Kevin Lynch:

The Image of the City.

Cambridge Massachussettes, 1960
MIT Press

1.

THE IMAGE OF THE ENVIRONMENT

Looking at cities can give a special pleasure, however commonplace the sight
may be. Like a piece of architecture, the city is a construction in space, but
one of vast scale, a thing perceived only in the course of long spans of time.
City design is therefore a temporal art, but it can rarely use the controlled and
limited sequences of other temporal arts like music. On different occasions
and for different people, the sequences are reversed, interrupted, abandoned,
cut across. It is seen in all lights and all weathers.

At every instant, there is more than the eye can see, more than the ear can
hear, a setting or a view waiting to be explored. Nothing is experienced by
itself, but always in relation to its surroundings, the sequences of events
leading up to it, the memory of past experiences. Washington Street set in a
farmer's field might look like the shopping street in the heart of Boston, and
yet it would seem utterly different. Every citizen has had long associations
with some part of his city, and his image is soaked in memories and
meanings.

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 1

 Moving elements in a city, and in particular the people and
their activities, are as important as the stationary physical parts.
We are not simply observers of this spectacle, but are ourselves
a part of it, on the stage with the other participants. Most often,
our perception of the city is not sustained, but rather partial,
fragmentary, mixed with other concerns. Nearly every sense is
in operation, and the image is the composite of them all.
Not only is the city an object which is perceived (and perhaps
enjoyed) by millions of people of widely diverse class and char-
acter, but it is the product of many builders who are constantly
modifying the structure for reasons of their own. While it may
be stable in general outlines for some time, it is ever changing
in detail. Only partial control can be exercised over its growth
and form. There is no final result, only a continuous succession
of phases. No wonder, then, that the art of shaping cities for
sensuous enjoyment is an art quite separate from architecture or
rhusic or literature. It may learn a great deal from these other
arts, but it cannot imitate them.

A beautiful and delightful city environment is an oddity, some

would say an impossibility. Not one American city larger than
a village is of consistently fine quality, although a few towns have
some pleasant fragments. It is hardly surprising, then, that most
Americans have little idea of what it can mean to live in such an
environment. They are clear enough about the ugliness of the
world they live in, and they are quite vocal about the dirt, the
smoke, the heat, and the congestion, the chaos and yet the monot-
ony of it. But they are hardly aware of the potential value of
harmonious surroundings, a world which they may have briefly
glimpsed only as tourists or as escaped vacationers. They can
have little sense of what a setting can mean in terms of daily
delight, or as a continuous anchor for their lives, or as an exten-
sion of the meaningfulness and richness of the world.

Legibility

This book will consider the visual quality of the American city by
studying the mental image of that city which is held by its citizens. It
will concentrate especially on one particular visual quality: the
apparent clarity or "legibility" of the cityscape. By this we mean the
ease with which its parts can be recognized

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 2

 and can be organized into a coherent pattern. just as this printed page,
if it is legible, can be visually grasped as a related pattern of
recognizable symbols, so a legible city would be one whose districts or
landmarks or pathways are easily identifiable and are easily grouped
into an over-all pattern.

This book will assert that legibility is crucial in the city setting, will
analyze it in some detail, and will try to show how this concept might
be used today in rebuilding our cities. As will quickly become
apparent to the reader, this study is a preliminary exploration, a first
word not a last word, an attempt to capture ideas and to suggest how
they might be developed and tested. Its tone will be speculative and
perhaps a little irresponsible: at once tentative and presumptuous. This
first chapter will develop some of the basic ideas; later chapters will
apply them to several American cities and discuss their consequences
for urban design.

Although clarity or legibility is by no means the only important

property of a beautiful city, it is of special importance
when considering environments at the urban scale of size, time,
and complexity. To understand this, we must consider not just the city
as a thing in itself, but the city being perceived by its inhabitants.
Structuring and identifying the environment is a vital ability among all
mobile animals. Many kinds of cues are used: the visual sensations of
color, shape, motion, or polarization of light, as well as other senses
such as smell, sound, touch, kinesthesia, sense of gravity, and perhaps
of electric or magnetic fields. These techniques of orientation, from the
polar flight of a tern to the path-finding of a limpet over the micro-
topography of a rock, are described and their importance underscored
in an extensive literature. 10, 20, 31, 59 Psychologists have also studied
this ability in man, although rather sketchily or under limited
laboratory conditions. 1,5,8,12,37,63,65,76,81 Despite a few
remaining puzzles, it now seems unlikely that there is any mystic
"instinct" of way-finding. Rather there is a consistent use and
organization of definite sensory cues from the external environment.
This organization is fundamental to the efficiency and to the
very survival of free-moving life.

