Lawrence H. Feldman - The War Against Epidemics in Colonial Guatemala, 1519-1821-Boson Books (1999)
Lawrence H. Feldman - The War Against Epidemics in Colonial Guatemala, 1519-1821-Boson Books (1999)
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by
Lawrence H. Feldman
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Contents
PREFACE 8
Inoculation 46-47
The Vaccination Crusade Against Smallpox, 1798-1804 56-59
The Fevers of Amatitlan, 1814 84
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS
"Of the Epidemic Called Cocoliztli and the Image of Death Called San
Pascual" by Antonio Fuentes y Guzman (late seventeenth century) 24-27
Correspondence on Typhus
by Pedro Aparicis, Francisco Xavier de Aguirre, Toribio Josef Carbajal,
Francisco Solivera, Josef Bonilla, Jose Antonio Cordoba, and Ignacio Guerra
(1797-1798) 38-44
Correspondence on Smallpox
by Domingo Gonzalez, Francisco Sebastian Chamorro, and Jose Camposeco
Lorenzana (1795) 45-55
Guatemala 9
Escuintla 10
Amatitanes 11
Totonicapan 12
Tables
Preface
There are many works on medicine in Colonial Guatemala. This is one more such
endeavor. What makes this work different is that it is neither a broad history nor restricted
to an ethnic group or organization. Instead it confronts a particular problem; what to do
when an epidemic strikes? Looking at it from the viewpoint of those who actually had to
face this menace, the words of those who needed to take action are given in English
translation. The first part offers a discussion of the setting, the times and places in which
these happenings took place, and presents some conclusions on the effects of all these
efforts. The second part of each section gives the actual words of the people effected by the
epidemics.
In this second edition of Epidemics in Colonial Guatemala, I have made changes in the
manner of citing references, corrected some errata and provided some additional material
prepared for the earlier edition but, because of space limitations, not included in that edition.
No attempt has been made to review the literature since 1991, that I will leave for those who
wish to pursue this topic further.
I wish to take this opportunity to express my thanks those at the School of Medicine whose
editing improved the first edition and that the same school for their permission to do a
revised edition under another publisher.
"It happened that during the twenty-fifth year the plague began, oh, my sons! First
they became ill of a cough, they suffered from nosebleeds and illness of the bladder. It was
truly terrible, the number of dead there were in that period. ... Little by little heavy
shadows and black night enveloped our fathers and grandfathers and us also, oh, my
sons! when the plague raged." ...
"Great was the stench of the dead. After our fathers and grandfathers succumbed, half
of the people fled to the fields. The dogs and the vultures devoured the bodies. The
mortality was terrible. Your grandfathers died, and with them died the son of the king and
his brothers and kinsmen. So it was that we became orphans, oh, my sons! So we became
when we were young. All of us were thus. We were born to die!," Annals of the
Cakchiquel (Recinos and Goetz 1953).
The Indian narrative above dramatically describes the great smallpox epidemic of 1519-
1521, the first to strike Central America after the arrival of the Europeans. Thereafter,
during the three hundred years of colonial rule, the specter of disease was seldom absent.
In recent years there have been many works on medicine in colonial Guatemala. What
differentiates this collection of Indian and Spanish documents is that it is neither a broad
history of the colonial era nor is it restricted to a single ethnic group or organization.
Instead, it confronts a basic question: What could be done when an epidemic struck?
Based on tax and census records, some modern researchers estimate a decline in the
indigenous population of at least 90% in the first 160 years of European conquest.
Colonial mismanagement, drought, famine, flood, earthquakes, and even locusts ravaged the
peoples of colonial Guatemala, but the epidemic -peste - was the most obvious and chief
cause of devastation (Lovell 1985; MacLeod 1973; Sherman 1979; Feldman 1985; Feldman
1993).
Something very much like Malaria is reported from the Pacific coast by the end of the
seventeenth century (cf. Azeituno 1759; Orellana 1987:155). Malaria was almost certainly
present on the Atlantic coast of Guatemala and Honduras in the eighteenth century.
Lowland populations were particularly susceptible to endemic diseases that caused chronic
illnesses or disabilities, gradually whittling away the population. Towns in the province of
Escuintla, for example, were said to be “well populated” with Indians blinded by disease.
Census documents for Tacuilula, an Escuintla town that vanished at the end of the
eighteenth century, repeatedly referred to Indians excused from taxes because of leprosy
and syphilis (Orellana 1987:155-156; Feldman 1988:5-7; Anonymous 1721; Anonymous
1735; Anonymous 1751).
The four horsemen of the apocalypse in Guatemala were smallpox (viruelas ), typhus
(tabardillos ), measles (sarampion ) and Influenza (epizootia ). Between 1519 and 1821,
there were at least twenty epidemics of smallpox, eighteen of typhus, nine of measles, and
four of influenza. These epidemics are documented in Table 1.
Many colonial diseases lack a modern name. At least twenty-two other outbreaks were
documented but not specifically identified (Table 2). The difficulty was frequently semantic.
Modern investigators, for example, associate certain symptoms with influenza (epizootia )
and mumps (paperas ), yet those terms do not always appear in the Spanish documents.
Also, the Spanish used viruelas to describe several kinds of eruptive fevers until the
eighteenth century; and as late as 1768, doctors used the same treatment for measles as
smallpox (Smith 1974; Avalos y Porras and Desplanques 1769).
Indian languages may have been more precise. For the Nahua, a commonly used colonial
era language in southern Guatemala, Smith (1974: 5) gives the terms hueyzahuatl ("great
leprosy") for smallpox and Zahuatl Tepiton ("small leprosy") for measles. In Central
Mexican Nahua, from the earliest days, smallpox had its own specific term, totomonaliztli
(Sahagun 1955:81).1
The Conqueror of Guatemala, Pedro de Alvarado, established the first colonial capital of
Santiago de los Caballeros in 1524; three years later the capital was moved to Almolonga
(on the site of Ciudad Vieja). After Alvarado’s death, the seat of government was relocated
to Antigua. At that time, “the Kingdom of Guatemala” constituted a large portion of
Central America, including the current Mexican state of Chiapas and the Republics of
Guatemala, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Honduras and Nicaragua.
Alvarado held the title Captain General, and after his death the title fell to the President of
the Royal Court (Audiencia). This individual (also called the Regent) served as both chief
executive officer and head of the military forces. After the Audiencia, the next level of
administration was composed of the provincial governors: alcalde mayors, corregidors, and
intendents. In the various towns, city councils exercised jurisdiction.2
Parallel to those offices was the hierarchy of the Roman Church headed by an archbishop
in the capital, and bishops in Honduras, Nicaragua and Chiapas. At the local level was the
parish priest. Both clerical and military authorities reported regularly to the Council of the
Indies in Madrid. Their actions were crucial when action was necessary to curb an
epidemic. Yet none had medical training.
1This is from the Nahua word “totomonaltia” that translates as “to make blisters” (Molina 1944).
2 Provincial boundaries, as well as the limits of Spanish sovereignty changed over time (e.g. the Peten did
not come under Spanish rule until about 1700). But because most of the cited material comes from late in
the colonial era, except as otherwise noted, this volume uses the boundaries current at the late eighteenth
century to locate outbreaks of epidemics.
Measles
Smallpox
3 Dates with darkened entries are discussed in greater detail elsewhere in the text.
4In the previous edition of this work, this epidemic was identified as measles but (Sahagun 1955:81), in
describing an attack of the same epidemic in Central Mexico, mentions blindness as one of the possible
after effects of this illness. Blindness is associated with smallpox and not measles, hence the change in
identification.
Typhus
5In this table, the Spanish terms peste and the Nahua term cocolistli are translated as “epidemic”; no
further identification of a specific illness is attempted. Identification of Influenza comes from Figueroa
Marroquin (1983:28).
6This epidemic with intermittent fevers was found at Omoa and in the Atlantic lowlands of the province of
Chiquimula. Among the victims were a Captain General and his family who were in transit to Guatemala
City. The epidemic was said to have existed in these coastal zones since 1756 (Azeituno 1759).
7This epidemic, associated with the rotting corpses of people and animals, appear ed after the ear thquake
that leveled Chiquimula; it may have been typhus.
8"Mal de Amarillo"
When Pedro de Alvarado begin his conquest of Guatemala in 1524 he brought along
cavalry, infantry, guns and crossbows but there was not a single doctor in the entire
expedition. When Alvarado was wounded in the leg, he improvised a cure. Thereafter, with
one foot shorter than the other, the famous conquistador limped for the remainder of his
life (Martinez Duran 1964:126).
When permanent capital was established at what is now known as Ciudad Vieja, there were
no Doctors even by then current Spanish standards. Instead there was the infamous and
unschooled "Doctor N", who in the words of an old chronicler, "killed more people than he
cured. The situation became so bad that the town officials ordered that if a person called
Dr. N. to treat someone who was ill, and the patient died or got worse, then the one who
called him would have to take the blame" (Remesal in Orellana 1987:160).
All five hospitals in Guatemala were located in Antigua, which served as the capital from
1541 to 1773. The first, founded in 1527, eventually became San Alejo, the hospital for the
Indians. San Alejo had a total of only twenty four beds in 1650. Other Hospitals were San
Juan de Dios for the Spaniards, Hospital San Pedro for the clergy (joined to San Juan in
1795), and Bethlem for the handicapped. Two other institutions, San Lazaro (1640) and San
José (1780), treated victims of leprosy and smallpox respectively.
Aside from temporary shelters for the ill, there were no hospitals in the seventy-two Indian
towns outside of Antigua. Those population relied on native healers and the kindness of
Spanish friars (Orellana 1987:160; Martinez Duran 1964: 126,154,177,183,284,327,346).
Things were little better at the end of the colonial period. Professional practitioners with
some claim to a University education were few and far between while so-called “destroyers
of humanity” endangered lives. An 1804 statement describes a birthing attendant who
“instead of delivering the baby, delivered the mother’s intestines.” During another birth, as
the baby emerged arm first, the practitioner grabbed the arm and pulled, “but seeing that his
efforts were in vain, he cut it off,” (Lanning 1985:119-120).9
9The citation is for practices in Mexico City but similar instances doubtless could be found for Guatemala
where there were even fewer professional practicioners.
Medical professionals in colonial Guatemala were scarce. Between 1700 and 1821, the
University of San Carlos granted only thirty bachelor’s degrees in medicine- or about one
every four years for a kingdom of approximately one million people (Lanning 1985:140).
A bachelor’s degree could be earned after eight years of study (four in the arts and four in
medicine) and two years of internship with an established physician, followed by an
examination.
Two advanced degrees- the licentiate and the doctorate- were also available from the
University of San Carlos. Of those, according to historian John Tate Lanning, “only the
licentiate involved the additional work that might indicate greater learning, but even this
degree did not involve any more classes or laboratory work - only the reading and the
memory required to perform the ‘acts’ and stand the examination.”
Surgeons came in two forms. Most common were the “romance” variety, who spent four
years apprenticed in a hospital or under an approved surgeon, followed by examination.
“Latin” surgeons had courses in a school of surgery (Lanning 1985:265- 266).
The Royal Protomedicato, a board of licensed medical examiners, existed elsewhere in the
New World since the sixteenth century but was not established in Guatemala until 1793
(Martinez Duran 1964:370). Its jurisdiction covered the entire field of medicine- algebra
(bone setting), midwifery, phlebotomy (bloodletting), surgery, and pharmacy. In practice,
however, its interest rarely extended beyond the examination and licensing of new doctors
and the prosecution of malpractice claims. Fees or fines for those services, as well as
modest salaries, comprised the protomedicos’ income. The board served primarily as a
court for European or Creole practitioners.
All medical professionals were for the white population. Indians relied on their own curers.
Activities of village healers or Indian experts were not the concern of the Protomedicato,
although such practitioners did occasionally undergo scrutiny by clerical authorities, as
shown in the first of the colonial documents printed here.
