 51 103–8 nationalist divisions 34–5
UNITA see National Union for the Total Second Indochina War (1959–75) 121–32 new state after 1980 43–7
Independence of Angola and the Second World War 106–8 Nhari rebellion (1975) 34–5
United Nations (UN) 24, 26, 95 Tet Offensive 126–8 Operation Hurricane (1973) 32
United Peasants Party, Poland 182 withdrawal of US troops 128–9 Pearce Commission (1972) 31, 32
Unity Accord, Zimbabwe 46 Vietnam War (1959–75) 121–32 ‘protected villages’ scheme 32, 36
‘Untouchables’, India 71, 92 Vorster, John 34, 35–6 racial segregation 19, 21
USA 7 vote-rigging role of Robert Mugabe 36, 39–40, 52–3
and Angola 36 in Poland 182 social policies 44
containment during the Cold War 95 in Zimbabwe 48 talks and negotiations 35–6
fears of communism in Indochina 114, voting rights temporary ceasefire 34
115 in India 74 unemployment 22, 51, 52
involvement in South Africa 36 in Zimbabwe 17 unions in 19, 20–1, 47, 51
involvement in Zimbabwe 37 ZIPRA (Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary
and the Korean War 114 Wałȩsa, Lech (b. 1943) 193–4 Army) 29, 30, 35, 36–7, 45–6
Marshall Aid 145 becomes president 210 ZUM (Zimbabwe Unity Movement) 47
Second Indochina (Vietnam) War 121–32 first free elections 202
 Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements
The volume editor and publishers acknowledge the following sources of copyright
material and are grateful for the permissions granted. While every effort has been
made, it has not always been possible to identify the sources of all the material used,
or to trace all copyright holders. If any omissions are brought to our notice we will be
happy to include the appropriate acknowledgement on reprinting.

Cold War International History Project (CWIHP), www.cwihp.org, by permission of

the Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars: p. 165 (Source J) A. Lorenc et
al., T8/91 vol. XIX., envelope 1, #79-84 (also vol. XXI, #2242-2247). Published in Czech
in Organizace a Rizeni, Represe v CSSR: Operaeni Staby Generala Lorence 1988–1989, Edice
Dokumentu Vol. 4/II (Úrad Dokumentace a Vysetrovani Zlocinu Komunismu 1998), translated
by Vance Whitby; p. 185 (Source B) Ministry of National Defense, Intelligence
Department, Bulgaria, translated by Vanja Petkova, edited by Dr Jordan Baev, Momchil
Metodiev, and Nancy L. Meyers; p. 186 (Source C) Account of a Meeting at the CPSU
CC, on the Situation in Poland and Hungary; p. 197 (Source B) CPSU CC Politburo
Decision Setting Up Suslov Commission, from TsKhSD, F. 89, F. 42, D. 22; p. 200 (Source
C) Institute of Political Studies (Polish Academy of Sciences), Warsaw, translated by Jan
Chowaniec; p. 200 (Source D) Andrzej Paczkowski Papers, translated by Jan Chowaniec;
p. 201 (Source E) Andrzej Stelmachowski Papers, translated by Jan Chowaniec.
p. 223 (Source E) Cold War International History Project Bulletin no. 3, p. 6.

Picture Credits
Cover Vithalbhai Jhaveri/GandhiServe; p. 16 (l) Project Gutenberg; p. 16 (r) The National
Archives/HIP/Topfoto; p. 20 Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images; p. 25 AFP/Getty Images;
p. 29 Getty Images; p. 30 US Department of Defense/MC2 Jesse Awalt; p. 33 Peter Jordan/
Alamy; p. 37 from None but ourselves: Masses vs the Media in the Making of Zimbabwe
240 by Julie Frederickse, Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1982; p. 39 Gamma-Keystone via Getty
Images; p. 43 Jim Barber/Shutterstock; p. 45 Brian Harris/Alamy; p. 49 AFP/Getty Images;
p. 51 Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters/Corbis; p. 52 AFP/Getty Images; p. 64 Getty Images; p.
66 Mary Evans Picture Library/Alamy; p. 70 Popperfoto/Getty Images; p. 73 Time & Life
Pictures/Getty Images; p. 76 Getty Images; p. 81 Dinodia Images/Alamy; p. 86 Time &
Life Pictures/Getty Images; p. 88 Getty Images; p. 91 Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images;
p. 104 Wikipedia; p. 106 Library of Congress; p. 111 AFP/Getty Images; p. 113 AFP/Getty
Images; p. 114 NASA Headquarters/GReatest Images of NASA (NASA-HQ-GRIN); p. 115
Gamma-Keystone via Getty Images; p. 119 Tim Page/Corbis; p. 121 Getty Images; p. 122
Topham/AP; p. 125 Bettman/Corbis; p. 127 Popperfoto/Getty Images; p. 128 Time & Life
Pictures/Getty Images; p. 132 AFP/Getty Images; p. 136 Popperfoto/Getty Images; p. 145
Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division; p. 146 (t) Yugoslav People’s Army;
p. 146 (b) ČTK; p. 149 Getty Images; p. 157 Haak78/Shutterstock; p. 158 John Jensen/
British Cartoon Archives; p. 160 Popperfoto/Getty Images; p. 161 (l) Joseph Koudelka/
Magnum Photos; p. 161 (b) Bill Rowntree/Mirrorpix; p. 164 Kojoku/Shutterstock;
p. 166 AFP/Getty Images; p. 167 Joseph Koudelka/Magnum Photos; p. 168 Getty Images;
p. 177 Getty Images; p. 178 Gamma-Keystone via Getty Images; p. 181 Wikipedia; p.
183 AFP/Getty Images; p. 190 Wikipedia; p. 193 Getty Images; p. 194 (l) David Fowler/
Shutterstock; p. 194 (r) Alain Keler/Sygma/Corbis; p. 195 Time & Life Pictures/Getty
Images; p. 199 Topham/AP; p. 204 Reuters/Corbis; p. 219 Getty Images.

Produced for Cambridge University Press by

White-Thomson Publishing
+44 (0)843 208 7460
www.wtpub.co.uk

Series editor: Allan Todd

Development editor: Margaret Haynes
Reviewers: Peter Atkinson and Nigel Worden
Editor: Sonya Newland
Designer: Clare Nicholas
Picture researcher: Amy Sparks
Illustrator: Stefan Chabluk