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 3

 To become completely lost is perhaps a rather rare experience for most
people in the modern city. We are supported by the presence of others
and by special way-finding devices: maps, street numbers, route signs,
bus placards. But let the mishap of disorientation once occur, and the
sense of anxiety and even terror that accompanies it reveals to us how
closely it is linked to our sense of balance and well-being. The very
word "lost" in our language means much more than simple
geographical uncertainty; it carries overtones of utter disaster.

In the process of way-finding, the strategic link is the environmental

image, the generalized mental picture of the exterior physical world
that is held by an individual. This image is the product both of
immediate sensation and of the memory of past experience, and it is
used to interpret information and to guide action. The need to
recognize and pattern our surroundings is so crucial, and has such long
roots in the past, that this image has wide practical and emotional
importance to the individual.
Obviously a clear image enables one to move about easily and quickly:
to find a friend's house or a policeman or a button store. But an
ordered environment can do more than this; it may serve as a broad
frame of reference, an organizer of activity or belief or knowledge. On
the basis of a structural understanding of Manhattan, for example, one
can order a substantial quantity of facts and fancies about the nature of
the world we live in. Like any good framework, such a structure gives
the individual a possibility of choice and a starting-point for the
acquisition of further information. A clear image of the surroundings is
thus a useful basis for individual growth.

A vivid and integrated physical setting, capable of producing

a sharp image, plays a social role as well. It can furnish the raw
material for the symbols and collective memories of group com-
munication. A striking landscape is the skeleton upon which many
primitive races erect their socially important myths. Common
memories of the "home town" were often the first and easiest point of
contact between lonely soldiers during the war.

A good environmental image gives its possessor an important

sense of emotional security. He can establish an harmonious
relationship between himself and the outside world. This is the

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 4

 obverse of the fear that comes with disorientation; it means that the
sweet sense of home is strongest when home is not only familiar but
distinctive as well.

Indeed, a distinctive and legible environment not only offers security

but also heightens the potential depth and intensity of human
experience. Although life is far from impossible in the visual chaos of
the modern city, the same daily action could take on new meaning if
carried out in a more vivid setting. Potentially, the city is in itself the
powerful symbol of a complex society. If visually well set forth, it can
also have strong expressive meaning.

It may be argued against the importance of physical legibility that the

human brain is marvelously adaptable, that with some experience one
can learn to pick one's way through the most disordered or featureless
surroundings. There are abundant examples of precise navigation over
the "trackless" wastes of sea, sand, or ice, or through a tangled maze of
jungle.

Yet even the sea has the sun and stars, the winds, currents, birds, and
sea-colors without which unaided navigation would be impossible.
The fact that only skilled professionals could navigate among the
Polynesian Islands, and this only after extensive training, indicates the
difficulties imposed by this particular environment. Strain and anxiety
accompanied even the best-prepared expeditions.

In our own world, we might say that almost everyone can, if attentive,
learn to navigate in Jersey City, but only at the cost of some effort and
uncertainty. Moreover, the positive values of legible surroundings are
missing: the emotional satisfaction, the framework for communication
or conceptual organization, the new depths that it may bring to
everyday experience. These are pleasures we lack, even if our present
city environment is not so disordered as to impose an intolerable strain
on those who are familiar with it.

It must be granted that there is some value in mystification, labyrinth,

or surprise in the environment. Many of us enjoy the House of
Mirrors, and there is a certain charm in the crooked streets of Boston.
This is so, however, only under two conditions. First, there must be no
danger of losing basic form or

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 5

 orientation, of never coming out. The surprise must occur in an over-
all framework; the confusions must be small regions in a visible
whole. Furthermore, the labyrinth or mystery must in itself have some
form that can be explored and in time be apprehended. Complete chaos
without hint of connection is never pleasurable.