The line between a saint and a devil has long been a problem in Guatemala. A
seventeenth-century account of an epidemic, a beatified saint named Pascual Bailón, and
an apparition that became know as El Rey San Pascual shows the interaction between
Indian beliefs and religious and civil authorities in colonial Guatemala.
In 1650 a prominent Indian lay seriously ill from the painful fevers of Cucumatz, an
incurable disease. A vision of a tall, fleshless figure clothed in glowing robes appeared to
him and commanded worship. Identifying himself as San Pascual Bailón, the figure
predicted the time of the man’s death and offered to remove the scourge of Cucumatz in
exchange for devotion. When the epidemic did indeed cease, word of the miraculous vision
spread. The Indians identified the apparition as both a new saint- El Rey San Pascual-
and the angel of death. Images of him began to appear in family shrines and even in some
traditional celebrations. As worship of the idol increased, local priests turned to the
Inquisition. All images of El Rey San Pascual were ordered to be destroyed in public
bonfires. How a saint became part of the Indian arsenal of weapons against epidemics in
the late 1600s was recounted in this report by Captain Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman
(1933:401-403), himself a descendant of the original Hispanic conquerors and a native of
Guatemala.
Fuentes y Guzman also provided details about Indian health. Cucumatz was limited to the
native population, and the only apparent treatment was bathing in hot sulfurous waters.10
Pious volunteers assisted those that were sick. The professionals may have been rare but
volunteers were not lacking to assist the sick. Often these were Spanish friars (Orellana
1987:159). It is no accident that San Pascual Bailón appeared in the guise of a friar. It is
clear from the narrative that no other treatments were offered to the ailing population.
LHF
10Inlieu of natural hot springs, Indians often ascribed healing value to indigenous steam baths, the
temascal mentioned elsewhere in this volume.
Of the Epidemic Called Cocoliztli and the Image of Death Called San
Pascual11
The natural inclination of this generation of Indians toward superstition and idolatry extends
even to inventing..., chimeras which they abuse to satisfy their needs. This had not happened
for many years when in 1650 the worship of a fleshless figure of death, among the Indians
of the valley of Guatemala, had its origin in their continuing ignorance. On the occasion
that we refer to there raged an affliction among the Indians of the valley of Guatemala,
which is an epidemic of natural origin, that the Pipil Indians call Cocoliztli 12 and the
Cakchiquels13 call Cucumatz . It caused a continuing and prickling pain in the stomach
with strong twists that came in spasms with a numbness of the muscles, nerves and joints
which worked only with agonizing pain and whose undulating movements resulted in the
name of Cucumatz which means snake. This affliction continued in the stomach, spreading
repeatedly to other parts of the body the pain being always accompanied in the miserable
patient by the indescribable torment and anguish of an active and malicious fever and
implacable thirst.
It is an illness inborn in the Indians, incurable in that all who catch it quickly are unable to
do anything. These miserables are without any possibility and means to repair their
sorrows. They have no means of escaping. I have noted when young that the only
medicine and remedy they have is a mat placed on the hard ground near the hearth and to
wait for Providence to decide if they live or die. Many enemy authors search maliciously
for other reasons why so many towns have been extinguished.14
11From Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzmán (1932-1933). Italicized words and passages appear in the
original. It is interes ting to observe how quickly the devotion to the Spanish friar Pascual Bailón (1540-
1592) arrived in Guatemala. Beatified in 1618, Pascual was not canonized until 1690, forty years after the
cult of El Rey San Pascual had begun. See Pascual Bailón entry in Charles G. Herbermann et al., eds., The
Ca tholic Encyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1907-1912).
12The Pipil were speakers of the Nahua language who lived in the province of Escuintla. The standard
dictionary of sixteenth century Nahua uses the term teococoliztli ("divine epidemic") for leprosy (Molina
1944). In that same dictionary, cocoliztli just means “sickness,” "epidemic" or “illness.”
13 The Cakchiquel Maya still live in what was then known as the Corregimiento or province of the Valley
of Guatemala. In the eighteenth century this unit was divided into the two separate provinces of
Chimaltenango and Amatitanes e Sacatepeques.
14Fuentes y Guzman here refers to the tendency of Protestant writers of his and subsequent centuries to
blame the decline of the indian population on the cruelty of the Spaniards to their indian subjects.
This epidemic had fed on the entire district and its extension of the valley of Guatemala.
Many of the most excellent and numerous settlements were empty like deserts, one of these
being San Antonio Aguacaliente which is one of those adjacent to the parish capital of
Almolonga [today Ciudad Vieja]. For up to a year its inhabitants had suffered the dreadful
carnage and desolation caused by this deadly illness and which infected these miserable
Indians with pain. They desiring a remedy went to some sulfurous and very hot fountains
which they had in this town. They bathed here a long time leaving here well aware that they
would soon die.
Among those sick was one of the leading citizens of this place. Believing that he could die
any moment, he requested and received the sacraments, and now at the end of his life he
received a vision in which appeared a beautiful person, gleaming in a glowing light. More
than that he could not discern because he with dressed in full length clothing like the habit
of my patron San Francisco. But he didn't believe it was a friar who was so dressed and
adorned with glowing fabric of some unimaginable material. Inspired with confidence by
this vision, bravely from his seat on his bed of rushes although his tongue was numb with
weakness and thirst, he asked "who are you, what great Lord"?
This very lofty and serious individual in a graceful and calm manner asked the sick Indian
his own question, inquiring: Why don't the Indians celebrate and make a festival, like for
the other saints, for San Pascual Bailón? But the poor Indian responded that he never
heard nor knew until now the name of the said Saint and that he believed that the other
Indians also had no knowledge of him. And who was the great Lord who wanted to know
this? And the personage said that he was San Pascual Bailón and that he should
understand, in order to inform the other Indians, that it would be very pleasing to him and
save them from their illnesses if with faith and a clean heart they call on him by celebrating
with images and pictures made of him. God wants him to be their patron in order that by his
intercession they would be free of the contagion that afflict them and so free them from
death.
The humble Indian remained very astonished when consoled by the words of the Saint. But
pleased and respectful he said: that he then promised his devotion but others of his nation
will not give credit to his words, that they would be incredulous and call him crazy.
Strengthened by his new and welcome patron, he asked what should he say to the Indians.
What proof would San Pascual Bailón offer of being his patron and advocate, and that if
they possess and invoke his picture will they be freed of death. As a sign that you are my
messenger (said the Saint) you will die within nine days and from this day the pestilence
will cease and no other Indian will die. And blessing him the saint disappeared from the
view of the sick one. He then called the pious volunteers who assisted those that were sick
and asked them to call the parish priest. When he arrived, in the presence of these pious
volunteers and other Indians who came with the Vicar, told what had passed with San
Pascual Bailón.
Having been examined very carefully by the priest and not disbelieving what the saints can
do with God, on the following day he sung a mass, preaching after it and urged the people
to show devotion to San Pascual. From this day, thanks to the mercy of God, ceased the
illness. The truth of what he preached, that the vision was not a dream nor delirium, was
certified by the death of the Indian messenger after nine days.
From here the story of the event diffused to all the towns of the district. Because of the
evident mercy and protection or because the Indians like to try novelties, all those of the
valley of Guatemala took pains to show their devotion to their holy patron. When they
placed themselves under his production they obtained from his intercession and pleas great
mercy and marvels. But as their ignorance is such or perhaps they received the news
corrupted, confusing the saint with the figure of death or that they thought that the image of
death was a representation of San Pascual Bailón which would save them. For the ill
persons who wanted it, they fabricated statues of death with the title of San Pascual.
There is not an Indian house where one didn't find two or three large and small ones placed
on their altars with elegant flowers and perfume. In this way, confusing the cause with the
effect, they showed that they were grateful for they were very sure that San Pascual was, in
their opinion, death. This error was so general and so the public was the disorder of their
ignorance that it came to the notice of the holy office of the faith [i.e. the Inquisition] which
ordered the parish priests and vicars of the Indians do all in their power to remove these
effigies. And that in the public plazas and in view of the people they should burn them in a
bonfire as was done and executed with promptness.
Despite this activity the memory survived, and wherever they see a similar picture they make
reverence and bend their knees. The procession of our "Holy Burial of Lord Christ" leaves
from the church of Santo Domingo on holy Friday and in front of it used to be the skeleton
of death. On it many Indians deposited robes, wreaths of flowers and many branches to
adorn it. Because of this and in order to remove it from view, it was determined by the City
Council, Justices and Government of Guatemala who are responsible for it, that the town
crier would proclaim that they intend to eliminate the cart. And it now has been fourteen
years since it left on this day.
Effigies of the skeletal El Rey San Pascual continue to be displayed in homes throughout
rural Guatemala and at a chapel in the town of Olintepeque (formerly in the colonial
province of Quetzaltenango). The shrine, built as recently as 1970, draws many pilgrims,
especially during an annual celebration. According to a 1989 description by Italo
Morales, Ph.D.:
The date of the celebration . . . is May 17, when people from all over the country, as well as
Tapachula, Mexico, and El Salvador come to visit him. There is no mass celebrated in his
honor since he is anathema to the Catholic church, except that chimanes [i.e. Indian curers]
come to perform rites.
The chapel, which . . . is very small . . . was built with alms from the devotees; its
maintenance is also paid with the same alms. . . Inside the chapel there are few places to sit
down since most people, I imagine, prefer to kneel down. There are also few places on
which to leave candles. The altar is filled with flowers brought every Sunday and the
“camarin ” (where he is enclosed or kept) is made of glass with metal bars and is well
locked for protection against vandals. . .
His devotees either leave thank you notes on the wall ... or bring him capes. According to
an informant he must have at least a hundred capes which he wears three or four at a time.
... The color of the candles to burn and its significance is as follows- Red = love, Green =
business, Blue = work, Pink = sickness and health, Black = against enemies and revenges,
Light Blue = money, Purple = against vices, Yellow = protection for adults, White =
protection for children.15
15Information presented here was collected for this volume, at the request of the author, by Italo Morales
(Ph.D) in Olintepeque on April 30, 1989. Many references to other strange practices -often associa ted with
witchcraft, but that with few changes could have become healing activities- can be found in the Spanish
records. Anonymous documents (see references cited) provide two examples from 1631 Nicaragua and 1750
Totonicapan.
Herbs and drugs were the most common means of treating the sick. In the 1769
document printed below, doctors Manuel Avalos y Porras and Francisco Desplanques
named twenty-three substances to be used as drugs or health aids. Excluding burnt deer
horn, ground mother of pearl shell, ground eggshell, mercury and soil from pilgrimage
sites, all were derived from plants.
Colonial practitioners with access to the pharmacies of the capital could choose from well-
stocked shelves of “lizard excrement, spider webs, peacock and gander dung, urine of the
cow, and afterbirth of a woman,” to name a few. Friar Aguilar’s garden of “medicinal
herbs” in Verapaz included rue, rose, centaury, common chamomile, nettle, coffee,
borage, and mint.16
Desplangues and Porras described the treatments offered to both Spaniards and Indians.
They observed that the rich- “who have help, comfort, and all the care that they need” -
usually fared better.
L.H.F..
16See Feldman 1988:85 for the garden of Friar Aguilar and also Ximenez (1967) and Fuentes y Guzman
(1932-1933) for additional references to medicinal plants. An example of a less successful remedy of the
time is offered by the Gazeta de Mexico, which once, according to Lanning (1985:363): "played up a 'True
water for whitening and strengthening the teeth' that not only would leave them in their 'natural state' but
also would cure scurvey. Two numbers later, however, the periodical reported candidly that the "licor" was
nothing more than sulfuric acid diluted with water. It might, the slightly repentant editor reflected, clean
the teeth, but it would also dissolve them 'in short order,'"
Description
The reigning epidemic is Measles; it is an exacerbated fever with eruption of red spots on
white, similar to the bites of fleas, raised little more than the surface of the skin, and joined
together to make larger spots, which sometimes cover without interruption very large areas,
particularly on the face. In the Indians, Mulatos and Blacks the eruption is of the shape and
size of heads of pins, of the same color as the skin, and in all one describes it best by
saying: a little dust similar to tiny sawdust.
