STRESS MANAGEMENT Unit 1 PDF
STRESS MANAGEMENT Unit 1 PDF
STRESS MANAGEMENT
UNIT-1
Frustration 10
Internal Conflict 11
Change 14
Pressure 15
3. Symptoms of Stress 16
Emotional Responses 16
Physiological Responses 20
Behavioural Responses 28
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NATURE OF STRESS
Over the years, the term stress has been used in different ways by different
theorists.
The condition of stress has two components: physical, involving direct material
or bodily challenge, and psychological, involving how individuals perceive
circumstances in their lives. These components can be examined in three ways:
✓ One approach focuses on the environment: stress is seen as a stimulus, as
when someone has a demanding job or they experience severe pain from
arthritis or a death in the family. Physically or psychologically challenging
events or circumstances are called stressors.
❖ SECONDARY APPRAISAL
Secondary appraisal refers to our assessment of the resources we have
available for coping. Although these assessments occur continuously in our
transactions, we are especially aware of our secondary appraisals when we
judge a situation as potentially stressful and try to determine whether our
resources are sufficient to meet the harm, threat, or challenge we face.
Examples of secondary appraisal judgments include: • I can’t do it—I
know I’ll fail. • I’ll try, but my chances are slim. • I can do it if Ginny will
help. • If this method fails, I can try a few others. • I can do it if I work
hard. • No problem—I can do it.
The condition of stress that we experience often depends on the outcome of
the appraisals we make. When we judge our resources as sufficient to
meet the demands, we may experience little or no stress; but when we
appraise demands as greater than our resources, we may feel a great deal
of stress.
These processes determine everyday stress responses, but also influence
much more severe reactions, such as the development of post-traumatic
stress disorder.
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Psychologists have also explored the repercussions of living in areas that are
at risk for disaster. For instance, studies suggest that people who live near
nuclear power plants, hazardous waste sites, waste incinerators, or polluting
industrial facilities experience higher levels of distress. Similarly, residents
in areas prone to earthquakes or hurricanes may experience increased stress.
There is considerable evidence that exposure to community violence, whether
as a victim or as a witness, is associated with anxiety, depression, anger, and
aggression among urban youth. Although it’s clear that exposure to violence
and emotional distress are linked, researchers are still exploring the
mechanisms underlying this connection. One such mechanism is the stress
associated with the experience of community violence. Children who report
recent exposure to traumatic events show increased stress hormones.
Investigators have also examined poverty as a source of environmental stress.
Children from lower income homes tend to have higher levels of stress
hormones than their higher-income peers. Poverty related stress takes its toll
on both mental and physical health. Studies suggest that some of the link
between poverty and poorer adjustment can be explained by perceived social
class discrimination.
belligerent drunk, waiting for the results of a medical test, or having your home
threatened by severe flooding.
Chronic stressors are threatening events that have a relatively long duration
and no readily apparent time limit. Examples would include persistent financial
strains produced by huge credit card debts, ongoing pressures from a hostile boss
at work, or the demands of caring for a sick family member over a period of
years.
Robert Sapolsky, a leading authority on stress, points out another type of
stressor that is unique to humans. Anticipatory stressors are upcoming or future
events that are perceived to be threatening. That is, we anticipate the impact of
the event even though it has not happened yet. We may worry about breakups
that never occur, bad grades we never receive, or hurricanes that never make
landfall. The problem with anticipatory stress is that it can affect us
psychologically and physically just as strongly as actual stressors do.
❖ FRUSTATION
Frustration occurs in any situation in which the pursuit of some goal is
thwarted. In essence, we experience frustration when we want something
and can’t have it.
Everyone has to deal with frustration virtually every day. Long daily
commutes, traffic jams, and annoying drivers, for instance, are routine
sources of frustration that can produce negative moods and increase levels
of stress. Such frustration often leads to aggression; even artificially
induced frustration in a laboratory setting can lead to increased
aggression from participants.
Some frustrations, such as failures and losses, can be sources of significant
stress. Fortunately, most frustrations are brief and insignificant.
More often than not, frustration appears to be the culprit at work when
people feel troubled by environmental stress. Excessive noise, heat,
pollution, and crowding are most likely stressful because they frustrate
the desire for quiet, a comfortable body temperature, clean air, and
adequate privacy.
Frustration also plays a role in the aggressive behaviors associated with
“road rage”. Further, frustration in the workplace often results in burnout,
a specific effect of stress.
