FOUR REVIEW ESSAYS

"Sincerity" and "Authenticity"

in Modern Society

PETER L. BERGER

ny_a_ have probably been few if any previous elections in which

the "sincerity" of the presidential candidates was as much of art
issue as in 1972. In the middle of this political morality play, in Oc-
tober, the Harvard University Press published Lionel Trilling's new
book, Sincerity and Authenticity. This is not to suggest that there is
an immediate connection between the turbulence of the political
scene and the (one presumes) tranquil refuges in which men of
letters write books. (In any case, the present book contains lectures
given by Trilling in the spring of 1970.) There are less immediate
connections, though, and it is worth uncovering them for a better
understanding of letters as well as politics.
Trilling's book, brief though it is, presents a masterful account of
what could be described as a descent into the depths of the literary
mind of the West. These "depths" are not to be taken metaphorically.
Trilling's account begins with a world of still shining surfaces and in-
tact edifices, which form the stable background against which Shake-
spearean heroes try to be true to their own selves. The account ends
in the post-Freudian world of what Trilling calls "the authentic un-
conscious," a world in which all edifices are transparent and in which
there are no more surfaces. It is the alleged "true self" of Western man
that thus descends into "depth psychology." The drama is of world-
shattering intensity. It begins with Western man understanding him-
self as the being that is a little lower than the angels, and it concludes
with anthropologies such as those of Norman Brown and R. D. Laing,
in which the "true self" is revealed in madness. Trilling describes all
this with calm detachment. His account can be read as the story of
Western man's loss of self, or alternatively as the story of his progres-
sive liberation from myth and self-alienation. Only on occasion does it
become clear that Trilling tends toward the former, the pessimistic
interpretation.
The word "sincere," both in French and in English, originally meant
no more than "pure," "unalloyed," as in "sincere wine" or "the sincere
Gospel." It came to be applied to persons metaphorically, first to mean
a consistency in vitrue, then the absence of pretense. It was in this
latter sense that sincerity became an absorbing interest in the 16th
century. Whether in Shakespeare or in Machiavelli, there is the per-
 82 THE PUBLIC INTEREST

sistent question as to whether individuals are what they pretend to be.

The longer this question is asked, the more it leads to a systematic
interest in the hidden motives of action; to the "depths" presumed to
lie below the surfaces of observable social life, indeed to "psychology."
In the 17th and 18th centuries sincerity becomes both codified and
embourgeoisJ. The prototype of the sincere person becomes the
"honest soul," who is identical with the bourgeois gentilhomme. In
literature as in social experience, this character moves about the
stage of what is now understood to be "society"-no longer the hier-
archical, cosmically grounded order of Christendom, but a highly
dynamic and ever-changing reality. The sincerity of the social actors
now becomes the only means by which this unreliable reality can
serve as an order of sorts. Still, in this universe of discourse the "true
self" of the individual continues to be linked to the performance of
public roles. This accounts for the "theatricality" of this world, from
the elaborately staged scenes in the Versailles of Louis XIV to the
(literally) ludicrous events of the French Revolution. In other words,
to be true to oneself still means that certain social roles are truly
(that is, sincerely) performed.

HE idea of authenticity emerges from the disintegration of sin-

cerity. As Trilling describes the transformation, one may almost
say that authenticity emerges as the opposite of sincerity. Now the
"true self" is no longer placed on the stage of public roles, but on the
contrary is made manifest only in resistance to these roles. In other
words, while sincerity presupposes a symmetrical relation between
self and society, authenticity implies a fundamental opposition be-
tween them. The ens realissimum of the individual is transposed from
the external reality of social interaction to the recesses of inner space.
The age of authenticity, in Trilling's account, matures with the
19th century, heralded by Hegel and his praise of the "disintegrated
consciousness." Hegel repudiates the "honest soul" because it is
bound to the external structures of society and therefore represents
an inferior phase in the movement of the human spirit toward free-
dom. Estrangement from society is the first step toward liberation,
toward attaining the "true self." The contrast is clear: Sincerity is
discovered within social roles, authenticity behind and beneath them.
Needless to add, in the course of this transformation the quest for the
"true self" becomes more violent and eventually more desperate.
Trilling follows this drama through the works of a number of au-
thors, some of them preceding Hegel. The anguish of Goethe's
Werther, Rousseau's self-portrayal as "a torn soul," Oscar Wilde's
"truth of masks"-these, among others, are presented as anticipations
and reiterations of the Hegelian theme. In all of them, the truth of
man is deep within him, submerged in the inauthenticity of society
(which is precisely the bourgeois world of "honest philistines" ), and
freed from this inauthenticity in wrenching experiences of alienation.
There is a direct continuity of themes here between the Sturm und
Drang of the romantics and the terrible freedom of Kierkegaard,
Nietzsche and the 20th-century existentialists.
"SINCERITY" AND "AUTHENTICITY" IN MODERN SOCIETY 83