Differences
Besides Measles, which is the illness most common, one also finds occasionally smallpox
and sometimes morbillosas fevers or sarampionosa, which one observes in those who
previously had Measles.18
In practice it is useful to distinguish measles only two times; the first is before the rash and
the second after the rash appears. Before the rash appears one recognizes it by an
exaggerated cold; there is pain in the head and the tongue, the eyes tear and are red, and one
can't stand the light; the nose drips, there is much coughing; sometime sounds hurt one; and
one of the most certain signs is that the tongue which is more or less white, has near the tip
some bumps like pin heads, which are very red. Together with all this, one is irregular or
with a small fever, which one recognizes by a more frequent pulse, and extraordinary heat,
particularly in the hands; This small fever like other symptoms, starts in the afternoon and
is stronger in the night than in the day. All these signs, or even most of them, one finds
17Metodo, Que se ha de Observar en la Curacion de Sarampion, y Viruelas, formado de Orden del Superior
Govierno, a instancia del Sr. Fiscal de S. M. en el año presente de 1769 (3 de Mayo). Doctors D. Manuel
Avalos y Porras and D. Francisco Desplanques Printed by Joachin de Arevalo. AGCA A1.4.10-A1.7-5909-
271-fol. 9. Italic (e.g. paragraph headings) represent emphasis in Spanish text. Francisco Desplanquez, a
French physician, arrived in Guatemala in 1768 and was still practicing medicine after the move of the
Capital to its present location in 1773 (Martinez Duran 1964:300-306)
18"Morbillosas" and "Sarampionosa" dictionaries translate as Measles like diseases. The word for Measles
in Spanish is "Sarampion".
together. One can sometimes add vomiting, and diarrhea, with expulsion of worms. Neither
is it rare, that the ill bleed from their noses or the cough up bloody phlegm. And that in
women they advance their periods. At first for only a few hours, afterwards for two, three or
even eight days or more.
In the second time [after the rash appears], the symptoms of the first greatly increase,
particularly the fever in the night. In Whites one finds the eruption of a superficial red
spots of two to four millimeters in diameter and in the Indians, Mulatos and Blacks the
eruption of little grains like heads of pins, of the same color as the skin. This eruption
begins on the face, afterwards follows the chest to the arms and the other parts of the body.
The fever, the condition of the face, and the elevation of the spots or grains lessens after
three or four days of Measles. Two days afterwards the fever entirely ends. Where were
the spots or grains of Measles is covered with white markings. One can then see that the
Measles is ended, although the marks sometimes persist two or three weeks afterwards.
One separates Smallpox from Measles (of the usual type) before the eruption in that the
Measles like symptoms are weaker, in lesser number, and that in particular one lacks the
sign of the tongue. After the eruption the body is filled, more or less, with hemispheric semi
transparent grains close to 2 mm. in diameter, which burst after two, three or four days,
without complete recovery. They forming a scab which comes off leaving a scar.
The fever of Sarampionsa begins like measles, has the same symptoms except that of the
tongue, and entirely lacks the eruption. It ends in a week.
Prognosis
From our observations, these three illnesses don't have the same danger in the rich, who
have help, comfort, and all the care that they need, and if they are fatal and mortal in the
Indians, and poor, it is for lack of care or food. The duration of the principal illness does
not extend beyond a week; but needs a special diet much longer. The symptoms,
particularly the diarrhea, continue far longer than the principal illness and sometime for lack
of a proper diet, begins after it. Of the three illnesses that we have discussed in this tract,
Measles is the most subject to these relapses and requires a special diet longest.
Healing: The different remedies for each kind of mishap, thus one can select from
what closest to the hand.
GENERAL PRECEPTS
As soon as some one is not feeling well, it is necessary to leave the chile, the Chiapa pepper,
the suchil [either a fermented beverage or condiment and anise added to atole], the chocolate,
all kinds of alcohol, chicha, sweet water and whatever other kind of drink or food which is
spicy or is naturally hot.19 Nor should one use the temascal but bath only with cold water.
When the marks, as defined above as, of the first stage appear that one recognizes as
Measles; those over twelve to fifteen years are bleed from the arm twice. Each time one
remove six or eight ounces of blood, as per the constitution of the individual. Those who are
fat, who have much pain in the head or in the tongue, who have much coughing, who have
much phlegm filling their nose, or those who hurt in the breast have the more need for
bleeding than others, and although [the rash of] Measles begins to appear one should not
stop the bleeding.
If they already haven’t laid down, as soon as Measles begins to appear, the ill should be
placed in bed. The bed should be well sheltered, with no ingress of air from the windows or
doors, and the patient overdressed with clothes.20 Beverages should be the usual or hot
water or a cooked sprouts of Erythrina [pito or coral bean tree], or of its leaves or of cooked
southern maidenhair fern [culantrillo], barley, borage, and poppy.21 With all these drinks
one can add a little brown sugar in order to alleviate the cough and make the drink more
enjoyable. Use whatever drink is easiest to obtain, hottest, and often, in order to gain quick
relief. Those who vomit should take no more than six spoonfuls each time, but repeat it in a
short time.
20The advise to patients to drink hot water, clothe themselves warmly, go to bed and atole as nourishment
is repeated, for smallpox, in the instruction of Bartolache printed in Mexico in 1779 (Smith 1974).
21Erythrina corallodendron L. or E. folkersii Krakoff & Moldenke (Orellana 1987:202) is the pito or
coralbean tree. Eating the cooked flowers causes drowsiness (Orellana 1987:202). "Culantrillo" is
Adiantum capillus-veneris L. It has been used in this century for chest compaints such as respiratory
catarrh and coughs (Orellana 1987:174).
When two days have passed without it working and [one has] given two or three enemas ,
add a little dark soap, brown sugar and oil or lard or butter (cleaned or cooked).22 The food
should be boiled broth or bread atoles, or rice or toasted rice, or cooked and ground maize,
or toasted and then ground tortillas. One can add a little southern maidenhair fern and mint.
One ought to feed the patient each four hours, four times a day. Five days after the
vanishing of the [marks of] measles, they can put on his clothes and use a little more food.
But they should still wait eight days before leaving the house. They should wait fifteen
days before going out in the rain, drinking cold water or walking on the ground with bare
feet.
SPECIAL PRECEPTS
Fever ought to diminish, from bleedings, abundant drinks and little food. It ought to vanish
only two or three days after the appearance of Measles.
Headaches are cured with bleedings, and if it is very strong one bleeds the ankle, and
smears the face with only tallow, or mixed with almond oil, or eats it, or mixes it with soap
or chicken fat.
Eye pain is removed with a tiny amount of milk, either from a mother or other source, the
eyes being covered with a pad soaked in it.
A sore neck is cured with bleeding, abundant drinks, mouthwashes of milk, or of cooked
mallow with water or milk, and ointments of the types described under headaches or by
using a poultice of mallow leaves, or ground Opuntia cactus leaves cooked with milk or
water, or mixed with cooked mallows or teasel or chamomile flowers or those of elder or of
parrot herb.
Ear pains are alleviated by filling them with some mothers milk or hot milk or almond oil
and then closing them with cotton.
22There is blackish soap in modern Guatemala made from tallow, cattle offal and ash lye used by poor
people for cleaning. Another possibility is the soapy material, used to clean clothes, found inside the fruit
of the Sapindus saponaria tree.
Breast pain is cured with bleedings, with abundant hot drinks and with the same
ointments as noted under headaches.
Stomach pain is with the ointments used for heartaches or by placing a hot egg omelet on it
and an ointment of almond oil or placing on it linen soaked in cooking oil and sprinkled
with flor de ceniza [literally flower of ashes, perhaps lye].
Abdomen pain is removed with the mentioned ointments used with headaches or by placing
pieces of wool soaked in milk or cooked mallows or Opuntia cactus leaves in water,
renewing the application with only small amounts in order that it not be counterproductive.
The help of cooked mallows, or Opuntia cactus leaves, with a little oil and milk, produces a
good result.
Vomiting is cured by drinking rarely and a little amount each time, and with the following
remedy: one takes the amount of ash one can pick up with one hand, placing it in a glass
with some spoonfuls of water and stir it some times for two hours until the ash falls to the
bottom and the water is clear, then remove two spoonfuls and add some drops of lemon
juice to it until it stops bubbling and give it to the patient to drink. The patient should take,
in the shell of a nut, burnt deer horn powder or earth from Esquipulas [a pilgrimage center
in eastern Guatemala]. One can also apply oil, flor de ceniza , or an egg omelet.
Diarrhea is an mishap most difficult to cure and the most rebellious. It comes normally
from a lack in the diet, from those who eat too much, who walk on the ground with naked
feet, or those who don't take care of themselves in the cold. In order to cure it, it is
necessary that they eat very little, that they keep warm and drink all day much milk, mixed
with two parts of cooked rose water, or some plantain leaves and smear the coccyx with
tallow and the stomach with oil mixed with flor de ceniza. One can also take the weight of
one real [a dime sized silver coin] of ground egg shell or of pearly shells. If one has the
opportunity to take goats milk, this is the best remedy.
Constipation is cured by squatting, in order to receive the steam, on a chamber pot filled
with hot water and smearing the coccyx with tallow.
Worms are cured by taking some mercury, an amount equal to half a chickpea in size,
mixed with a little brown sugar and some drops of water until the mercury is mixed and
does not move anymore. Then the patient should take it. Some spoonfuls of oil are also a
good remedy. These two remedies should be repeated each day.
In order to alleviate Hysteria it is necessary for the patient to put ground rue on the navel
and smell feathers, wool, and burn shoes.
One stops Cough by drinking much and very hot. If it continues after the ending of the
eruption, one drinks milk mixed with two parts of cooked Erythrina leaves. One can
sometimes also take the weight of a real of ground egg shell.
Bleeding from the nose or from the chest. If the illness is just starting, one can not have a
better cure than with bleeding and drinking cooked roses or plantains with a little brown
sugar.
Smallpox, and Sarampionosas fevers, are cured in the same way as Measles.
If one follows exactly the method for curing the current illness and its mishaps, with the
help of God, one will have no more misfortunes than already experienced up to now.
The reports and abstracts printed below were submitted to the Council of the Indies by
President José de Estachería between November of 1786 and March of 1787.23 They are
printed verbatim, with filing notes showing actual date, date of receipt, and date of abstract
Estachería chronicles the epidemic known as La Bola- which means, literally, The Ball.
La Bola claimed few lives in the cities (where Estachería credits bloodletting for recovery),
but caused “havoc” in the Indian towns. Estachería makes reference to a “committee of
doctors,” which apparently was created to oversee the epidemic.
L.H.F.
It has very diverse symptoms. In some it causes an intense pain in the head and some
fever. In others it begins with delirium. In still others it starts with a strong fever and
pressure on the head causing pain and acute discomfort in the stomach and breast. Then
there are those who develop difficulty in swallowing, coughing, and bloody spittle with a
considerable flow from the nostrils. Most only experience chills without major stomach
and head pain, some difficulty in breathing, and pain in the bones with a kind of lassitude or
slowness in their speech.
This malady progresses very quickly. I have heard of families of 18, 20 and more persons
being attacked at the same time in a manner that had been very deadly. It cut most of them
down and caused unspeakable dismay because of their inability to perform their public
functions and the lack of any assistance to the ill.
23These abstracts came from AGI Guatemala, legajo 475 (see also Anonymous 1787a-b).
Up to now there have been very few deaths in the City although its seems that in the towns
of the Indians it has caused enough havoc since they don't like bleeding and the use of it is
strongly recommended for it stops it. To avoid dehydration and to cause them to sweat,
they should drink a brew made from borage, barley, centaury and other similar plants.
