Consumption Ideology

BERND SCHMITT

J. JOSKO BRAKUS
ALESSANDRO BIRAGLIA

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Ideology plays a central role in consumer decisions, actions, and practices. While
there have been numerous studies of ideological formations in specific consump-
tion contexts, an integrative theoretical framework on consumption ideology has
been missing. The theoretical framework presented in this article integrates sys-
temic, social group, and social reality perspectives from social theory with prior
consumer research to conceptualize consumption ideology as ideas and ideals
that are related to consumerism and manifested in consumer behavior.
Consumption ideology originates from conflicts between consumer desires and
the system of consumerism. It is reflected in consumers’ lived experiences and
expressed in social representations and communicative actions related to status-
based consumption, brand affinity and antipathy, performed practices, and politi-
cal consumption. By adapting to the market, consumers confirm the system, but
when they resist, they accelerate conflicts in consumer experiences unless resis-
tance is ideologically co-opted by the market. Three illustrative cases—upcycling,
Zoom backgrounds, and the commercialization of TikTok—exemplify how the
framework may be used to analyze consumption ideology and generate new re-
search questions. The article concludes with future research programs that move
beyond micro-theorizations to illuminate the broader role of ideology in contempo-
rary consumerist society.

Keywords: consumption ideology, ideological manifestations, consumerism, de-

sire, consumer culture

T here is no escaping the specter of ideology. In 2020,

when diversity, equity and inclusion came to the
forefront in US society, painting “Black Lives Matter” in
big yellow letters on US streets (an idea conceived by
Washington DC’s Mayor Muriel Bowser) was called a
“patriotic statement” (by New York City Mayor Bill De
Bernd Schmitt ([email protected]) is Robert D. Calkins
Professor of International Business at Columbia Business School,
Blasio), a “denigrating act” (by President Donald Trump),
Columbia University, 3022 Broadway, New York, NY 10027, USA. J. and a “performative distraction from real policy changes”
Josko Brakus ([email protected]) is a professor of marketing at Leeds (by the local chapter of the Black Lives Matter Global
University Business School, The University of Leeds, Maurice Keyworth Network) (Ries and Andrew 2020). What some called
Building, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK. Alessandro Biraglia
([email protected]) is an associate professor of marketing at Leeds “protests,” others called “riots.” The looting of stores that
University Business School, The University of Leeds, Maurice Keyworth some found “morally wrong” was seen by others as
Building, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK. Please address correspondence to J. Josko “reparations” (Rahman 2020).
Brakus. The authors thank panel participants of the knowledge forum on
consumption ideology at the Association for Consumer Research 2019
Conceptually, ideology has many facets and has been
conference for inspiration; Nour Jedidi, Zipei Lu, and Kamel Jedidi for ad- discussed from various perspectives in philosophy, politi-
vice and help on topic modeling; and the editor, two associate editors, and cal science, sociology, and cultural studies. Ideology has
five reviewers for their comments, help, and guidance. Supplementary been viewed as the outcome of conflicts between oppres-
materials are included in the web appendix that accompanies the online
version of this article. sors and the oppressed, a struggle for meaning among so-
cial classes or groups, and as proclamations of “right” and
Editor: Linda L. Price “wrong” (Faber 2004). Depending on one’s perspective,
Associate Editor: Zeynep Arsel ideology may include distorted ideas to legitimize power
based on social interests; a set of action-oriented ideas of a
Advance Access publication August 27, 2021
social group that provide values, meaning, and identity; or
C The Author(s) 2021. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Journal of Consumer Research, Inc.
V
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/),
which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. For commercial re-use,
please contact [email protected]  Vol. 49  2022
DOI: 10.1093/jcr/ucab044

74
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 75

an indispensable part of social reality activated and shaped focused on individual desires, which is associated with the
by individual desires and fantasies (Eagleton 2007). works of Deleuze and Guattari (1983) and, most impor-
Ideology has been described as deliberate and easily no-  zek (1989, 1997, 2012). This perspective advo-
tantly, Zi
ticeable, or as operating in subtle ways at unconscious lev- cates that ideology is an indispensable part of social reality
els (Jameson 1981).  zek 1997). Therefore, ideology should not only be
(Zi
Ideology also functions as a playground—and battle- viewed as being imposed on the individual as a class-based
field—in consumer markets. Some consumers seek consciousness (Marx and Engels 1848/2011) or through so-
ideology-laden products and brands that are biodegradable, cialization as habitus of social groups and through power
organic, sustainable, non-genetically modified, vegan, and pervasive in everyday life (Bourdieu 1977; Foucault 1982);
cruelty free. Consumers also monitor and hold companies ideology should also include activities that are shaped by
accountable for their diversity and inclusion policies, social individuals’ unconscious desires, which are expressed as
purposes, political stances, and sustainability initiatives. fantasies (Faber 2004).

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They blame and shame corporations on social media for After presenting the theoretical framework and its vari-
social discrimination, oppression, greenwashing, and other ous parts (ideological originations, consumption orienta-
aberrations. In turn, many companies pride themselves on tions, and ideological processes), we illustrate the
their mindfulness and socio-cultural sensitivities by cancel- conceptualization with three contemporary cases (upcy-
ling product lines, altering product ingredients, changing cling, Zoom backgrounds, and the commercialization of
brand names, and redesigning logos. Appropriating femi- TikTok). These cases show how the framework can be
nist discourses on body politics, Dove’s “Campaign for used to explain consumer phenomena and generate new
Real Beauty” holds the entire beauty industry responsible questions, thus providing new insights beyond existing
for distorting the portrayal of women, and Patagonia pro- studies. Finally, we highlight important research gaps and
motes itself as the “Activist Company.” While these exam- discuss future research programs arising from our
ples portray contemporary phenomena, ideology has conceptualization.
always been prominent in consumer behavior, corporate
and product branding, and marketing communications. In
the 1970s, embracing the ideology of American consumer- OVERVIEW OF THE THEORETICAL
ism and the hippie zeitgeist, Coca-Cola’s iconic mountain- FRAMEWORK
top advertisement showed young people from all around
the world singing, “I’d like to buy the world a Coke,” Following the notion of ideology as “a system of ideas
intended to be a song of “peace and harmony.” and ideals” in the socio-political space (Oxford English
In this article, we present a theoretical framework of Dictionary 2012), we define consumption ideology as
consumption ideology that incorporates classic social- ideas and ideals related to consumerism, which are mani-
theory perspectives on ideology as well as prior consumer fested in consumers’ social representations and expressed
research. Ideology-related consumer research studies, by in their communicative actions in the marketplace.
and large, ascribe to the “social group” perspective of so- Consumption ideology, as defined, pertains to a specific
cial theory. This perspective assumes that ideological ideas set of ideas and ideals, namely those related to consumer-
of social groups (e.g., social classes or status groups) pro- ism, which is an essential part of the capitalist system.
vide consumers with meaning and identity (Arnould and Consumption ideology also entails specific forms of social
Thompson 2005). The social group perspective follows so- representations and communicative actions (by an individ-
cial theorists like Bourdieu (Bourdieu 1977; Bourdieu and ual or collective), namely those that are pertinent to an in-
Boltanski 1976), studying specific “ideological for- dividual performing the role of a consumer in the
mations,” which are enacted in highly contextualized social marketplace (MacInnis and Folkes 2010). Our definition
behaviors (Boudon 1989; Eagleton 2007). However, some implies that consumers, knowingly or unknowingly, think
consumer research has adopted a more systemic social- and act as ideologues because they are living in a consum-
theory perspective (Askegaard and Linnet 2011; Giesler erist society.
and Fischer 2017). Systemic social theories analyze ideol- People cannot escape ideology (Eagleton 2007; Faber
ogy as ideas and structures in society (Althusser 1971; 2004). Accordingly, we posit that consumption ideology is
Horkheimer and Adorno 1944/2002; Marx and Engels present at all stages of the consumer journey—from search,
1848/2011), which are motivated by social interests to le- choice, and purchase to usage and disposal of products. It
gitimize power (Eagleton 2007; Freeden 2003). The sys- is entrenched in the discourse on product sourcing, product
temic perspective was created originally by Marxist and selection, social signaling, privacy, and environmental sus-
neo-Marxist philosophers (Althusser 1971; Horkheimer tainability. Consumption ideology occurs when the goal of
and Adorno 1944/2002; Marx 1848/2011), and, in part, by consumption is acquiring possessions or using access-
Foucault (1982). Finally, consumer research has largely ig- based objects as part of liquid consumption (Bardhi and
nored the “social reality” perspective in social theory Eckhardt 2017; Belk 1988). Consumption ideology also
76 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

