METHOD IN DETERMINING WISDOM INFLUENCE

UPON "HISTORICAL" LITERATURE

J. L. CRENSHAW
MERCER UNIVERSITY

T H E influence of wisdom upon nonhagiographic literature is increas-

ingly emphasized. Such kinship is claimed for Gen 1-11, 37, 39-50,
Exod 34 6 f., Deut^II Sam 9-20, I Kings 1-2, Amos, Habakkuk, Isaiah,
and Jonah. 1 Impetus for the new tendency was furnished by von Rad's
provocative study of the Joseph narrative, an article that has been almost
directly responsible for similar claims of wisdom influence upon Esther
and the "succession document." 2 But the publication of new wisdom
texts from Mesopotamia and Ugarit and fresh comparison with Egyptian
wisdom have spurred the trend to unprecedented heights. 3 The excite-
ment of new directions in scholarship has led to exaggerated claims
supported by dubious arguments and assumptions, so that a study of
methodology in determining wisdom influence is imperative at this

1
For Gen 1-11, R. H. Pfeiffer, "Wisdom and Vision in the Old Testament," ZAW,
52 (1934), pp. 93-101, particularly 97 f.; and J. L. McKenzie, "Reflections on Wisdom,"
JBL, 86 (1967), pp. 1-9; L. Alonso-Schökel, "Motivos sapienciales y de alianza en
Gen. 2-3," Bib, 43 (1962), pp. 295-316. For Gen 37, 39-50, G. von Rad, "The Joseph
Narrative and Ancient Wisdom," The Problem of the Hexateuch and[other Essays, 1966,
pp. 292-300, originally published in SVT, 1, 1953. For Exod 34 6 f., R. C. Dentan,
"The Literary Affinities of Exod. XXXIV 6 f.," VT, 13 (1963), pp. 34-51. For Deut,
M. Weinfeld, "The Origin of Humanism in Deuteronomy," JBL, 80 (1961), pp. 241-47,
and "Deuteronomy — The Present State of Inquiry," JBL, 86 (1967), pp. 249-62,
J. Malfroy, "Sagesse et Loi dans le Deutéronome," VT, 15 (1965), pp. 49-65; J. R.
Boston, "The Wisdom Influence upon the Song of Moses," JBL, 88 (1968), pp. 196-202.
For II Sam 9-20 and I Kings 1-2, R. N. Whybray, The Succession Narrative (SBT,
2nd ser., 9), 1968. For Amos, S. Terrien, "Amos and Wisdom," Israel's Prophetic Heritage,
ed. by B. W. Anderson and W. Harrelson, 1962, pp. 108-15; H. W. Wolff, Amos' geistige
Heimat, 1964, and Dodekapropheton, Amos, 1967-, and for a critique of the position,
J. L. Crenshaw, "The Influence of the Wise upon Amos," ZAW, 79 (1967), pp. 42-52.
For Hab, D. E. Gowan, "Habakkuk and Wisdom," paper read at the 103rd meeting of
SBL, 1967. For Isa, J. Fichtner, "Jesaja unter den Weisen," ThLZ, 74, (1949), pp.
76-80, and R. J. Anderson, "Was Isaiah a Scribe?" JBL, 79 (1960), pp. 57 f. For
prophecy in general, J. Lindblom, "Wisdom in the Old Testament Prophets," SVT,
3 (1960), pp. 192-204, and W. McKane, Prophets and Wise Men (SBT, 44), 1965.
For Jonah, P. L. Trible, Studies in the Book of Jonah, Diss. Columbia, 1964, and R. Auge,
Profetes Menors, 1957.
2
S. Talmon, " 'Wisdom' in the Book of Esther," VT, 13 (1963), pp. 419-55, and
Whybray, The Succession Narrative.
3 Besides J. B. Pritchard, ed. A NET, 1955, and Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient
Near East, ed. by M. Noth and D. Winton Thomas, 1960, the following may be men-
tioned: J. Van Dijk, La sagesse sumèro accadienne, 1953; W. G. Lambert, Babylonian
Wisdom Literature, 1960; E. I. Gordon, Sumerian Proverbs, 1959, and "A New Look at

© 1969, by the Society of Biblical Literature

130 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

juncture. This paper will seek to outline some methodological principles

in the study of wisdom influence, and on the basis of these will evaluate
the claims about the Joseph narrative, succession document, and Esther.

I. Statement of the Method

Crucial to the study of any movement is its definition, which can be
neither too broad nor too narrow, but must be both inclusive and exclu-
sive. A distinction between wisdom literature, wisdom tradition, and
wisdom thinking is essential, for these terms refer to the literary deposit
of a specifically defined movement characterized by a particular approach
to reality. 4 It must be recognized that wisdom speech is not a se wisdom,5
and that several kinds of wisdom are discernible: (1) juridical, (2) nature,
(3) practical, and (4) theological — each with a distinct Sitz im Lebend
Accordingly, one must distinguish between family/clan wisdom, the goal
of which is the mastering of life, the stance hortatory and style pro-
verbial; 7 court wisdom, with the goal of education for a select group, the
stance secular, and method didactic; 8 and scribal wisdom, the goal being
education for all, the stance dogmatico-religious, and the method
dialogico-admonitory. 9 Moreover, the wisdom movement is self-critical,
Job and Qoheleth emphasizing the disparity between wisdom's claims
and reality itself.

