Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 29, No. 1, pp.

124–143, 2002
 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/01/$22.00
www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures
PII: S0160-7383(01)00027-5

ALTERNATIVE TOURISM AND

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
Nancy Gard McGehee
Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, USA

Abstract: This research tested a theoretical model drawing on components of social psycho-
logical (self-efficacy) and resource-mobilization (networks) theories to explain changes in
social movement participation among Earthwatch expedition volunteers. It was hypothesized
that involvement in an Earthwatch trip increases self-efficacy and facilitates the development
of new networks, influencing volunteers’ participation in social movement organizations.
Results from pre- and post-trip survey suggest that as a consequence of the networks estab-
lished during an expedition, participation in an expedition had a significantly positive effect
on social movement activities. Changes in self-efficacy were not found to have any significant
effect. Keywords: alternative tourism, social movement, theory, Earthwatch, volunteer tour-
ism, networks, self-efficacy.  2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Résumé: Le tourisme alternatif et les mouvements sociaux. La présente recherche a testé

un modèle théorique qui utilise des éléments des théories de la psychologie sociale
(autoefficacité) et la mobilisation des ressources (réseaux) afin d’expliquer des changements
dans la participation aux mouvements sociaux de la part des bénévoles de l’organisation
écologique Earthwatch Expeditions. On est parti de l’hypothèse que la participation à un
voyage Earthwatch augmenterait l’autoefficacité et faciliterait le développement de nouveaux
réseaux, ce qui aurait un effet sur la participation de ces bénévoles aux organisations du
genre mouvement social. Les résultats d’une enquête menée avant et après un voyage suggèr-
ent que, comme résultat des réseaux qu’on avait établis pendant l’expédition, la participation
à une expédition avait un effet positif considérable sur les activités de mouvement social.
On a trouvé que les changements dans l’autoefficacité n’avaient pas d’effet significatif. Mots-
clés: tourisme alternatif, théorie des mouvements sociaux, Earthwatch, tourisme bénévole,
réseaux, autoefficacité.  2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION
Tourism has been studied for its economic (Martin and Uysal 1990;
Mathieson and Wall 1982), environmental (Boo 1989; Farrell and Run-
yan 1991; Wall and Wright 1977), cultural (Chambers 1997; de Kadt
1979; Smith 1989), and social (Brayley, Var and Sheldon 1989; Milman
and Pizam 1987; Wyllie 2000) impacts. Rarely has tourism been
explicitly examined as a possible catalyst for social movement partici-
pation (Hall 1994; Light and Wong 1975; Tonkin 1995). Those who
have studied tourism and its relationship to social movements usually

Nancy Gard McGehee is Assistant Professor of Hospitality and Tourism Management at

Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (Blacksburg, VA 24060, USA. Email
<Nancy [email protected]>). The author is a sociologist whose research interests include
social and economic impacts of tourism on hosts and guests, sustainable development, and
specialized or niche tourism.

124
 NANCY GARD MCGEHEE 125

focus on the perspective of the hosts, or citizens of the destination

community (Modavi 1993). Very little research has been conducted
focusing on how tourism, specifically, alternative tourism, impacts the
social movement participation of guests rather than hosts. This study
applied elements of two theoretical perspectives, resource mobilization
and social psychology, to Earthwatch expedition volunteers in order
to measure how the experience impacts social movement participation
and support for activism.

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND EARTHWATCH

At the simplest level, modern social movements are “an organized
effort by a significant number of people to change (or resist change in)
some major aspects of society” (Marshall 1994:489). Generally, social
movements take place outside the mainstream political system. They
often consist of people who either choose to be or are excluded from
routine institutionalized channels of participation. Examples include
the civil rights movements in the United States during the 50s and 60s,
the anti-nuclear arms movements in Europe in the 70s and 80s, and
the nearly global anti-apartheid movement of the 80s and 90s. Since
scholars began studying social movements, the major questions have
remained the same: Who participates in social movement and why?
During nearly 100 years of research, the ways in which these ques-
tions have been answered have gone through many changes. Prior to
the 60s, social psychological theorists argued that people participated
in social movements because they were frustrated, irrational, or social
outcasts who had no other recourse but to go outside the usual insti-
tutionalized social structures to attempt to implement change. Such
perspectives proved inadequate during the 60s, when people from a
variety of socioeconomic and educational backgrounds who were not
perceived as irrational or social outcasts became activists. At that time,
the foremost researchers argued for the resource mobilization perspec-
tive (McCarthy and Zald 1973). These theorists argued that people
who were excluded from routine access to power participated in move-
ments to implement social change in ways that maximized whatever
limited power and resources they did possess. This participation was a
rational way to maximize scarce resources such as contacts with the
media, pro bono services from various professionals, or social networks
and ties of supportive friends and associates.
However, resource mobilization theorists were not without their crit-
ics. More recently, researchers have argued that this school of thought
may have over-corrected social psychological theory by underestimat-
ing the role of the individual’s social psychological characteristics
(Gamson 1992). Some have begun to connect elements of both
theories as a way to understand who participates in social movements
and why? (Ferree and Miller 1985; McAdam, McCarthy and Zald 1996;
Shweder and Fiske 1986; Zald 1992). In order to capture the com-
plexity inherent in the analysis of social movements, researchers have
challenged the traditional concepts utilized in such studies and have
sought to incorporate a wider variety of perspectives.
126 VOLUNTEER TOURISM