But these second thoughts point to an important qualification. The

observer himself should play an active role in perceiving the world and
have a creative part in developing his image. He should have the
power to change that image to fit changing needs. An environment
which is ordered in precise and final detail may inhibit new patterns of
activity. A landscape whose every rock tells a story may make difficult
the creation of fresh stories. Although this may not seem to be a
critical issue in our present urban chaos, yet it indicates that what we
seek is not a final but an open-ended order, capable of continuous
further development.

Building the Image

Environmental images are the result of a two-way process between the

observer and his environment. The environment suggests distinctions
and relations, and the observer – with great adaptability and in the
light of his own purposes – selects, organizes, and endows with
meaning what he sees. The image so developed now limits and
emphasizes what is seen, while the image itself is being tested against
the filtered perceptual input in a constant interacting process, Thus the
image of a given reality may vary significantly between different
observers.

The coherence of the image may arise in several ways. There may be
little in the real object that is ordered or remarkable, and yet its mental
picture has gained identity and organization through long familiarity.
One man may find objects easily on what seems to anyone else to be a
totally disordered work table. Alternatively, an object seen for the first
time may be identified and related not because it is individually
familiar but because it conforms to a stereotype already constructed by
the observer. An American can always spot the corner drugstore,
however indistinguishable it might be to a Bushman. Again, a new
object

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 6

 may seem to have strong structure or identity because of striking
physical features which suggest or impose their own pattern. Thus the
sea or a great mountain can rivet the attention of one coming from the
flat plains of the interior, even if he is so young or so parochial as to
have no name for these great phenomena.

As manipulators of the physical environment, city planners are

primarily interested in the external agent in the interaction which
produces the environmental image. Different environments resist or
facilitate the process of image-making. Any given form, a fine vase or
a lump of clay, will have a high or a low probability of evoking a
strong image among various observers. Presumably this probability
can be stated with greater and greater precision as the observers are
grouped in more and more homogeneous classes of age, sex, culture,
occupation, temperament, or familiarity. Each individual creates and
bears his own image, but there seems to be substantial agreement
among members of the same group. It is these group images,
exhibiting consensus among significant numbers, that interest city
planners who aspire to model an environment that will be used by
many people.

Therefore this study will tend to pass over individual differences,

interesting as they might be to a psychologist. The first order of
business will be what might be called the "public images," the
common mental pictures carried by large numbers of a city's
inhabitants: areas of agreement which might be expected to appear in
the interaction of a single physical reality, a common culture, and a
basic physiological nature.

The systems of orientation which have been used vary

widely throughout the world, changing from culture to culture, and
from landscape to landscape. Appendix A gives examples of many
of them: the abstract and fixed directional systems, the moving
systems, and those that are directed to the person, the home, or the sea.
The world may be organized around a set of focal points, or be broken
into named regions, or be linked by remembered routes. Varied as
these methods are, and inexhaustible as seem to be the potential clues
which a man may pick out to differentiate his world, they cast
interesting side-lights on the means that we use today to locate
ourselves in our own city world. For the

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 7

 most part these examples seem to echo, curiously enough, the formal
types of image elements into which we can conveniently divide the
city image: path, landmark, edge, node, and district. These elements
will be defined and discussed in Chapter 3.

Structure and Identity

An environmental image may be analyzed into three components:

identity, structure, and meaning. It is useful to abstract these for
analysis, if it is remembered that in reality they always appear
together. A workable image requires first the identification of an
object, which implies its distinction from other things, its recognition
as a separable entity. This is called identity, not in the sense of equality
with something else, but with the meaning of individuality or oneness.
Second, the image must include the spatial or pattern relation of the
object to the observer and to other objects. Finally, this object must
have some meaning for the observer, whether practical or emotional.
Meaning is also a relation, but quite a different one from spatial or
pattern relation.

Thus an image useful for making an exit requires the recognition of a

door as a distinct entity, of its spatial relation to the observer, and its
meaning as a hole for getting out. These are not truly separable. The
visual recognition of a door is matted together with its meaning as a
door. It is possible, however, to analyze the door in terms of its
identity of form and clarity of position, considered as if they were
prior to its meaning.