occurs in “prosumption,” a process in which a consumer consumer research, and then further explicate each con-
participates as a producer (Humphreys and Grayson 2008; struct or the conflict dimensions.
Ritzer 2014). Finally, we assume that consumption ideol-
ogy operates both at the unconscious and conscious levels. Consumerism
We suggest that ideology is mostly unconscious when con-
sumers go about their daily lives and feel positive about Overview of the Construct. Associated with the con-
consumption. However, when their desires as consumers stant acquisition of consumer products (goods and serv-
are not fulfilled, a conscious dissatisfaction with the system ices), consumerism is the essential ideology of global
of consumerism may set in, which may lead to a deliberate capitalism (Heilbroner 1985; Sklair 2012; Stearns 2006),
motivation for change. and thus the key systemic construct in our framework.
Figure 1 shows the theoretical framework. The left side Consumerism constrains an individual acting in the role of
of the figure (“ideological originations”) conceptualizes a consumer by providing formal and informal rules and

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the sources (or originations) of consumption ideology. The regulations about consumption. More generally, the system
right side (“consumption manifestations”) conceptualizes of consumerism assigns the role of a consumer to an indi-
the phenomena (or manifestations) of consumption ideol- vidual (including norms and expected behaviors) through a
ogy in the marketplace. We posit that consumption ideol- process we call “consumer subjectification.”
ogy originates from conflictual relationships between the Theoretical Basis in Social Theory and Consumer
ideas and ideals of consumerism and consumer desires Research. In social theory, systemic analyses of ideology
along dimensions of social class, status, and identity. arise mostly from the Marxist perspective. Karl Marx and
Consumption ideology is reflected in the consumer’s lived Friedrich Engels coauthored a series of classic texts, collec-
experience, which leads to consumption manifestations in tively referred to as Die Deutsche Ideologie (The German
diverse consumption domains and consumption orienta- Ideology), in which they argued that dominant ideas of the
tions. The theoretical framework represents four important ruling class, as the herrschende geistige Macht (the ruling
consumption domains and a 2  2 scheme of consumption mental power), obfuscate exploitation and operate as “false
orientations as well as dynamics within the scheme along consciousness,” preventing the oppressed from realizing
the dimensions of mode of articulation and mode of that they are being exploited (Marx and Engels 1848/2011).
adaptation. Neo-Marxist critical thinkers of the Frankfurt School argued
As figure 1 shows, the framework also includes pro- that the uniformity of mass media induces docile conformity
cesses that are important for understanding consumption among the masses and demand for capitalist products while
ideology. As part of ideological originations, we distin- inhibiting pluralism and independent thought (Horkheimer
guish the complementary processes of consumer subjectifi- and Adorno 1944/2002). Neo-Marxist philosopher Louis
cation and consumption sublimification. In addition, Althusser (1971) analyzed the social institutions (police, the
consumption orientations lead to market affirmation or court system, schools, and family) that guarantee the sur-
market rejection, thus contributing to the dialectic progres- vival of an ideology and guide the lives of social subjects.
sion of the market. Consumers’ affirmation of the market Finally, according to Foucault (1982), who took a Marxist
is usually appropriated by the system whereas market re- stance in his early but not in his later writings, “power-
jection leads to the symptomatic oscillation of the underly- knowledge” permeates everyday life. That is, power, which
ing desire unless consumerism ideologically co-opts this is widely distributed in the system, is imposed on the indi-
yearning. In the following sections, we describe the con- vidual as knowledge. An individual adopts this knowledge
structs and interrelations of the three parts of the theoretical through a process referred to as “subjectification” (Foucault
framework: ideological originations, consumption manifes- 1982). Subjectification processes and effects are far from
tations, and ideological processes. being crystallized; they are constantly dismantled and repro-
duced with the possibility of contradictions and reversals.
Those who cannot be aligned with the system are ostracized
IDEOLOGICAL ORIGINATIONS (Foucault 1977/1991)1.

The framework postulates that consumption ideology 1 During the final review round of this article, major international
originates from conflicts between consumerism and con- newspapers (e.g., The New York Times, Frankfurter Allgemeine
sumer desires. The consumer’s lived experience reflects Zeitung, The Times) reported allegations of serial sexual child abuse
and denigration of young boys, committed by Foucault when he held a
these conflicts. We first discuss the key constructs (con- position at the University of Tunisia (Campbell 2021). (Tunisia is a
sumerism, consumer desires, and the consumer’s lived ex- former French colony.) Foucault was a proponent of “consensual”
perience) and then the conflict dimensions (social class, adult-child sex and in 1977 had led the signing of a petition to legalize
such sexual relations (Doezema 2018), which was also signed by
status, and identity) of the framework. For each construct Althusser, Deleuze, Guattari and other prominent French intellectuals,
and the conflict dimensions, we provide an overview of the doctors, jurists, and psychologists. We believe these actions shed a du-
key ideas, discuss the theoretical basis in social theory and bious light on Foucault’s work on power and power-knowledge. The
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 77

FIGURE 1

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF CONSUMPTION IDEOLOGY

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Consumer researchers have alluded to systemic theoriz- management of consumers as moral subjects (Giesler and
ing in a few studies and analyses. Hirschman (1988) refers Veresiu 2014). A study of financial credit illustrates how
to neo-Marxist thought, in part, to analyze ideology in pop- the marketplace—as “a panoptic apparatus” (Foucault
ular American TV shows (Dallas and Dynasty), and 1977/1991)—controls and punishes consumers “who break
Pe~naloza (2001) refers to Marx and the Frankfurt School in the rules” (Bernthal, Crockett, and Rose 2005). Finally, a
an ethnography of a cattle trade show and rodeo. Murray study of casinos demonstrates that casinos deny employ-
and Ozanne (1991) propose an emancipatory research pro- ment to “undesirable” individuals (Humphreys 2010).
gram inspired by the Frankfurt School. Relatedly, transfor-
mative consumer research advocates a pragmatic change of Further Explication of the Construct. We posit that the
consumerism to improve the general well-being of society system of consumerism includes objectives, normative doc-
and provide consumers with information for more socially trines, and social institutions that induce people to consume,
responsible choices (Mick 2006). Consumer research has thus guaranteeing the effective operation of the system and
also adopted Foucault’s notion of power-knowledge. For its survival. The objective of consumerism is spending: to
example, a study of advertising shows how the discourse of get consumers to constantly buy and consume goods and
power mythologizes products and brands (Thompson services and to increase consumption over time (Heilbroner
2004). Research has also analyzed how moralistic gover- 1985). Consumerism evokes normative doctrines that facili-
nance influences consumer subjectivity through the active tate spending, such as the free choice of goods and services,
fair distribution of goods and services based on supply and
demand, equal access to commercial resources, and new
authors condemn Foucault’s positions and (alleged) sexual child product innovation (Stearns 2006). The development of
abuse. Because Foucault’s ideas—the notion of subjectification in par- brands plays a prominent role in enticing consumers to
ticular—inform our framework, we have included these ideas into our spend their money (Sklair 2012). Most doctrines of con-
framework, but we have largely excluded the work on power per se.
We wish to stress that in no way should the inclusion of Foucault’s
sumerism originate from neoliberal thinking, which sup-
ideas be construed as an endorsement of his advocacies and behaviors ports economic liberalization policies as a means to achieve
regarding adult-child sexual relations. well-being (Harvey 2007; Veresiu and Giesler 2018).
78 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