Social Movement Participation

According to Barkan, Cohn and Whitaker (1995), identifying social
movement participation entails more than simply recognizing the pres-
ence or absence of involvement. It is important to broaden any explo-
ration of participation beyond the dichotomous yes/no “do you belong
to an organization” variable. Belonging to an organization can mean
vastly different things to different people in the context of various
groups. One member may pay dues and receive a newsletter; another
may be an officer and donate large sums of money. In the case of this
study where a wide range of social movement participation and activ-
ism support were considered, developing a typology was difficult. For
example, parameters of participation need to be considered. Knoke
(1988) argued that it is important to include both external and
internal forms of participation. External participation includes lobby-
ing to politicians, writing letters to them, and attending rallies and
demonstrations. Internal participation consists of voting and/or run-
ning in organizational elections or providing various kinds of resources
to them, including time, money, transportation, or office equipment.
Barkan et al (1995) found that external participation was more
important to the success of a social movement organization than its
internal form.
According to Knoke (1988), two important predictors of social move-
ment participation are networks and self-efficacy. These predictors
have provided the foundation for the argument set forth by this
research. First, Knoke reinforced other resource-mobilization pro-
ponents (Klandermans and Oegema 1987; McAdam and Rucht 1993)
by analyzing one important component: microstructure or networks.
Individuals and organizations that are linked together through one or
more social relationships form one’s networks. In that they reinforce
social movement activities, such examples of networks as personal ties
and organizational alliances are all prerequisites and predictors of
social movement participation and activism support. In fact, Barkan et
al (1995) argued that while microstructures and networks were not the
only predictors of social movement participation, they were generally
the strongest.
Knoke’s (1988) second predictor of social movement participation
was self-efficacy, which is one’s sense of an ability to overcome obstacles
in life (Wiggins, Wiggins and Vander Zanden 1994). Proponents of
social psychological explanations of social movements have argued that
a high level of self-efficacy is an important prerequisite for partici-
pation (Kelly and Brienlinger 1996), because an individual must pos-
sess a personal sense of her/his ability to overcome obstacles before
participating in an organization advocating change to the status quo.

Network Ties
Mutual social networks have been found to be an important element
of social movement participation. These are ties to friends and associ-
ates who share and/or support one’s ideas and goals. In his study of
 NANCY GARD MCGEHEE 127

the Boston Pledge of Resistance, Hannon stressed the importance of

appreciating and identifying the life-long development of “commit-
ments, affiliations, and subjective identities that made joining the
pledge nearly an automatic response” (1990:10). Pfaff (1995), in his
analysis of the late 80s revolution in Eastern Europe, argued that the
role of informal networks is vital to social movement participation.
Gamson (1992) agreed that an individual is much more likely to ident-
ify with and participate in movements if those around her/him support
their doing so.
Social movement theory tends to focus on how networks develop
within movements. More recently, analysts criticized this view, citing its
structuralist bias, and began to look beyond the organizations them-
selves toward pre-existing and/or external networks and ties (Gamson
1988). A person’s social network often exists outside the parameters
of his/her social movement activities (in the form of family, friends,
coworkers, and/or neighbors) and has been found to be vital to social
movement involvement (Hannon 1990). Many activists participate in
informal or loosely formal groups, then join or create organizations
as an intact network of both social ties and shared ideologies. The
original groups are often where people establish networks that “later
function as the backbone of the movement” (Klandermans 1994:182).
In his study of the Leipzig demonstrations of East Germany, Opp, Voss
and Gern (1995) found that persons with networks of friends and
associates in support of revolution and in opposition to the dominant
regime were more likely to participate in the demonstrations than
those who did not.
Elements of an individual’s social networks—such as both casual and
formal participation in non-activist and purely social organizations—
can predict and reinforce social movement participation (Kiecolt
1997). Lichterman found “important reference points—prior social
movements, historical events, local community groups, personal
experiences” to be vital to network development, participation, and
commitment to social movements (1996:24). Boyte (1980) disclosed
similar patterns across divergent social movements, suggesting that the
ability to make a commitment arose from important and valued con-
nections among individuals, regardless of the nature of these bonds.
According to resource mobilization theory, networks may be a
source of information and inspiration for participants. McAdam and
Rucht (1993) present a model of social movement information
exchange. They argue that the diffusion of ideas and activities on an
international scale has occurred through such networks and they focus
on the role of informal channels as a primary method of sharing social
action techniques. In other words, groups that are completely unat-
tached to social movement organizations are often nonetheless a major
source of ideas and innovation for them because of the intricate social
network that binds them together. As McAdam and Rucht assert,
organizations need not be “geographically or temporally proximate”
in order to gain knowledge from one another (1993:61).
As to the second important predictor of social movement partici-
pation, self-efficacy can be defined as individuals’ sense of control over
128 VOLUNTEER TOURISM