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❖ INTERNAL CONFLICT
Internal conflict is an unavoidable feature of everyday life. That
perplexing question “Should I or shouldn’t I?” comes up countless times on
a daily basis.
Internal conflict occurs when two or more incompatible motivations or
behavioral impulses compete for expression.
Sigmund Freud proposed over a century ago that internal conflicts
generate considerable psychological distress. This link between conflict
and distress was measured with precision in studies by Laura King and
Robert Emmons. They used an elaborate questionnaire to assess the
overall amount of internal conflict experienced by subjects. They found
higher levels of conflict to be associated with higher levels of psychological
distress.
Conflicts come in three types, which were originally described by Kurt
Lewin and investigated extensively by Neal Miller. These types—
approach-approach, avoidance-avoidance, and approach-avoidance.
✓ Approach-approach conflict: In an approach-approach conflict a choice
must be made between two attractive goals.
The problem, is that we can choose just one of the two goals. For example,
if we have a free afternoon; should we play tennis or go to the movies? or
When out for a meal; do we want to order the pizza or the spaghetti?
Among the three kinds of conflict, the approach-approach type tends to be
the least stressful.
In approach-approach conflicts we typically have a reasonably happy
ending, whichever way we decide to go.
Nonetheless, approach-approach conflicts centering on important issues
may sometimes be troublesome. If we are torn between two appealing
college majors or two attractive job offers, we may find the decision-
making process quite stressful.
❖ CHANGE
Life changes may represent a key type of stress. Life changes are any
noticeable alterations in one’s living circumstances that require
readjustment.
Research on life change began when Thomas Holmes, Richard Rahe, and
their colleagues set out to explore the relation between stressful life events
and physical illness. They interviewed thousands of tuberculosis patients
to find out what kinds of events preceded the onset of their disease.
Surprisingly, the frequently cited events were not uniformly negative. The
list included plenty of aversive events, as expected, but patients also
mentioned many seemingly positive events, such as getting married,
having a baby, or getting promoted.
However, the reason as to why would a positive event, like moving to a
nicer home produces stress, according to Holmes and Rahe, because that
event is an impetus of change. Their thesis is that disruptions of daily
routines are stressful. According to their theory, changes in personal
relationships, changes at work, changes in finances, and so forth can be
stressful even when the changes are welcomed.
Based on this analysis, Holmes and Rahe developed the Social
Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS) to measure life change as a form of
stress. The scale assigns numerical values to forty-three major life events
that are supposed to reflect the magnitude of the readjustment required
by each change. Respondents are asked to indicate how often they
experienced any of these forty-three events during a certain time period.
The person then adds up the numbers associated with each event checked.
The total is an index of the amount of change-related stress the person has
recently experienced.
Studies have shown that people with higher scores on the SRRS tend to be
more vulnerable to many kinds of physical illness—and many types of
psychological problems as well.
However, experts have criticized this research, citing problems with the
methods used and raising questions about the meaning of the findings.
These experts have argued that the SRRS does not measure change
exclusively. The list of life changes on the SRRS is dominated by events
that are clearly negative or undesirable. These negative events probably
generate great frustration. So even though the scale contains some
positive events, it could be that frustration, rather than change, creates
most of the stress assessed by the scale.
However, we have little reason to believe that change is inherently or
inevitably stressful. Some life changes may be quite challenging, while
others may be quite benign.
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❖ PRESSURE
Pressure involves expectations or demands that one behave in a certain
way. Pressure can be divided into two subtypes: the pressure to perform
and the pressure to conform.
We are under pressure to perform when we are expected to execute tasks
and responsibilities quickly, efficiently, and successfully. For example,
salespeople are usually under pressure to move lots of merchandise.
Professors at research institutions are often under pressure to publish in
prestigious journals. Comedians are under pressure to get laughs.
Pressures to conform to others’ expectations are also common.
Businessmen are expected to wear suits and ties. Suburban homeowners
are expected to keep their lawns manicured. Teenagers are expected to
adhere to their parents’ values and rules.
Weiten has devised a scale to measure pressure as a form of life stress. In
research with this scale, a strong relationship has been found between
pressure and a variety of psychological symptoms and problems. In fact,
pressure has turned out to be more strongly related to measures of mental
health than the SRRS and other established measures of stress.