the Wisdom of Sumer and Akkad," BiblOr, 17 (1960), pp. 122-52; Les sagesse du proche-
orient ancien, 1963 (which contains excellent articles on wisdom's history and ideology,
as well as extensive bibliography, especially on Egyptian wisdom); H. Gese, Lehre und
Wirklichkeit in der alten Weisheit, 1958; and H. H. Schmid, Wesen und Geschichte der
Weisheit (Beih., ZAW, 101), 1966.
4 Schmid, Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit, p. 7. It would be less confusing to
speak in terms of wisdom literature, paideia, and bokmah. The first would refer to
Prov, Qoh, Job, Sir, Wisd of Sol, and Wisdom Pss; paideia would suggest the wisdom
movement itself, its educational curriculum and pedagogy; fyokmah would indicate a
particular stance, an approach to reality.
s Ibid., p. 120. Schmid's point is that Sumerian lists (originally an attempt at
ordering the world) are taken over by the Babylonians for their philological value.
6
R. E. Murphy, "Assumptions and Problems in Old Testament Wisdom Research,"
CBQ, 29 (1967), p. 104. It is in this context that Murphy observes that "wisdom lan-
guage does not constitute wisdom," and rejects both the method of "anthological com-
position" and "topoi" for determining wisdom influence.
7 E. Gerstenberger, Wesen und Herkunft des *Apodiktischen Rechts' (WMA NT, 20)
1965, and J. P. Audet, "Origines comparées de la double tradition de la loi et de la
sagesse dans la proche-orient ancien," International Congress of Orientalists (Moscow,
1960), ι, pp. 352-57.
8
H. Duesberg, Les scribes inspires*, has given a helpful analysis of the courtly
background of wisdom.
» W. Richter, Recht und Ethos (StANT, 15), 1966, stresses the school as the locus
of wisdom. A. Barucq, Le Livre des Proverbes, 1964, pp. 12-15, thinks the prophets
attacked the scribe (court official) rather than the sage.
 CRENSHAW: DETERMINING WISDOM INFLUENCE 131

The multiplicity of wisdom's representatives and answers 10 must not

force one into a definition that is so comprehensive that it becomes un-
usable. This is the weakness of von Rad's definition of wisdom, taken
over by McKenzie. If one views wisdom as *'practical knowledge of the
laws of life and of the world, based on experience ,, and thinks that
1
'wisdom had to do with the whole of life, and had to be occupied with all
of its departments, , , I I or that wisdom is an "approach to reality," "a
firm belief in the validity of experience," 12 it is little surprise to discover
wisdom everywhere, for what literature does not grow out of and reflect
experience?
On the other hand, it is likewise true that the understanding of wisdom
as eudemonistic, humanistic, international, and nonhistorical is inade-
quate, for it is both too narrow and false. As Schmid has emphasized,
the religious basis of wisdom rests on the assumption that the Creator
has established the world so that accord with its governing principle
{Maat, Me, Milpaí) does pay off, but this is not exactly eudemonism. 13
The deep religious cast of wisdom from its earliest stages demands that
the claim of humanism be rejected, even though emphasis is placed on
man and his behavior. Even the position that wisdom is international
is erroneous for Sirach and Wisdom of Solomon, and may be contested
at other points. Nevertheless, there is a measure of truth in R. Pautrel's
remark that "De toute façon, le genre sapientiel avait été Tune des
fenêtres d'Israël sur le monde." 14 Von Rad has discussed the tension
between the universal and particular in the ancient Israelite world view
of the sage in brilliant fashion, concluding that man "lives within a
created order from which ascends an unending hymn of praise, yet he
himself hears nothing of i t . . . He must be taught, as if he were blind
and deaf, that he lives in a world which could be revealed to him . . . ,"1S

10
Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion, 1961 (first published in 1948), p. 4, has
characterized ancient thought as a "multiplicity of approaches and answers."
11
G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology, ι, pp. 418, 428. This discussion of wisdom
is still perhaps the most provocative available.
12
McKenzie, "Reflections on Wisdom,*' pp. 2, 4. Similarly, if one with S. Blank
views wisdom as "philosophy rooted in the soil of life: truth springs out of the earth"
(IntDB, 4, pp. 853-61), it follows that a discussion of wisdom in the OT will include
Aaron, Moses, Daniel, and others. Again, Lambert (Babylonian Wisdom Literature) has
even suggested that "a case could be made for including many of the Babylonian epics
in the wisdom category, since they deal with cosmological problems" (p. 1).
« Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit, pp. 3, 20-22, 115-17, 159-61; see also Α.
Volten, "Der Begriff der Maat in den Ägyptischen Weisheitstexten," Les sagesses du
proche-orient ancien, pp. 73-101, and Gese, Lehre und Wirklichkeit in der alten Weisheit,
pp. 11-21 (and pp. 45-50, where Yahweh's freedom over against this "order" is recog-
nized as an Israelite theme).
x
« L'Ecclesiaste, p. 8.
x
s "Some Aspects of the Old Testament World View," The Problem of the Hexa-
teuch and other Essays, p. 164 (originally published in EvTh, 11, 1964).
132 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