In this perspective, the advent of the Freudian unconscious marks

the final phase in the "disintegrated consciousness" celebrated by
Hegel. The inauthentieity from which the "true self" must be liber-
ated is now no longer limited to the external reality of society, but
is introduced into that inner space in which the libido carries on its
endless tragicomedies. Theatricality becomes psychodrama. In ad-
dition to the enemy without (society and its forbidding "reality
principle"), there now lurk the enemies within, some of them intro-
jected distortions of social reality, some of them figures rising out
of the murky chaos of the id. But in a very real sense, Freud himself
was still a bourgeois gentilhomme, still animated by a vision of some
symmetry, however tenuous, between inner and outer space, between
self and society. In this respect, the original project of psycho-
analysis stands in continuity with the ideals of the French Revolu-
tion, its version of the discovery of the "true self" marked by the
same faith in fraternity through reason. The celebration of libidinal
insurrection in the currently fashionable radicalizations of Freudian
doctrine implies a final repudiation of sincerity in favor of authentici-
ty. In the ideology of many New Left intellectuals, authenticity and
insurrection have been equated. The "true self" creates itself in the
act of violent rebellion against the bourgeois order outside and the
latter's "repressive" correlates within. (There is a built-in problem
in this anthropology, namely the problem of how to be authentic
and, one imagines, non-insurrectional in a world in which the revolu-
tion has been accomplished. But this problem need not concern us
here. )

ins is the main outline of the intellectual drama depicted by

Trilling. The argument is fully persuasive and the depiction would
be hard to excel (indeed, in sketching the outline it was necessary to
resist the temptation to follow Trilling along any number of in-
triguing byways ). Therefore, it does not detract from Trilling's book
to say that its argument requires being rounded out by a considera-
tion of the more mundane context of the intellectual drama. As it
stands, the argument could easily be misunderstood as concerning
a pale Platonic heaven, in which ideas and their purveyors knock
against each other in isolation from the sweaty doings of the rest of
mankind. In the early part of the book Trilling does mention two
broad social forces that, he feels, assisted at the birth of sincerity.
These are social mobility and urbanization. In one of the many asides
that make this book a pleasure to read, Trilling points out that it was
not by accident that the opposite of the "honest soul" was named
the "villain"-a townsman engaged in the grubby business of dawing
his way upward. But these sociological observations are only briefly
made and then given up in the remainder of the book.
A sociological amplification of Trilling's argument will have to
rest on a number of presuppositions that, clearly, cannot be argued
here. The most important presupposition will be that, most of the
time, ideas are grounded in social experience. To be sure, there are
lonely thinkers capable of creating ideas that do indeed inhabit a
84 THE PUBLIC INTEREST