These have caused the best results in the said Capital, in Ciudad Real [today San Cristobal
Las Casas in Chiapas] and Tuxtla from where the said epidemic has been introduced into
this Kingdom. I have kept the dispatches from a Committee of Doctors who quickly
informed me and in a clear manner of the curative methods which should be undertaken and
am enclosing it with this letter [no enclosure survives].
The time taken to recover from this malady in some has been 4 days but in many others
there has been a remission. Mostly it has been women and old men who remain ill for a
long time. It was understood by the President, and all the individuals of the secretariat, that
those remaining sick, with little or no ability to take care of themselves, are the ones most
likely to die. It is for this reason that we provided orders for care of the citizens and this we
should require for the afflicted throughout the kingdom wherever exists this epidemic. Thus
we are communicating the situation that now exists and our measures to remedy it.
Letter received on February 28, 1787
Abstract logged in on March 5, 1787
The President continued to provide news on this illness, saying in letter number 698 of the
15th of December of last year that it had now ceased in the capital without having caused
many deaths but that it has begun to spread in other Provinces of the Kingdom with the
same effects as mentioned previously.
Abstract logged in on April 16, 1787.
Subsequently in a letter of the 15th of January, number 725, he gives an account of this
illness, without many details, noting where it spread in the provinces and that its effects were
not as benign as experienced in the Capital and surrounding district. He attributes this to
the climate, as had happened in New Spain, whose circumstances without doubt caused the
loss in the small population of the Port of Omoa [Honduras]. Here, as soon as the
sickness struck, 27 individuals died, all the rest of the inhabitants becoming badly ill.
Letter received on April 23, 1787.
Abstract logged in May 6, 1787.
In letter number 756 of the 19th of last March the following was received from the
President:
According to news received from the governors of the provinces of this jurisdiction relative
to the epidemic called La Bola, the effects reported previously were very exaggerated.
Although the mortality in the provinces compared with that in this city was notable
nevertheless it was not so great as to be considered as monstrous given the number of
inhabitants. It has already ceased in most of the towns and in others it is definitely in
decline. I am sure you will join with me in praying, through Divine Mercy, for the freedom,
from similar afflictions of the towns of your dominion.
Letter received on August 26, 1787.
Abstract logged in on August 29, 1787.
These documents describe the typhus epidemic of 1797-1798, one of the nineteen to
strike colonial Guatemala (Aguirre 1797a&b; Carbajal 1797a&b; Solivera 1797; Solivera
1798; Solivera & Bonilla 1797; Soivera, Bonilla & Peres 1797). They illustrate
convincingly the importance of civil authorities in the war against disease.
Aguirre’s efforts were accompanied by those of Dr. Toribio José Carbajal, official
representative of the Royal Protomedico, José Antonio Cordoba. Carbajal brought to the
infected province of Escuintla an impressive collection of remedies from the Guatemala
City pharmacies, including cream of tartar, several tonics, absinthe salts, and sulfuric
acid.
In life, property, and government expense, the cost of the epidemic was high.
Approximately one hundred homes were ordered burned in the town of Concepción. The
epidemic eventually spread to San Gaspar Chajul, Todos Santos, Cuchumatan, San Juan
Atitan, San Sebastian, and Huehuetenango, resulting in the loss of 546 Indians, 130 of
whom were male taxpayers (Lovell 1985: 163; Aparicis 1798).
L.H.F.
This note treats of the town of Concepcion, following the account made by the Governor of
the Province of Totonicapan Don Francisco Xavier de Aguirre, to the President of
Guatemala of the result of the personal inspection which he made of it and its territory. It
presented the most pitiful spectacle worthy of compassion that one can imagine for neither
could he find a remedy to halt the illness of which it was suffering nor find some Ladino
person who would assist the sick. To this one must add that since the bad state to which the
Indians were reduced did not permit them to excavate deep graves, the atmosphere was filled
with the smell of corruption thus spreading further the disease. It contributed not a little
also to the neglect of the Indians in leaving closed the habitations of entire families that had
died from the disease.
To halt these fatal consequences, the Provincial Governor, filled with compassion and
disregarding the risk of losing his life, resolved to go personally to the town of Concepcion
and in its territory. Remaining there among the infected eleven days in order to investigate
the causes of the epidemic and he gave appropriate orders for its extinction. Despite
opposition from the Indians, he insisted that the dead be buried in a cemetery separate from
the population, and ordered that those who were healthy should go to their fields. All the
structures of the community, even the church, were of thatch and very close to each other.
Therefore although considered the best remedy, he decided not to burn the infected houses,
for fear of setting the entire town aflame. Afterwards the Indians would not have been able
to rebuild the settlement and thus remain scattered in tiny hamlets. Pedro Aparicis, 21
November 1798. Madrid.24
...With risk of life, I spent eleven days in this town and its infested territory with the
aim of discovering the cause and origin of the persistence of the disease. I observed first of
all that in the patio of the church and in the shrine of San Sebastian a square where was
buried more than two hundred corpses leaving it very foul smelling and [I observed] the
same in the cemetery which in spite of the repugnance of the Indians I had consecrated
after the town was three quarters depopulated .... [and I punished] severely those who
24The provincial governor actually indicated that it would be better to destroy the town and send the
inhabitants elsewhere. See the testimony collected in Guatemala, that follows this abstract prepared in
Spain.
opposed the said determination jailing them for this reason. I also demolished the temascals
[saunas] which they opposed. They did not make use of the said cemetery, as all were ill
and could not carry the bodies any great distance. For the same reason they had not made
the graves very deep ... as a result several cadavers were dug up by animals.
The town is situated on a peak of a forest which has more than a league of climbing, whose
climate is very disturbed and cloudy because there is rain in all the months of the year . I
recognized also that although the drinking water seems good it is very scarce for there are
only three or four springs on these peaks, with ponds in order to collect the water where
also drink the animals, and those who were healthy, and [those who are] sick which all can
contribute to the occurrence of the said illness.
The houses where entire families have died left a smell that, upon opening the door in order
check what was inside, restrains all desire to continue the search. Since all these houses are
so close one to other, there is hardly an alley without two or three [houses whose inhabitants
died]. In all one can only count six or eight huts in which there were no deaths or ill, the
healthy fleeing into the fields to escape the illness. Since the town hall, the house of the
priest and the church are thatched I could not ... burn the huts which are abandoned, since I
would burn the entire town; I thus had to make the decision of ordering all the [remaining]
healthy into their fields. These hardly came [to the total] of two hundred of both sexes
including the infants. Now only remain the ill, and two [others] who care for the dying.
My lords, based upon what has been said, this place should be saved from the fire.
But this would end the Indians entirely since they are a class of people so lazy and without
understanding instead of making new huts they would return to live in the infested, and
perhaps with trade and contact could infect those of other towns as has happened in the case
of San Marcos Jacaltenango, and San Sebastian Coatan who have received some of those
from Concepcion. And in San Sebastian Coatan, where has died one of those from
Concepcion they have expelled them and burnt the huts and clothes of the dead in order not
to infect their other houses, but even now in the said San Martin up to fourteen of the
Indians have died for the same reason, the proximity of the town of Concepcion.
One finds these [of Concepcion] the most corrupt on the royal road for they are the most
coarse, the insubordinate ones to whom is attributed many robberies made on the royal
road. Recently I discovered and destroyed a pagan shrine two leagues from the town where
they went to offer sacrifices and pray to the devil, of which crime I provided an account to
the Royal Audiencia. For all these reasons not only ought we burn this town but the few
remaining inhabitants should be divided among those of the towns of San Martin, Petatan,
San Antonio, and Santa Ana Huista which are on the royal road... March 8, l797.
Francisco Xavier Aguirre, Huehuetenango.25
March 8, 1797. Huehuetenango
Francisco Xavier de Aguirre
Having inspected the huts of the sons of the town, I observed the lack of ventilation, little
cleanliness in the clothes, use of the bedding of the dead, most of these being on the ground
and the ground being very humid. Added to all this is the semi starvation from which they
suffer. The character of the fever seems of nature putrid. The type of symptoms are
bleedings, discharge of gas, diarrhea, sweats, nauseating etc. without a fixed end in their
crisis. The one recovering remains very weak and of those who relapse, most die. I have put
into practice the method of Mr. Masdevalli: the cleanliness, the ventilation, raising the ill off
the ground, their foods etc.26
God guard Your Lordship for many years.
November 12, 1797. Jumaytepeque.
Toribio José Carbajal (1797a).
We, the Judge, Mayor and City Councilmen say that on this date left for the Capital
Don Toribio Carbajal, having been commissioned by the Superior Government and the
Royal Protomedico, he extinguished the contagious fevers of said town and complied as a
Christian in all the duties with his cures which he had worked very completely with great
zeal and effectiveness. Also we have received from the said Doctor the following medicines:
a pound of saltpeter, one of sulfur, two pounds of cream of tartar, eight or more simple
tonics, four ounces of absinthe salts, two pounds of chamomile, two of borage, eight ounces
of ammonia salts, one ounce nitric acid, one of laudanum, one pound of ammonia salts,
twelve pounds of opiate, eight ounces sulfuric acid, a small pot for the collection of urine,
25The epidemic spread to the towns of San Gaspar Chajul, Todos Santos, Cuchumatan, San Juan Atitan,
San Sebastian and Huehuetenango resulting, in the death of 546 Indians (including 130 adult male
taxpayers) (Aguirre 1797b). Lovell (1985:163), basing himself upon documents at the AGCA, notes that
"over one hundred homes were ordered to be burned to the ground" at Concepcion. Another AGCA
document, cited by Lovell (1985:87) also refers to the "pagan shrine" destroyed by Aguirre.
26Although the identity of this person cannot be verified, it is likely that his name is associated with a
particular opiate preparation; see Córdoba’s Nov. 27, 1797 reference to masdeval )
four ounces of camphor, two pounds of powdered quinine, and two bottles of wine. The
said Doctor has placed by charity, from his own money, other medicines in the two bottles
of wine and we affirm [all] this with our signatures.
November 23, 1797. San Francisco Jumaytepeque.
Francisco Solivera, José Bonilla (Mayor), Ylario Peres (Town Scribe)
(Solivera, Bonilla and Peres 1797).
By the attached certificate of the Judge and officials of Jumay, one can confirm the zeal and
credit with which I devoted to the service of this town infested with fevers whose
extermination I was responsible. I am requesting travel expenses, eighteen days of going,
coming and being there, plus the six pesos paid from my own funds for the delivery of the
medicine...
November 25, 1797. New Guatemala.
Toribio José Carbajal (1797b).
I notify your Lordship that I have ordered paid the said Practitioner the 114 pesos that he
had earned, 108 of them for his subsistence at a rate of 6 pesos each one of the 18 days of
his expedition and the other six for the delivery of the medicine.
November 27, 1797. New Guatemala.
José Antonio Córdoba (1797).
Receipt for medication for the town of San Francisco Jumay, despatched upon the order of
the President [José Domas y Valle] and under the direction of Doctor Don José Antonio de
Córdoba Protomedico of this Kingdom.
Approved Córdoba
Don Francisco Ramírez, our apothecary in this capital, has provided the attached receipt
ordered by Your Lordship and under the direction of the Protomedico Don José Antonio de
Córdoba sent it to the Practitioner who was in the town of San Francisco Jumaytepeque.
November 28, 1797. Royal Palace [New Guatemala].
Ignacio Guerra (Ramirez and Guerra 1797)
List of those who have died from the epidemic in the town of San Francisco Jumaytepeque:
12 adult male taxpayers, 19 adult married women, 4 tax exempt males, 4 infants and 3
widowers = 42.
There remains as a result of the death of both parents, 20 orphans, most no more than 10
years of age. Out of the 270 ill there were 39 deaths making 231 who were cured.