As for the view that wisdom is nonhistorical, Schmid has shown con-
vincingly that there is a structural history of wisdom, one that has its
changing Sitzen im Leben, and that wisdom is itself aware of this history. 16
It has also been claimed that wisdom is individualistic as opposed to
the corporate emphasis of prophecy and priesthood, but even this judg-
ment must be corrected by the recognition that courtly wisdom is social
in orientation, especially in its juridical concern.17 The same may be
said of the wisdom of the clan, for there is growing acceptance of the
close association of law and wisdom championed by Gerstenberger. 18
Wisdom, then, may be defined as the quest for self-understanding in
terms of relationships with things, people, and the Creator. This search
for meaning moves on three levels: (1) nature wisdom which is an at-
tempt to master things for human survival and well-being, and which
includes the drawing up of onomastica and study of natural phenomena
as they relate to man and the universe; 19 (2) juridical and Erfahrungs-
weisheit (practical wisdom), with the focus upon human relationships in
an ordered society or state; and (3) theological wisdom, which moves in
the realm of theodicy, 20 and in so doing affirms God as ultimate meaning
(even when denying any purpose in life as does Qoheleth, for the pathos
of this masterpiece grows out of the fact that the true source of meaning
is theological rather than anthropological). 21
First, then, is the question of definition. A second observation is that
wisdom influence can only be proved by a stylistic or ideological peculiar-
ity found primarily in wisdom literature. This implies the exclusion of a
common cultural stock, much of which is environmental or derives from
the period of the family/clan before the separation into distinct compart-
ments of prophet, priest, and sage. Accordingly, the appeal to Deuter-

16
Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit, passim. Furthermore sacred history plays an
important rôle in Sirach and Wisdom of Solomon. The classic discussion is J. Fichtner,
"Zum Problem Glaube und Geschichte in der israelitisch-jüdischen Weisheitsliteratur,"
ThLZ, 76 (1951), pp. 145-50, reprinted in Gottes Weisheit, pp. 9-17.
^ S c h m i d , Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit, pp. 110-14. Conversely, there is
growing recognition that individual responsibility was basic to legal procedure from the
earliest times (B. Lindars, "Ezekiel and Individual Responsibility," VT, 15 [1965],
pp. 452-67, particularly 454).
18
"Covenant and Commandment," JBL, 84 (1965), pp. 38-51, particularly 50 f.
19
See especially von Rad, "Job X X X V I I I and Ancient Egpytian Wisdom," The
Problem of the Hexateuch and other Essays, pp. 281-91 (originally in SVT, 3, 1960),
and W. Zimmerli, " T h e Place and Limit of the Wisdom in the Framework of the Old
Testament Theology," SJT, 18 (1964), pp. 146-58, originally in Les sagesses du proche-
orient ancien.
20
R. J. Williams, "Theodicy in the Ancient Near East," CJT, 2 (1956), pp. 14-26.
A. Bentzen (Introduction to the Old Testament, i, p. 173) quotes an observation by Hylmö
t h a t wisdom literature became little by little a literature written by scholars for other
scholars. This would be especially pertinent to reflective or theological wisdom.
21
Gese ("Die Krisis der Weisheit bei Koheleth," Les sagesses du proche-orient
ancien, pp. 139-51) rightly perceives the deep religious stance of Qoheleth.
 CRENSHAW: DETERMINING WISDOM INFLUENCE 133

onomy's use of such common words as "hear, know, take, keep, law,
teach, etc." by Weinfeld and Malfroy carries little cogency.22 The use
of word tabulation is also particularly vulnerable in this regard, unless
employed with extreme caution. 23 When one recognizes that wisdom is
rooted in experience, it should be no surprise to discover a common
vocabulary among sage, prophet, and priest. Moreover, it needs to be
pointed out that to call one wise is not to identify him as a sage (cf.
Judg 5 29).
This leads to a third observation: differences in nuance must be
explained. Whenever a wisdom phrase or motif is found outside wisdom
literature the scholar must determine whether or not the meaning has
been changed. This can be illustrated by the motif of silence in Egypt
and Israel, and by the literary genre of "disputation" in wisdom and
prophetic literature.
Egyptian wisdom literature distinguishes between the passionate and
the silent man, the latter of whom is like a fertile tree (cf. Ps 1) and is
acceptable to the gods who dwell in the land of silence. In the later period
the wise man describes himself as the truly silent one (Amenemope;
Merikare), and excessive talkativeness (ecstasy and gossip) are viewed
as sin. This is in strong contrast to the premium placed on fine speech
in the Old Kingdom, at first viewed as a possession of the king or sage,
but later recognized even among maid servants at the grindstones
(Ptahhotep — ANET, p. 412). But this freedom of speech and high
esteem in which it was held posed a political threat, so that both anthro-
pological (contrast between silent man and passionate one) and theo-
logical (God of silence favors diplomatic silence) arguments were em-
ployed to combat the danger (Ani; Amenemope). 24
Silence is a prominent theme in Israelite wisdom, but never does it
serve as an epithet of the sage. Rather this emphasis is a means of
combatting slander and gossip, and depicts the proper reverence before
the Holy One (Job 4 12-21, 40 4 f., Hab 2 20, Qoh 5 2; cf. ANET, p. 408)
and in the presence of death (Amos 6 10, 8 3, 5 13, Judg 3 19, Zeph 1 7,