Platonic heaven of abstraction. Such abstraction from the overall

experience of society, however, is quite rare in cases of successful
ideas. Although there can be no satisfying sociological explanation of
why Hegel thought what he did-not even if each detail of his social
biography were exhaustively analyzed-sociology can play a part in
explaining how it happened that Hegel's ideas threw their shadow
over an entire century of Western intellectual history. If sociology
is relevant in seeking to explain the impact of a thinker of Hegel's
stature, it is even more so with regard to lesser intellectual figures.
In those cases, most of the time, ideas simply articulate and legiti-
mate elements of social experience that antedated them.
To say this is not at all to suggest a simplistic social determination
of ideas. Rather it is to emphasize the commonplace that the public
for theories consists largely of people with much more practical con-
cerns, and that even theorists have pre-theoretical experiences. If the
question of sincerity seemed urgent to a certain public in the 16th
century, there must have been something in ordinary social experi-
ence making this urgency plausible. Trilling actually gives us some
indications of what this was. The same logic, however, applies to
the later developments he discusses. Thus it would be unreasonably
idealistic to think that the wide public existing today for interpre-
tations of life in terms of alienation or unconscious mental processes
can be explained in terms of the intrinsic if belated persuasiveness of
Marxian and Freudian ideas. However powerful these ideas may be
on an abstract level, their success must at least also be explicable in
terms of more mundane interests. In other words, there must be
some features of ordinary social experience that make it plausible for
many people to interpret themselves as alienated and unconsciously
motivated beings. Ideas do not triumph in history because of their
intrinsic truth, but because of their affinity to pragmatic concerns
and interests that usually have very little to do with the quest for
truth.
Trilling's book deals with certain developments in the Western
conception of self, or, to use the more current term, of identity.
Conceptions of self are related to experiences of self, and these in
turn take place within the context of specific social institutions. Put
differently, identity is the result of identifications, which are social
and institutional processes. Conceptions of self are efforts to answer
theoretically the fundamental question, "Who am I?" Even the most
awesomely abstract theorist originally asked this question as a child,
and he will have received answers related very specifically to his lo-
cation in society. What is more, the theorist will not find a public
unless his conceptualizations are relevant to the questions arising
from specific social experiences in a specific social situation. There-
fore, Trilling's account of this particular Odyssey of ideas must be
related to the institutional developments that have given these ideas
widespread plausibility. These developments are the ones commonly
called modernization. The transition from sincerity to authenticity is
the ideational correlate of the modernization of institutions. The
progressive sharpening of the tension between self and society
"SINCERITY" AND "AUTHENTICITY" IN MODERN SOCIETY 85

implied by the transition points directly to a progessive crisis of the

institutions of modernity.

X_E-MODE_N societiesbetween
gree of symmetry are everywhere characterized
self and society, between bysubjectively
a high de-
experienced and institutionally assigned identity. Eric Voegelin has
definitively described what this means in his analysis of archaic
civilizations in terms of "compactness." This "compactness" was
ruptured by various events long before modernity. But even medieval
civilization (itself an attempt to create a new order following the rup-
tures brought about in classical antiquity and by Biblical religion)
provided experiences of symmetry that are close to inconceivable
today. If medieval civilization had one key principle, it was that of
the analogia entis-the hierarchy of being linking each individual
to the institutional order, to the order of angels, and finally to the
divine ground of the universe. In this hierarchy both self and society
possess a reality that, ultimately, is cosmically guaranteed. It should
be quickly added that this need not at all mean that the individual
is happy with his lot: Reality need not bring happiness. In this situa-
tion, rather, the individual experiences a world that is fully real,
knows his own location in that world, and consequently knows who
he is. The reality of the self and the reality of the social world are
mirror images of each other. Because of the idiosyncracies of the
individual and the accidents of his biography, the symmetry between
the two realities is never perfect, is always a relative symmetry.
Compared to what happened later, though, we can speak here of
symmetry of a very high degree.
With the rise of modern institutions, these experiences of sym-
metry have been progressively shattered. Consequently, any con-
ceptualizations of this symmetry have become progressively im-
plausible, precisely because they have been deprived of their
ground in ordinary social experience. All the maior institutional
developments commonly ascribed to modernity have contributed
to this. The rationalization of economic life, beginning with the rise
of mercantile capitalism, shattered the unity of life and work (a
unity that was at the heart of the medieval hierarchy in terms of
everyday experience). The order of Christendom, as experienced
in the institutions of the feudal system and of the church, disinte-
grated under the impact of the dynamic new formations of the state
and of a society of classes, as well as of progressively voluntaristic
religious groupings. Social mobility, urbanization, and modern com-
munications (beginning with the printing press) tore more and more
people out of the closed worlds of face-to-face community and thrust
them into situations where they had to rub elbows continuously with
unpredictable, often incomprehensible strangers. Autonomous and
immensely powerful worlds were created by technology and bu-
reaucracy, which became the dominant institutional forces following
the industrial revolution.
As Trilling points out, there is a peculiarly modern experience of
"weightlessness" (Nietzsehe said that the death of God has made
 86 THE PUBLIC INTEREST