Historically, consumerism started in the middle of the participation in the ideological system, first proposed by
twentieth century triggered by a transnational elitist capi- Neo-Marxist Antonio Gramsci (Gramsci 1951/1992). In
talist class and has progressed to inventions like the shop- the influential book Anti-Oedipus, Gilles Deleuze, a philos-
ping mall and credit cards, and the cultural dominance of opher, and Felix Guattari, a psychoanalyst, specifically cri-
globalized media (movies, radio, and television) as well as tique the neglect of desire, that is, the direct “libidinal
advertising and marketing (Sklair 2012). Consumerism investment” that individuals make into social structures
resulted in a new global system for distributing goods and (Deleuze and Guattari 1983). To explain the relevance of
services, including global brands and mass media (Sklair desire for ideology, they relate their work to Reich’s
2012). In the United States, a “Consumers’ Republic” (1933/1970) analysis of fascist ideology, thereby departing
emerged to create a fairer democracy and a better society from Arendt’s (1953) more rational analysis of totalitarian
(Cohen 2004). The “consumerist lifestyle” became a domi- systems. Following Reich (1933/1970), Deleuze and
nant theme, and Hollywood and Madison Avenue further Guattari (1983) point out that one cannot understand fas-

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pushed this systemic ideology in the interest of capitalist cism or any totalitarianism by arguing that people were
globalization. Consumption emerged as a personal indul- tricked or fooled into believing a false social reality.
gence. The mantra of buying “more, newer, and better” Rather, one needs to understand the dynamics of desire in
continues unabated and digital media and e-commerce re- societal and economic production.
inforce this mantra (Cohen 2004).  zek fuses Hegelian-Marxist dialec-
Philosopher Slavoj Zi
In line with Althusser (1971), the ideological system of tics and Lacanian psychoanalysis to understand ideology
consumerism appropriates and establishes rules and regula-  zek 1989, 1997). Zizek’s
(Zi  contributions conveyed
tions for consumption either informally or formally. These through books, films, and social media, cover many topics
rules are enforced through social institutions such as gov- including popular culture and daily politics, as well as
ernmental organizations, private firms, entrepreneurs, and consumer-related phenomena (e.g., Starbucks, Google,
consumer agencies. For example, in the food and drink cat- Coca-Cola, product design, and “green” consumption).
egory, products are labeled as healthy, addictive, and con-  zek (1989, 2012) describes contemporary socio-political
Zi
taining too much or not enough of a certain ingredient issues and consumption as a dialectic progression, from
(e.g., caffeine, fat, sugar, gluten, vitamins). Consumerism thesis to antithesis to synthesis, which then becomes a new
also structures knowledge in consumers’ minds (e.g., about thesis for another dialectic cycle. Zi  zek (1989, 21) also
desirable bodies) in such a way that this supports products, asserts that people are not conscious of ideology:
brands, and entire industries (e.g., dieting and weight, plas- “Ideology is not simply a ‘false consciousness,’ an illusory
tic surgery, fitness and wellness, and self-help). In our the- representation of reality, it is rather this reality itself which
oretical framework, following Foucault’s (1982) notion of is already to be conceived as ‘ideological’—‘ideological’
subjectification, we refer to this “top-down” process that is a social reality whose very existence implies the non-
constrains an individual acting in the role of a consumer as knowledge of its participants as to its essence.”
“consumer subjectification.” Following Lacan (1981), Zi  zek (2006, 61) argues that
in their role as consumers, people fail to recognize the
fact that “the most elementary desire is the desire to re-
Consumer Desires produce itself as desire (and not to find satisfaction).” For
Overview of the Construct. In a capitalist–consumerist Lacan, a pre-social “real world” (simply capitalized as
marketplace, internal needs are transformed instantly into “the Real”) is not intelligible to a social subject; the
desires for specific products and brands because the market “Real” is a void or an absence experienced as a lack. The
offers an endless variety. Consumer desires are powerful desiring subject chases this lost other (autre) “object” in
and pleasurable but also discomforting emotions of longing the form of jouissance (roughly, “enjoyment”) of an objet
for particular products and brands (Belk, Ger, and petit a (“a” stands for autre). For Deleuze (1966) and
Askegaard 2003). Through the expression of their desires  zek (1989, 1997), the objet petit a is the virtual embodi-
Zi
and a process that we call “consumption sublimification,” ment of the void; it includes “a set of phantasmic features
consumers participate in the ideological system and, in which, when they are encountered in a positive object,
part, offset the structural coercion of the system. make us desire this object” (Zi  zek 1997, 53). As social
subjects, people need an “ideological fantasy” (Zi  zek
Theoretical Basis in Social Theory and Consumer 1989, 1997), which includes the constant production and
Research. In social theory, the concept of desire is most reproduction of desire as an enjoyable diversion.
closely associated with the works of Deleuze and Guattari Consumption, which permanently pursues jouissance,
(1983) and the extensive, contemporary work on ideology becomes what Zi  zek (2012) calls a “symptom,” striving to
 zek (1989, 1997, 2006, 2012). These authors study
by Zi satiate a neurotic desire that would not exist in the same
the influence of individual factors on systemic factors, form without an ideologically conceived (i.e., symbolic)
thereby following, in part, the notion of voluntary “reality” such as consumerism. As Donahue (2002, 7)
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 79

 zek’s theorizing “seems to capture perfectly the

notes, Zi and consumption activities as sublime (e.g., electric cars,
workings of ideology in our post-ideological times” where juices without sugar, fair-trade products, minimalist con-
traditional ideologies related to class and hierarchy have sumption, social media, and cannabis). In other words, sys-
been largely dismissed in favor of ideology defined by temic consumerism and consumer desires are dynamically
identity (e.g., lifestyle experiences) and promulgated in interrelated (Baudrillard 1970/1998).
commerce and pop culture.
The reception of Deleuze and Guattari’s and Zi  zek’s
works in consumer research has been sparse, except for a Consumer’s Lived Experience
few mentions in research on consumer desire (Belk et al.
2003; Kozinets, Patterson, and Ashman 2017; Rose and Overview of the Construct. We conceptualize the con-
Wood 2005). For example, following Zi  zek (1997), Rose sumer’s lived experience as the unique relationship and the
and Wood (2005) study how consumers seek authenticity central meeting point between the system of consumerism

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through consumption of reality television. The authors ar- and consumer desires. The lived experience is a dynamic
gue that as long as viewers trick themselves into (falsely) concept, which as actionable knowledge subsequently
believing that the program is not scripted, the show signi- affects the ideological manifestations (the consumption
fies “reality” and communication unfolds as a successful domains and consumption orientations) in our framework.
misunderstanding.
Theoretical Basis in Social Theory and Consumer
Further Explication of the Construct. We follow Zi  zek Research. In philosophy, psychology, and consumer re-
(1989, 1997) in considering consumer desire as a continu- search, the concept of experience is associated with en-
ous force of yearning—a “desire to desire”—which is simi- countering and living through events. From Kierkegaard
lar to Lacan’s concept of jouissance. Because the system and Dewey to Husserl and Brentano, experiences have
of consumerism separates desire from real needs, consum- been characterized as the unique relationship an individual
ers engage in fantasies for “sublime objects” that can never has with the world (Schmitt 2010). Experiences are subjec-
be fully satisfied. In this sense, consumer desires contribute tive yet referential (i.e., “of” or “about” something) and
to the operation and survival of the system. The system have intentionality. Habermas (1984) describes lived expe-
supplies objects of desire in the form of products and rience generally as an individual’s or group’s Lebenswelt
brands, and consumers transform them into sublime objects (“life world”). Following Deleuze and Guattari (1987), the
 zek 1989). In a Kantian sense, tran-
of their desires (Zi lived experience may be viewed as an assemblage.
scending and stylizing an object makes it sublime. Experience, in this sense, is complex, fluid, and subject to
Similarly, the Freudian concept of sublimation refers to a constant rearrangement through processes referred to as
process that turns ordinary, libidinous urges into more cul- coding, stratification, and territorialization (Deleuze and
tural and consumable forms. In the context of consumer be- Guattari 1987).
havior, we will refer to the process that turns consumption Social theory within the social group perspective expli-
objects (product and brands) into sublime objects as cates how ideology enters and affects the lived experience.
“consumption sublimification.” Bourdieu (1977) argues that cultural capital manifests itself
Consumption sublimification includes numerous forms in the habitus of societal groups and the development of
of commodity fetishizing such as ascribing a “personality” taste. Cultural capital is ideological because an elitist,
or “relationship” to brands; revering some products and high-status group sets the rules of what constitutes taste
brands as “luxuries”; mythologizing the iconography of and thereby augments its privileges over other social
product designs; anthropomorphizing products and brands; groups. Thus, habitus and taste continuously reproduce
and stylizing ads as art. When consumers turn products and existing social divisions and ideologies (Bourdieu and
brands into sublime objects of desire, they create ideologi- Boltanski 1976; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992; Eagleton
cal fantasies about the desire to consume (e.g., “I need this 2007). Bourdieu’s ideas as well as those by other classic
now”), about outcomes of consumption (e.g., “it will sat- social theorists (e.g., the neo-Marxists and Foucault) have
isfy me; it will make me happy; I will gain recognition been employed and further developed in critical theory on
from others”), and about the presumed benefits of con- gender and feminism, queer theory, race theory, and post-
sumption (e.g., “it is healthy; it is sustainable; it elevates colonialism. These latter ideas have culminated in the
my social status”). Note that consumerism and its rules and overall notion of the “intersectionality” of the lived experi-
regulations may change in response to consumer desires. ence, referring to social categories and identities combined
Such change has occurred, for example, in relation to envi- to create unique modes of discrimination or privilege for
ronmental issues, health and nutrition, trade, conspicuous certain groups (see Ger [2018] for a research curation).
consumption, consumer technology, and consumer vices The table in the appendix provides key references for such
(Dinnin Huff, Humphreys, and Wilner 2021). When such inquiries, examples of consumer studies, and critical
changes occur, consumers render new consumer products propositions.
80 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