what happens to them (Gecas and Mortimer 1987). If a person is

highly efficacious, that person will feel very competent, welcome a chal-
lenge, and feel confident in her/his ability to implement change. Self-
efficacy has been examined as a link between attitudes toward social
issues and social movement participation (Sigelman and Feldman
1983). For example, a person may have strong attitudes about racism,
but if that person has low self-efficacy, she/he will feel unable to do
anything about the problem and will be less likely to join a social move-
ment organized to combat racism.
In order to become involved with and committed to social move-
ment activism, one must possess an optimistic view of how participation
can re-create society (Gamson 1988; Kelly and Breinlinger 1996).
Sayles (1983) has indicated that a high sense of political and personal
efficacy was a predictor of both conventional and non-conventional
activism among Americans in the mid- to late 70s. Kernis (1995:37)
cited Bandura (1989) in making the case that self-efficacy was a critical
antecedent of social action. Emig, Hesse and Fisher found self-efficacy
to be “related directly and positively to levels of activism for both blacks
and whites” among citizens of Mobile, Alabama (1996:274). This study
examined how and whether participation in an Earthwatch expedition
impacted participation in social movements by facilitating changes in
self-efficacy.

Earthwatch Institute
The Earthwatch Institute is one of over 1,000 organizations that pro-
mote and/or develop some form of alternative tourism (McMillion
1993). Its expeditions constitute a form of alternative tourism (Romeril
1994; Wheeler 1992) in which paying volunteers participate in any of
126 different types of 10–14 day research-oriented expeditions that
may include evaluating the condition of a coral reef, studying maternal
health among west African women, assessing the killer whale popu-
lation off the coast of Pugent Sound, or recording oral history off the
coast of Dominica. Participants may learn basic research skills, data
collection techniques, or interviewing methods (Earthwatch 1998).
The active, participatory nature of an Earthwatch expedition makes it
a unique form of travel.
It is this very uniqueness that explains why participation in an
Earthwatch expedition can increase network ties and self-efficacy. High
levels of interaction with other volunteers, researchers, local officials,
and residents facilitate the establishment of network ties. Earthwatch
volunteers often share meals, sleeping areas, training time, and even
travel to and from the expedition sites over the 10–14 day excursions.
Though this interaction may not be particularly lengthy, often the
intensity of interaction makes up for its brevity. These various interac-
tions provide many opportunities to exchange information about net-
works and to develop ties that might have never been developed had
these individuals not participated in an expedition. Although not
overtly political, an Earthwatch expedition, through its unique empha-
sis on the type of participation most likely to predict or promote
 NANCY GARD MCGEHEE 129

further activism, may reasonably be expected to draw together like-

minded individuals from far-flung geographical areas, enabling the
establishment of network ties and idea exchange. In turn, these new
network ties may encourage social movement participation. Given pre-
vious research supporting the idea that network ties are vital to social
movement participation (Gamson 1992; Hannon 1990; Pfaff 1995;
Taylor and Whittier 1992), hypothesis one was developed for this study:
new network ties established during an Earthwatch expedition will have a posi-
tive effect on social movement participation.
In addition to developing new networks and relationships, the chal-
lenges and rewards of an Earthwatch expedition may also increase part-
icipants’ self-efficacy, which has been found to be a precursor of social
movement participation (Bandura 1989; Emig et al 1996; Gamson
1988; Kelly and Breinlinger 1996; Sayles 1983). While a great differ-
ence in difficulty levels exists among various Earthwatch expeditions,
all involve the logistical stresses and strains of travel and the responsi-
bility of participation in scientific research. Some of the more difficult
expeditions require enduring primitive living quarters, extreme
weather conditions, and limited food supplies. Participation in the
training programs can also be onerous. It is perhaps by mastering dif-
ficult training and learning research skills that self-efficacy increases.
As Earthwatch is, by virtue of its intense social experience, an agent
of network building, it could also be included as a socializing agency,
imparting a sense of self-efficacy to its participants. Previous research
has supported the argument that provides the basis for hypothesis two:
perceived self-efficacy gains from Earthwatch will have a positive effect on social
movement participation.
Examining social movement participation in relation to an
Earthwatch expedition was an attempt to begin to resolve the limi-
tations of both resource mobilization and social psychological expla-
nations of social movements. Empirically, this study examined whether
an Earthwatch expedition experience significantly and meaningfully
expanded participants’ existing social networks (one component of the
resource mobilization theory of social movement participation), and
hence their social movement participation. Second, the research tested
whether an expedition experience bolstered one’s self-efficacy (one
component of the social psychological theory of social movement
participation), and in turn sustained, promoted, or intensified partici-
pation in social movements. Empirically, the study is groundbreaking
in that if an expedition is found to encourage or intensify social move-
ment participation, the results of the analysis could be used to promote
alternative tourism as a means of encouraging organized social action.
Additionally, social movement organizations may recognize the poten-
tial power and influence of alternative tourism for its ability to facilitate
recruitment, retention, motivation, and mobilization efforts.