Such an analytic feat might be pointless in the study of a door, but not
in the study of the urban environment. To begin with, the question of
meaning in the city is a complicated one. Group images of meaning
are less likely to be consistent at this level than are the perceptions of
entity and relationship. Meaning, moreover, is not so easily influenced
by physical manipulation as are these other two components. If it is
our purpose to build cities for the enjoyment of vast numbers of people
of widely diverse background-and cities which will also be
adaptable to future purposes-we may even be wise to concentrate on
the physical clarity of the image and to allow meaning to
develop without our direct guidance. The image of the Manhattan sky-

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 8

 line may stand for vitality, power, decadence, mystery, congestion,
greatness, or what you will, but in each case that sharp picture
crystallizes and reinforces the meaning. So various are the individual
meanings of a city, even while its form may be easily communicable,
that it appears possible to separate meaning from form, at least in the
early stages of analysis. This study will therefore concentrate on the
identity and structure of city images.

If an image is to have value for orientation in the living space, it must

have several qualities. It must be sufficient, true in a pragmatic sense,
allowing the individual to operate within his environment to the extent
desired. The map, whether exact or not, must be good enough to get
one home. It must be sufficiently clear and well integrated to be
economical of mental effort: the map must be readable. It should be
safe, with a surplus of clues so that alternative actions are possible and
the risk of failure is not too high. If a blinking light is the only sign
for a critical turn, a power failure may cause disaster. The
image should preferably be open-ended, adaptable to change,
allowing the individual to continue to investigate and organize
reality: there should be blank spaces where he can extend the
drawing for himself. Finally, it should in some measure be
communicable to other individuals. The relative importance of these
criteria for a "good" image will vary with different persons in
different situations; one will prize an economical and sufficient
system, another an open-ended and communicable one.

Imageability

Since the emphasis here will be on the physical environment as the

independent variable, this study will look for physical qualities which
relate to the attributes of identity and structure in the mental image.
This leads to the definition of what might be called imageability: that
quality in a physical object which gives it a high probability of
evoking a strong image in any given observer. It is that shape, color, or
arrangement which facilitates the making of vividly identified,
powerfully structured, highly useful mental images of the
environment. It might also be called legibility, or perhaps visibility in
a heightened sense,

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 9

 where objects are not only able to be seen, but are presented sharply
and intensely to the senses.

Half a century ago, Stern discussed this attribute of an artistic object

and called it apparency.74 While art is not limited to this single end, he
felt that one of its two basic functions was "to create images which by
clarity and harmony of form fulfill the need for vividly
comprehensible appearance." In his mind, this was an essential first
step toward the expression of inner meaning.

A highly imageable (apparent, legible, or visible) city in this peculiar

sense would seem well formed, distinct, remarkable; it would invite
the eye and the ear to greater attention and participation. The sensuous
grasp upon such surroundings would not merely be simplified, but also
extended and deepened. Such a city would be one that could be
apprehended over time as a pat- tern of high continuity with many
distinctive parts clearly inter- connected. The perceptive and familiar
observer could absorb new sensuous impacts without disruption of his
basic image, and each new impact would touch upon many previous
elements. He would be well oriented, and he could move easily. He
would be highly aware of his environment. The city of Venice might
be an example of such a highly imageable environment. In the United
States, one is tempted to cite parts of Manhattan, San Francisco,
Boston, or perhaps the lake front of Chicago.

These are characterizations that flow from our definitions. The concept
of imageability does not necessarily connote something fixed, limited,
precise, unified, or regularly ordered, although it may sometimes have
these qualities. Nor does it mean apparent at a glance, obvious, patent,
or plain. The total environment to be patterned is. highly complex,
while the obvious image is soon boring, and can point to only a few
features of the living world.

The imageability of city form will be the center of the study to follow.
There are other basic properties in a beautiful environment: meaning
or expressiveness, sensuous delight, rhythm, stimulus, choice. Our
concentration on imageability does not deny their importance. Our
purpose is simply to consider the need for identity and structure in our
perceptual world, and to illustrate the special relevance of this quality
to the particular case of the complex, shifting urban environment.

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 10

 Since image development is a two-way process between observer and
observed, it is possible to strengthen the image either by symbolic
devices, by the retraining of the perceiver, or by reshaping one's
surroundings. You can provide the viewer with a symbolic diagram of
how the world fits together: a map or a set of written instructions. As
long as he can fit reality to the diagram, he has a clue to the relatedness
of things. You can even install a machine for giving directions, as has
recently been done in New York.49 While such devices are
extremely useful for providing condensed data on interconnections,
they are also precarious, since orientation fails if the device is lost,
and the device itself must constantly be referred and fitted to
reality. The cases of brain injury noted in Appendix A illustrate
the anxiety and effort that attend complete reliance on such
means. Moreover, the complete experience of interconnection, the
full depth of a vivid image, is lacking.