Consumer research has studied the subjective nature of sensations, cognition, feelings, and actions) thus incorpo-
the lived experience in terms of sensations, cognitions, rates both the system of consumerism and individual
feelings, and actions (Brakus, Schmitt, and Zarantonello desires, and the two are dialectically related. For example,
2009). Deleuze and Guattari’s (1987) theorizing on consumerism instills desire for products and brands, but
assemblages has been used to study the consumer’s lived consumers may not be able to afford them, or may consider
experience in the contexts of family networks, brands, and these products and brands as detrimental to the environ-
technologies such as the internet of things (Epp, Schau, ment. Conversely, consumer desires for certain products
and Price 2014; Hoffman and Novak 2018; Parmentier and and brands (carbon free, cruelty free, equitable, upcycled)
Fischer 2015). Following Bourdieu, consumer culture re- may not yet be fulfilled by the system. The lived experi-
search has also investigated how marketplace performance ence is the prime social construct in our theoretical frame-
relates to status and cultural capital (Ustüner€ and work where systemic demands and individual desires
Thompson 2012), and how consumers signal their cultural intersect and may conflict. Next, we discuss conflict

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capital, habitus, and taste through their aesthetic preferen- dimensions.
ces (e.g., for visual arts or music; Arsel and Thompson
2011), lifestyles (e.g., members of less industrialized coun- Conflict Dimensions
€
tries adopt Western lifestyles; Ustüner and Holt 2010), and
choices of specific objects of consumption (e.g., craft beer; Overview. Our framework proposes that consumerism
Maciel and Wallendorf 2017). and consumer desires have an endurable conflictual rela-
tionship. Specific conflicts characterize the consumer’s
Further Explication of the Construct. We suggest that lived experience. These conflicts occur along three dimen-
the consumer’s lived experience is a form of actionable sions: social class, status, and identity.
knowledge including sensations, cognitions, feelings and Theoretical Basis in Social Theory and Consumer
intended actions. The lived experience is ideologically Research. Conflict is common to all social theories of
entrenched because it is affected by the consumerist system ideology. According to Marxist theory (Marx and Engels
through the process of consumer subjectification and by 1848/2011), society entails conflicts between social clas-
consumer desires and fantasies through the process of con- ses. The social group perspective, primarily associated
sumption sublimification. with Bourdieu (1977), theorizes about conflicts between
We further propose that the consumer’s lived experience societal groups of varying status. Finally, the social reality
is, in part, socially constructed intersectionally (Ger 2018).  zek 2012) prominently features values and
perspective (Zi
That is, the lived experience is partially constituted by identity conflicts about the “right” and “wrong” values and
class, status, and identity as well as correlated with social lifestyles.
categories such as gender, race, nationality, and mobility, Extant ideology-related consumer research illustrates
which altogether result in a socially determined consumer conflicts across groups of consumers and between consum-
habitus and lifestyle (Bourdieu 1977; Baudrillard 1970/ ers and corporations, and how these conflicts occur and
1998). Viewing the lived experience as an assemblage, we may be resolved in consumption domains (Arsel and
propose that the content and forms of expression of the Thompson 2011; Crockett 2017; Crockett and Wallendorf
consumer’s lived experience are not static. Instead, they 2004; Holt 2002; Izberk-Bilgin 2012; Klein, Smith, and
are frequently transformed through a process referred to in John 2004; Kozinets and Handelman 2004; Luedicke et al.
assemblage theory as reterritorialization (Deleuze and 2010). For example, Crockett and Wallendorf (2004) show
Guattari 1987). New components (e.g., new values, my- how political ideology can shape shopping as an expression
thologies, identities, and practices) are forged, resulting in of social and political conflict between households con-
a new assemblage of the consumer’s lived experience. fronting attenuated access to goods and services. In addi-
How the lived experience is affected by both consumer- tion, Holt (2002) shows how postmodern brands give rise
ism and consumer desires may be further explicated by ap- to conflicts and contradictions.
plying Hegel’s well-known dialectic from Ph€ anomenologie
des Geistes of Herr und Knecht (often wrongly, but tell- Further Explication of the Dimensions. Following so-
ingly, translated as “master” and “slave”), which both cial theory on ideology and extant consumer research, we
Lacan and Zi zek consider a foundational text of social the- propose that conflicts may occur along three dimensions.
ory. Like a Herr and a Knecht, consumerism and consumer First, bringing to bear the Marxist notion of class conflict,
desires are dialectically bound in a subject-object relation- we propose that one source of conflict is that oppressed,
ship. While consumerism controls consumer desires disadvantaged, or marginalized consumers may have a
through the process of subjectification, consumerism is strong desire for certain products or brands but cannot af-
also dependent on consumer desires, which are expressed ford or consume them. They may fantasize about posses-
through the sublimification of consumption objects. The sions, or they may reconcile their desires by settling for
consumer’s lived experience (expressed in consumer less expensive products or brands. They may also actively
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 81

resist the market and protest. We conjecture that the con- milk, and with white or brown sugar? Should it be roasted
sumption behavior of upwardly mobile consumers also coffee from a local coffee shop with its own roastery, or
reflects a class conflict, which in this case includes the de- can it be from a global retail chain? These choices relate to
sire to overcome the conflict through possessions. Han, consumer desires and fantasies, but they also support or op-
Nunes, and Drèze (2010) describe two groups of consum- pose socially shared consumerist ideas and ideals regarding
ers (“parvenus” and “pretenders”) that seem to experience the desirability of product ingredients, the sustainability of
such conflicts. Similarly, middle-class African American coffee production, and local community or global engage-
consumers disavow racial stigma through ostentatious ment. Depending on the consumer’s choices, the lived ex-
status-oriented displays (Crockett 2017). perience may be characterized as supporting “indie” or
Second, the Bordieuan conflict between social groups global brands, as “hipster” or functional, or as ordinary
occurs around displayed taste and is likely reflected in con- consumption or consumption with a social concern. Coffee
sumers’ desire for conspicuous consumption, for example, consumption, therefore, constitutes a manifestation of con-