Study Methods
The study population consisted of persons participating in
Earthwatch expeditions during June and July of 1998. Earthwatch Insti-
130 VOLUNTEER TOURISM

tute was chosen because of its size (seven offices worldwide), its mem-
bership (over 50,000 participants since its inception in 1972), the var-
iety and number of sociologically-relevant expeditions available
through Earthwatch, its longevity, its accessibility, and its representa-
tives’ willingness to cooperate. While no known research has been con-
ducted on the Earthwatch expedition experience and its subsequent
impact on participation in social movements in the United States,
Weiler and Richins found that among Australians participating in
Earthwatch, 52% of team members described themselves as “very active
in environmental and special interest organizations” (1995:33).
Because 75% of all expeditions occurred during the summer months,
this study targeted volunteers who participated during that time period
and was limited to US citizens, eliminating approximately one-quarter
of Earthwatch participants overall. Only those who registered by April
15, 1998 were surveyed (N=848). Several members of the initial sample
were eliminated because they withdrew from the expedition, or the
Earthwatch organization canceled the trip. Dillman’s (1978) Total
Design Method was followed as closely as fiscally possible.
The method consisted of several steps based primarily on pre- and
post-test design (Babbie 1992). Measures of social movement partici-
pation and activism among individuals were collected both before and
after the trip. Changes in social movement participation and activism
support between the pre- and post-expedition surveys were docu-
mented and analyzed in terms of the experience. Pre- and post-trip
surveys were conducted April through August of 1998.
Participants were mailed a copy of the survey instrument two months
prior to their Earthwatch expedition and again two months after they
completed the trip. The self-mailing, postage-paid questionnaires were
sent first, followed by a reminder postcard 7 days later. This gave a
phone number to call (collect) if a second survey was required due to
the loss of the first survey. A second questionnaire was also sent to
those who had not responded within 14 days of the initial mailing.
Every effort was made to ensure that everyone participating in an
Earthwatch expedition during the allotted time frame was listed and
that no names were repeated. The pre-trip response rate was 73%
(n=619). Several of these individuals did not qualify for the post-trip
survey after their expeditions were cancelled (n=37), reducing the
number of respondents to 582. The post-trip response rate was 62%
(n=363), resulting in 363 completed surveys and an overall response
rate of 45%.
The independent variables in this study, derived from the volun-
teers’ experiences during an Earthwatch trip, included new network
ties established, perceived self-efficacy gains, and pre-trip social move-
ment participation. In order to measure whether respondents believed
that they had established new network ties during their expedition,
five questions were asked in the post-trip questionnaire modified from
Pfaff’s (1995) study of social movement participation in Eastern Eur-
ope (the first five items in Table 1).
Next, a scale designed to evaluate new network ties established was
created by summing the scores on these five items using a 4-point scale
 NANCY GARD MCGEHEE 131

Table 1. Earthwatch Network Questionnaire Items

Question 6: Using the scale below, tell us how you feel about the following
statements (circle one)a:
As a direct result of an Agree Disagree
Earthwatch Expedition

I established relationships with SA A D SD

individuals I consider mentors
I became a mentor for another SA A D SD
expedition participant
I met other expedition SA A D SD
participants who share similar
interests, values, and goals
I plan to maintain contact with SA A D SD
some of the other volunteers I
met on the Earthwatch
Expedition
I met other expedition SA A D SD
participants who can help me
with information, ideas, and/or
resources for social movement
participation
I learned that I am able to SA A D SD
overcome obstacles that I once
found impossible
I look forward to future SA A D SD
challenges
I feel more competent in SA A D SD
everyday life

a
SA=Strongly Agree, A=Agree, D=Disagree, SD=Strongly Disagree.

including strongly agree (coded 4), agree, disagree, or strongly dis-

agree (coded 1), with a total range of 5–20. Reliability of measure for
each scale was assessed by measuring Cronbach’s alpha which, for the
new network ties scale, was .697. Factor analysis of the scale using prin-
cipal component analysis revealed that each of the items in the scale
accounted for at least .684 of the variance in the component matrix
except for “I established relationships with individuals I consider men-
tors”, which only measured .427. Therefore, it was eliminated and the
scale was revised. The Cronbach’s alpha for the revised scale was .722.
The perceived self-efficacy gains from Earthwatch survey questions,
as adapted from Hannon’s (1990) study, included measures of the
respondents’ sense that they could implement change or make a differ-
ence in the world as a direct result of the Earthwatch expedition (the
last three items in Table 1). The questions used to measure perceived
self-efficacy gains were designed by adopting the same 4-point scale
used to measure networks. A scale of perceived self-efficacy gains was
created by summing these three items, with a range of 3–12. The Cron-
bach’s alpha for the self-efficacy gains scale was .764. Factor analysis
132 VOLUNTEER TOURISM

