Philippine Politics

Philippine political history, especially in the twentieth century, challenges the

image of democratic evolution as serving the people, and it does so in ways that
reveal inadequately explored aspects of many democracies. In the first decades
of the twenty-first century, the Philippines has nonetheless shown gradual socio-
economic “progress.”
This book provides an interpretive overview of Philippine politics. It takes
full account of the importance of patriotic Philippine factors in making decisions
about future political policies. It analyses whether regional and local politics
have more importance than national politics in the Philippines. Discussing cul-
tural traditions of patronism, it also examines how clan feuds localize the state
and create strong local policies. These conflicts in turn make regional and
family-run polities collectively stronger than the central state institution. The
book goes on to explore elections in the Philippines, and in particular the ways
in which politicians win democratic elections, the institutionalized role of public
money in this process, and the role that media play. Offering a new interpretive
overview of Philippine progress over many decades, the author notes recent eco-
nomic and political changes during the current century while also trying to
advance ideas that might prove useful to Filipinos.
Presenting an in-depth analysis of the problems and possibilities of politics
and society in the Philippines, the book will be of interest to those researching
Southeast Asian Politics, Political History and Asian Society and Culture.

Lynn T. White III is Professor Emeritus and Senior Research Scholar in the
Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, and East Asian Studies Program
at Princeton University, USA.
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Faith, philanthropy and politics localist democracy
Rajeswary Ampalavanar Brown Lynn T. White III
 Ilocos
Norte Apayao 0 100 200 Miles
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0 100 200 Kilometers
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Province
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Metropolitan Manila
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SEA” Norte
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Sur
Oriental Marinduque
Mindoro Albay Legazpi
Occidental
Mindoro
Sorsogon

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Masbate
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Eastern
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Sibugay del Norte Davao
Oriental
Shariff North Cotabato
Kabunsuan Davao
Zambaonga Maguindanao
Sultan Davao
Basilan del Sur
Kudarat
South Cotabato

Sulu Sarangani

Tawi-Tawi
CELEBES SEA
Philippine Politics
Possibilities and problems in a localist
democracy

Lynn T. White III

First published 2015
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2015 Lynn T. White III
The right of Lynn T. White III to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
White, Lynn T., III
Philippine politics: progress and problems in a localist democracy / Lynn
T. White III.
pages cm – (Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series; 71)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Philippines–Politics and government–1946– 2. Democracy–
Philippines. I. Title. II. Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia
series ; 71.
DS685.W45 2015
320.9599–dc23 2014030806
ISBN: 978-1-138-82804-9 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-73860-4 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
For Barbara-Sue
This page intentionally left blank
Contents

Acknowledgments xii
List of abbreviations and acronyms xiii

1 Local regimes: an introduction 1

2 Malay foundations and colonial semi-modernizations 12

3 Clan feuds localize political violence 27

4 Entrepreneurs as politicians 62

5 Marcos, failed centralization, and land from the tiller 100

6 Law of rule, power of separations 118

7 Populist rituals and elite reformism 135

8 Voting, pork, policy, and media 155

9 Corruption 176

10 PNoy, “Pacquiaos,” and Philippine progress 207

References 232
Index 259
Acknowledgments

I could never have written this book without the loving encouragement of my
wife, Barbara-Sue White, to whom it is dedicated.
Warm thanks go also to many scholars, some anonymous and many honored
in a list below, who have read parts of this manuscript or have helped me by dis-
cussing its ideas.
I am grateful to Angela Leung and Hong Kong University’s Institute of
Humanities and Social Sciences for office space that was crucial as this book
was prepared. Generous logistical help for my family has also come from Pris-
cilla Roberts in Hong Kong. Sandy Flynn and Rita Alpaugh helped at Princeton.
Thanks also go to my acquiring editor at Routledge, Jillian Morrison, to Senior
Project Manager at Wearset, Amy Ekins-Coward, and to copy editor, Sally
Quinn. Cartographer Tsering Wangyal Shawa expertly drew the map. For help
with computers over many years, thanks go to Jimmy Wang and his colleagues
in the Woodrow Wilson School information technology department.
It is a special pleasure to express my gratitude to those mentioned above and to:
Aileen Baviera, Walden Bello, Alexander Brilliantes, Robin Broad, John P. Burns,
Ricky Carandang, Ramon Casiple, Tom Christensen, Josephine Dionisio, Enrique
Esteban, Raul Fabella, Gregory Felker, Mario Feranil, Tom Ferguson, Trina
Firmalo, Leizl Formilleza, John Gershman, Linda Luz Guerrero, Carmen Jimenez,
Ben Kerkvliet, Erik Martínez Kuhonta, Carlos Lazatín, Alexander Magno, Mahar
Mangahas, Ma. Melanie R.S. Milo, Erik Mobrand, Francisco Nemenzo, Norman
Owen, Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, Maria Ressa, Temario Rivera, Joel
Rocamora, Steven Rood, John Sidel, Julio Teehankee, Jorge Tigno, Jeanette Ureta,
Geoff Wade, Wong Siu-lun, Deborah Yashar, and many others. I am also very
grateful to the generous referee to whom Routledge sent this interpretive text.
I remain solely guilty as the perpetrator. The book in your hands contains
many strongly stated views. The paradigms and definitions used in parts of it
differ from those employed by other scholars. In particular, I apologize for
having to include some material about impediments to Philippine progress. This
is a matter of trying to be honest. I am in debt to the many researchers cited in
notes, from whose varied and wonderful works I have learned a great deal.
Lynn T. White III
Princeton, October 2013
Abbreviations and acronyms