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luxury brands as well as other aspirational products which sumption ideology as part of an enacted discourse about
signals status and prestige (Berger and Ward 2010; Holt how commerce affects health (through coffee ingredients),
1998). Selecting the right “tasteful” products and brands the environment (through the packaging), the community
reflects this conflict and constitutes a core component of (e.g., the notion of “third place” appropriated by
the consumer’s lived experience (Arsel and Thompson Starbucks), and fairness (e.g., high-end pricing of latte va-
2011). Resolving the conflict requires considerable con- rieties). Regarding consumption orientations, consumers
sumer knowledge about the social prerequisite of what may feel reconciled and engaged with current ideology, or
constitutes taste. they may feel alienated from it and even become activists
Finally, arguably, the most relevant conflict related to (e.g., protesting the “hegemony” of Starbucks) (Thompson
contemporary consumption is the identity conflict theo- and Arsel 2004). Next, we further explicate consumption
 zek (2012). For example, the mandate of contin-
rized by Zi domains and consumption orientations.
uous spending may conflict with the desire to be socially
and environmentally responsible (Giesler and Veresiu
2014; Luedicke, Thompson, and Giesler 2010). This iden-
Consumption Domains
tity conflict is a permanent social reality in the lived expe- While our framework is applicable to a wide range of
rience of a “green consumer” who prefers organic or domains, prior consumer research indicates that consump-
sustainable products and brands. tion ideology seems to manifest itself primarily in certain
In sum, the framework postulates that three types of con- domains. These central domains emerged among the topics
flicts may occur between consumerism and consumer in a textual review and analysis (“topic modeling”) of
desires and may be reflected in the consumer’s lived expe- ideology-related consumer studies, which we conducted as
rience. The outcomes of these conflicts affect the ideologi- part of this project. Web appendices A and C provide the
cal consumption manifestations of our framework, which methodological details of the topic modeling analysis and
we discuss next. our interpretation of the topics. Using multi-dimensional
scaling, web appendix B shows visually how the topics are
related to each other. Table 1 displays the eight topics
CONSUMPTION MANIFESTATIONS revealed in the analysis, the relation of the topics to our
theoretical framework, and representative articles. The first
On the right side of figure 1, we portray the consumption four topics in the table concern how ideology affects con-
manifestations of our theoretical framework. Consumption sumer thoughts and behaviors in four consumption
manifestations include the consumption phenomena (or domains: status-based consumption (topic 1), brand affinity
“domains”) that are generally affected by ideology and, and antipathy (topic 2), performed practices (topic 3), and
specifically, by the conflict reflected in the consumer’s political consumption (topic 4). Research on status-based
lived experience. Consumption manifestations also include consumption investigates how consumers signal their cul-
what we call “consumption orientations” within each do- tural capital, habitus, and taste through their lifestyles
main that consumers hold based on these conflicts. €
(Ustüner and Holt 2010), status-oriented displays (Crockett
In principle, any consumption domain can be analyzed 2017), mass-cultural artifacts (Holt 1998), and even apart-
as an ideological manifestation. Consider the following ment decor (Arsel and Bean 2013). Research on brand af-
very simple and ostensibly nonideological choice: a con- finity and antipathy studies brands as ideological icons
sumer considers buying a cup of coffee. While this choice (Holt 2006), and why, based on ideology, consumers en-
may seem straightforward and nonideological, it involves a dorse or reject brands (Shepherd, Chartrand, and
series of conscious and nonconscious choices that are im- Fitzsimons 2015).
plicitly ideological. Should the coffee be ordered with or Studies in the domain of performed practices investigate
without milk, with whole or skim milk or dairy-free oat how consumers (and other market stakeholders)
82 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

TABLE 1

TOPICS, RELATIONSHIP TO THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK, AND REPRESENTATIVE ARTICLES

Topic Relationship to the framework Representative articles

Topic 1: Status-based consumption Consumption domain Arsel and Bean (2013), Crockett (2017), Holt (1998), and
€
Ustüner and Holt (2010)
Topic 2: Brand affinity and antipathy Consumption domain Coulter, Price, and Feick (2003), Holt (2006), Mun~iz and
Schau (2005), and Shepherd et al. (2015)
Topic 3: Performed practices Consumption domain Arsel and Thompson (2011), Brunk et al. (2017),
Crockett and Davis (2016), Thompson (2004), and
Tumbat and Belk (2011)
Topic 4: Political consumption Consumption domain Crockett and Wallendorf (2004), Fernandes and Mandel
(2014), Jost (2017), and Kaikati et al. (2017)

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Topic 5: Consumption as a socio-economic accord Consumption orientation Firat and Venkatesh (1995), Hirschman (1988), Holt and
Thompson (2004), Thompson and Tambyah (1999),
and Tse, Belk, and Zhou (1989)
Topic 6: Resistance to dominant forms of Consumption orientation Izberk-Bilgin (2010), Mikkonen and Bajde (2013), and
consumption Thompson and Haytko (1997)
Topic 7: Communities and consumption movements Market process Bardhi and Eckhardt (2012), Dolbec and Fischer (2015),
Kravets and Sandikci (2014), and Thompson and
Coskuner-Balli (2007)
Topic 8: Legitimation processes of consumption Market process Giesler (2008), Humphreys (2010), Karababa and Ger
practices (2011), Kozinets (2002), and Scaraboto and Fischer
(2013)
NOTE.— Each representative article loaded most strongly on the topic with which it is associated.

mythologize or demythologize other market participants to orientation in contemporary society (Firat and Venkatesh
negotiate and manage various marketplace tensions (Arsel 1995). Consumers frequently manage tensions in their
and Thompson 2011; Brunk, Giesler, and Hartmann 2017; lived experience in accord with the market (Holt and
Crockett and Davis 2016; Thompson 2004; Tumbat and Thompson 2004; Schouten and McAlexander 1995;
Belk 2011). Finally, studies on political consumption show Thompson and Tambyah 1999). Topic 6 presents the oppo-
how ideological values affect the behavior and choices of site orientation: some consumers resist dominant consump-
liberal and conservative consumers (Fernandes and Mandel tion norms (Izberk-Bilgin 2010; Mikkonen and Bajde
2014; Jost 2017; Kaikati et al. 2017). As Crockett and 2013). Regarding mode of articulation, some of the studies
Wallendorf (2004) posit, contemporary consumption is a that we analyzed as part of topic modeling (i.e., mostly
primary domain in which political ideology is constructed articles on social status and brands) analyze manifestations
and expressed. at the social representations level. Other studies (i.e.,
The remaining four topics shown in the table relate to mostly articles on performed practices and political con-
other parts of the framework. Topic 5 (consumption as a sumption) focus on actions and behaviors. Next, we first
socio-economic accord) and topic 6 (resistance to domi- explain the two dimensions (mode of adaptation and mode
nant forms of consumption) relate to consumption orienta- of articulation) further as part of a 2  2 matrix and then
tions (e.g., conformity and resistance), which we will discuss our theorizing regarding consumption orientation
discuss next. Topic 7 (communities and consumption types and dynamics.
movements) and topic 8 (legitimation processes of con-
sumption practices) align with market process dynamics of
the framework, which we will discuss after the section on
The 2 3 2 Consumption Orientation Matrix:
consumption orientations. Types and Dynamics
The first dimension, mode of articulation, includes so-
cial representations and communicative actions. Moscovici
Consumption Orientations (2000, 13) defines social representations as “systems of
Ideology can result in different orientations in each con- values, ideas and practices which . . . enable communica-
sumption domain. We distinguish four orientations based tion to take place among the members of a community.”
on a 2  2 analytical scheme along two dimensions: mode Social representations are not simply mental schemas that
of adaptation and mode of articulation. Echoing Merton process information. They are constructed through dis-
(1938), prior research related to topics 5 and 6 addresses course, action, and interaction and play a key role in the
the dichotomy of conformity vs. resistance as two modes ideological construction and contestation of reality
of adaptation. The articles in topic 5 demonstrate that con- (Moloney, Hall, and Walker 2005). Social representations
forming to the market is often the dominant consumption are the outcome of “battles of ideas” and “ways of world-
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 83

making” (Moscovici 2000). Importantly, they enable com- took a decidedly anti-capitalist, anti-consumerist stance.
municative actions by providing members of a community Recently, “hipster” consumers attempted to relive the revo-
with a code for social exchange (Habermas 1984; lutionary spirit as a lifestyle alternative by adopting anti-
Moscovici 2000). Following Habermas (1984), we propose mainstream commercial approaches that prioritize sustain-
that when people engage in consumption, they communi- able consumption or handcrafts (Larsen and Kahle 2019).
cate their Lebenswelt or lived experience, including their
desires and stance toward consumerism. The second di- Engagement. This orientation is a positive, conformist
mension, mode of adaptation, includes Merton’s sociologi- communicative action, such as when consumers purchase
cal distinction of conformity and resistance. Merton (1938) mainstream products and brands, upgrade consumption
defines conformity as a capability to pursue goals through over time in aspirational ways, or buy what is expected of
socially approved means. Alternatively, people can also re- them by a group. It may be unconscious or conscious.
ject goals and means. These individuals are “strictly speak- Consumers with a strong desire to belong to a particular so-