of the scale using principal component analysis revealed that each of

the items in the scale accounted for at least .764 of the variance in the
component matrix; thus, all three items remained in the scale.
The next independent variable was pre-trip social movement partici-
pation. In the pre-trip survey, respondents were first asked to list up
to three social movement organizations in which they were involved
in the last year. Then, for each, respondents were asked to check off
activities undertaken through this involvement from a 17-item list. An
open-ended “other” variable was also provided to allow for unantici-
pated responses. The 17-item index used to measure social movement
participation was adapted from Sayles’ (1983) study of conventional
and non-conventional activist participation and from Parker-Gwin and
Mabry’s (1998) study of service learning. Following the recommen-
dations of Knoke (1988), both internal and external types of partici-
pation were measured, covering a broad range of types of partici-
pation. Internal types included holding an organizational office,
donating money, and donating non-monetary resources to a social
movement organization. External types included writing congressper-
sons or other politicians, voting in government elections according to
the organization’s priorities, and marching or protesting.
The Cronbach’s alpha for the pre-trip social movement participation
index was .904. Factor analysis of the scale using principal component
analysis revealed that each item in the scale accounted for at least .731
of the variance in the component matrix; thus all 17 items remained
on the scale. From the respondent’s separate, dichotomous answers
about past involvement in each of up to three social movement organi-
zations, a new variable was created to condense each item. This trans-
formed three dichotomous variables into one interval variable that
could be scaled from 0–3. Each of those scores was added to measure
overall participation of social movement organizations, which ranged
from 0–51 (17 items times 3).
The primary control variables included gender, age, education,
race/ethnicity, marital status, first-time versus veteran participants, des-
tination type, and trip type. These were chosen in order to control for
possible distinctions among respondents and to help explain variation
in support for activitism and social movement participation (Sherkat
and Blocker 1997). Controlling for gender revealed any differences
between the effect of an Earthwatch expedition on men’s and women’s
social movement participation and activism support. Race/ethnicity
was eliminated as a control variable due to a lack of variance among
respondents (over 90% were white/Anglo). Each respondent was
asked to select one of nine categories of education ranging from grade
school to graduate school. Respondents’ marital status consisted of six
categories: married, cohabiting, single, separated, divorced, and
widowed. Creating a dummy variable that distinguished first-time from
veteran participants helped to control for differences in the impact of
an Earthwatch expedition on new versus more experienced volunteers.
First-time participants may have experienced greater changes in self-
efficacy or networks simply because the experience was new to them.
The next two control variables measured the type of Earthwatch trip
 NANCY GARD MCGEHEE 133

taken. First, where was the expedition: domestic or international? Those

located in the United States were considered domestic and those out-
side international. A dummy variable was developed coding inter-
national trips as 1 and domestic as 0. Second, did the expedition have
an environmental or a sociocultural orientation? Expeditions which
fell into the Earthwatch categories of Endangered Eco-Systems, Oce-
ans, Biodiversity, and Global Change were considered environmental
and were coded as 1. Those which fell under the categories of Cultural
Diversity, World Health, and Origins of our Future were considered
sociocultural and were coded as 0.
As the dependent variable, post-trip intended social movement par-
ticipation was measured and calculated with nearly identical items
from the pre-trip questions about current social movement activities.
The only difference between the pre- and post-trip survey items was
that in the post-trip survey respondents were asked to predict their
intended behavior regarding social movement participation during the
coming year instead of reporting actual current activities. In other
words, pre-trip behavior was compared with post-trip behavioral intention.
While the two items were correlated, they were not the same. In survey
research, respondents commonly over-estimate intended activities. In
this study, it is important to point out that respondents may be swept
up in a temporary “high”, having just returned from their expedition,
contemplating intentions that are greater than their abilities. Over-
estimation may also be due to the phenomenon of “social desir-
ability”—“answering through a filter of what will make them look
good” (Babbie 1992:146). Respondents often report high levels of
intended activity in social movements because they feel it makes them
appear to be responsible, progressive citizens. Though the method may
be less than ideal, the comparison of pre-trip behavior with post-trip
behavioral intention was necessary due to the time limitations of the
research; it was not practical to survey respondents before they left for
their expeditions, wait a year, then survey them again. In addition, the
social desirability phenomenon can still occur when surveying realized
behavior: respondents tend to over-estimate their actual activities as
well.
The Cronbach’s alpha for the post-trip social movement partici-
pation index was .919. Factor analysis of the scale using principal
component analysis revealed that each item in the scale accounted for
at least .764 of the variance in the component matrix; therefore, all
17 items remained on the scale.
Multiple regression was used to test causal models based on a theor-
etical framework (Agresti and Finlay 1986). This analysis was viewed
as the most effective method since the multiple variables relevant to
the Earthwatch experience were to be tested as predictors of post-trip
attitudes and behaviors (Stevens 1992). In multiple regression analysis,
betas were computed and tested for significance. The magnitude of
beta values indicated whether each of the independent and control
variables was a relatively important determinant of the dependent vari-
able. By combining correlational data with a theoretical framework of
cause and effect, multiple regression analysis measures the changes
134 VOLUNTEER TOURISM

between pre- and post-trip support for activism and social movement
participation that are due to the expanded networks and increased
self-efficacy brought about through the Earthwatch experience.
A series of regressions was performed to determine the effect of
pre- and post-trip variables on the social movement category (Jurowski
1994). For this study, the focus was on the relationship among five
variables: any predictive power of the pre-trip social movement partici-
pation variable, as well as control variables including gender, age, edu-
cation, and marital status; new networks ties from Earthwatch; per-
ceived self-efficacy gains developed during the Earthwatch expeditions
as independent predictor variables; other Earthwatch variables includ-
ing first-time versus veteran participation, domestic versus inter-
national destination, and sociocultural versus environmental trip type;
and post-trip intended social movement participation as the depen-
dent variable.