AC-DC “attack, collect [money], defend, collect” blackmail

(e.g., by journalists)
AFP Armed Forces of the Philippines
AMRSP Association of Major Religious Superiors of the Philippines
ARMM Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
ATM automatic teller machine (literal, or “ATM” supplying “pork” funds)
BIR Bureau of Internal Revenue
CARP Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (originally of C. Aquino)
CARPER Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Extension with
Reforms
CBCP Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines
CDFs community development funds (one form of “pork”)
CESO Career Executive Service Officer
Comelec Commission on Elections
CPI corruption perception index
CPLA Cordillera People’s Liberation Army
CPP Communist Party of the Philippines (see also NPA)
DAR Department of Agrarian Reform
EDSA Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, Manila (and political protests held
there)
EJK extrajudicial killings (a.k.a. “salvagings”)
FDI foreign direct investment
GMA GMA News (by pure coincidence, sometimes Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo)
GNP gross national product
ICAC Independent Commission Against Corruption (Hong Kong)
IFI Iglesia Filipina Independiente (ex-Catholic)
ILT “in lieu thereof ” (non-monetary bribes)
ISI import-substituting industrialization
IRRI International Rice Research Institute (Los Baños, Laguna Province)
KBL Kilusang Babong Lipunan (New Society Movement; Marcos’s
party)
KKK Kapitunan (see Chapter 2; also used by anti-communist militias)
xiv Abbreviations and acronyms
KMT Kuomintang (Nationalist Party, now Taiwan; a.k.a. Guomindang)
Laban Lakas ng Bayan (B. Aquino’s anti-Marcos party, acronym means
“fight”)
Namfrel National Citizens Movement for Free Elections
NBI National Bureau of Investigation
NGO non-governmental organization
NIC newly industrializing country
NPA New People’s Army (armed Maoist/guerilla wing of the CPP)
MFN most favored nation (whose exports enjoy minimal tariffs)
MILF Moro Islamic Liberation Front (usually pro-independence)
MNLF Moro National Liberation Front (pro-autonomy)
OFW Overseas Filipino Worker
PC Philippine Constabulary
PDAF Priority Development Assistance Fund (called “pork” by critics)
PNP Philippine National Police
PR proportional representation
RAM Reform the Armed Forces Movement (anti-Marcos, and later coups)
SMEs small- and medium-sized enterprises
SWS Social Weather Stations (foremost Philippine polling organization)
trapo traditional politician (also Tagalog for “dirty washrag”)
UNIDO United Democratic Opposition (to Marcos)
1 Local regimes
An introduction