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ing, in the society but not of it” (Merton 1938, 677). While cial class or group use overt consumption to signal their
resistance may be maladaptive, individuals may also ac- achievement (Han et al. 2010; Kozinets 2001; Luedicke
tively react, and by reacting, they reduce their frustration 2015). Conservatives differentiate themselves in a vertical
and promote change. social hierarchy by purchasing products that signal that
The 2  2 matrix depicts four core types of orientation: they are better than others; liberals differentiate themselves
reconcilement, a conformist mental stance that embraces horizontally through products that signal that they are dif-
existing consumerist ideology; alienation, a resistive, anti- ferent from others (Ordabayeva and Fernandes 2018).
ideology mental stance; engagement, a conformist commu- Finally, Scaraboto and Fischer (2013) show how
nicative action; and activism, a resistive communicative “fatshionistas” (i.e., plus-sized consumers) collectively en-
action against mainstream consumerist ideology. We gage so they have more options from fashion brands.
briefly illustrate each type and then discuss the dynamics Activism. To resolve the conflict between unfulfilled
in the matrix. desires and consumerism, some consumers become acti-
Reconcilement. Most consumers seem to accept and vists. They consciously avoid certain product categories,
embrace consumerism. That is, at least prima facie, they seek alternatives, or pursue minimalist, simple consump-
reconcile with the existing ideology. They have their favor- tion. They might also protest or boycott specific brands
ite products and brands that they like or are attached to. and corporations (and even participate in the destruction of
Reconcilement is an unreflective way of going about one’s products or corporate property), or they could invent new
daily life as a consumer. From a critical perspective, recon- forms of consumption as forms of resistance and rebellion
cilement has been viewed through the lens of lacking alter- against capitalism. Kozinets and Handelman’s (2004) study
natives. Holt and Thompson (2004) observe that for certain of “adversaries of consumption” investigates spiritual and
US men, the only way to assert masculinity is to be recon- religious identities and how they make individuals commit
ciled with the market. These men rely on the class- to movements that seek to transform consumerism. Klein
dependent ideology of heroic masculinity to construct et al. (2004) study consumers who decide to boycott a firm
themselves as man-of-action heroes through the specific after it closes factories and they find that digital media
choices they make as consumers. Information-processing facilitates mobilization and recruitment of activists.
studies often cite reconcilement based on political ideolo- Dormant networks of cultural groups who share common
gies. For example, conservative (vs. liberal) consumers are interests can be mobilized by meso-level online actors,
less likely to complain or dispute (Jung et al. 2017). such as encouraging them to protest restrictions on illegal
Neoliberal reforms in developing markets often lead to downloading (Odou, Roberts, and Roux 2018).
shared, socio-ideological sensibilities that inform consumer Stigmatized-identity threat cues also might prompt anti-
reconcilement with the market (Kravets and Sandikci consumption including boycotts (Chaney, Sanchez, and
2014). Arnould (2007) makes a positive case for reconcile- Maimon 2019).
ment by illustrating the dangers of market exclusion with a
Dynamics in the 2 3 2 Matrix. Consumption orienta-
marginalized African community deprived of the means of
tions usually do not fall neatly into one category.
consumption.
Consumers may hold one orientation toward one consump-
Alienation. Instead of reconciling with existing ideol- tion object and a different orientation toward another.
ogy, some consumers feel alienated from consumerism or Orientations may also differ by context and change over
certain facets of it. They experience dissatisfaction with time. In short, consumption orientations are flexible, mal-
consumption and the image that certain products, brands, leable, and dynamic. These dynamics are represented by
and lifestyles convey. As a result, they may unconsciously arrows in the 2  2 matrix in figure 1.
experiment with alternatives or consciously consider alter- To illustrate, a consumer who initially attended the
natives. In the social movements of the 1960s, “hippies” Burning Man festival out of alienation (e.g., resulting from
84 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

ennui with mainstream consumption) may find reconcilia- IDEOLOGICAL PROCESSES

tion with the alternative ideology promoted at the festival
and, ultimately, may permanently engage by regularly at-  zek (1989, 2012) describes contemporary socio-
Zi
tending the festival (Kozinets 2002). Over time, however, political issues and consumption as dialectic progression,
the festival may re-alienate the attendee because of its in- from thesis to antithesis to synthesis. Our theoretical
creased commercialization. Conversely, a reconciled con- framework reflects this dialectic thinking by proposing that
sumer may become alienated through excessive “over- a consumerist–capitalist marketplace changes constantly in
consumption” of food (Kjellberg 2008), for example, but a similar manner. That is, a specific manifestation of a con-
ultimately reconcile again when embracing the ideas of the sumption ideology at a given time is a thesis that can lead
“body-positivity” movement. As another example, the ini- to an antithesis, which may evolve into a synthesis that
tial engagement with a lifestyle brand may turn into activ- becomes a new thesis, and so on. In our topic modeling,
ism against it when the company’s focus on profit clashes this dialectical progression is captured by two closely re-

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with the consumer’s environmental concerns (Kozinets and lated market process topics: topic 7 (communities and con-
Handelman 2004). Conversely, activism can turn into posi- sumption movements) and topic 8 (legitimation of
tive engagement when a company seems responsive to the consumption practices) (see table 1).
consumer’s desire (Scaraboto and Fischer 2013), or when Using the previous coffee consumption-manifestation
the firm placates the consumer with a corporate social re- example, one might view the centuries-old practice of
sponsibility campaign. home-brewed coffee consumed at home as an original the-
In addition to these vertical and/or horizontal move- sis. An antithesis is consuming instant coffee instead,
ments, there are also diagonal dynamics between alienation which stems from the consumerist ideology of convenience
and engagement, and between reconcilement and activism. demanded by a faster pace of modern life. A synthesis
Thompson and Haytko (1997) illustrate this dynamic be- occurs when consumers seek quick but still well-brewed
tween alienation and engagement as follows: consumers coffee (e.g., from Starbucks), which also relies on the logic
can simultaneously feel alienated from but also engage of consistent quality delivered by a global chain.
with the fashion system and ultimately conform to the Independent cafes offer consumers, especially hipsters, a
dominant system. Information-processing research has also new thesis as local (vs. global) places that provide roasted
demonstrated that ideological values drive engagement and brewed coffee in a nostalgic way. This was the state of
with some brands and alienation from other brands affairs when Thompson and Arsel (2004) conducted their
(Shepherd et al. 2015). Consumers who engage with spe- study on the “Starbucks Brandscape.” Since then, the mar-
cific brands while simultaneously rejecting others often ket has again moved on. By incorporating hipster and indie
portray supporters of brands they reject in moralistic tones elements, Starbucks began to co-opt the new thesis and cre-
(Luedicke et al. 2010). Consumers also establish moral ated yet another synthesis (e.g., Starbucks Reserve
norms depending on the use (or misuse) of specific brands Roastery). As the hipster lifestyle is becoming a fad of the
(Mu~niz and O’Guinn 2001). past, a new thesis is likely to emerge. In sum, from a con-
Arsel and Thompson (2011) illustrate the dynamic be- sumption ideology perspective, coffee consumption in its
tween reconcilement and activism in the context of indie various forms over time must be understood in terms of di-
consumption. To protect their identity (and worldview), alectic progression.
consumers who are reconciled with indie consumption Similarly, in fashion, pr^et-a-porter (mass-produced
insulate their cultural capital from potential devaluation “ready to wear” apparel) is an antithesis to hand-made,
by demythologizing unwanted (“commercial”) consump- haute couture luxury; yet the two are dialectically related,
tion practices by hipsters, whom they consider unwanted as well-illustrated in the Cerulean Monologue in The Devil
imitators who were late to engage with their preferred Wears Prada. Dialectic conflicts also occur in the adoption
music. Indie consumers employ subtle forms of activism of new technologies. To be digitally connected and to be
such as buying unpopular brands, ostracizing hipsters as part of a hyper-connected world, individuals must share
illegitimate imitators, and invoking an alternative system personal information (including very private aspects)
of symbolic meaning. Moreover, Kozinets (2008) illus- (Swaminathan et al. 2020). At the same time, they may
trates the dynamic between reconcilement and activism challenge the dominant view, e.g., boycotting social media
regarding technology. Consumers may see technology in such as Twitter and subscribing to alternative social media
a reconciling mode as a myth to worship and as a posi- platforms.
tive force (what Kozinets refers to as “techtopia”) or, Dialectic progression is a “hyper-process” that can lead
from an activist’s perspective, as a destroyer of nature to three other processes, which we refer to as “systemic
(“green luddite”). Notably, consumers use and combine appropriation,” “symptomatic oscillation,” and
different elements of ideology fluidly and shift from one “ideological co-optation.” When consumers conform to the
ideological element to another in their speech acts and market (Hirschman 1990; Schouten and McAlexander
practices. 1995), such conformity affirms the market, and the
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 85