Study Findings
Various demographic and socioeconomic items were included in the
pre-trip survey only (Table 2). These included month of expedition,
total number of Earthwatch trips taken, gender, race/ethnicity, marital
status, education, and year of birth. Previous to the study, no data were
available on the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the
overall Earthwatch volunteer population. Drawing on anecdotal data
from the Earthwatch marketing department, however, over twice as
many respondents went on their trips in July (70%) as in June (30%),
which reflects the overall number of volunteers participating in
expeditions during that month. For most of them this was their first
expedition (70%), although two respondents had been on twenty
Earthwatch trips. The mean number was two (including the present
one). Over 100 of the 126 expeditions (80%) were represented among
the survey respondents. Each of the 14 expedition category types
was represented.
The vast majority of respondents were white/Anglo (92%) and over
70% were female. Most were single (48%) or married (31%), as
opposed to separated, cohabiting, or divorced. On average, respon-
dents had at least some college education. The largest group (38%)
consisted of graduate school alumni. Respondents ranged in age from
16 to 79. Over 30% were aged 46–55 and 23% were under 20. The
mean age was 41 with a median age of 46 and a mode of 17.
Overall, the most frequent types of social movement participation
did not change between the pre- and post-trip measures. Out of 17
possible participation types, the five most frequently noted ones were
the same both before and after an Earthwatch expedition. Interest-
ingly, all five were internal types of participation: belonging to an
organization, receiving newsletters and other publications, donating
money, paying dues, and attending the organization’s meetings and/or
special events.
This finding is interesting because the pre-trip questions asked about
social movement participation within the last year, while the post-trip
 NANCY GARD MCGEHEE 135

Table 2. Descriptive Statistics of Earthwatch Expedition Participants (n=363)

Month of Marital Status:

Expedition:a Single 173 (47.6)
June 111 (30.6) Married 112 (30.9)
July 252 (69.4) Separated 4 (1.1)
Total Expeditions: Cohabiting 9 (2.5)
One 243 (66.9) Divorced 52 (14.3)
Two 54 (14.9) Widowed 13 (3.6)
Three 21 (5.8) Education (highest
Four–18 38 (10.4) level completed):
No response 7 (2.0) Grade School 0 (0)
Trip Destination: Some High School 48 (13.2)
International 209 (57.0) High School 23 (6.3)
Domestic 154 (43.0) Diploma
Trip Type: Trade/Vocational 2 (0.6)
Sociocultural 147 (40.5) School
Environmental 211 (58.1) Community 9 (2.5)
No response 5 (1.4) College Graduate
Race/Ethnicity: Some College 38 (10.5)
Anglo/White 335 (92.3) College Graduate 82 (22.6)
African–American 2 (0.6) Graduate School 137 (37.7)
Asian 12 (3.3) Professional School 24 (6.6)
Hispanic 4 (1.1) Gender:
Other (2 Pacific 3 (0.8) Female 258 (71.1)
Islander, 1 Native Male 105 (28.9)
American) Age:
No response 7 (1.9) 20 and under 83 (22.9)
21–40 77 (21.2)
41–60 152 (41.9)
61+ 50 (13.8)
No response 1 (.2)

a
Percentages in parentheses.

questions asked about predicted participation within the next year.

Although the measures compared actual with intended behavior, the
responses were similar. It is important to point out that while the top-
ranking types of behavior may have remained stable, each participant’s
evaluation of his/her types of social movement behavior may have
changed.

Testing the Models

Three multiple regression models were developed to examine vari-
ous interaction effects among the independent variables and the
resulting impacts on the predictability of the dependent variable.
Whenever variables are summed to create a scale in multiple regression
analysis, multicollinearity is a concern. The variable scales in the study
were tested for multicollinearity using two different statistical meas-
ures: tolerance and variance inflation factor. This predictor “indicates
whether there is a strong linear association between it and all the
136 VOLUNTEER TOURISM

remaining predictors” (Stevens 1992:77). A variance inflation factor of

over ten suggests possible multicollinearity. None of the scales in this
study measured a factor over two; therefore, multicollinearity was not
an issue.
The first model regressed the pre-trip variable (social movement
participation) and the Earthwatch variables (first-time versus veteran,
international versus domestic, and environmental versus sociocultural)
with the “new network ties from Earthwatch” variable to the regression
equation to determine their ability to predict the dependent variable
(post-trip intended social movement participation). The second model
built upon the first, adding the “perceived self-efficacy gains from
Earthwatch” variable to the regression equation instead of the “new
network ties from Earthwatch” variable. The third model included
both Earthwatch independent variables in the regression equation.
Each model was used to determine whether statistical support
existed for the hypothesis that the network ties and self-efficacy gains
developed during an Earthwatch expedition would positively impact
social movement participation. Table 3 indicates the relationship
among the variables in each of the three models. Each of the two
hypotheses was tested with three statistics from the multiple regression
equations: the standardized regression coefficient, level of significance,
and adjusted R2. Support for the hypotheses occurred if two of the
Earthwatch variables’ standardized regression coefficients were .1 or
greater, with significance of at least the .05 level.
Hypothesis 1: New network ties from an Earthwatch expedition will have a
positive effect on intended social movement participation. In order to test this