Democracies are hopefully designed to “serve the people.” Liberal habits that
tend to treat citizens as equals, if combined with electoral habits for choosing
governors in national and local polities, are expected at least over long periods to
become a self-reinforcing syndrome that promotes fairness. The democratic
regime type also correlates internationally with high wages and entrepreneurial
prosperity. There have, however, been sometime exceptions.
Philippine political history in the twentieth century challenged the rosy image
of democratic evolution—and it did so in ways that reveal inadequately explored
aspects of many democracies. This is a concern of Filipinos, not just of
foreigners.1 In the first decades of the twenty-first century the Philippines has
nonetheless shown gradual socioeconomic “progress” as most people conceive
such development. Many books about Philippine politics, especially those based
on the era of President Ferdinand Marcos whose efforts at political centralization
descended toward ineffective dictatorship, offer monotonic critiques of enduring
political habits in the archipelago. Other books, often based on hopes after his
demise, take the opposite tack, often showing either pan-gloss confidence about
the country’s future or patriotic pride that suggest occult causes of happiness for
Filipinos.
President Marcos’s propaganda from his 1965 democratic election to his 1986
downfall linked development and nationalism. So a “turn” of thought among
many Philippine intellectuals has raised doubts about this linkage—albeit more
doubts about development than about patriotism. As Resil Mojares has said,
“Indeed, there is quite nothing like ‘progress’—with the confidence and cosmo-
politanism it brings—more conducing to an ‘internationalizing’ scholarship.”2
There is nonetheless evidence that most Filipinos really would like more pro-
gress in distributing both power and wealth.
The book in your hands argues that both the pessimist and optimist accounts,
like both the patriotic and cosmopolitan accounts, are incomplete if they look at
the Philippines as a well-unified political system. The main argument here is that
the country includes many local polities, which are in conflict with each other
and with “the state.” Traditions of political personalism are especially powerful
on these islands. They support institutions that may be evaluated as either “bad”
or “good.” However that assessment turns out, the rich variety of politics in the
2 Local regimes: an introduction
Philippines trumps any attempt to define it in terms that are either modernistic or
patriotic, or sad or glad. It is necessary to look at many sizes of institutions and
informal power networks, and at the ideas these have fostered. Local patronism
of a non-entrepreneurial kind continues to affect this political economy, despite
waves of progress such as became evident in the decade after 2005.
It is usual to begin studies of a nation’s politics with the central government,
although that is barely a start on the subject in any country. What causes the
Philippine state to be described by many scholars as weak relative to regional or
local Philippine polities? In other countries, including some that have lower per-
capita incomes, the ability of the central government to influence localities is
greater. In some, such as China, surveyed popular trust of national leaders is
combined with popular distrust of lesser cadres; but in the Philippines, demo-
cratic elections legitimate the local leaders. Weak states elsewhere have been
explained by factors that are arguably inapplicable to the Philippines. Sharp
ethnic or religious divisions, for example, have been said to account either for
state weakness (as in Zaire/Congo at any period) or for state strength (as in Sadd-
am’s Iraq, which contrasted with Maliki’s). Yet Filipinos, despite some relatively
minor linguistic diversity, do not have such severe divisions. The Muslim–Chris-
tian split is exceptional, and it concerns a minority in just a part of far-south
Mindanao. Philippine citizens’ sense of nationhood is certainly not below par.
A country’s large size is occasionally cited as a problem for governance,
although this explanation may be challenged in many populous and relatively
stable states (e.g., India). The Philippines, which now contains more than 100
million people, is among the dozen most populous nations on this planet. Its
large size is neither a clear cause of political problems nor a clear advantage for
the future.
Natural resource windfalls have sometimes been adduced to explain losses of
public legitimacy in states ruled by kleptocrats. But the Philippines, despite fertile
volcanic soil and plenty of sun for growing crops such as rice or sugar, has scant
oil, gold, or diamonds. The “resource curse” may or may not explain authoritarian
tendencies.3 Either way, the evidence for it on these islands is mostly missing.
The geographical sites of Philippine resources are not concentrated, as are many
sources of mineral wealth that finance elites in other countries.
Another explanation of unsatisfactory governance cites international “bad
neighborhoods.” Several African and Middle Eastern states are weakened
because of conflicts that slip over their borders from other countries (from Sudan
to South Sudan or to Chad, from Rwanda and Burundi to Zaire, from Syria or
Iraq to their neighbors). By a similar mechanism, Eastern European states may
be developing better governance because of their European Union co-
continentals. But the Philippines are islands. Some of the most reputed success-
ful states on this planet, both authoritarian and democratic, are over adjacent seas
in East Asia. This archipelago is not in a bad neighborhood.
Weak civil society is sometimes said to impede effective governance—but
the Philippines has particularly strong traditions among electoral watchdogs,
non-government organizations, investigative journalists and academics, clerics
 Local regimes: an introduction 3
who express concern for the poor, and women’s groups (although this country
like many others has few effective trade unions). Nonstate institutions form
readily in the Philippines to advocate for citizens who are seen to be underrepre-
sented in government. Sometimes, as in the 1986 presidential transition from
Marcos or the 2001 transition from Estrada, “civil polities” have been crucial
(along with soldiers) for changing the chief executive. Nonstate political organi-
zations have not been weak, although many Filipinos have been surveyed to per-
ceive that democracy does not do much of substance for “the people,” especially
to raise their incomes.
Further often-cited causes of democratic unreliability are easier to document
in the Philippines. Extensive violence and extensive poverty head this list of
factors. Relatively frequent natural disasters, economic reliance on unstable
international commodity prices, and legacies of colonial indirect rule contribute
to Philippine problems. These factors can also be found in other weak states,
although the Spanish and American bequests of frailty to Manila are particularly
striking, as the next chapter will document. Comparisons with other countries
can aid analysis of this book’s main practical question: What reforms would
make Philippine democracy serve the people better? But comparisons allow so
many different conclusions that it makes sense mainly to study the place in its
own right. An aim here is to see what this country’s own trajectory can tell about
modern governance elsewhere, not just what other nations’ experiences suggest
about the Philippines.
In the most recently published overview of politics throughout Southeast
Asia, Richard Robison notes “three main ideological and scholarly traditions.”
The first he lists is “American political science . . . especially as this is consti-
tuted within modernization theory.” The second is “Political economy in the
British and European tradition, especially . . . Marxist.” A third, which has actu-
ally not seen much application to the Philippines, is “Public choice/rational
choice political economy and New Institutional Economics.”4 This book stands
back from these somewhat fraught ideological-scholarly traditions, as from the
rather abstract patriotic, elitist, and postmodern opposing ideologies that each of
them has produced, to write about facts that anybody can observe in the history
of the archipelago.5
Studies of the Philippine polity, and also of the economy, show a notable
resilience of non-entrepreneurial localist patronism. Many scholars have docu-
mented the extent to which most local officials and judges outside Manila have
been tools of family interests. Some of the clans have remained in regional
power for generations. Studies of political clientelism have become controversial
among some Philippine nationalist scholars.6 But these ideas organize too much
evidence to justify dismissing them on any existentialist grounds, even for
would-be patriotic reasons. The central state remains weak; and local power net-
works have remained strong, even though that situation is slowly changing.
Historians such as Marcelino Foronda or Norman Owen have documented the
autonomy of local affairs in the Philippines more carefully than most other social
scientists have done, although some political scientists and activists such as Resil
4 Local regimes: an introduction
Mojares and Joel Rocamora have also stressed the importance of place in Philip-
pine affairs. They have tried to tell the stories of actors whose “stage was muni-
cipal or provincial, far from the national spotlight that focused on Rizal and
Quezon.”7 Not just in a country of islands, local stories may be the main ones.