behavior is appropriated by the system of consumerism by Gucci sells fishnet bags; and Adidas in a collaboration with
offering “more of the same.” In contrast, when consumers Stella McCartney sells upcycled sneakers and clothing.
resist, market rejection may lead to “symptomatic oscil- Upcycling originated as a class-based phenomenon in
 zek (2012). Consumers are calling for
lation,” following Zi developing countries among the poorest segments of con-
an antithesis to the popular thesis to fulfill their desires. sumers who re-use and transform old materials and items
The lack of fulfillment of the desire may result in an oscil- because they lack the fundamental resources for the prod-
lating crisis of desires and fantasies and quasi-existential ucts they need (Goldsmith 2009). In developed countries,
questions about consumerism related to issues such as sus- upcycling has taken the form of an active resistance to con-
tainability, poverty, and injustice. However, the system sumerist pressure to always buy new products (e.g., pur-
may also respond and incorporate the anti-thesis, thus chasing new clothes every season or changing home
guaranteeing the market’s dialectic progression. Co- accessories frequently without a real need to do so).
optation theory views the latter process as an ideological Drawing on the relevant constructs, and their relation-

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force that assimilates the symbols and practices of counter- ships in our theoretical framework, we conceptualize upcy-
cultures into dominant norms (Hebdige 1979/2012), acting cling as a manifestation of consumption ideology resulting
as a countervailing market response (Giesler 2008; from conflicts in the consumer’s lived experience between
Thompson and Coskuner-Balli 2007). the consumerist objective of constantly buying new prod-
To summarize, we have developed and presented a theo- ucts and consumers’ desire to reduce consumption.
retical framework of consumption ideology that integrates Following our framework, while certain consumers con-
social theory and prior consumer research related to ideol- form to the idea of constantly acquiring new and original
ogy. This new framework posits that ideas and ideals re- products and thus enforce the systemic appropriation of
lated to consumerism are part of a consumer’s lived consumption, other consumers resist consumerist pres-
experience and manifest themselves in consumption. We sures. The rejection of the market leads consumers into an
propose that consumerism and its institutions prescribe oscillating crisis: they want to fulfill their desires and
how consumers satisfy desires, and, conversely, how con- maybe acquire new products, yet they are concerned about
sumers evoke marketplace fantasies. Consumption ideol- the environmental impact this outcome can have. We pro-
ogy is present in various consumption domains and affects pose that consumers attempt to resolve the symptomatic
consumption orientations, thereby contributing to the dia- oscillation through participation in the creation of new
lectic progression of markets. objects by reusing materials and products they possess.
Next, we illustrate the consumption-ideology framework While some consumers do so for their personal use, others
with three contemporary consumption cases—upcycling, sell them on specialized platforms (e.g., Etsy.com), thereby
Zoom backgrounds, and TikTok. We then identify research moving from activism against the market to engagement
gaps and lay out mandates for future research programs on with it. Such a path may lead to an ideological co-optation
consumption ideology. by the market that incorporates the upcycling manifestation
into consumerism. As companies start producing upcycled
items on their own, they subjectify the desiring and fanta-
CASES ILLUSTRATING THE sizing of individuals in their role as consumers. Hence, the
FRAMEWORK product is not just “upcycled” (and therefore sustainable),
but “upcycled by Freitag” (or Gucci, or Adidas and Stella
The following three cases are not meant to be complete McCartney), thereby turning the product into a sublime
studies of consumption ideology. Rather, to illustrate the consumption object. Consumers are prepared to pay a
value of the framework, we discuss how contemporary higher price for it after this sublimification; they can also
consumption phenomena may be approached and studied use the product or brand in status games (e.g., as a luxury
using the framework. upcycled product) and as an identity or lifestyle symbol
(e.g., as a niche subcultural brand).
As consumers accept or reject the market, they socially
From Trash to Fifth Avenue: Upcycling represent an upcycled item as an expensive and elitist prod-
Upcycling is the transformation of waste materials or uct, a must-have object, or an outrageous attempt to capi-
discarded products into new materials or products (Wilson talize on an environmental issue. Consumption ideology
2016), for example, by making flowerpots out of old car inherent in upcycling may then enter another cycle of the
tires, furniture out of empty oil barrels, or jewelry from dialectic process. Consumers can affirm the market by rec-
skateboards. Some companies have capitalized on the com- onciling with the idea of upcycling as a new form of fash-
mercial opportunities of this new consumption phenome- ion. Conversely, they may reject this proposition and find
non generated in response to the overproduction of waste. alternatives to the ones the market offers.
For example, Swiss company Freitag sells one-of-a-kind Examining upcycling through the lenses of our theoreti-
bags and accessories made from recycled truck tarps; cal framework may also generate future lines of enquiry.
86 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

For example, future studies should investigate whether the once safeguard the institution’s reputation, achieve equity
commercialization of upcycled goods generates new forms objectives, or protect individual privacy (Fosslien and
of consumer entrepreneurship, and even counterfeiting, by West Duffy 2020). Platforms such as Zoom support such
consumers seeking economic opportunities. As our frame- systemic efforts by providing individuals with default vir-
work implies, consumers who think that big corporations tual backgrounds that can be used to mask their real private
capitalize on the re-use of waste may cease to recycle—a or public settings. Consumers, in turn, may conform by
new form of boycott—, paradoxically going against the reconciling and engaging with such prescriptions, thereby
pro-environmental ideas of upcycling in the future. affirming and perpetuating what the market has to offer.
Alternatively, consumers may engage in upcycling for pro- Consumers may also contribute by creating their own set-
gressive reasons—to help disadvantaged groups. For in- tings based on their desires and fantasies, and the most
stance, an initiative is making rounds on WhatsApp among popular backgrounds may be analyzed and commercialized
parents whose children attend private primary schools in by service providers. However, consumers may also reject