Table 3. Effects of Earthwatch on Intended Social Movement Participation

Independent Post-Trip Intended Post-Trip Intended Post-Trip Intended

Variable Social Movement Social Movement Social Movement
Participation Participation Participation
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

Pre-Trip Variables
Social Movement .619b .625b .615b
Participation
Activism Support .102 .100a .097a
Earthwatch Variables
First Trip .054 .089 .061
International Trip ⫺.002 ⫺.015 ⫺.001
Environmental .066 .070 .074
Trip
Network Ties .104a .127a
Established
Self-Efficacy Gains .015 ⫺.053
Adjusted R2 .408 .404 .410
N 292 283 282

a b
p⬍.05; p⬍.001
 NANCY GARD MCGEHEE 137

hypothesis, the independent variable “new network ties” was regressed

from Earthwatch on the dependent variable “post-trip intended social
movement participation” (see Models 1 and 3 in Table 3). In this
model, new network ties from Earthwatch was a positive and significant
predictor of post-trip intended social movement participation (p⬍.05).
The standardized coefficient for new network ties from Earthwatch was
.104, an adjusted R2 of .408, and was a positive and significant predictor
of post-trip intended social movement participation. In Model 3, new
network ties from Earthwatch had a standardized regression coefficient
of .127, an adjusted R2 of .410, and was a positive and significant pre-
dictor of post-trip intended social movement participation (p⬍.05).
Given that both times the independent variable “new network ties from
Earthwatch” was included in the regression models it was both signifi-
cant and had a standardized regression coefficient of at least .1, so this
hypothesis was statistically supported. In other words, new network ties
developed during an expedition had a positive and significant effect on
post-trip intended social movement participation. None of the control
variables (gender, age, education, marital status, first versus veteran
trip, trip type, or trip destination) were significant for this hypothesis.
Hypothesis 2: Perceived self-efficacy gains from Earthwatch will have a posi-
tive effect on intended social movement participation. In order to test this
hypothesis, the independent variable “perceived self-efficacy gains”
from Earthwatch was regressed on the dependent variable post-trip
“intended social movement participation” (see Models 2 and 3 in Table
3). In these two models, perceived self-efficacy gains from Earthwatch
was not a predictor of post-trip intended social movement partici-
pation. Since in every model including the independent variable “per-
ceived self-efficacy gains from Earthwatch” it was not significant, this
hypothesis was not statistically supported. In other words, self-efficacy
gains perceived to have been brought about by participation in an
Earthwatch expedition did not have a significant effect on post-trip
intended social movement participation. None of the above control
variables were significant for this hypothesis.

Transformative Nature of Earthwatch

Two of the major questions asked by social movement scholars are:
who are the people who participate in social movements and why do
they do so? This study addressed these questions utilizing the models
established by Barkan et al (1995), developing measures for social
movement participation that included both a yes/no variable and ques-
tions about participation types. As a result, this research has determ-
ined that new network ties developed during an Earthwatch expedition
may serve as a catalyst for future social movement participation. These
findings reinforce the arguments made by resource mobilization theor-
ists that support the importance of networks to the success of social
movement organizations. Earthwatch volunteers who became mentors
(who met people with similar values and goals and other volunteers
who could help them in their social movement efforts, and who
planned to keep in touch with other volunteers) were more likely to
138 VOLUNTEER TOURISM

plan to maintain or increase their social movement participation inten-

tions over the next year than those who did not establish any of these
relationships. A respondent illustrated the importance of networks by
writing in an open-ended question that she/he “met wonderful volun-
teers who shared my views.” Several other respondents also commented
positively about the network ties they established during the trip. One
wrote that “it was a good feeling to discuss issues with formerly [sic]
strangers.” Another wrote that “without these expeditions, I probably
would not have an adequate forum … to discuss my values with others.”
Several respondents indicated plans to become involved in specific
social movements for the first time, an illustration of the trip’s power
to affect participation. Respondents wrote:
I plan to become active in the protection of the common Loon by
participation in NALA and by other means … I am exploring.

My Earthwatch expedition helped me see that I should and want to

be involved in different movements going on around me.

I plan to be more involved in my teaching and to show young people

how they may be more involved in their communities.
Another was less confident but did say: “I think that now I will try to
take a more active part in protecting the environment.”
Unlike “new network ties from Earthwatch”, no relationship was
found between perceived self-efficacy gains and intended social move-
ment participation. Respondents were asked to state how they felt
about three items on a Likert scale that referred to their levels of self-
efficacy as a result of the Earthwatch expedition (Table 1). Results
from the “gains” scale support Wollman and Strouder’s (1991) findings
that measures of self-efficacy specific to individual social movements
are better predictors of intended social movement participation than
similar measures outside the bounds of a specific social movement.
Some respondents indicated difficulty in responding to broad ques-
tions. For example, one indicated that some of the terms used were
too “sweeping.” Perhaps this is an area of inquiry best conducted within
a specific social movement organization rather than in a general man-
ner.