22
Weinfeld, "The Origin of Humanism in Deuteronomy," and Malfroy, "Sagesse
et Loi dans le Deutéronome." Into this category also falls the attempt by B. Couroyer
to find literary dependence between Ps 34 13 and Egyptian wisdom ("Idéal sapiential en
Egypte et en Israel," RB, 57, 1950, pp. 174-79). It may be observed that Weinfeld's
thesis t h a t Deuteronomy is the composition of scribes associated with the courts of
Hezekiah and Josiah who "achieved a religio-national ideology which was inspired by
the sapiential-didactic school" ("Deuteronomy — The Present State of Inquiry,"
p. 262) is more ideologically based than philological.
2
3 A good example of a judicious use of this method is the recent article by Boston,
" T h e Wisdom Influence upon the Song of Moses."
24
G. Lanczkowski, "Reden und Schweigen im ägyptischen Verständnis, vornehmlich
des Mittleren Reiches," Ägyptologische Studien, 29 (1955), pp. 186-96. For the impor-
tance of silence see ANET, pp. 414 (silence is better than teftef-plants), 418, 420-24,
438.
134 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

Zech 2 is, Esther 4 u; cf. ANET, pp. 9, 18, 27, 49, 51, 55, 91, 408, 419
[n. 17]). Accordingly it is important to priest and prophet. Not without
justification has Y. Kaufmann called the priestly temple the ''kingdom
of silence." 25 The prophetic emphasis on silence occurs in Amos, where
wisdom language may be used, but with nonwisdom nuance. This is true
both of 6 9-10, where a severe epidemic has decimated the city and the
prophet urges silence lest the customary benediction remind the destruc-
tive deity that survivors have been left, and of 5 i3, which suggests that
the prudent man will keep silent in such an evil time. If from Amos,
this latter statement is full of irony, the wisdom theme being used in a
totally new sense, for the last thing Amos would do is keep quiet in the
midst of human oppression. In sum, the mere use of wisdom phraseology
by a prophet does not make him a sage,26 for his meaning may be com-
pletely alien to wisdom thinking.
A comparison of the "disputation" in wisdom literature and in
prophetic traditions (particularly Malachi) indicates that differences in
nuance must not be ignored.27 Whereas the prophetic dispute grows out
of and vividly reflects a real confrontation between a prophet and his
opponent, and announces the divine decision of judgment and basis for
it, the wisdom disputation may be purely literary, often concerns the
relative value of things or professions, and resembles the fable in many
instances.
Fourth, the negative attitude to wisdom in much of the OT must be
kept in mind, especially in looking for changes in nuance. It is certainly
striking that wisdom frequently leads to destruction in the historical and
prophetic literature. This is true of the wise men of Egypt (Exod 7 8-13),
the scheming plan of Jonadab to satisfy Amnon's passion for Tamar
(II Sam 13 3-5), the clever ruse instigated by Joab and articulated by the
wise woman of Tekoa (II Sam 14 1-21), the traitorous behavior of the
wise woman of Abel (II Sam 20), the bloody actions of Solomon upon
succeeding David (I Kings 1-2), the successful deceitful counsel of
Hushai (II Sam 16 23—17 23), the clever serpent (Gen 3), and the foolish
advisers of Pharaoh (Isa 19 11 ff., 30 1 ff., 31 1 ff.).28 Furthermore, the
hesitancy to attribute wisdom to Yahweh until quite late indicates an

2
* The Religion of Israel, p. 303.
26
H. Schmid, "Hauptprobleme der neueren Prophetenforschung," STU, 25 (1965),
p. 142, has asked if a wisdom word in the mouth of a prophet means the same as that
word spoken by a teacher. Similarly, in Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit, Schmid
recognizes that even etiology can argue from wisdom categories (p. 101), and that wisdom
thinking often appears in nonwisdom forms, such as hymns, laws, and omens (pp. 110-
14, 142).
2
7E. Pfeiffer, "Die Disputationsworte im Buche Maleachi," EvTh, 12 (1959),
pp. 546-68.
28
H. Cazelles, "Les débuts de la Sagesse en Israël," Les sagesses du proche-orient
ancien, pp. 34-36.
 CRENSHAW: DETERMINING WISDOM INFLUENCE 135

early negative attitude to wisdom,29 as does the opposition to the build-

ing of the Solomonic temple, the achievement of human wisdom (cf.
Baal and Anat).
Fifth, wisdom's history must be taken into consideration, insofar as
it is possible to determine its structural development, geographic spread,
and ideological formulation. The most striking observation here is the
change in wisdom reflected in the apocryphal works, specifically the
inclusion of priestly and heilsgeschichtliche concerns. Especially important
is the recognition of the crisis in wisdom and ensuing dogmatizing and
democratizing of wisdom stressed so provocatively by Schmid, a phenom-
enon common to the wisdom of Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Israel. More-
over, the difference between courtly and clan wisdom, with urban and
rural settings respectively, must be recognized, and the literature of each
identified. This means that the difficult question of Solomon's rôle in
wisdom must be evaluated, as well as that of Hezekiah. 30 Special atten-
tion must be given to the pronounced nationalism of the reforms of
Hezekiah and Josiah. Those who claim that these are times of great
wisdom influence must show how coexistence with a strongly particular-
istic governmental policy was possible.