Lessons for democracies

The Philippines is procedurally democratic. Freedom of expression and other
liberal norms are constitutionally enshrined, and they are often exercised. As in
other democracies, the norm of liberty in stable eras tends to favor people who
have wealth. For example, some journalists have asked, “Is the Philippine press
free?” The standard joking answer is, “Yes, but it is not cheap.”8 Politicians there
sometimes pay high prices for positive news coverage. Political and social NGOs
flourish, as do chambers of commerce, and other “civil societies.” Such organi-
zations are important for governance anywhere, but their modal traits affect its
democratic quality.9 As Hutchcroft and Rocamora write, “No country in Asia
has more experience with democratic institutions than the Philippines.”10 Yet the
combination of voting and freedom for many decades did not generally serve the
islands’ people as much as they (and foreigners) expected.
Elections in the archipelago are occasions for fiestas, like those on village
saints’ days. Voter turnouts are much higher in the Philippines than in most
democracies. Local races are often closely fought. Professionals—news anchors,
movie stars, boxers, basketball players—join Congress along with representa-
tives of famous political families (who now mostly have professional vocations
too, often in law). Diverse Philippine elites do not all agree with each other on
policies, of course; but a degree of formal courtesy can be documented among
families of leaders who in the past have literally murdered each other. By con-
trast, surveys show a relative lack of trust among low-income Filipinos, rural
farmers, and those who have scant education.11
Especially in a few regions, such as Bulacan or Pampanga, there have also
been decades-old nonstate traditions of civil society movements for fair voting,
for social justice, and sometimes against patronism. These have produced slow
results. It is possible to explore why patron–client relations often dominate Phil-
ippine politics—and why such networks are sometimes less salient. Ideals of
“people power” have occasionally become important, even though most of the
people, when surveyed, believe they lack much national power. Later chapters
will explain factors that catalyze the choices of Philippine elites, local or central,
to be reformist or traditional.
Some foreign writers have suggested that Philippine political culture is irrev-
ocably stagnant. James Fallows controversially speculated long ago that a lack
of substantive results for most citizens in this democratic polity arises from some
defect of Philippine nationalism:12

When a country with extreme geographic, tribal, and social-class differ-

ences, like the Philippines, has only a weak offsetting sense of national
 Local regimes: an introduction 5
unity, its public life does become the war of every man against every
man. . . . Filipinos pride themselves on their lifelong loyalty to family,
schoolmates, compadres, members of the same tribe, residents of the same
barangay . . . total devotion to those within the circle, total war on those
outside.