Academic pressures, common for students worldwide, are related to
increased anxiety and depression and affect student motivation and
concentration. Research also suggests that stress resulting from academic
pressure may actually impede academic performance and lead to
problematic escape behaviors such as drinking.
Students often report that pressure is self-imposed, and is not brought
about by outside forces. For example, some students might sign up for
extra classes to get through school quickly or might actively seek
additional leadership positions to impress your family.
Self-imposed stress doesn’t stop when education is completed. People
frequently put pressure on themselves to rapidly climb the corporate
ladder or to be perfect parents. Even the pressure that modern people put
on themselves to maintain a proper work-family balance can serve as a
source of stress.
Individuals who think that failure to meet exceedingly high standards is
unacceptable (that is, negative perfectionists) are more prone to fatigue
and depression. In sum, because individuals might create stress by
embracing unrealistic expectations for themselves, they might have more
control over their stress than they realize.
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SYMPTOMS OF STRESS
The human response to stress is complex and multidimensional. Stress
affects people on several levels. People’s reactions to stress can be
analysed at three levels: emotional responses; physiological responses; and
behavioural responses.
• EMOTIONAL RESPONSES
Emotions are powerful, largely uncontrollable feelings, accompanied by
physiological changes. When people are under stress, they often react
emotionally.
More often than not, stress tends to elicit unpleasant emotions. In studying
one of the most severe disasters of modern times, the Indian Ocean tsunami
of 2004, researchers found that almost 84% of survivors showed signs of
severe emotional distress, including depression and anxiety.
Emotional responses to stress seem to transcend time and culture. For
instance, a historical researcher, examining texts from 2100–2000 b.c., found
evidence that core negative emotional reactions to trauma have not really
changed over the millennia.
❖ NEGATIVE EMOTIONS
There are no simple one-to-one connections between certain types of
stressful events and particular emotions, but researchers have uncovered
some strong links between specific cognitive reactions to stress and
specific emotions. For example, self-blame tends to lead to guilt,
helplessness to sadness, and so forth.
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Although stressful events can evoke many negative emotions, some are
certainly more likely than others. According to Richard Lazarus, common
negative emotional responses to stress include the following:
✓ Annoyance, anger, and rage: Stress often produces feelings of anger
ranging in intensity from mild annoyance to uncontrollable rage.
In a national survey, respondents reported irritability or anger as the
most frequent symptom of their stress. Frustration is particularly likely to
generate anger.
✓ Apprehension, anxiety, and fear: Stress often evokes anxiety and fear.
Freudian theory has long recognized the link between conflict and anxiety.
However, anxiety can also be elicited by the pressure to perform, the
threat of impending frustration, or the uncertainty associated with
change.
❖ POSITIVE EMOTIONS
Investigators have tended to focus heavily on the connection between
stress and negative emotions. However, research shows that positive
emotions also occur during periods of stress. This finding may seem
counterintuitive, but researchers have found that people experience a
diverse array of pleasant emotions even while enduring the most dire of
circumstances.
For instance, Susan Folkman and her colleagues (1997) conducted a 5-
year study of coping patterns in 253 caregiving partners of men with
AIDS. Surprisingly, over the course of the study the caregivers reported
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However, strong emotional arousal can also hamper efforts to cope with
stress. For example, research has found that high emotional arousal can
sometimes interfere with attention and memory retrieval and can impair
judgment and decision making.
The well-known problem of test anxiety illustrates how emotional arousal
can hurt performance. Often students who score poorly on an exam will
nonetheless insist that they know the material. Many of them are
probably telling the truth. Researchers have found a negative correlation
between test-related anxiety and exam performance. That is, students who
display high test anxiety tend to score low on exams.
Test anxiety can interfere with test taking in several ways, but one critical
consideration appears to be the disruption of attention to the test. Many
test-anxious students waste too much time worrying about how they’re
doing and wondering whether others are having similar problems. In
addition, there is evidence that test anxiety may deplete one’s capacity for
self-control, increasing the likelihood of poor performance. In other words,
once distracted, test-anxious students might not have the self-control to
get themselves back on course. This tendency is related to a concept called
ego depletion.
The inverted-U hypothesis predicts that task performance should improve
with increased emotional arousal—up to a point, after which further
increases in arousal become disruptive and performance deteriorates. This
idea is referred to as the inverted-U hypothesis because plotting
performance as a function of arousal results in graphs that approximate
an upside-down U. In these graphs, the level of arousal at which
performance peaks is characterized as the optimal level of arousal for a
task.