II. Application of the Methodological Observations

A. THE JOSEPH NARRATIVE. Von Rad has described the Joseph
narrative as an ideal portrait of the courtly wise man, written during the
Solomonic enlightenment characterized by anthropological interests.
This claim is based on an analysis of the educational ideal and theo-
logical ideas permeating Gen 37, 39-50. The fear of the Lord as the
point of departure, and the goal of humility, tact, patience, and avoidance
of the snares of evil women and hot-temperedness are said to be the
educational ideals of Egyptian and Israelite wisdom. The absence of
cultic etiology, Heils geschickte, and revelation, together with the presence
of a thoroughly religious stance that stresses the hidden providence of
God and frustration of man's plans by the Creator (a kind of skepticism
that reaches its apex in Qoheleth!) demand for von Rad the conclusion
that the Sitz im Leben of the narratives is wisdom of the court. Von
Rad thinks the parallels with Egyptian wisdom at all these points confirm
this hypothesis of a wisdom setting. 31

29
M. Noth, "Die Bewährung von Salomos 'Göttlicher Weisheit,' " Wisdom in Israel
and in the Ancient Near East, pp. 225-37. McKane, Prophets and Wise Men, has dealt
with the conflict between prophecy and wisdom, particularly in regard to statecraft.
3° R. B. Y. Scott, "Solomon and the Beginnings of Wisdom in Israel," Wisdom in
Israel and in the Ancient Near East, pp. 262-79; and A. Alt, "Die Weisheit Salomos,"
ThLZ, 76 (1951), pp. 139-44.
31 "The Joseph Narrative and Ancient Wisdom," pass.
136 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

Despite the general acceptance of this ingenious hypothesis, a number

of questions must be raised, because the case for von Rad's view cannot
be said to have been closed. The difficulty in this instance is not so much
with definition or failure to consider the history of wisdom, for on both
these issues von Rad has much to say in this article, even if the assump-
tion of a Solomonic sponsorship of wisdom is questioned by some. But
in view of the other three principles discussed above, von Rad's hypothe-
sis cannot be sustained.
First, wisdom influence can only be proved by stylistic and ideo-
logical peculiarities. The argument from psychological interest in the
phenomenon of man in its broadest sense overlooks the fact that this is
a concern common to much of the ancient literature. Von Rad himself
recognizes its presence in the "succession document"; 32 one must ask
whether there is a qualitative difference between these two literary com-
plexes and Gen 3, 22, Exod 32, and I Kings 13. Moreover, the claim
that the Joseph narrative is anthropological in tone overlooks the
decisive episode of Joseph's refusing the advances of Potiphar's wife.
Here the reason for rejecting her favors is not that Joseph wishes to deal
justly with his fellow man, but rather the high point of the reasoning is,
"How then can I do this great wickedness, and sin against Godi" (39 9).
Again it must be pointed out that the theme of evil women is a common
one, far too ubiquitous to demand wisdom influence.
The third methodological observation that differences in nuance must
be explained requires the following correction of von Rad's thesis. In
spite of the use of a theme popular in wisdom circles, this story intro-
duces a nuance alien to wisdom. The emphasis on the providence of God,
indeed the hidden action of God despite human intentions, is in one
particular quite distant from the skepticism of Qoheleth : here the will of
God is hidden from evil men, and the wicked schemes are thwarted,
while the secrets of God are revealed to Joseph, the favorite of God.
There is no place in the Egyptian wisdom literature cited or in Israelite
wisdom for this pattern; rather the point of the skeptical emphasis is
that there is no one who knows the ways of God, and even the plans of the
righteous man may be frustrated by the mysterious God. Still another
caveat at this point must be given : the stress on providence is not peculiar
to wisdom, but pervades the literature of the OT.33
More devastating, however, is the presence in the Joseph narrative
of nonwisdom themes. At the outset it may be observed that a man
whose story begins and ends in defeat provides a very poor model for the
wise men of the court; the story opens with the account of Joseph's
frustration in fraternal relations, and ends with the paternal negation of

3 2 " T h e Beginnings of Historical Writing in Ancient Israel," The Problem of the

Hexateuch and other Essays (originally published in AfK, 22, 1944), pp. 175-204.
33 Von Rad has taught us, more provocatively than any other, of the significance of
this theme in the Hexateuch.
 CRENSHAW: DETERMINING WISDOM INFLUENCE 137