Fallows is wrong about weak national identity in the Philippines, even if he is

right about strong identification with smaller groups. He overstates “tribal” (as
distinguished from local) tensions, and he implies that differences of wealth will
readily be articulated in politics. His report of “total war” is wildly exaggerated.
All politics involve conflict, not just in this country. Yet many Filipinos are also
distressed by the extent of sociopolitical violence, and they seek ways to reduce
it.
At the same time, when foreigners look at the Philippines, they may see social
disasters that worry fewer Filipinos. In a 2001 survey, a sample within the
country was asked, “If you were to consider your life in general these days, how
happy or unhappy would you say you are, on the whole?” The results reported
considerable bliss (very happy, 31 percent; fairly happy, 53 percent; not very
happy, 12 percent; not at all happy, just 4 percent). Filipinos were also offered
the proposition: “People like me don’t have any say about what the government
does.”13 Apathy mixed with dissatisfaction in the responses: a plurality of 39
percent agreed or strongly agreed with the statement, and another tepid 33
percent neither agreed nor disagreed. Much later, in 2013, a follow-up survey
found that Filipinos’ “net personal optimism” and “net economic optimism”
were both “very high.”14 Such polls have been repeated many times in earlier
and later years, with similar results.
Few Filipinos thought they could affect national policy in Manila, but when
they were asked, “How likely is it that you would be able to bring out some
improvement in your local community?” a strong 64 percent in 2001 said this
was “very or somewhat likely.” This may just have been naïveté in an attitude
poll, but a popular sense of political efficacy in local politics is stronger than is
any sense that people can affect the national government.
Advice to Filipinos from foreigners has been extensive and often unflattering.
As Michael Pinches points out,

In a region of Tigers and Dragons, the Philippines has almost universally

been portrayed as the exceptional failure, and has had to endure the label
“sick man of Asia” as well as the condescending advice of regional leaders
like Lee Kwan Yew.15

Urbanski called the Philippines a “non-substantive democracy.” Kikuchi called

the society “uncrystallized.” McCoy and his colleagues produced very extensive
evidence that the polity was “an anarchy of families.” Yoshihara described the
economy as “ersatz capitalism,” and Hutchcroft described Philippine politics in
terms of “booty capitalism.”16 It is understandable that Filipinos would tend not
6 Local regimes: an introduction
to like such descriptions, even when they too can see plenty of evidence for
them. This book aims to find structural reasons for past Philippine problems, so
that the future can be made brighter than the twentieth-century past. The twenty-
first century has already seen some improvements that will be documented in
later chapters, despite continuing issues deriving from the strength of the many
regional Philippine political economies.

Localist institutions
An aim of this book is to provide an interpretative synthesis of information about
the Philippine political economy that takes account of recent events such as the
acceleration of economic growth after 2005 and the election of a reformist pres-
ident in 2010 (while asking also whether the electoral structure is likely to make
his successors reformist). Another aim is to provide a synoptic view of Philip-
pine political history that treats factual data from the colonial and post-colonial
periods together, looking for ways to design the democracy so that it serves
ordinary people better. Filipinos, not foreigners such as this author, will of
course make all the relevant decisions. The book should provide an overall intro-
duction to Philippine politics for readers who may be newly interested in this
very populous country that used to be a U.S. colony. It also relates Philippine
problems and progress to universal hopes that Filipinos, like other people, gener-
ally inherited from the enlightenment. Political parties are crucial for translating
ideas into action.
Stable parties with clear policy platforms have not formed in the Philippines
because of “dependency relations embodied in patron-client networks, powerful
regional elites, private landowner armies, and crosscutting social cleavages that
constrain solidarity along class lines,” Riedinger claims.17 Without meaningful
parties, according to Huntington, “elections are just a conservative device which
gives a semblance of popular legitimacy to traditional structures and traditional
leadership.” Huntington distinguished “form of government” from “degree of
government.”18 Erik Martínez Kuhonta, a younger scholar whose approach is
similar, writes about his ancestral country as follows: “the advent of democratic
elections throughout the archipelago, before the cementing of a bureaucratic
core, weakened the potential for institutional development.”19 The forms of gov-
ernment in Manila and in many localities have for long periods been democratic,
but time alone has scarcely changed state–society relations. The degree of gov-
ernment at the national level has been low, whereas the degree of power in local
nonstate polities is high, especially outside Metro Manila.
Regime type is a collective choice, and the most usual list of types arranges
them along a rather simple spectrum: totalitarian to authoritarian to democratic.
This paradigm does not capture the degree of influence that relatively central
regimes have over more local regimes, or vice versa. Governments that are
authoritarian or totalitarian in terms of their ideals do not necessarily have exten-
sive control—or even extensive information—about smaller polities within their
countries.20 Local power networks can just as well be called “regimes” too. Elites
 Local regimes: an introduction 7
or followers at many sizes of collectivity use whatever situations and norms are
available to them.
Philippine patrons may act as either godfather-warlords or else as politicians
with a more “modern” public appeal. Patronism comes in many forms, and it can
adapt to modern technologies and ideas.21 Clients likewise can sometimes choose
the extent of their obedience or indebtedness. Some even select the identities of
their creditors or patrons. Regime types are chosen according to benefits that
actors have in the structures they face—and these structures are by no means all
at the size of a national state. They are also in families, villages, corporations,
churches, and other political networks.
Alfred McCoy finds,