This optimal level of arousal appears to depend in part on the complexity
of the task at hand. The conventional wisdom is that as tasks become
more complex, the optimal level of arousal tends to decrease. A fairly high
level of arousal should be optimal on simple tasks. However, performance
should peak at a lower level of arousal on complex tasks.
The research evidence on the inverted-U hypothesis is inconsistent and
subject to varied interpretations. The original formulation of this
hypothesis was more related to animal learning than to human
performance in stressful situations. Hence, it may be risky to generalize
this principle to the complexities of everyday coping efforts. However,
scientists argue that the theory should be refined rather than discarded.
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• PHYSIOLOGICAL RESPONSES
Stress frequently elicits strong emotional responses. These responses also
bring about important physiological changes. Test anxiety, for example, is
associated with elevations in blood pressure. Even in cases of moderate
stress, one may notice cases of increased heart rate, breathing becoming
faster than ever, and sky-rocketing perspiration levels.
If in phase of any frightening event, there are some observable and
unobservable physiological reactions to stress—for instance, almost
immediately our heart begins to beat more rapidly and more forcefully, and
the skeletal muscles of our arms and legs may tremble.
The body is aroused and motivated to defend itself, and the sympathetic
nervous system and the endocrine system cause this arousal to happen. After
the emergency passes, the arousal subsides.
The physiological portion of the response to a stressor—or strain—is called
reactivity, which researchers measure by comparison against a baseline, or
‘‘resting,’’ level of arousal. Genetic factors influence people’s degree of
reactivity to stressors. People who are under chronic stress often show
heightened reactivity when a stressor occurs, and their arousal may take
more time to return to baseline levels.
Selye’s theory and research forged a link between stress and physical illness. He
showed how prolonged physiological arousal that is meant to be adaptive could
lead to diseases. His theory has been criticized because it ignores individual
differences in the appraisal of stress, and his belief that stress reactions are
nonspecific remains the subject of debate.
whether the stress results from very cold temperature, physical exercise, illness,
conflicts with other people, or the death of a loved one.
However, the notion of non-specificity does not take important psychosocial
processes into account. Three lines of evidence suggest this is a problem:
✓ First, some stressors appear to elicit a stronger emotional response than
others do. This is important because the amount of hormone released in
reaction to a stressor that involves a strong emotional response, as a
sudden increase in environmental temperature might produce, appears to
be different from the amount released with a less emotional stressor, such
as a gradual increase in temperature.
After conducting extensive studies of various stressors and hormones,
John Mason concluded that he and his colleagues ‘‘have not found
evidence that any single hormone responds to all stimuli in absolutely
nonspecific fashion’’. For instance, some stressors led to increases in
epinephrine, norepinephrine, and cortisol, but other stressors increased
only two of these hormones.
He also pointed out that research conducted since Selye first described the
GAS has shown that stressors are most likely to trigger the release of
large amounts of all three of these hormones if the individual’s response
includes a strong element of emotion.
The range of physiological responses involved in stress has expanded well beyond
those described by Cannon and Selye, and this ‘‘cutting edge’’ of stress research
helps us understand its effects on health.
❖ BRAIN-BODY PATHWAYS
When we experience stress, our brain sends signals to the endocrine
system, which consists of glands that secrete chemicals called hormones
into the bloodstream. These signals travel through the endocrine system
along two major pathways. The hypothalamus, a small structure near the
base of the brain, appears to initiate action along both pathways.
The first pathway is routed through the autonomic nervous system. The
hypothalamus activates the sympathetic division of the ANS. A key part of
this activation involves stimulating the central part of the adrenal glands
(the adrenal medulla) to release large amounts of catecholamines into the
bloodstream.
These hormones radiate throughout the body, producing many important
physiological changes. The net result of catecholamine elevation is that
the body is mobilized for action. Heart rate and blood flow increase,
pumping more blood to the brain and muscles. Respiration and oxygen
consumption speed up, facilitating alertness.
The pituitary secretes a hormone (ACTH) that stimulates the outer part of
the adrenal glands (the adrenal cortex) to release another important set of
hormones—corticosteroids. These hormones play an important role in the
response to stress.
They stimulate the release of chemicals that help increase your energy
and help inhibit tissue inflammation in case of injury. Cortisol is a type of
corticosteroid that is often used as a physiological indicator of stress in
humans.