his heart's desire for his sons (48 17-20). Moreover, it is a strange model
of education that has as its hero one who has not been trained at a school,
and a peculiar propaganda for courtly wisdom that has the ruler choose
a man as his counselor on the basis of his "spiritualistic" qualifications.
Again, the failure of Joseph to control his emotions must not be over-
looked (45 2, 14 f., 50 1, 17), as well as his lack of tact in telling his dreams
to his brothers and his harsh treatment of them at a later time (even if
the latter is mitigated somewhat by understanding it as a sort of test to
ascertain whether the brothers had truly changed).
The nonwisdom themes are numerous, in part growing out of the
material itself. These include: (1) the appeal to special revelation and
theophanic visions; (2) the emphasis on dreams and divining cup as
mediating divine intentions; (3) sacrifice; (4) genealogy (46 8 ff.);
(5) kosher food (43 31-34); (6) etiology for taxes (47 20 ff.); and (7) Heils-
geschickte (place names, including Hebron, Shechem, Dothan, Luz, Beth-
lehem, Beer-sheba; patriarchs and their deities, such as "the God of
Isaac," El Shaddai, Yahweh,34 the God of the fathers; the holy war
formula, "The Lord was with Joseph" and "I fear God"; 35 and the
narrative as a prologue to the exodus).
In view of the preceding analysis, von Rad's thesis that the Joseph
narrative is a manifestation of the wisdom ideal of education and theology
cannot be accepted. What, then, of the other two works stimulated by
this article?
B. THE SUCCESSION DOCUMENT. R. N. Whybray has recently sub-
mitted the "succession document" to detailed analysis, reaching the
conclusion that it is neither history, (in intention or fact), a novel, a
national epic, or a moral-religious tale; rather "it is a work of political
propaganda intended to support the régime (of Solomon) by demon-
strating its legitimacy and justifying its policies."36 A comparison of
the narrative with Proverbs in regard to the importance of counsel, the
ideas of retribution and the hidden control of human destiny by the
Creator, and the attitude toward the cult, together with a study of
didactic literature in general (use of simile, comparison and narration,
dramatization of proverbial wisdom, the irresistible power of a multitude,
wisdom and folly, control of sexual passion, humility, learning from
experience, danger of treacherous companions, proper speech, education
of children, ideal king, ambition, frustration and fulfillment, friendship,
loyalty and treachery, and revenge) prompts Whybray to write that the
author of the succession narrative "set out deliberately to illustrate
34 J. L. Crenshaw, " YHWH Seba'òt Semò: A Form-critical Analysis," forthcoming in
ZAW.
3s J. L. Crenshaw, "Amos and the Theophanic Tradition," ZAW, 80 (1968), pp.
203-15; and K. W. Neubauer, "Erwägungen zu Amos 5:4-15," ZAW, 78 (1966),
pp. 294-302.
36
The Succession Narrative, p. 55,
138 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

specific proverbial teaching for the benefit of the pupils and ex-pupils of
the schools." 37 An examination of comparable political novels in Egypt,
namely, the Prophecy of Neferty, Kemit, Satire on the Trades, Instruction
of Amenemhet, and Story of Sinuhe, all of which were written during
the period of Amenemhet and Sesostris, suggests to Whybray that the
political novel, sophisticated psychological novel, and narrative based
on wisdom themes were known in Egypt long before Solomon, and that
the author of the succession narrative probably had such literature among
his models.38
First, a few words about the general thesis of the book. The conclu-
sion that the succession document is not historical in intention or fact,
nor that it is a novel or national epic carries conviction, and is argued
with keen insight. However, the rejection of the narrative as a religio-
moral tale seems premature, for this view is not negated by the psycho-
logical complexity concealing the simple moral. It is difficult to envision
a reading of the story without grasping the moral implied about family
relations (adultery, sibling rivalry, and sex) and obligations of office and
friendship, in spite of (or because of) the psychological concerns of the
narrative. The hypothesis that the story was written to demonstrate
the legitimacy of the Solomonic régime and to justify its policies suffers
from the well-known fact that neither David nor Solomon is displayed in
a favorable light. Quite the contrary, for David's weaknesses and their
effect are elaborated in all their poignancy, whereas Solomon is repre-
sented as ascending the throne through the scheming plans of the court
prophet and the aged Bathsheba, and his first action is almost unsur-
passed in the OT for cruelty. In view of this Achilles' heel to Whybray's
thesis, a study of his arguments in terms of the five methodological
principles enumerated abqve will be particularly instructive.
The fundamental error of this work of Whybray is the failure to
search for stylistic and ideological peculiarities found primarily in wisdom
literature. The book suffers grossly from this standpoint. The various
themes from Proverbs said to be consciously illustrated by the story are
common ones in legal and prophetic literature. It is difficult to see how
any story could fail to "illustrate" themes in Proverbs, for this book
covers the whole gamut of human existence.39 The examples below are
but a few of the many falling under this category.
The idea of retribution is not only a wisdom theme, but occurs
frequently in legal material, where the punishment is made to suit the
offense. The hidden control of God over human affairs despite man's

37 Ibid., p. 95.
** Ibid., p. 116.
39 The prophetic legend in I Kings 13 will illustrate the point rather graphically.
Nearly every category listed by Whybray in the discussion of parallels between Proverbs
and the succession narrative is appropriate here, too. The polarities of wisdom and
folly are illustrated by Jeroboam's refusal to listen to the man of God and by the desire
 CRENSHAW: DETERMINING WISDOM INFLUENCE 139

intentions is a basic assumption of the Yahwist, Elohist, deuteronomist,

and prophecy; furthermore, the tenuous nature of human plans is made
all the more finite by the stress upon the demonic in Yahweh and free-
dom of God to override human intentions. 40 The attitude to the cult in
Proverbs has parallels in prophetic literature, and the case is not so clear
with the succession document, for sacrifice is practiced, and the absence
of the oracle grows out of the fact that David does not go to battle
against non-Israelites in the succession document, the oracle in the earlier
stories of David being the means of determining whether to wage war or
not. 41 The concern for ethical conduct, humility, and private prayer is
not unique to wisdom, for both prophets and priests shared this interest.
Likewise, the ra'îtî and wa'ere formulas42 are reminiscent of prophetic
visions, and use language that every human being employed. Again, it
is impossible to converse without using simile and comparison, for the
sages did not monopolize metaphorical language. The belief that a
multitude is irresistible does not demand wisdom provenance, for Gen 11
uses this idea with special force. Furthermore, the desire to avoid evil
women and treacherous companions is a common one (cf. Amos), and
the emphasis upon humility and learning from experience is equally as
pronounced in Isaiah as in Proverbs. 43 In the same category are the
appeal to the use of fine speech and the concern for education. The
sages are not sole guardians of either.
Whybray's argument also suffers from a failure to explain nonwisdom
emphases in the succession document. Especially damaging to his thesis
is the minor rôle played by wisdom's representatives, indeed the question-
able function of each. The total effect of counselors, both private and