a local dimension of free ports or outlaw zones, epicenters of contraband

commerce that are detached from nation-state controls and known by
evocative place-names. . . . Inside individual nations the interaction between
the state’s secret services and outlaw elements, whether rural warlords or
urban gangsters, can define the character of an entire polity.

States are not the only power networks that can use force or have legitimacy. A
modal local regime type can shape national politics at least as much as localities
are shaped by a central government. So McCoy suggests “inverting [the usual]
analytic framework to show not just the center’s influence on these criminal and
provincial peripheries but their role in shaping both political processes and actual
administration at the epicenter of state power.”22
Large countries contain relatively many sizes of polity. Each might be char-
acterized by various regime-type adjectives. Most recent researchers have been
so beguiled by the notion that the key to social truth is statistical, and so eager to
use accessible national data from “large N” samples that include many small
states, comparative analyses have been distorted by underweighting large nations
such as China or India—or the Philippines—which include distinctively many
sizes of power network. This critique applies equally to classic riches-lead-to-
liberalism analyses that follow Lipset and to newer treatments of elite decisions
about regime types that follow Rustow, Przeworski, Boix and Stokes, and
others.23 It also applies to analyses by economists such as Acemoglu and
Robinson.24
When a modern country is extremely large, its size influences state structure
as well as power structures “below” the “level” of the state.25 Words such as
“level” imply that larger polities always trump smaller ones, but the opposite is
often demonstrably the case. Spans of control in large, dispersed countries can
be tenuous; big countries can be difficult for central governments to monitor.
Control of violence can be hard to monopolize in such a state, whether or not it
aspires to a monopoly of force. Even when local elites vow abstract patriotic
fealty to their larger nation—as they often have interests in doing—their benefit
from controlling coercion near their own homes may be so great that they resist
central efforts to coordinate the nation’s police or army. To speak of an “elite
8 Local regimes: an introduction
decision” or “elite pact” in a large country, without distinguishing different kinds
of elites at different sizes of collectivity that may be able to avoid each other, is
to omit much political behavior. A populous but geographically fragmented
nation such as the Philippines, which is divided into many islands and by vol-
canic ranges, may be misunderstood if only the whole nation is considered or if
just one abstract type of regime is imagined to cover all of the terrain.26

Quick overview of chapters

This book is organized topically. Its main theses are that local Philippine politics
has often trumped national politics, reducing substantive democratization for
most of the people, and that this pattern is not fixed forever. Some chapter titles
suggest specific periods or presidencies, and these may seem incongruous
because they are bound by times rather than themes; but they are just shorthand.
Themes that recur or change in different eras of Philippine history have been
particularly salient at some times. Patronism and “unrepayable debts” can
already be evidenced in early Malay traditions that the lightly staffed Spanish
and American colonial administrations adapted for their own purposes. Clan
feuds that localized the state (to use words from the third chapter’s title) were
important throughout the twentieth century—as were issues surrounding Chinese
entrepreneurs—and these became particularly salient during the 1950s’ eco-
nomic boom that relied to a surprising extent on agricultural processing.
Attempts to coordinate violence peaked under Marcos, who tried to centralize
the state by binding rural to urban polities; but he failed by adopting counter-
effective, non-sustainable policy in the field that might have had the greatest
political effect, land reform. Problems of effective change became particularly
obvious under Corazon Aquino, although partial solutions were implemented
under Ramos. Estrada and then Arroyo became mainly famous for corruption.
Hopes and achievements of progress are evident under the current President
“PNoy” Aquino, although it is unclear that the structure of Philippine politics is
likely to produce future elected leaders to continue even the policies of moderate
reform that he has advocated; future elections might instead legitimate a strong
conservative populist (the boxer Pacquiao is a possible future president, although
the powers of that office are still somewhat limited no matter who holds it).
Topics that span periods are discussed in order of the particular eras when they
were most salient. The main theme in each chapter involves links between dif-
ferent sizes of polity, with particular attention to local strengths. Progress among
periods, leading up to recent reform efforts and twenty-first century partial suc-
cesses, creates the book’s narrative.