December 30, 1797. San Francisco Jumaytepeque.
Francisco Solivera (1797).
Account of the expenses made upon the order of His Lordship, the President, for the food
of the sick children of this town of San Francisco Jumaytepeque...
In response to the commission which Your Highness conferred on the 6th of the past
November for the extinction of the plague of typhus which attacked the inhabitants of the
town of Jumaytepeque, I have the satisfaction of giving notice to Your Highness that from
the 30th of December of the past year all are healthy and there is no risk to the inhabitants
of the indicated town... There remains in my care 20 orphans most of which are 10 years
old and lack any hope other than the protection of Your Highness.
Also the Justices and Notables of the town have requested that I inform Your Highness of
the total decay caused by the illness and that you remove from the tax rolls the twelve dead
taxpayers...
January 8, 1798. San Francisco Jumaytepeque.
Francisco Solivera (1798)
Smallpox was the most devastating scourge that struck the Spanish Indies, not merely for
the death that it caused -although those were quite enough to reduce the population
drastically- but also for the blindness and other disabilities it brought to its victims. In
eighteenth century Europe smallpox was said to be blamed for thirty-five out of every one
hundred blind (Hopkins 1983:80). Doubtless the impact was equally severe in
Guatemala. Of the Smallpox epidemics that struck the colony, those of the 1780's and of
l794/1795 are the best known.
The epidemic of the early 1780's caused the most fatalities. In Totonicapan as much as 25
percent of the population died (Lovell 1985:154-160); in Amatitanes more than ten
thousand Indians perished (Anonymous 1788). Coban, in the Verapaz, had 8,524 people
in l778, but only 5,917 six years later (Anonymous 1778; Juarros 1981). More than ten
years passed before the population of this town returned to pre-epidemic levels. Following
the epidemics, the hardships of famine and starvation were so great that taxes were
excused for up to a year for many communities in the province of Chiquimula (cf.
Anonymous 1798,1821,1823).
The smallpox epidemic of 1794 originated in Chiapas, at the western edge of the Kingdom
of Guatemala, and raged for two years (Gonzalez Leon 1795b).27 The disease was
introduced at least twice from Chiapas into Totonicapan and Quetzaltenango (Domas y
Valle 1795; Domas y Valle 1796a; Flores 1796).28 Prompt quarantine and inoculation
kept the mortality rates low.
A truly remarkable series of Protomedicos directed the effort: José Felipe de Flores (1793-
1796), José Antonio Córdoba (1796-1804), and Narciso Esparragosa y Gallardo. Flores
had earlier distinguished himself in the study of cancer; Córdoba had written an
27Itwas erroneously thought by Hopkins (1983:222) to have been transported by ship from Peru in April
1796 to Chiapas or Acapulco. Contemporary Guatemalan accounts show that this is wrong.
28 The belief that it originated among the "wild" Lacandon indians north of Totonicapan, as suggested by
Chamorro (1795e), and thence transmitted by them to the town of San Mateo appears very unlikely given
the few contacts of the Lacandon with the outside world and the known contacts between San Mateo and
Chiapas.
outstanding paper on leprosy; and Esparragosa had designed an elastic whale bristle fillet
intended to save infants from the murderous deliveries of iron forceps (Lanning 1985;
Martínez Duran 1964: 680).29
These conscientious and persistent observers had other professional duties in addition to
the scientific. Their private practices were most demanding when an epidemic was in
progress; and they were also bound by the official duties of their office as well as the
responsibilities of a professorship in medicine at San Carlos University (Lanning
1985:37,369).
In health crises, both the private doctor and holder of the office of Protomedico were on
the fringes of efforts to save the population. The program of inoculation in Totonicapan
was led by the royal governor of the province of Totonicapan, Don Francisco Sebastian
Chamorro. As can be seen in the documents printed below, medical experts played an
important role in drawing up “instructions” and administering help to the sick, but they
did not have leading authority in medical matters and emergencies. The war against
disease was too important to be left to private individuals.
Inoculation
Inoculation was the great eighteenth-century defense against smallpox. Inoculation was
accomplished “by inserting pus or powdered scabs containing smallpox virus from a
previous patient into the skin of a susceptible person in order to deliberately cause an
infection. A person infected artificially in this manner ... ordinarily developed an illness
and rash milder than usual. The procedure carried a risk of death of between one and
three percent” (Hopkins 1983:7).
According to historian John Tate Lanning, inhabitants of the Spanish Indies showed “a
penchant for accepting inoculation.” They had, he said, “a confidence in the possibility of
the discovery of a remedy, particularly a botanical remedy” for smallpox. “In contrast to
the French, who were slow and indifferent to inoculation and finally suspended it, the
Spaniards showed the same hopefulness and some of the alacrity that [later] marked their
quick use of vaccination (Lanning 1985:372-73).” According to Chamorro, of the 2,895
29A discussion of Flores’s cancer cure, meatballs made from the newts of Lake Amatitlán (abody of wate r
just south of Guatemala City), can be found in Lanning (1985:338-340.
children who were inoculated in the province of Totonicapan, only seventy-eight died, while
3,774 who were not inoculated lost their lives.
Thus, in the last quarter of the eighteenth century and first quarter of the nineteenth,
Guatemala advanced to the forefront of medical research.
The documents printed below show that progress. At first, as the reports detail, the
Indians “shuddered upon seeing the lancet” and feared that the Spaniards were “going to
kill the children.” The same Spaniards were later hailed with “the ringing of bells, the
throwing of flowers” as villagers came to realize the value of the treatment (Chamorro
1795b-e; Chamorro 1798; Gonzalez de Leon 1795b).
L.H.F
My Lord: The plague of Smallpox was introduced to the town of San Mateo Ixtatan of my
parish of San Pedro Soloma after February of this year by natives of the said town of San
Mateo who went to the lowlands where they made their fields near the town of Comitan in
the Province of Ciudad Real and from the same region to that of Santa Eulalia. There were
young Indians who had not had Smallpox previously, resulting in the spread of the disease
in this parish by the end of last July.30
In spite of the repeated orders of the Governors of these provinces who want to comply with
the suggestions of the doctors, and the orders of Your Lordship who has notoriously and
frequently notified all these towns with regard to procedure relative to this problem, the
Indians are without understanding and did not take the proper safeguards to prevent the
spread of the disease nor advise proper authorities of its existence.
In this situation it was necessary for me to advise the government of the need to
introduce the operation of inoculation to the native children of both sexes of the town of San
Mateo and continuing with the same arrangement with those of the town of Santa Eulalia. It
had the result of making the operation without any cost and that the terrible threat to the
poor children could be halted. I verified that 260 were inoculated with the result of
preventing the death of many infants and children. Upon the conclusion of this operation
on the entrance of the experts into these towns on the 17th of last August safeguards were
established to completely isolate them. ... but nevertheless the contagion passed to San
Juan Iscoy (being a distance of three leagues), by the end of September, and from Santa
Eulalia to the towns of San Sebastian and San Miguel Acatan, the first only 5 leagues
distant and the second about eight ... arriving at Jacaltenango (which is the same distance
from the last) where it was finally halted by the experts from the 28th of September until the
4th of this October. ...
San Pedro Soloma. October 12, 1795.
Domingo Gonzalez (priest of the parish).
30Given that Chamorro, as of November 1795, had held his anti Smallpox comission for sixteen months
(documents in the same AGI legajo) and Friar Josef Camposeco y Lorenzana (below) has Chamorro
visiting and innoculating from November 1794, it appears that the author of this letter, Domingo Gonzalez,
is confusing the events of 1794 and 1795. San Juan Ixcoy was already being innoculated to halt the spread
of Smallpox in August 1795 (see below footnote 56). The Captain General writes that the epidemic spread
from Tabasco to Chiapas in July of 1794 (Domas y Valle 1795).
Method of Inoculating for Smallpox Among the Savage Mams and Pocomams [Popoti]
who live near the forests of the Wild Lacandons in this Colony of Guatemala (Chamorro
1798).
Only after great difficulty was it possible to convince Indians -so obstinate and
superstitious- of the unutterable benefit of inoculation. But beyond their customs, they
shuddered upon seeing the lancet, saying that in this operation I was going to kill their
children.
2. They went from here to the hospital, in order to be inoculated. Here reigned the most
confusion. Armed, In a loud voice mixed with many tears, two thousand threatened me
[with harm] if their children died.
3. Taking the child in her arms, and showing it in the forests while burning much copal, she
begged the hills for the health of the child. Afterward they would go to the church, asking
the town saint to keep it from harm.
4. The mother would go on her knees, bless the eyes and avert her face upon presenting the
child to the inoculator. And then the child feeling the incision of the lancet, would cry, and
everyone would repeat their threats if this cure of the Castilians, for thus they call the
Spaniards, killed their children.
5. Some four, or five days after began the terrible symptoms of the illness. They surprised
me with their cries asking me to cure the fever which now was killing their children and I
began to think I would be victim of these barbarians. But God granted that of the inoculated
no more than 7 or 8 died.
6. Afterward I returned to the towns to fumigate the houses with sulfur and take other
precautions, in order to be sure of completely destroying the illness. I was not received as
before but with the ringing of the bells, the throwing of flowers. It was pointed out to me
that those marked by the Smallpox were few. They raised their hands to heaven and in their
unpolished style gave thanks to the King for saving the life of their children. But what
impressed on them was the operation with the lancet, which they called the diabolical craft of
the Castilians.
I have made to Your Excellency this picture in order that you may obtain an idea of the
barbarity of the Indians and of their scant instruction. What one sees and hears causes
horror and compassion for their soul, body and dress and they are worthy of pity.
New Guatemala. February 3, 1798.
Francisco Sebastian Chamorro.31
Not unhappy with this, they answered that word had been received that the natives, and their
children, of the parish of Soloma had been freed from death with the remedies of the
Spaniards which Your Lordship had ordered; and that therefore they would present their
children for inoculation. This I verified, for one thousand two hundred and four were so
treated, with such good results that all were freed from risk. The few who died were due to
the barbaric custom of bringing them close to the fire.
The orders against communication of the said infected parish capital with the others were
enforced with three salaried guards, each being paid twelve pesos monthly. One was
31In a letter of August 29, 1795 Governor Chamorro (1795b) indicates that this incident happened in the
"Mam" town of San Juan Ixcoy. He speaks of the rioting of "these ferocious idiots" (aquellos feroses
idiotas), notes that only the threat of the Government avenging his death with that of the killers own blood
and that of their families saved his life.
stationed in the hamlet called The Knife, the other in a pass called Window of Pilate and the
other on the bridge of the San Marcos river. Each of these guards was accompanied with
two local Ladinos, they being salaried with a real each day and with an Indian. I hope that
Your Lordship will approve these expenses which are indispensable for the isolation of the
contagion which, I hope to God will not spread thanks to these measures.
The epidemic, after causing several deaths in the town of San Antonio of this same parish,
has ended but this was not due to the effect of the inoculation which had arrived late. The
town being a small place, one of those which give assistance to the royal road, the deaths
were strongly felt here.
Today I have inspected the border of the Intendency reviving the order that no one could
pass from the infected towns of Chiapas.
I have spoken with priest of Escuintenango, first parish of the bishopric of Chiapas, who
assures me that all the towns and farms adjacent to my province have already had the
smallpox. Now I know the mistaken idea in which it is said that perhaps the infected air
could propagate the epidemic for these towns and farms are five and eight leagues apart
beyond any communication (in this matter I have worked from the month of October
[1794]). I have not experienced first hand the epidemic in the towns of the royal road, and
yes, it appeared in those of Soloma by a rare introduction, forty leagues distant, as on the
other occasion I have informed Your Lordship.
I finished my reconnaissance of the entire royal road returning to the parish of Jacaltenango
and that of Soloma to check on the guards I had placed as well as to examine the houses
and furniture of the Indians who apparently all were recovering and whose diligent
inoculation I will give an account to Your Lordship.