You may also train the observer. Brown remarks that a maze through
which subjects were asked to move blindfolded seemed to them at first
to be one unbroken problem. On repetition, parts of the pattern,
particularly the beginning and end, became familiar and assumed the
character of localities. Finally, when they could tread the maze without
error, the whole system seemed to have become one locality.8 DeSilva
describes the case of a boy who seemed to have "automatic"
directional orientation, but proved to have been trained from infancy
(by a mother who could not distinguish- right from left) to respond to
"the east side of the porch" or "the south end of the dresser."71

Shipton's account of the reconnaissance for the ascent of Everest offers

a dramatic case of such learning. Approaching Everest from a new
direction, Shipton immediately recognized the main peaks and saddles
that he knew from the north side. But the Sherpa guide accompanying
him, to whom both sides were long familiar, had never realized that
these were the same features, and he greeted the revelation with
surprise and delight.70

Kilpatrick describes the process of perceptual learning forced on an

observer by new stimuli that no longer fit into previous images.41 It
begins with hypothetical forms that explain the new stimuli
conceptually, while the illusion of the old forms persists.

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 11

 The personal experience of most of us will testify to this persistence of
an illusory image long after its inadequacy is conceptually realized.
We stare into the jungle and see only the sun- light on the green
leaves, but a warning noise tells us that an animal is hidden there. The
observer then learns to interpret the scene by singling out "give-away"
clues and by reweighting previous signals. The camouflaged animal
may now be picked up by the reflection of his eyes. Finally by
repeated experience the entire pattern of perception is changed, and the
observer need no longer consciously search for give-aways, or add
new data to an old framework. He has achieved an image which will
operate successfully in the new situation, seeming natural and
right. Quite suddenly the hidden animal appears among the leaves,
"as plain as day."

In the same way, we must learn to see the hidden forms in the vast
sprawl of our cities. We are not accustomed to organizing and imaging
an artificial environment on such a large scale; yet our activities are
pushing us toward that end. Curt Sachs gives an example of a failure to
make connections beyond a certain level.64 The voice and drumbeat of
the North American Indian follow entirely different tempos, the two
being perceived independently. Searching for a musical analogy of our
own, he mentions our church services, where we do not think of
coordinating the choir inside with the bells above.

In our vast metropolitan areas we do not connect the choir and the
bells; like the Sherpa, we see only the sides of Everest and not the
mountain. To extend and deepen our perception of the environment
would be to continue a long biological and cultural development which
has gone from the contact senses to the distant senses and from the
distant senses to symbolic communications. Our thesis is that we are
now able to develop our image of the environment by operation on the
external physical shape as well as by an internal learning process.
Indeed, the complexity of our environment now compels us to do so.
Chapter 4 will discuss how this might be done.

Primitive man was forced to improve his environmental image by

adapting his perception to the given landscape. He could effect minor
changes in his environment with cairns, beacons,

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 12

 or tree blazes, but substantial modifications for visual clarity or visual
interconnection were confined to house sites or religious enclosures.
Only powerful civilizations can begin to act on their total environment
at a significant scale. The conscious remolding of the large-scale
physical environment has been possible only recently, and so the
problem of environmental imageability is a new one. Technically, we
can now make completely new landscapes in a brief time, as in the
Dutch polders. Here the designers are already at grips with the
question of how to form the total scene so that it is easy for -the human
observer to identify its parts and to structure the whole.30
We are rapidly building a new functional unit, the metropolitan region,
but we have yet to grasp that this unit, too, should have its
corresponding image. Suzanne Langer sets the problem in her capsule
definition of architecture:
"It is the total environment made visible."42

Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 13

 BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Angyal, A., "Über die Raumlage vorgestellter Oerter," Archiv für

die Gesamte Psychologie, Vol. 78, 1930, pp. 47-94.
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8. Brown, Warner, "Spatial Integrations in a Human Maze," Uni-
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of Animals," American Scientist, April 1953, pp. 209-244.
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Kevin Lynch: The Image of the City 14