Action possibilities to solve problems

This book is not a monograph. The author’s intention is to offer a new interpre-
tive overview of Philippine progress over many decades, noting recent economic
and political changes during the current century while also trying to advance
 Local regimes: an introduction 9
ideas that might prove useful to Filipinos. It would be especially presumptuous
of an American such as the present author, who through no act of his own comes
from a country that once claimed colonial sovereignty in the Philippines, to pre-
scribe sure policy recommendations for Filipinos to follow—even when trying
to write about issues that anyone whosoever may document. Philippine actors
will naturally relate what they do to their identities, not just to the results that
they envisage from their decisions. This book should help create a basis on
which consequentialist thinking about such problems can proceed among
scholars of any nationality.
Words such as “good,” “ethical,” or “recommendable” have two separate and
in some respects opposite meanings. They can refer to actions taken by a person
whose identity (or “ultimate values,” to use a term associated with Max Weber)
may determine what happens.27 That kind of recommendation is not the forte of
a foreigner. It would not be so even if the Philippines had never been a U.S.
colony. But these words about ethics can also refer to actions taken because the
economic, political, and social consequences are seen as desirable, as estimated
by comparative models and values that many Filipinos and others deem uni-
versal. Evidence about the relevant objective situations, and comparative evid-
ence to test those logics, is widely available. Existential positions do not negate
it.
All of the chapters after this first one end with short sections on possibilities
for progress, insofar as empirically derived consequentialist logics can justify
them. This author has no certainty that these suggestions are always appropriate
for the Philippines in cultural terms, although he doubts current social-science
norms that shy away from showing ways in which “cultural” habits shape the
live options that actors can conceive. Possibilities for progress, described in the
final section of each later chapter, relate to the problems on which the relevant
chapter concentrates.