men "weightless" ). But the "weightlessness" of the self was preceded

by an increasing "weightlessness" of institutions. This certainly does
not mean that institutions have become less powerful: It is not
power but reality that the institutions have lost. Indeed, the more
powerful they became in their impact on the individual's life, the
less real they came to seem to him. Institutions with vast power and
defective reality take on the aspect of "weightless" phantasms. These
can be perceived in a malignant mode, as figures of nightmare and
alienation. They can also be perceived benignly, as occasions for
freedom. In either case, they no longer serve as firm anchors for the
individual's understanding of self.

NEthemajor effect ofofthe

pluralization the modernization
worlds of socialof experience.
institutions More
has been
and
more, and earlier and earlier biographically, individuals are thrown
back and forth between grossly discrepant social contexts. Con-
sequently, what experiences of symmetry there are, are unclear and
unreliable: The mirrors are constantly shifting. As a result, both
image and reflection take on an aspect of vertigo, that is, of un-
reality. As the individual becomes uncertain about the world, he
necessarily becomes uncertain about his own self, since that self
can be subjectively real only as it is continually confirmed by others.
Put differently, as the social identification processes become increas-
ingly fragmented, the subjective experience of identity becomes in-
creasingly precarious. If nothing else, the old question, "Who am I?"
then attains a new measure of urgency. The contemporary German
social theorist Arnold Gehlen has given the term "subjectivization"
to this new interest in the self, and he has very persuasively linked
it to what he calls "under-institutionalization," that is, to the increas-
ing inability of modern society to provide a stable order for its
members.
Sociologists distinguish between primary and secondary socializa-
tion, between the processes by which the self is initially formed in
childhood and subsequent modifications of this self in adult life.
The modernization of institutions at first affected only secondary
socialization. The family not only remained a firm context for pri-
mary socialization, but was even strengthened in this part. As Philippe
Ari6s has shown in his Centuries of Childhood, the early bour-
geoisie produced a new family ethos and with it a new social ex-
perience of childhood highly conducive to the emergence of strongly
profiled selves. In other words, the reliable world of the bourgeois
family was interposed between the self and the fragmenting institu-
tional order. This permitted a confrontation between a fully real
self and the less than fully real world of institutions. The integrated
self provided the "weight" (or, to use Willaims James's term, the
"accent of reality") for society. This was precisely the situation in
which sincerity was not only an interesting question but a genuine
possibility.
At this stage of modernization there emerged the classical solution
to the problem of identity in a pluralized world-the division of
"SINCERITY" AND "AUTHENTICITY" IN MODERN SOCIETY 87

social experience into a public and a private sphere. In the public

sphere, the sphere of the great modern institutions (notably the
state and the economy), the individual relates to a plurality of ex-
periences, none of which he fully identifies with. These fragmented
experiences produce discontents, which in certain cases can well be
described as alienation. The private sphere serves (one is almost
tempted to say, "is designed") to provide a balance to these dis-
contents. The individual cannot "be himselF' at work or in his deal-
ings with various bureaucratic agencies; he "goes home" to his private
life from these frustrations and, if that private life has been sat-
isfactorily constructed, he can "be himselF' there. The central insti-
tution of this private sphere continues to be the family, though it has
been vastly changed from what it was in the pre-modern period. In-
deed, the family now becomes above all an institution for the pro-
duction and maintenance of identity, and it is progressively robbed
of (or, if one prefers, freed from) other social functions, such as its
old economic and educational functions. Other institutional forma-
tions surround the family in its identity-maintaining activity. Some
of them are also old institutions changed to meet new demands, such
as the newly "privatized" church. Others are new institutions, such
as the rapidly spreading voluntary associations, each one of them
operating as an "identity workshop" for its adherents. As the public
sphere continues to slide into unreality, the private sphere emerges
as the major plausibility structure for the self and ipso facto for an
increasingly sophisticated concern with subjectivity. The rise of the
novel (not accidentally the bourgeois literary form par excellence)
may be seen as the foremost literary expression of this state of affairs.