Each day I see more the obvious benefit which Your Lordship had for these unhappy
Indians and remain persuaded that if Your Lordship had not decided to order the isolation
of the contagion that the entire Kingdom [of Guatemala] would now be infested. I equally
say to Your Lordship that if the inoculation and curative procedures were not put into effect
already all these towns would have been annihilated as had happened with those of the
Guistas [Huista] of this same parish of Jacaltenango in the previous epidemic of the year
eighty! Happy Kingdom which in the present epoch threatened by a terrible blow, has for
its Chief a minister so good a servant of the King; who may be seen from his measures to
have a most conscientious policy thus conserving for His Majesty the numerous towns
which have been placed under his protection.
October 3, 1795
I, Friar José Camposeco y Lorenzana Retired Preacher of the Holy, Royal and Militant
Order of Our Lady of Mercy, vicar and priest of this parish of Nuestra Senora de la
Purificacion Jacaltenango= Certify that the Alcalde Mayor Don Francisco Sebastian
Chamorro, ordered by His Lordship the President to isolate the contagion of smallpox and
[provide] inoculation, from the month of November of the past year of 94 has visited three
times the towns of the royal road, making effective the orders of the Lord President, and has
proceeded with such disinterest that he has not burdened the towns of my parish not even
with the expense of a single chicken for he has paid the Indians taking his expenses from
the custom duties, and upon staying in the infested towns, has refused the gifts of chickens
and other things Indians normally made to their Governor.32
32A letter from the President of Guatemala (i.e. the Spanish Capitan General) notes that while on these
inspections, Chamorro lost all his baggage in a large river. In the same letter the President notes that
Chamorro, established schools in his province and offered out of his own funds prizes to those Indians most
advanced in agriculture (Domas y Valle 1796a&b).
State of the Children, in this year of 1795, who suffered from the Infection of Smallpox in
five towns, three of the Parish of Soloma and two of Jacaltenango in the most northern
part of the Province of Totonicapan and bordering the Province of Chiapas from where
came the epidemic in this year of 1795.
Towns
San Mateo Ixtatan . At this town which is of the parish of Soloma the inoculation arrived
late and was resisted but had some benefit. There were 604 children infected, 140
inoculated 9 of whom died while 155 without inoculation died, 2 were blinded by the plague
and 440 escaped injury.
San Antonio Huista . In this town of the parish of Jacaltenango the inoculation arrived late
and no one was so treated. There were 85 children infected, 62 deaths, 3 blindings and 23
who escaped injury.
Santa Eulalia . In this town of the Parish of Soloma all, except one hundred and twenty two
were inoculated. There were 1,555 children infected, 1,433 children inoculated 38 of whom
died while 98 without inoculation died, 5 blindings from the plague and 1,419 who escaped
injury. Of the inoculated 23 only had fever although others in their homes suffered more
grievous injury. Of the remainder the inoculation resulted in very irritated abscesses without
any fever, and in the end two of them died.
San Pedro Soloma . The capital of its parish, a small town where all the children were
inoculated. There were 109 children infected of which 7 died leaving 102 free of any injury.
In this town there was an Indian who refused to allow his wife of 24 years old, who in the
previous plague had not had smallpox, to be inoculated. She was checked three times
afterward, in the first and second times she remained in good health but was sick upon the
third inspection and died within forty hours.
33Don Domingo Gonzales de Leon, priest of the parish of San Pedro Soloma, certified in a letter dated
October 2, 1795, the same facts for the towns of San Mateo, Santa Eulalia and San Pedro Soloma.
Purificacion Jacaltenango . The capital of its parish where it was not possible to inoculate
everyone. There were 1,421 infected children, 1,213 inoculated of whom 24 died, 149
deaths of those without inoculation, 6 blinded from the disease and 1,248 who escaped
injury.
So reduced is the ravages since the practice of inoculation, one can say that the Indians are
right in saying that the operation which cuts short the calamity is by diabolic Spanish arts.
Hardly a fifth of those who caught the disease remain alive, and this without lacking the help
of other medicines. But those with inoculation all remain free of it, and only four percent of
the inoculated died on the attached listing sent to Your Lordship. Although in all the five
towns more than a thousand of the adults are victims of typhus and other illnesses which are
part of the same epidemic, they cure it happily with what they get from the pharmacy and
the practice of inoculation which exactly assists it. And as the Indians gain positive
experience from one and the other help it will overcome the reluctance and although the
disease continues it will not have any importance. Nevertheless the five infested towns
remain entirely free and yet no suspicion exists that they have transmitted the disease to
other for they have halted it as verified in the certifications of the father priests as duly noted
in the attached papers. The isolation still exists and will continue in all its force, not only
for forty but sixty days, in order to be sure that the epidemic is entirely extinguished.
This happy success I prophesy and I promise that some time I will have the satisfaction of
informing Your Lordship that it will be the result of the tireless hard work of the experts.
Vigilance and devout intentions will have the happy result of freeing the kingdom [from
this plague].
With such happy results, and considering each day being closer to the arrival of my
successor, urgent needs of this court require that to return [to the capital of the province].
Now I see with the most careful precautions and leave well assured the safeguards, and
those in charge ready to take all necessary measures on which we will advise Your Lordship,
May Our Lord guard the life of Your Lordship many years.
34Chamorro was afterwards appointed to fill the remainder of the term of the Governor of Quetzaltenango
province (the previous holder had died in office) and then in 1801 appointed governor of the province of
Escuintla and Guazacapan.
The discovery that vaccination with cowpox produced immunity to smallpox, was first
published by Jenner in 1798 (Jenner 1798). In vaccination, vaccinia virus was
inserted into the skin to cause an infection. As historian Donald R. Hopkins relates: “Like
inoculation, a successful vaccinated person developed a rash only infrequently and in any
event could not spread smallpox to others, unless he had been infected with smallpox just
before the vaccination took effect. ... Properly performed, vaccination only rarely caused
the death of a vaccinee," (Hopkins 1983:7). The vaccinia virus was obtained from cattle,
hence the name for this infection was "cowpox" (Jenner 1798).
Weeks later, the King informed the Council of the Indies of his desire to carry out such an
expedition. On March 22, the Council approved Flores’s recommendations, and
throughout April and May the details were finalized (Smith 1974:13).
The plan included the vaccination of several orphans, who would serve as hosts for the
virus. Under the direction of Dr. Francisco Xavier de Balmis, the final expedition
numbered three assistants, two practitioners, three male nurses, a secretary, twenty-two
male orphans, and a nun who cared for them. On November 30, 1803, the Balmis
expedition set sailed from La Coruña aboard the Maria Pita (Smith 1974:13-17). For
Guatemala, however, the expedition came too late, the cowpox virus had already been
delivered to Central America thanks to the remarkable perseverance of Esparragosa and
other doctors.
Historian John Tate Lanning’s examination of the Gazeta of Guatemala for 1802-
1803 indicates that “almost every issue described frustrated attempts to acquire the virus
35Dr. Flores had earlier used innoculation in the epidemic of 1780, but only in Guatemala City. Carlos IV
did much for medical sciences during the first ten years of his reign, including the establishment of the
Real Colegio de Medicina and a school of veterinary medicine in Madrid (Smith 1974:13; Lanning
1985:338,372).
from Spain or the United States, the latest vaccination instructions, excerpts from
European journals discussing the serum, and articles extolling its benefits", (Smith
1974:11,50-52). In 1803, with a new epidemic threatening the island, the governor of
Puerto Rico had obtained the virus from the island of St. Thomas in the Danish West
Indies. From Puerto Rico the vaccine arrived, early in 1804, in Cuba. That same year, a
few weeks before the Balmis expedition reached the Mexican mainland, a warship brought
the vaccine (via vaccinated crewmen) from Cuba to Mexico. Don Ignacio Pavón y Muñoz,
a native of Guatemala City residing in Veracruz, obtained the virus and sealing the lymph
between glass slides, sent it on April 22 1804 by special courier to Guatemala City, where
it arrived twenty days later. As Michael Smith relates:
Esparragosa’s36 diary records the suspenseful preparation of the lymph, “a little speckle
the size of a fly’s wing,” into a diluted form of vaccine. Assisted by the Protomedico, José
Antonio de Córdoba, he began by pricking the upper arms of six children with the
vaccinating needle.
During the first few days, the vaccination lesions exhibited no signs of normal development.
Perhaps, some thought, the vaccine had deteriorated during the three-week journey from
Veracruz. Yet Esparragosa did not lose hope. Then on the seventh day, one small vesicle
appeared on Alfonso Wading's right arm. In order to observe it development more closely,
Esparragosa y Gallardo moved into the Wading home and kept the boy under constant
observation. ...
Esparragosa would not be convinced that the operation had been successful until he had
lanced the vesicle and examined the base of the lesion. This he did, assisted by José
Antonio de Córdoba, on May 25. As soon as he removed the thin layer of skin covering the
vesicle, Esparragosa observed "a small amount of very clear, transparent fluid ... as the
white of an egg.” Before probing the source of the fluid, he inoculated twenty more
children. He then scrutinized the lesion with a magnifying glass. Examination revealed that
Wading, indeed, had a true vaccination.
36Dr. Narciso Esparragos y Gallardo, a former student of Dr. Flores, would ultimately become Protomedico
of Guatemala. At this time he was already famous for his many investigations into new ways of
improving the health of the inhabitants of Guatemala.
On May 28 the vesicle partially filled again with the precious lymph and Esparragosa y
Gallardo vaccinated seven more children. Three of these seven inoculations proved
effective. On the same day the Gazeta de Guatemala reported that all twenty children
vaccinated on the twenty-fifth were progressing satisfactorily. These successful operations
assured an adequate source of vaccine (Smith 1974:50-52).
On June 17 the City Council sponsored a special ceremony in the Cathedral to give thanks
for the efforts. In attendance were the President, the Archbishop, the faculty of the Royal
University, members of the Royal Audiencia, and civil and religious dignitaries (Smith
1974:52).
Thanks to private individuals, the vaccine soon reached the provinces. Esparragosa
himself led a private expedition to Antigua Guatemala, the old capital where, with the aid
of the Spanish governor, he identified the immune and non-immune, divided the city into
wards, and established vaccination centers. In less than a week he vaccinated all
susceptible citizens in the city except nursing babies and the infirm. He also trained Dr.
Mariano Fernández and Dr. Santos Alesio Coseros to continue the vaccinations (Smith
1974:52).
The vaccine, with instructions for use, reached Solola, Quetzaltenango, Chiquimula,
Verapaz and Totonicapan. In view of the problems that officials had in their treatment of
typhus and smallpox only a few years previously, it is no surprise that Dr. Ignacio Ruiz de
Cevallos encountered in this last province considerable resistance “from stupid, ignorant
Indians and even some whites," (Smith 1974:54). The governor of the Peten was ordered
to send a delegation to the nearest border with the Verapaz in order to receive the vaccine.
An emissary from the Balmis expedition finally reached Guatemala City late in 1804. By
this time, however, there was very little for him to do. Local practitioners had delivered
the vaccine to “even the remotest parts of the captaincy general," (Smith 1974:54). But the
journey was not entirely in vain, since he delivered instructions for the creation of a central
vaccination board in Guatemala. Together with the Archbishop and a representative of
the Audiencia, the Protomedico Córdoba drew up these instructions for an agency suited
to conditions in Guatemala.
L.H.F.
“Laws for the Propagation and Establishment of the Vaccine in the Kingdom of
Guatemala”
Members
2. It will be composed of three permanent and three elective positions plus a secretary.
Permanent Members
3. Permanent members, now and in the future, shall be the Illustrious Lord Archbishop, the
Regent of the Royal Audiencia and the Protomedico of this kingdom.
Elective Members
4. Elective members shall be an individual of the Ecclesiastical Council, another of the City
Council of the Capital, and a Professor of Medicine or Surgeon other than the Protomedico.