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• BEHAVIOURAL RESPONSES
Although people respond to stress at several levels, their behavior is a crucial
dimension of these reactions. Emotional and physiological responses to
stress—which are often undesirable—tend to be largely automatic. However,
dealing effectively with stress at the behavioral level may shut down these
potentially harmful emotional and physiological reactions.
Most behavioral responses to stress involve coping. Coping refers to active
efforts to master, reduce, or tolerate the demands created by stress.
This definition is neutral as to whether coping efforts are healthy or
maladaptive. The popular use of the term often implies that coping is
inherently healthy. When we say that someone “coped with her problems,” we
imply that she handled them effectively.
In reality, coping responses may be either healthy or unhealthy. For example,
if John was flunking a history course at midterm, he might cope with this
stress by (1) increasing his study efforts, (2) seeking help from a tutor, (3)
blaming his professor for poor grades, or (4) giving up on the class. Clearly,
the first two coping responses would more likely lead to a positive outcome
than the second two would.
People cope with stress in a variety of ways. Coping efforts can be directed at
reducing the perceived threat of a stressor, diminishing negative emotions
brought on by stress, or addressing the problem directly. Coping strategies
help determine whether stress has any positive or negative effects on an
individual.
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Many people try to deal with this kind of stress by changing the focus of their
attention from the noise to relevant aspects of a cognitive task—they ‘‘tune
out’’ the noise. Evidence suggests that children who try to tune out chronic
noise may develop generalized cognitive deficits because they have difficulty
knowing which sounds to attend to and which to tune out.
Not only can stress affect cognition, but the reverse is also equivalently true.
Worry about future threats and ruminating about past difficulties can
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experience stress and fear if they came across a snake while walking in the
woods, particularly if they recognized it as poisonous.
Fear is a common emotional reaction that includes psychological discomfort
and physical arousal when we feel threatened. Of the various types and
intensities of fears people experience in everyday life, psychologists classify
many into two categories: phobias and anxiety.
Phobias are intense and irrational fears that are directly associated with
specific events and situations. Some people are afraid of being enclosed in
small rooms, for instance, and are described as claustrophobic.
Anxiety is a vague feeling of uneasiness or apprehension—a gloomy
anticipation of impending doom—that often involves a relatively uncertain or
unspecific threat. That is, the person may not be aware either of the
situations that seem to arouse anxiety or of exactly what the ‘‘doom’’ entails.
Patients awaiting surgery or the outcome of diagnostic tests generally
experience high levels of anxiety. In other situations, anxiety may result from
appraisals of low self-worth and the anticipation of a loss of either self-esteem
or the esteem and respect of others.
Stress can also lead to feelings of sadness or depression. The difference
between feeling sad and depression is that of a serious disorder is a matter of
degree. Depression meets the criteria for a psychological disorder when it is
severe and prolonged, lasting at least 2 weeks.
Another common emotional reaction to stress is anger, particularly when the
person perceives the situation as harmful or frustrating. We can see this in
the angry responses of a child whose favorite toy is taken away or an adult
who is stuck in a traffic jam. Anger has important social ramifications,
including aggressive behavior.
Other research found that the lower people’s income and education, the
greater their daily levels of stress hormones, such as epinephrine and cortisol.
Discrimination is a major source of stress for ethnic minorities, with negative
effects on health.
There appear to be gender and sociocultural differences in physiological
strain from stressors, too. Many studies have found that men show more
reactivity than females when psychologically stressed.
Men also seem to take longer for their physiological arousal to return to
baseline levels after the stressor has ended. But some evidence suggests that
men and women differ in the events they find stressful, and the strength of
reactivity compared with that of the opposite sex may be greater when the
stressor is relevant to the person’s gender. For instance, men show greater
reactivity than women do when their competence is challenged, and women
show greater reactivity than men when their friendship or love is challenged.
Taylor and her colleagues (2000) have suggested that the ‘‘fight or flight’’
response is an accurate description of men’s stress reactions, whereas
women’s responses might be better characterized as a ‘‘tend and befriend’’
reaction in which they increase their efforts to maintain their close social
connections and ties.
Regarding sociocultural differences, some studies in the United States have
found that Blacks show greater reactivity than Whites when under stress.
But other findings suggest that differences between Blacks and Whites vary
depending on the stressor and the subjects’ gender. For instance, Black
women show greater reactivity than White women when a stressor is
perceived as racist.