ins classical solution to the problem of self and society under mod-
em conditions has worked remarkably well for large numbers
of people. Undoubtedly it still works very well for many people
today. The noise made by intellectuals, with their professional pen-
chant for dramatic desperation, should not be allowed to detract from
this fact (quite apart from the likelihood that many of these same
intellectuals are more desperate in their writings than in their lives ).
Yet there is a built-in instability to this solution, and this has become
more evident in the more recent phases of modernization.
Precisely because the private sphere has no vital functions for the
society at large, and because it is effectively segregated from politi-
cal and economic life, it possesses a strange quality of arbitrariness.
This term can be taken literally: In his private existence, the in-
dividual is the arbiter of his fate. He is free to a degree that, even
in the most libertarian society, would be intolerable in the state and
in the economy. He can marry whom he chooses (and he normally
chooses in accordance with his personal notions of self-fulfilment),
and he can have several consecutive choices. He can, within very
broad limits, organize his home life as he sees fit, and raise his chil-
dren by his own lights. He can exercise a choice of "religious prefer-
ence" and similar choices within a broad and freely available spec-
trum of ideologies, moral and aesthetic practices, and therapeutic
88 THE PUBLIC INTEREST

cults. Put simply, whatever may be the frustrations of the individual's

experiences in the publie sphere, in his private life he is free to a
historically unprecedented degree-and this freedom has been
steadily growing in the modern societies of the West.
This freedom, however, must endemically introduce more and
more instability into that very private sphere that is the sole remain-
ing ground for a stable self. The soeial history of the family sinee the
industrial revolution is paradigmatic for this. It is in this sociological-
ly very precise sense (and not in the perspective of "moral decay"
or some other pejorative designation) that one must understand the
interrelation of, for instance, divorce, permissive child-rearing, sexual
emancipation, the loss of religious eertitudes, and the faddisms of the
ideological marketplace. Whether one regards all or any of these as
morally deplorable or as humanly liberating, what they have in com-
mon is their soeial location in an increasingly unstable private sphere.
All are both results and accretional causes of this instability.
Quite simply, this has meant that the private sphere has become
more and more affected by pluralization, and has more and more
lost its capacity to provide a stable social foundation for a "weighted"
self. In eonsequenee, the private sphere has been weakened in its
function of interposition between the reality of the self and the un-
reality of the institutional world. Inevitably, this has threatened the
reality of the self and deepened the turning inward that Gehlen
calls "subjeetivization." If nothing "on the outside" can be relied upon
to give weight to the individual's sense of reality, he is left no option
but to burrow into himself in search of the real. Whatever this ens
realissimum may then turn out to be, it must necessarily be in oppo-
sition to any external social formation. The opposition between self
and society has now reached its maximum. The concept of authen-
fieity is one way of articulating this experience.

rIIS, of course, is the point at which Trilling's narrative ends. It

is the point of pervasive identity crisis. On the level of social ex-
perience, youth culture and counter-culture are foremost expressions
of this. On the level of theoretical explieation, legitimators such as
Norman Brown and R. D. Laing will have to do in the absence of a
Hegel. But it would almost certainly be a mistake to look at this
phase as an end point. First of all, not all groups in the society are
equally affected by this crisis. In America its primary locale is the
college-educated upper-middle class, while the old solution has much
greater resilience in other classes. More fundamentally, however,
powerful countervailing forces are produced by the crisis itself. For
better or for worse, one sueh force is a new hunger for stability and
integration, felt most acutely wherever the crisis has been most
cataclysmic. Put differently, the more there is an experience of alien-
ation between self and society, the more there emerges a hunger for
symmetry.
Authenticity is a lonesome business. There is, therefore, a power-
ful appeal to the old sincerities. This is one of the reasons why eon-
servative polities has made surprising comebacks in the most un-
 "SINCERITY" AND "AUTHENTICITY" IN MODERN SOCIETY 89