Nomination and Length of Service.
They shall serve two years and may have their terms extended for a longer length of time.
The first members shall be named by the head of the government. Afterwards the Central
Committee shall elect them based upon the vote of a majority of its members.
The Secretary
5. The Secretary is a permanent position. With just cause, that the Committee will
determine, he can be removed or exonerated. The rules for his nomination will be the same
as for the elected members.
Substitutions
8. If in the two-year period one of the members is absent due to death, or a similar cause,
they can substitute with delay, electing another person to the appropriate position; but only
for the remainder of that two-year period, at the end of which there will be a normal election.
The substitute member can then be elected for the subsequent two year period.
than that one already on the committee; or if by him, another member will need to be elected
to replace him in such a manner that there always will be two medical specialists on the
committee.
will be read. They will express their observations, be they medical or economic. They will
read the correspondence with the provincial committees. They will confer commissions and
nominate vaccinators. And they will discuss all points relative to the progress and
permanent supply of the vaccine, find means and arrange for its execution, simplifying the
operations whenever possible.
37This work, translated into Spanish by Dr. Francisco Xavier de Balmis and entitled in Spanish Tratado
histórico y práctico de la Vacuna, was regarded by Smith "as the most complete study of vaccination at that
time" (Smith 1974:17).
Decisions of Government
22. The government will communicate its decisions to the committee by means of the
presiding officer and, as necessary, he will name one of the members to reply and represent
the Committee.
chief of the province and the vaccinator (who remain on the committee as long as they fill
these positions), those appointed are elected on an annual basis.
Duties
31. The duties of these provincial committees is the same as that of the Central Committee
(Article I, Section 1) with which they correspond by means of their respective secretaries.
They will communicate on the vaccination, the methods adopted for the establishment or
perpetuation of the fluid and the observations that they make, proceeding toward this end
whenever it seems easy and without inconvenience.
Common Laws
33. The laws given for the central Committee in paragraphs 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 14, 15, 17, 19, and
21 apply also to the provincial Committees, with appropriate modifications in so far as the
circumstances vary.
General Measures
34. The orders of the Government that are appropriate to all will be communicated by
means of the secretary of the Central Committee to those of the provinces. By the same
means they can petition the government when it seems convenient so that all would act in
conformity to these laws as a single entity in complete understanding of their significance.
Weekly Vaccinations
35. The practice will be continued, which with praiseworthy zeal has been established by
the Protomedico, of making weekly vaccinations in order to conserve the fluid and extend its
preservative virtue. But although many have been vaccinated in the capital and its
surroundings, still many more lack vaccination. They should come to receive this necessary
benefit, which will require only one brief visit, in order to remove or avoid totally the risk of
a smallpox epidemic.
Nomination of Ecclesiastics
38. The nomination of these Ecclesiastics will be made by the Illustrious Lord Archbishop
from among the friars and priests of the capital, excluding only the parish priests and their
assistants.
Problems
39. Problems which occur in the preparation of the censuses will be referred to the Lord
Regent for resolution.
Their qualities
44. The vaccinators of the capital will be all licensed physicians (or surgeons), or be
approved by the Protomedico, who will inform them of their nomination. For
commissioned assistants they will nominate Ecclesiastics, members of the our city council,
and prosperous citizens. Their nomination will be communicated to the Ecclesiastics by the
office of the Illustrious Lord Archbishop and for the others by that of the Lord Regent.
Their functions
45. By mutual agreement on set days and hours, the commissioner and the vaccinator of
each ward will proceed to vaccinate those on the copy of the list received from the secretary
of the committee. They will from house to house, marking off daily each name and their
ages.
49. Upon completing the vaccination of a ward, those in charge should provide a report to
the committee. They will refer to all that took place, extracting them from the journal of the
vaccinator, which should be carefully kept by him so that it can be exhibited upon request.
The report will be accompanied by two lists; one of those perfectly vaccinated, in which in
his judgment there is no doubt that the vaccination is true and who display the virus
pockmark. The other list is of those excused from inoculation for just cause and of those
whose vaccination was ineffectual. In both lists should be the names, houses or localities
where they have their houses; and in the second, very clearly, the reasons and circumstances
for their condition. They should return to vaccinate, as soon as convenient, those individuals
on this last list.
Provinces
Commissioned Doctors
55. The vaccinations in the provinces distant from the capital will be done by means of
physicians commissioned for this purpose, with instructions provided by the Protomedicato
and approved by the government. Their duty was to vaccinate once everyone, without
exceptions, who never had smallpox.
Condition of births
61. They should prepare statements on births each fifth year and of dead infants at about
the same time. This work will be entrusted by the Illustrious Bishops to the priests of the
four dioceses, they sending out instructions on the organization of this information.
38The Hospital de San Pedro was annexed in 1795 by the Hospital San Juan (Martinez Duran 1964).
appropriate treatment. The physician will prevent inoculation with the fluid of some of the
vaccinated by the others. Those vaccinated will be replaced with others not yet so treated.
69. These rules are common to the cities and large towns that have hospitals. Their
respective committees can put them into practice, with modifications depending upon local
circumstances, without deviating from their intent, which is to perpetuate the fluid or
conserving it fresh from arm to arm the longest time possible.
39The immunity induced by vaccination was not lifelong and it was necessary for persons to be
revaccinated after a few years in order to maintain complete immunity (Hopkins 1983:7).
82. The priests will be responsible to their bishops in their capacity as presiding officer of
the respective committees. In the testimony required on their merits special mention will be
reserved for their help in vaccination. In the competition for other parishes, the three
names submitted for the election of a candidate, it is most important that with regard to this
subject they have a satisfactory record.40
Prohibition of vaccination
83. From the publication of these regulations, no physician can vaccinate any individual
previously unvaccinated, nor should they suffer the natural smallpox, without obeying the
method and rules explained in them. Much less can someone vaccinate who is not a
physician and thus this proclamation applies to all.
New observations
86. Every physician has the obligation of learning the new observations and experiences
pertaining to the vaccine which were made in other countries in order to repeat them here
and to make, on the same principle, other new ones.
40The post of parish priest, and the salary that went with it, was selected on the basis of submitted
curiculum vitae from three candidates. For examples of such eighteenth- and nineteenth-century records,
see the ”Curatos” section of the Archivo Episcopal General in Guatemala City.
They should vaccinate the cattle and other animals with these objectives
88. They should vaccinate these same cattle in order to see if they can establish in them
the cowpox so as to perpetuate it on the ranches of the countryside. They should vaccinate
also other animals, particularly horses and mules, with the object, among others, of seeing if
it could save them from the terrible influenza [“epizootia ”] called plague or epidemic
which destroys a great number of them each year.
Experiments on rabies
90. There has been no notice on the idea of vaccinating dogs to preserve them from rabies.
In this capital, where in the dry season one sees rabid dogs, one should test this idea even if
it only has the negative effect of reducing their number.
41"Dr. José Antonio de Córdoba even inoculated sheep with smallpox virus in an effort to induce cowpox
or a similar disease" (Smith 1974:50).
had made it, if he is present as well as the same secretary. Absent physicians should send a
formal communication, the original of which should be kept with the book of the secretary.
In the capital
94. Only in the time of the general vaccination should each one of the wards and towns of
the capital district name a vaccinator (Sections 43 to 50). Afterwards only the physicians of
the hospital should remain as vaccinators, without whose consent there can be no
vaccination in private houses.
Uniformity of practice
98. The practice of vaccination will uniformly follow the circulated instructions and not
use any other procedure.
Their duties
102. They have orders to complete the vaccination of these establishments. In some of
them this has already been done. Consequently it is only necessary to treat new births and
those who previously were exempted from vaccination.
42The fort of San Carlos was in what is now the republic of Nicaragua. Trujillo is on the north coast of
Honduras.
43Innoculationof infect ed persons had been common in Guatemala in the decade prior to vaccination (cf.
Lovell 1985:160).
any other human humor.44 This is not true for inoculation with smallpox, which is why
these and other precautions are necessary.
Conclusion
110. In the Royal Order of the 15th of April of 1785 His Majesty assured his gratitude
and favour to all those who practice the inoculation of smallpox with prudence, caution and
consistency necessary for its effect. Much more than merely recommending the inoculation
of the vaccine, he has not spared trouble nor expense from his treasury in order to establish
and perpetuate it in his domains. Also should be mentioned all those who brought it from
one to another as well as the ministers and judges, as well as the parish priests, physicians
and persons whose zeal and patriotism may be seen in these Regulations, which have been
printed, and circulated, in a preliminary form, they being remitted to the Sovereign for his
approval in compliance with the Royal Order of the 20th of May of 1804.
Given in the Royal Palace of New Guatemala [Guatemala City] on the 25th of January of
1805.
On March 3rd of 1805, the Central Vaccination Committee met for the first time.
Esparragosa, who would replace the critically ill Córdoba as Protomedicato, directed the
activities of the committee for many years. Manuscripts in the Archivo General de Centro
44The four basic humors, an imbalance among which were thought to result in disease, were: blood,
yellow bile, black bile and mucous (Hopkins 1983:9).
America document the work of the Central Committee during suspected outbreaks of
Smallpox (e.g. Peña 1808; Esparragosa 1808; Lovell 1985:162). The last formal session
of the vaccination board was in July 1817, during a major outbreak of smallpox in the
province of Chiquimula.
L.H.F.
These notes by Dr. Narciso Esparragosa describe treatments for an 1814 outbreak of
fevers in Amatitlan (Esparragosa 1814) .
The Protomedico was apparently responding to a letter sent November 9 to the local priest
and assorted local officials stating: “The fevers have returned to the town, and even more
quickly than before there are thirty four ill. I have confessed seven today; although up to
now no more than one boy has died. He will be buried today. We will advise you of
whatever happens (Mauda and Cevallos 1814).”
A second note, dated November 10, added: “This town of Amatitlan has very few Indians,
most are Ladinos. . . Only nine Indians are sick and the rest, who are more than sixty,
were of the other caste.”
Curiously, although these fevers resemble those described by Porras and Desplanques in
1769 or Carbajal in 1797, few treatments are repeated. Only chamomile, borage, mallow,
and teasel appear on both lists.
L.H.F.
“Simple and Easy Instructions for Curing the Fevers that Currently exist in
Amatitlan”
The fevers that exist currently in Amatitlan as per the information given to the
Protomedico [by Doctor] Don Pablo Aguilar are of the nerves that normally end after eleven
days and it is not uncommon that they persist for even up to twenty one [days]. This
illnesses requires different remedies according to the state and circumstances of the
symptoms.
In the first days of the attack one gives Eryngo [Eryngium carlinae ] water to all
patients. Use the enema #1 if it's possible in the morning and in the afternoon, continuing
it daily.45 Also I prescribe morning, afternoon and afternoon the drink #2, advising that in
the first days of the fever messages of oil are also very useful.
If the fever was at the beginning very strong, with much heat, restless thirst -and
particularly if the patient is young-, one should begin to use #3 and add to each enema three
or four spoons of local vinegar. This procedure ought to continue form the first to the
seventh day when the fever could terminate without [the need for] any other remedies.
But at times it lasted longer as I have said and needs other help. The symptoms that
might follow after this first stage are a continual weakening. It is necessary to survive the
fury of the illness to continuing on the road of affliction to reach a happy conclusion.
If perhaps after the fifth day, or before, the symptoms of weakness are urgent [then] one
should give the patient the emetic #4 in order to empty the stomach. It will arouse
perspiration and allow other remedies to work better. One should repeat it for two or three
days to the extent that it eases [the suffering] of the patient.
After the days of emetics one should follow with recipe #5 or #6 giving the patient one
spoon each two hours dissolved in lemonade or in cinnamon water, adding to it one or two
spoons of wine if the weakness and prostration of forces was very notable. And if other
symptoms of bad disposition appear such as lethargy, delirium, convulsive movements,
convulsion, hiccups, etc.