CONCLUSION
This study set out to explore whether participation in an Earthwatch
expedition influenced social movement participation. The purpose was
to utilize concepts from social psychological and resource mobilization
theories to show that the alternative tourism model exemplified by an
Earthwatch expedition encouraged or supported such participation.
In other words, one can understand more about who is attracted to
such organizations, why they are attracted, and how they develop and
come to express this attraction through internal or external types of
participation by considering a previously uninvestigated means of
recruitment and mobilization: alternative tourism.
The theoretical model for this study was developed and based on
 NANCY GARD MCGEHEE 139

concepts drawn from both the resource mobilization and social psycho-
logical perspectives of social movements. Each theory was utilized as a
means of connecting the structural and individual elements of partici-
pation in a way that helps to address the questions of who participates
and why. One element of resource mobilization theory focuses on the
importance of networks for social movement recruitment and mobiliz-
ation. Social psychological theory focuses attention instead on an indi-
vidual’s sense of self-efficacy. The findings from this study support the
network concept taken from the resource mobilization perspective.
When the hypotheses were tested, the research supported the power
of network ties developed during an Earthwatch expedition to predict
participants’ increased motivation and intentions for future activism.
Self-efficacy gains perceived to have been brought about by partici-
pation in an Earthwatch expedition failed to predict intended social
movement participation.
In addition to theoretical implications, this research has a number
of practical applications. Researchers interested in alternative tourism
have a statistically solid foundation on which to build an investigation
strategy including both the tourism phenomena and society as a whole.
These data provide empirical recognition of the potential power of
alternative tourism to change individuals and to provide ways to create
and establish relationships that extend beyond the brief experience
itself. For Earthwatch, on the most basic level, these data provide
demographic and tourist profile information for preparing and
implementing marketing strategies. Additionally, the findings
reinforce the Earthwatch claim that expeditions improve “global cit-
izenship”—that participants become more involved in changing the
world. For an organization that must constantly seek financial support
through foundations and other philanthropic organizations, this study
provides valuable empirical evidence substantiating its claims to mot-
ivate and mobilize social movement participation. Finally, for move-
ments themselves, this research provides support for the idea that net-
work ties outside the organization need to be cultivated and
maximized. Previously untapped resources should be explored that
include the activities of the movement’s constituents, encompassing
leisure as well as professional affiliations. Such organizations may want
to pursue the development or sponsorship of forms of alternative travel
of their own as a means of cultivating network ties among their mem-
bership and sources of support.
Additional research on various forms of alternative tourism and their
effects on social movement participation and support for activism can
build upon this initial study as a way to minimize its limitations. Other
alternative tourism organizations should be studied in order to build
a stronger, more generalized research base. The method of participant-
observation would provide helpful additional data about the
Earthwatch expedition process. It would be useful for the researcher
to participate in a similar form of alternative tourism in order to gain
insights into the social structure of an expedition and the opport-
unities for interaction and exchange. Specifically, a better measure of
140 VOLUNTEER TOURISM

the interaction with locals, researchers, and other Earthwatch parti-

cipants on each trip would be extremely beneficial.
Future research should also target populations in greater depth and
breadth. For example, a longitudinal study of the effects of Earthwatch
or other forms of alternative tourism on social movement participation
and support for activism is vital to a better understanding of long-term
or lag effects of a trip. A comparative approach considering a greater
variety of alternative tourism should be undertaken to look for consist-
encies and inconsistencies within and among trip types. For example,
does an ecotour to Belize impact differently than a reality tour of Dom-
inican sweat shops? It is also suggested that comparing the effects of
alternative tourism to those of mass tourism could be insightful. How
does a mainstream trip to Europe affect tourists’ ideas about social
movement participation and support for activism? Does the traditional
American family vacation have an impact on network ties or on self-
efficacy? There are many questions left unanswered.
As with any social science research, this study was not without metho-
dological shortcomings. Some may maintain that this research was lim-
ited by the selected sample population: mostly affluent, educated,
white Americans. Earthwatch volunteers were no doubt highly effi-
cacious actors before they ever signed up for an expedition. Their
options for resource mobilization were already abundant and well-
established. This is a valid point and probably explains why most of
the Earthwatch variables (first-time versus veteran trip, environmental
versus social trip orientation, domestic versus international trip
destination) were not significant predictors of intended post-trip social
movement participation. However, it could also be argued that this
group’s access to powerful resources formed the most compelling rea-
son why they should have been studied. If they already possessed the
tools for change, it is essential that this privileged group be examined
to determine what actualizes their mobilization. Any activity that sig-
nificantly predicts change in social movement participation—no mat-
ter how minor the change—should be considered.
Perhaps the greatest contribution of this work to the future work in
alternative tourism and social movements is the challenge of looking
beyond traditional ways of examining social movement participation.
Historically, researchers have focused the sociological lens within an
organization or movement. Perhaps there is a great deal to be learned
if studies include elements of everyday life outside that perimeter which
exert a strong influence over an individuals’ decision to participate in
social movements are included.왎
Acknowledgements—The author wishes to thank Rachel Parker-Gwin of Virginia Polytech-
nic Institute and State University for her guidance and editorial assistance, and
Earthwatch Institute for its in-kind support of this research. This article is based on the
author’s dissertation dated 1999.

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Submitted 23 May 2000. Resubmitted 1 November 2000. Accepted 19 December 2000. Final
version 30 December 2000. Refereed anonymously. Coordinating Editor: Linda K. Richter