Notes
1 Many Philippine authors share concerns for what this current book calls “substantive
democracy”: see Felipe B. Miranda, Temario C. Rivera, Malaya C. Ronas, and Ronald
D. Holmes, Chasing the Wind: Assessing Philippine Democracy (Quezon City: Com-
mission on Human Rights of the Philippines and United Nations Development
Program, 2011), esp. the concluding chapter by Temario C. Rivera, “Rethinking Phil-
ippine Democratization,” 182–99.
2 Resil B. Mojares, “Making a Turn: Thoughts on a Generation of Philippine Scholar-
ship,” Keynote Address at the Philippine Studies Conference, Kyoto, Japan, February
28 to March 2, 2014 (kindly supplied to the author by Norman G. Owen, originally
distributed on Facebook by Vicente L. Rafael).
3 See Michael L. Ross, “The Political Economy of the Resource Curse,” World Politics
51 (January 1999), 297–322—and for another view, Thad Dunning, Crude Demo-
cracy: Natural Resource Wealth and Political Regimes (New York: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 2008).
4 Richard Robison, “Interpreting the Politics of Southeast Asia: Debates in Parallel
Universes,” in Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian Politics, Robison, ed. (Abing-
don: Routledge, 2013), 5.
10 Local regimes: an introduction
5 Any epistemological or political tradition has a logical alternative, whose usefulness
cannot be judged separate from its application. These alternatives can be organized by
choices between methodological individualism or collectivism and by choices
between evidence based on unintended situations or intended norms. To see how they
have come up in practically all famous social theories, see the chart and notes in Lynn
White, Unstately Power, vol. 1 (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1998), 58–67. But that is
all abstract; more important are facts and people.
6 Later chapters will have to discuss Reynaldo Ileto, Knowing America’s Colony:
A Hundred Years from the Philippine War, esp. Lecture 3, “Orientalism and the
Study of Philippine Politics” (Honolulu: Center for Philippine Studies, 1999)
and John T. Sidel, “Response to Ileto: Or, I am Not an Orientalist,” Philippine Polit-
ical Science Journal 23:46 (2002), 129–38. Political families (Kennedy, Taft,
Brown . . .) have been important in several democracies, and they are salient in the
Philippines.
7 Norman G. Owen, The Bicol Blend: Bicolanos and their History (Quezon City: New
Day, 1999), flyleaf; on Marcelino Foronda see p. 36, and on p. 181 Owen cites works
of Mariano Goyena del Prado and Maria Lelia F. Realubit, albeit these too are about
the almost-island of Bicol. Other localist scholars have studied parts of Mindanao,
Negros, and other islands. Resil B. Mojares, “Making a Turn,” refers to the “turn”
toward local studies.
8 Chay Florintino-Hofileña, News for Sale: The Corruption of the Philippine Media
(Quezon City: Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism and Center for Media
Freedom and Responsibility, 1998), 91.
9 The now-classic treatment is Sheri Berman, “Civil Society and the Collapse of the
Weimar Republic,” World Politics 49 (April 1997), 401–29.
10 Paul D. Hutchcroft and Joel Rocamora, “Patronage-Based Parties and the Democratic
Deficit in the Philippines: Origins, Evolution, and the Imperatives of Reform,”
Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian Politics, Richard Robison, ed. (Abingdon:
Routledge, 2013), 97.
11 Ricardo G. Abad, Aspects of Social Capital in the Philippines: Findings from a
National Survey (Quezon City: Social Weather Stations, 2006).
12 James Fallows, “A Damaged Culture: A New Philippines,” Atlantic Monthly (Novem-
ber 1, 1987), and www.theatlantic.com.
13 This Social Weather Station survey was large and stratified. See Ricardo G. Abad,
Aspects of Social Capital in the Philippines, esp. 68–9.
14 The Social Weather Station found 39 percent of adults expecting their personal quality
of life to rise by 2014, with only 6 percent predicting its decline. SWS Media Release,
July 10, 2013.
15 Michael Pinches, “Entrepreneurship, Consumption, Ethnicity, and National Identity
in the Making of the Philippines’ New Rich,” in Culture and Privilege in Capitalist
Asia, Pinches, ed. (New York: Routledge, 1999), 275.
16 C. Urbanski, “Middle Class Exodus and Democratic Decay in the Philippines,” ANU
Undergraduate Research Journal 1 (2009), 71–8; Kikuchi Yasushi, Uncrystallized
Philippine Society: A Social Anthropological Analysis (Quezon City: New Day Pub-
lishers, 1991); Alfred W. McCoy, ed., An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in
the Philippines (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Center for Southeast Asian
Studies, 1993); Yoshihara Kunio, The Rise of Ersatz Capitalism in Southeast Asia
(especially the Philippines) (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Paul D.
Hutchcroft, Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking in the Philippines (Quezon
City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1998) (orig. “Predatory Oligarchy, Patrimo-
nial State: The Politics of Domestic Commercial Banking in the Philippines,” Ph.D.
Dissertation, Political Science Department, Yale University, 1993).
17 Jeffrey M. Riedinger, Agrarian Reform in the Philippines: Democratic Transitions
and Redistributive Reform (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), 13.
 Local regimes: an introduction 11
18 Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1968), quotations on 402 and 1.
19 Erik Martinez Kuhonta, The Institutional Imperative: The Politics of Equitable Devel-
opment in Southeast Asia (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011), 239.
20 For examples from another Asian country, see Lynn White, Unstately Power, 2 vols.
(Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1998 and 1999).
21 James C. Scott, “The Erosion of Patron–Client Bonds and Social Change in Rural
Southeast Asia,” Journal of Asian Studies 32:1 (November 1972), 6–37.
22 Alfred W. McCoy, Policing America’s Empire: The United States, the Philippines,
and the Rise of the Surveillance State (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press,
2009), 48–9.
23 Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Baltimore, MD:
Johns Hopkins University Press, orig. 1961, expanded ed. 1981); Dankwart Rustow,
“Transitions to Democracy,” Comparative Politics 2:3 (1970), 337–63; Adam Prze-
worski and Fernando Limongi, “Modernization: Theory and Facts,” World Politics 49
(January 1997), 159–83; and Carles Boix and Susan Stokes, “Endogenous Democrat-
ization,” World Politics 55:4 (2003), 517–49.
24 Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power,
Prosperity, and Poverty (New York: Crown Business, 2012) offers theses that are
mostly compatible with those of this book—except that they overemphasize countries
with relatively small populations that are strongly affected by neighboring states.
These authors are fascinated by Botswana’s “success,” for example, as a sharp con-
trast to Sierra Leone’s problems; but they scarcely mention Botswana’s closeness to
relatively affluent South Africa or Sierra Leone’s closeness to several other economic
and political “failures” in West Africa. They likewise neglect differences between
places within “sovereign” states. Their book’s 529 pages do not mention the Philip-
pines—even though attention to localism in that more populous nation would refine
their analysis.
25 Terms such as “level” are often used to describe political units that are “sub”-sover-
eign in a purely legal sense—but, of course, such terms falsely presume that behavi-
oral power flows only “downward.”
26 For comparison with another large East Asian country, see Lynn White, “Temporal,
Spatial, and Functional Governance of China’s Reform Stability,” Journal of Con-
temporary China, 22:83 (May 2013), 791–811.
27 See Max Weber, “Politics as a Vocation,” in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology,
trans. H.H. Gerth and C.W. Mill (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 77–128;
and Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait (New York: Doubleday,
1960), who interprets Weber’s terms for existential Wertrationalität and purposeful
Zweckrationalität.
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