expected places, This is particularly so in those classes of society

which sense the decline of institutional stability as an external
threat, without having fully experienced it subjectively. The con-
servative politician, in the role of "honest soul," can ride this tide
of combined anxiety and nostalgia. But among those who have gone
a long way in the internalized experience of institutional decline, this
type of politics is likely to be seen as a mild palliative for a desperate
condition. Much more desperate remedies will seem more plausible.
Indeed, nothing will do except a restoration of some new version
of analogia entis. The correct term for this yearning, in its political
expression, is totalitarianism.
The essence of totalitarianism (a term that, incidentally, makes no
sense if applied to any pre-modern situation) is the intention of
overcoming the modem dichotomy of private and public spheres.
In its "reactionary" form, the totalitarian impetus is to restore some
real or fictitious symmetry from the past. In its "revolutionary" form,
totalitarianism seeks the new symmetry in a utopian future. Either
vision entails a new "at-home-ness" of the self in society, in contra-
position to the alienation of modernity. It is an inherent necessity of
either vision that the freedom of the individual (pejoratively, but very
accurately, designated as bourgeois freedom in the vocabularies of
both "right" and "left" totalitarian ideologies) must be surrendered
to this new solidarity. To be sure, there is always a multiplicity of
reasons why such totalitarian visions gain credibility in specific
groups. One repeated reason is that they promise redemption from
the anguish of the quest for authenticity. It comes as no sm_rise to
the sociologist that intellectuals tend to be peculiarly open to this
promise.

HAT does all this have to do with the political events of

1972? Not much-not yet. Neither Richard Nixon nor George
MeGovern is an embodiment of totalitarian redemption, and it is a
sign of the sanity (bourgeois sanity, let us add) of American society
that the demand for such redemption in any version is very limited.
But in Trilling's sincerity-authenticity continuum the two figures
(probably for reasons that have little if anything to do with the
intentions of the two men) occupy rather different positions. One
may venture the hypothesis that the real issue of sincerity in the
campaign was not so much the sincerity of the two candidates as
that of the American institutional order. The vote for Nixon, in a
very fundamental sense, was a vote of confidence in the continuing
viability of the society-may one say, of the society of bourgeois gen-
tilhommes? The McGovern movement, of course, did not seek revo-
lution. Indeed, its New Left critics were quite right when they ac-
cused it of "co-opting" revolutionary impulses for very conventional
political goals. Nevertheless, McGovern found his strongest base of
support in just that college-educated upper-middle class in which the
quest for authenticity has been most fully experienced and which,
ipso facto, looks to politics for relief ("liberation") from the aliena-
tion that plagues it. This constituency is pretty much co-exten-
90 THE PUBLIC INTEREST

sive with the group to whom the "greening of America" appeared to be

a plausible project.
The 1972 election demonstrated, among other things, that this
constituency is smaller than its ideologists had thought. American so-
ciety is still much more a world of bourgeois sincerities than of the
desperate drama of authenticity-versus-alienation. It is, if one pre-
fers, less fully modernized than it seemed. Modernity exists side by
side, everywhere, with multiple layers of pre-modern and early-
modern experience and thought. There are people in Brooklyn who
have never been to Manhattan, who worry every day about the evil
eye, and who voted in this election on the basis of something they saw
in a dream. All the same, it is in America that the forces of moderni-
zation have gone further than anywhere else. This is why the modern
crisis of identity is furthest advanced here, both in its tangible social
manifestations and its ideological articulations. It would be danger-
ous to assume that the mildly conservative and mildly "liberationist"
options of 1972 will continue to exhaust the acceptable political field.
If the crisis continues to deepen, more drastic political remedies may
gain in plausibility. It is a slow-burning crisis, as old as the story in
Trilling's book, but there are occasions when it breaks out in searing
flames. The same crisis poses the fundamental political question
of modernity-the question of how to keep in some sort of balance
the reality of the autonomous individual and the reality of an in-
stitutional order. The rhetoric of 1972 has contributed little toward
an answer.