of the aged nabi to provide for his existence in Sheol by requesting burial beside the man
of God. The danger of pride can be seen in the arrogant boast of the nabi that he was
also a prophet, despite the falsity of the statement. The value of experience is recog-
nized both by Jeroboam and the nabi, and the disaster caused by treacherous compan-
ions could not be more dramatically depicted. Of course both prophets recognized the
necessity of good speech, and the old nabi had taught his children proper respect and
obedience, as can be seen from their actions. The value of an ideal king can be recog-
nized by noting its opposite in Jeroboam, while the ambition of the nabi is seen in his
desire to associate with the powerful man of God. The frustration of human plans by
the hidden God is poignantly depicted, for the fate of the man of God is outside his
own hands. The joys of friendship and loyalty, as well as the woes of treachery and
revenge, are also illustrated by the relationship between the man of God and the old
nabi. Indeed, the man of God would have fared better had he taken seriously the
advice about not eating where love is absent, or heeded Prov 22 13 and 26 13.
4° P. Volz, Das Dämonische im Jahwe.
41 This also explains the attitude to the ark, which was associated with battle.
There is one "great exception" to Whybray's thesis about special revelation, as he him-
self admits (p. 69), namely, the oracle of Nathan in II Sam 12.
42 Whybray, The Succession Narrative, p. 75.
43 For the view that wisdom literature made use of the prophetic tradition, see
A. Robert's series of articles on Prov 1-9 in KB, 43-44 (1934-35) under the title, "Les
attaches littéraires bibliques de Proverbs I-IX."
140 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

courtly, is ruinous. This is true of the women of Tekoa and Abel, as well
as of Ahithophel, while Hushai's advice is pure treachery. It seems
likely that, if Whybray's view were true, the scribes would have pre-
sented the wisdom representatives in a far more favorable light. It is
difficult to conceive of scribes calling attention to the frustration of
Ahithophel's counsel by Yahweh, for this would undermine their position
immeasurably.
A third methodological weakness can be observed in the work under
investigation. The history of wisdom does not appear to have been
considered carefully enough. The hypothesis of the book assumes a
fully developed wisdom tradition in the early days of Solomon's reign
(indeed, during David's rule!),44 one that taught proverbial lore now
found in Proverbs, and that Egyptian literature had already been
mastered this early. This assumption is, at the very least, debatable;
to build a whole superstructure on such a flimsy foundation is hazardous
indeed.
Finally, differences in nuance between the succession document and
wisdom are ignored. Much closer to the truth is von Rad's argument that
there is a sharp distinction between the theological standpoints of the
Joseph narrative and the succession document, the latter of which does
not reflect skepticism as to the hidden control of God over human
affairs.45
If the preceding arguments have any cogency, the hypothesis of
Whybray that the succession narrative is a conscious attempt to illustrate
Proverbs by scribes who desired to justify Solomon's régime and policies
fares no better than von Rad's thesis about the Joseph narrative, and
suggests that an examination of Talmon's comparatively recent article
on Esther and wisdom is in place.

C. THE BOOK OF ESTHER. Taking his cue from von Rad's study of
the Joseph narrative and L. A. Rosenthal's demonstration of Esther's
dependence on that account, 46 S. Talmon concludes that the Esther
narrative is "a historicized wisdom tale," an "enactment of standard
wisdom motifs," "having typical wisdom themes and precepts." 47 He
thinks that the "outline of the plot and the presentation of the central
characters show the wise men in action," 48 and that the book is made

44 In agreement with McKenzie, "Reflections on Wisdom."

4s " T h e Beginnings of Historical Writing in Ancient Israel," pp. 198 ff. But the
skepticism of the Joseph narrative is much farther from Qoheleth than von Rad admits.
4 6 "Die Josephgeschichte mit den Buchern Ester und Daniel verglichen," ZAW,
15 (1895), pp. 278-84, and "Nochmals der Vergleich Ester-Joseph-Daniel," ZAW,
17 (1897), pp. 126-28.
47 " 'Wisdom' in the Book of Esther," p. 426.
48 Ibid., p. 427.
 CRENSHAW: DETERMINING WISDOM INFLUENCE 141