In all these stages of more or less gravity one must always [be ready to] modify the
indicated tonic procedure, changing the dosage, to better moderate the symptoms.
Always prepare the remedy each two or three hours, but if they are very ill at this time it
would be very valuable for the patient to drink each hour with all food civet water made from
grinding 50 or 60 seeds [of the algalia plant, a member of the mallow family] and boiling
them in a jar of water. Also mix in little pieces of mustard, yeast and vinegar; and it would
be most effective to add quinine or powdered copal. On the arms on the calf of the legs and
on the thigh one can also apply it as plasters placing them on the same place until the skin
becomes blood-red.
Applying this method with prudence one can achieve the very best treatment. There is
no need to indicate other remedies in order not to cause confusion. The diet ought to be
broth’s and atole. In convalescence one adds chocolate and soup, passing progressively to
more solid foods.
#1. With a large handful of mallows or of teasel one makes a cooked portion and adds a
little lard and brown sugar. In the most urgent cases one can omit the cooking and just use
water, lard and brown sugar.
#2. Cook the root of the Eryngo (two fourths of a measure), cream of tartar (two
spoonfuls), sugar or honey (whatever is available). All of this portion is taken by the patient
in 24 hours.
#3. Cook a good handful of barley in two fourths of a measure of water, strain it and add a
good spoonful of saltpeter, two others of good vinegar and the necessary sugar. All this
portion, divided into three or four parts, will be drunk by the patient within 24 hours.
#4. [Mix] two spoonfuls of emetic wine mixed with twelve of water and give to the patient
three [spoonfuls] each quarter hour until the vomit is sufficiently strong or if [the patient]
gives off gas; and with this one should not use enemas.
#5. Quinine powder four spoonfuls, absinthe salts [wormwood] half spoonful, honey of
sugar or of bees in sufficient quantity in order to be able to swallow the potion.
#6. Quinine powder four spoonfuls, cinnamon and civet powder one spoonful, good rum
two spoonfuls, sufficient sugar or honey to swallow the potion.
Narciso Esparragosa y Gallardo died in 1819. Independence was declared on the 15th of
September 1821 and the Kingdom of Guatemala dissolved into five independent republics.
How important was the heritage of the Protomedicos to the subsequent medical
development of Guatemala?
Henry Dunn, a foreigner who visited Guatemala in 1827 and 1828, offered these
observations:
A fine bust of Jenner adorns one of the principal fountains, and serves to keep in
remembrance the valuable discovery of which he was the author. Since the Revolution, the
propriety of providing a supply of virgin matter has been brought before Congress, and, like
every thing else, been discussed, agreed to, and neglected. Before I left Guatemala [sic] I
delivered to each of their medical men portions of matter, from the National Vaccine
Institution of England hermetically sealed, and accompanied them with exact directions as to
the best way of preserving a constant supply; but such is their ignorance and carelessness,
that it is highly probable the greater part of it will be wasted (Dunn 1828:153).
In this manner, in the opinion of one observer, the colonial war against epidemics (too
visibly the property of the previous government) ended in a surrender to the forces of
disease.46 Sic transit Gloria mundi.
L.H.F.
46Forthe names of prominent Guatemalan doctors and their subsequent attempts to restore the colonial
medical administrative practices, see Martínez Durán 1964:564-687).
SOURCES
Four archives provided documents for this study. Most important were the Archivo General
de Centro America (Guatemala City, Guatemala) and the Archivo General de Indias (Seville
Spain). Of lesser importance, two Archivo General de La Nacion, one in Mexico City and
the other in Tegucigalpa Honduras provided minor references. Two twentieth century
republications of colonial works containing description of medicinal plants are Fuentes y
Guzman (1932-33) and Ximenez (1967). Less well known is the manuscript of José Mario
Mozino (Flora de Guatemala, 1795), still preserved in the archive of the Jardin Botanico of
Madrid. Among the twentieth century compilations, reader will note the many references to
Asturias (1958), Lanning (1985), Martinez Duran (1964), Orellana (1987), and Smith
(1974). Their research made this volume far easier to complete.
For the reader interested in demographic details of decline, and growth, in the populations
affected by the colonial epidemics, there are Lovell (1985) for northern Totonicapan, Veblen
(1982) for southern Totonicapan, Lutz (1982) for Antigua, Feldman (1985b) for
Chiquimula and eastern Escuintla, Feldman (1988) for northern Verapaz, and Bertrand
(1986) for southern Verapaz. Somewhat outdated but still covering the most territory, is
MacLeod (1973). For tabulations of sixteenth century colonial demographic data for all of
highland Guatemala see Feldman (1992).
The following documents, some published in the colonial era, are essays written in Central
America on how to treat various diseases. They form a unique corpus of data that for the
most part still awaits publication (or republication) for modern students of earlier
practices.47
1769. Avalas y Porras, Manuel and Francisco Desplanquez. Descripcion Metodo, Que se
ha de Observar en la Curacion de Sarampion, y Viruelas, formado de Orden del Superior
Govierno, a instancia del Sr. Fiscal de S. M. en el año presente de 1769. 3 de Mayo 1769.
Printed by Joachin de Arevalo. AGCA A1.4.10-A1.7-5909-271-fol. 9.
1774. Avalas y Porras, Manuel. Breve Metodo de Curar la Enfermedad Epidemia ... Que
el Vulgo llama Tabardillo... AGCA A1.7-5919-271.
1774. Carriola, Alonso. Dictamen ... dió el Licdo ... sobre la actual Constitucion Epidemia
de Calenturas Petechiales o Tabardillas. AGCA A1.7-5919-271.
1814. Anonymous [Esparragosa, Narciso ?]. Instruccion que da la Junta de Salvo Publica
de Esta Ciudad [de Nueva Guatemala] para la Curacion de los Tos Epidemia de los Ninos.
A1.2-11817-1805:fol. 51-52r.
1814. Esparragosa, Narciso. Instruccion sencilla y facil de practicar para la curacion de las
calenturas que se padecen actualmente en Amatitlan. Nueva Guatemala, November 12,
1814. AGCA A1.21-11903-1809.
REFERENCES CITED
Alonso, Martin
1958. Enciclopedia del Idiom. Aguilar; Madrid.
Anonymous
1788. Testimonio sobre la epidemia de las Viruelas del año de 1780. AGI
Guatemala 574.
Aparicis, Pedro
1798. 21 de Noviembre. El Director Contador General del departamento
septentrional nforma con vista de la carta del Presidente de Guatemala de 5
de Abril de presente año, no 201, y del testimonio que la acompaño del
expediente acuado sobre rebaxa del numero de tributarios del pueblo de la
Armas, Daniel
1971. Diccionario de la expresión popular Guatemalteca.
Editorial Piedra Santa; Guatemala.
Asturias, Francisco
1958. Historia de la medicina en Guatemala. Universidad de San Carlos.
Editorial Universitaria Publicaciones; Guatemala C.A.
Bertrand, Michel
1986. Demografía de la región de Rabinal del siglo XVII al XIX.
Mesoamérica 11:3-22.
Carriola, Alonso.
1774. Dictamen ... dió el Licdo ... sobre la actual Constitucion Epidemia
de Calenturas Petechiales o Tabardillas. AGCA A1.7-5919-271.
Corominas, J.
1954. Diccionario Etimologico de la Lengua Castellana.
Editorial Gredos; Madrid.
Dunn, Henry
Esparragosa, Narciso
1798. Memoría sobre una invención fácil y sencilla para extraer las
criaturas clavadas en el paso sin riesgo de su vida, ni ofensa de
la madre, y para extraer la cabeza que ha quedado en el útero
separada del cuerpo. Guatemala City, Guatemala.
2nd edition Barcelona Spain, 1816.
Feldman, Lawrence H.
1993. “Mountains of Fire, Lands that Shake: Earthquakes and Volcanic Eruptions
in the Historic Past of Central America (1505-1899).” Labyrinthos Press,
Culver City California.
Gavarrete, Juan
1980. Anales para la Historia de Guatemala, 1497-1811. Editorial
"José de Pineda Ibarra"; Guatemala C.A.
Hopkins, Donald R.
1983. Princes and Peasants, Smallpox in History. University of Chicago
Press; Chicago and London.
Jenner, Edward
1798. An Inquiry into the Causes and Effects of the Variolae Vaccinae.
London, England.
Juarros, Domingo
1981. Compendio de la Historia de Reino de Guatemala. Editorial Piedra
Santa; Guatemala C.A.
Lovell, W. George
1985. Conquest and Survival in Colonial Guatemala, A Historical
Geography of the Cuchumatán Highlands, 1500-1821.
McGill-Queen's University Press; Kingston and Montreal.
Lutz, Christopher H.
1982. Historia Sociodemográfica de Santiago de Guatemala, 1541-
1773. Centro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoamérica;
Antigua Guatemala and South Woodstock Vermont.
MacLeod, Murdo J.
1973. Spanish Central America, A Socioeconomic History, 1520-1720.
University of California Press; Berkeley, Los Angeles, London.
Molina, Alonso
1944. Vocabulario en Lengua Castellana y Mexicana, impreso en Méjico,
1571. Madrid; Ediciones Cultura Hispanica.
Molina, Antonio
1943. Antigua Guatemala: memorias de Fray Antonio de Molina.
Guatemala; Unión Tipográfica.
Orellana, Sandra L.
1987. Indian Medicine in Highland Guatemala, The Pre-Hispanic and
Colonial Periods. Albuquerque; University of New Mexico Press.
Pardo, J. Joaquin
1984. Efemerides de la Antigua Guatemala, 1541 - 1779.
Archivo General de Centroamérica; Guatemala C.A.
Sherman, William L.
1979. Forced Native Labor in Sixteenth-Century Central America.
University of Nebraska Press; Lincoln and London.
Smith, Michael
1974. The "Real Expedición Marítima de la Vacuna" in New Spain and
Guatemala. American Philosophical Society, Transactions
64:1:1- 74. Philadelphia; Pennsylvania.
Solivera, Francisco
Veblen, Thomas T.
1982. Declinación de la población indígena en Totonicapán, Guatemala.
Mesoamérica 3:26-66.
Wading, Tomás
1798. Verapaz 1791 y 1797. Mapas de Tributarios deducidos del
Matricula executada por José Ignacio Larrazabal, de Octubre de
1796 a Noviembre de 1797. AGCA A3.16-240-4761.
Wortman, Miles L.
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Columbia University Press; New York.
INDEX
flor de ceniza, 33
Flores, Jose: report on vaccination project for Spanish colonies, 56
influenza
epidemics, 198
in colonial Guatemala, 14
inoculation, 46-47
method for, 49-50
Inquisition orders burning of images of death, 26
Iscoy, San Juan. See Ixcoy, San Juan
Ixcoy, San Juan
rioting against inoculation in, 50
spread of smallpox to, 48
Ixtatan, San Mateo
effect of smallpox epidemic of 1795 in, 53
introduction of smallpox to, 48
Jacaltenango
spread of smallpox to, 48
Jacaltenango, Purificacion
effect of smallpox epidemic of 1795 in, 54
Jacaltenango, San Marcos
spread of typhus to, 40
Jumaytepeque
attack of typhus in, 41-44
food for sick children in, 43
number of deaths from typhus in, 43
La Bola, 35-37
epidemic of, 20
laudanum used as medicine, 41
Leon, lack of physicians in, 65
leprosy, 14
paper of Jose Felipe de Flores on, 45-46
lizard excrement from pharmacies, 28
malaria
epidemics of, 19
rabies experiments, 78
rose as medicinal herb, 28, 33
Royal Protomedicato, 22
in colonial Guatemala, 14
vaccination
board of Guatemala sessions, 83
discovery of, 56
Verapaz sources of demographic information, 88
vinegar use as medicine, 85, 86
vomiting cure, 33
END OF BOOK