up of an ancient Near Eastern wisdom nucleus in specific biblical varia-

tion together with Persian literary motifs.49 Talmon rests his case on
similarities in situations and general trends and ideas in Esther and
wisdom, rather than on literary parallels. Accordingly appeal is made to
the absence of specifically Jewish religiosity and history, the "concept of
an unspecified and remote deity devoid of any individual character,"
the presence of an individualistic slant and anthropocentric stance, a
fondness for court life, and typological concepts (the powerful but witless
dupe, the righteous wise, and the conniving schemer).
Talmon has succeeded in forcing biblical scholars to ask a question
that would almost never have occurred to them, for it is difficult to con-
ceive of a book more alien to wisdom literature than Esther. A number
of his arguments must be challenged, however, as misstatements of fact or
erroneous conclusions. First, it is quite a leap from the idea that help
may come to the Jews from another source pHK Dipo?) to the wisdom
notion of a remote deity, for there is no assurance that the reference is
to divine assistance. 50 Again, the argument about typology is singularly
unconvincing, for it must resort to an hypothesis about the splitting up
of the Ahiqar-Nadin typology, and rests on an analogy between a wise
man's adoption of students and the Ugaritic and biblical tales of the loss
of progeny by Keret, Danel, and Job. Furthermore, the emphasis upon
retribution of the measure-for-measure variety overlooks the natural
legal offense, where punishment by human beings is to be expected. As
for the claim that Ahasuerus is a type of witless dupe in power, one must
note that the impression is certainly a subtle one if that is intended.
A more cogent case could be made for the description of Saul in such
terms. Particularly weak is Talmon's reference to wise women in Israel,
use of sex for desired ends, and erotic interest, all of which prove nothing
about the book of Esther and wisdom. In this regard, the claim that the
inclusion of women courtiers is a novel feature in the ancient Near East
overlooks their presence in Canaan (cf. Judg 5), if such they be! Finally,
Talmon himself admits that Mordecai is a very poor type of wise man,
possessing neither the necessary linguistic ability nor proper tact, the
latter illustrated by his refusal to bow before Haman. 51 These observa-
tions are reinforced by a study of Talmon's hypothesis from the point of
view of the five methodological principles discussed above.
Perhaps the most striking violation of these principles is the failure
to reckon with nonwisdom elements. The most glaring of these is the
pronounced nationalistic fervor permeating the book of Esther, a spirit

49 Ibid., p. 453.
s° For opposing views, see A. Spanier, "Die Gottesbezeichnungen DI pun und
«in i n a tmpn in der frühtalmudischen Literatur," MGWJ, 1922, pp. 309-14; and H.
Bardtke, Das Buch Esther {ΚΑΤ, 17), p. 333.
s1 " 'Wisdom* in the Book of Esther," pp. 448, 440 f.
142 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

that has been an offense to Christian and Jew alike. 52 Any hypothesis
that Esther derives from wisdom must explain the presence of narrow
nationalism. To ignore this factor is to leave the case hanging in mid-air.
The history of wisdom is not given proper treatment in this study
either, for a kinship between the supposed wisdom of Esther and that of
Sirach and Wisdom of Solomon would be expected, since the date of
Esther is nearer these works than to older traditions of Proverbs. There­
fore, Heilsgeschichte and the identification of Torah and wisdom should
be present in Esther, while just the reverse is the case (the only link with
Israel's sacred history being the Amalekite and Davidic ancestries given
Haman and Mordecai, and the mention of the exile of Jeconiah in 2 e).
Lastly, the author consciously limited his study to broad themes and
ideas, falling prey to the appeal to ideas common to literature other than
wisdom. Despite the mention of individualism as proof of wisdom influ­
ence, Talmon admits that both Mordecai and Esther sacrifice private
interests for communal weal, and writes that the "glossing over of strictly
individual traits enhances the general applicability of the moral illus­
trated and is perfectly in tune with wisdom literature. , , S 3 To this category
of common themes also belong the argument that a description of court
life proves wisdom influence, and the contention that Nehemiah's
knowledge of linguistics proves something about courtiers and wisdom.
In conclusion, a study of the arguments for wisdom influence as the
exclusive background for the Joseph narrative, succession document, and
book of Esther suggests that a negative answer must be given in every
case, and demands that modern enthusiasts who rush to find conscious
and direct wisdom influence hither and yon would do well to think twice
before venturing in that direction. 54

s2 Ibid., p. 428. G. Fohrer {Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 177) writes that
Deuteronomy parts company with the sages a t precisely this point. The failure of
McKenzie ("Reflections on Wisdom") to consider whether sages asked the question of
national identity is particularly damaging t o an otherwise helpful article. R. Β. Y.
Scott {Proverbs and Ecclesiastes [AB, 18], p. xvi) sums up the view of most scholars t h a t
the sages spoke to individuals, whereas prophets and priests thought of Israel as chosen
for a unique mission. There is, it may be admitted, a famous saying t h a t ridicules three
peoples, the Edomites, Philistines, and Samaritans in Sir 50 25 f., but this, like so much
else in Sirach, is not the normal path of wisdom, and is mild in comparison with Esther.
Appeal may also be made t o von Rad's contention t h a t wisdom works outwards from
the covenant ("The Joseph Narrative and Ancient Wisdom," p. 295), Murphy's obser­
vation t h a t wisdom has its concrete setting in the daily life of a people who believed in
God as Savior and Creator ("Assumptions and Problems in Old Testament Wisdom
Research," pp. 108 f.), and Zimmerli's discussion of the place of creation theology in
Israelite faith ("The Place and Limit of the Wisdom in the Framework of the Old
Testament Theology"), all necessary correctives. But this in no way negates the argu­
ment t h a t intense nationalism is alien to wisdom.
κ " W i s d o m ' in the Book of Esther," pp. 437, 447.
54 The positive contribution of these works under consideration is the reminder t h a t
we have compartmentalized Israelite society far too rigidly, seen already by O. S.
Rankin, Israel1 s Wisdom Literature, p. 14.
 ^ s
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