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well-off districts in central London. The campaign asks the the adoption of backgrounds. As our framework suggests,
parents to financially support “a worthy eco-project,” this rejection may engender an alienation that may turn
aimed at producing upcycled goods for the homeless (e.g., into activism, namely, refusing to turn on webcams during
waterproof sleeping bag covers). meetings.
By examining the Zoom background phenomenon from
a consumption-ideology perspective, our framework con-
“Masking” Reality: Zoom Backgrounds tributes new insights into consumer-market processes in
The global Covid-19 pandemic has forced millions of the realm of technology adoption and diffusion. As our
people to safeguard their health by staying at home and analysis shows, the market can profit from consumers’ fan-
working remotely. Such a measure has led to the prolifera- tasies and desires. As other virtual objects such as emojis
tion and vast use of online communication platforms for or apps (Ge and Gretzel 2018), virtual backgrounds can be
video-telephony such as Zoom. As a result, homes have co-opted and transformed into profitable products. Niche
been transformed, in part, from private into public spaces. websites like hellobackground.com and even mainstream
We propose that the background spaces behind the meet- companies like Penguin Random House have begun to sell
ing participants constitute a manifestation of consumption packages of professionally edited backgrounds. Similarly,
ideology. From curated bookshelves to abstract paintings, new professional figures like “background advisors” or
from exotic plants to precious souvenirs from vacation “bookshelves curators” have emerged to help consumers
trips, from sophisticated technological equipment to mini- stylize their Zoom backgrounds.
malist furniture and Peloton exercising gear, these back- Future research questions may emerge from the applica-
grounds provide a plethora of ideological objects to tion of our theoretical framework to Zoom backgrounds.
showcase consumption fantasies and dreams. Zoom calls Scholars may study how consumers seek to fulfill their
are thus transformed into glamorous activities, with spe- desires of being somewhere else or someone else once they
cific social prescriptions and netiquettes depending on the leave their secure and controllable household environment.
occasion (Kaysen 2020). Virtual bookshelves have become For example, the return to “reality” (a life not staged in the
arenas where consumption sublimification reaches its front of a Zoom background) may impact consumer well-
peak: Das Kapital or Capitalism and Freedom? The Holy being, luring consumers toward engaging in conspicuous
Bible or On the Origin of Species? Experiential Marketing consumption or overconsumption of certain goods (includ-
or No Logo? ing, perhaps, addictive ones), which may constitute new
Following our framework, the backgrounds become sub- masking devices that consumers may turn to.
lime objects of consumption rather than mere masking
devices (Canniford and Shankar 2013). Once the Lacanian
Real is concealed, consumers can freely desire to be some-
where else (on vacation at a remote Pacific atoll) or even
The Commercialization of TikTok
be someone else, for example, someone with a different Launched in China in 2016, the social media platform
status (posing in front of a Lamborghini) or with a different TikTok has rapidly grown in popularity, with 500 million
identity (sitting in a library representing human knowl- monthly active users by the end of 2020. Beyond its
edge). The background, therefore, abandons its original rel- “outsider” origins (the first major social media platform
egated role of a mere contour of the call experience to created outside the hegemony of Silicon Valley), the nature
become the core of the experience itself: a sublime object and features of TikTok have revolutionized the consump-
that is ready-made for consumption itself. At the same tion of social media. By applying our theoretical frame-
time, institutions including corporations and universities work to analyze the TikTok phenomenon, we can unveil
subjectify users by recommending—or demanding—the the processes that characterize TikTok as an example of
adoption of plain and opportune backgrounds that may at consumption ideology.
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 87

Aimed mainly at a 14- to 24-year-old target audience, As TikTok becomes increasingly commercialized, new
TikTok focuses on creating entertainment content. Users content could arise from user desires and fantasies, eventu-
can upload their own one-minute videos, for example, ally becoming co-opted and integrated into TikTok. Brands
comedy sketches, dancing, music performances, often imi- are using the platform already for influencer marketing
tating famous singers (with the lip-syncing function being (Swaminathan et al. 2020). However, our framework can
one of the major selling points of TikTok). Following our also generate future research directions beyond influencer
framework, such features enable individuals to redirect marketing. For example, future research may investigate
their desires and fantasies and transform their lived experi- how the platform co-opts other parts of the entertainment
ence. Some consumers may want to just have fun while and cultural industries (beyond music) (e.g., micro-videos
pretending to be comedians, dancers, or singers. Others on arts, education, and politics). Researchers may also in-
may experience a symptomatic oscillation: they desire to vestigate whether new partnerships between the public and
showcase their talent and fantasize about success while the private sectors generate more inclusive and accessible

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protesting the systemic apparatus of show business. For ex- cultural resources or result in new form of cultural hegem-
ample, singer Lyn Lapid started a TikTok account to ex- onies. Simplicity and brevity may, for example, replace
press disappointment with a greedy music producer who depth and thoroughness in determining consumer decisions
had turned the singer down (Smith Galer 2020). The ac- and preferences. Finally, future research may investigate
count rapidly hit over 64 million followers, turning Lyn how new artists and con-artists, social influencers and po-
Lapid into a celebrity. Since TikTok heavily relies on algo- litical leaders can arise and be chosen through the platform,
rithms to provide users with content they may like, some pushing it beyond the entertainment experience and kin-
have argued that the app almost mimics a democratic soci- dling the dialectic process of consumption ideology.
ety. Allegedly, users have the same baseline opportunity
for their content to become a hit, regardless of the current Summary
number of followers or likes. However, TikTok, like other
platforms, also subjectifies users with several regulations Three cases—upcycling, Zoom backgrounds, and the
about the content. Such prescriptions entail, among others, commercialization of TikTok—illustrate how the
a restricted length of the content (one minute or less), the consumption-ideology framework can offer valuable
preference for certain genres and styles, as well as a ban on insights about these phenomena and their progression over
and control over content that may be considered time. As we illustrated, a consumption-ideology analysis
“dangerous.” Hence, even if multifaceted, the cultural capi- should not only focus on parts of the framework—for ex-
tal of the content on TikTok is still indirectly controlled ample, class, status or identity conflicts, the lived experi-
and filtered. Furthermore, from a systemic perspective, ence, conformity or resistance orientations, or co-optation,
other agencies may interfere in the proliferation of content. as much prior research has done—but rather analyze ideo-
Private companies may dictate which content is worth logical originations, manifestations, and processes jointly
sponsoring, or national governments may impose bans or to do full justice to consumption ideology at play.
restrictions based on political, religious, or other ideologi- Furthermore, by illuminating how ideologically mediated
cal grounds. consumer desires make consumption objects and experien-
Applying our framework to this scenario, consumers ces sublime and contribute to market dynamism, we add
may interact with TikTok in various ways: they can rec- theoretical clarity and nuance toward explaining how con-
oncile with the idea of this new form of entertainment by sumers and institutions engage in ideological co-work to
only watching the provided content without creating their sustain markets. Finally, the consumption-ideology frame-
own videos. Interestingly, even if this mode of articula- work can help researchers generate new research questions
tion may seem passive, it still contributes to feeding the on consumption phenomena such as upcycling, Zoom
algorithms and in determining what the dominant trends backgrounds, and the usage of TikTok.
are. Consumers may also engage in the production of their
own content, thus perpetuating the system. Alternatively, FUTURE RESEARCH PROGRAMS ON
consumers may reject TikTok, and even actively protest it CONSUMPTION IDEOLOGY
(by boycotting the platform and the content it promotes).
Notably, consumers may shift back and forth among these The framework presented here highlights several major
modes over time. Consumers who were initially alienated research gaps. First, prior research has mostly examined
from such platforms may gradually become interested in manifestations in highly circumscribed consumption
them and reconcile with the idea, ultimately becoming domains and at best alluded to ideological formation (spe-
content creators. Conversely, content creators who are cific constructs applied in that context such as habitus,
dissatisfied with the platform may actively contest it or responsibilization or governmentality). These studies
abandon it and move toward other entertainment amount to what Pham (2013), in a critique of consumer re-
platforms. search, has called “theories of studies,” that is, in this case,
88 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

“micro-theorizations” of ideological manifestations in spe- consumer choice, or the distinction of material vs. experi-
cific contexts. Because of the lack of a full-fledged theory ential consumption) systemically instilled into consumer
of consumption ideology, few attempts have been made to desires? What processes are involved in turning ordinary
integrate analyses at the group level (e.g., Bourdieuean marketplace artifacts (products and brands) into sublime
work) with an analysis of the system (e.g., Foucauldian objects of desire? How do consumers interpret and negoti-
theories of governmentality and subjectification) and an ate the information/prescriptions that come from institu-
 zekian
analysis of individual desires (e.g., Lacanian and Zi tions and may affect their lived experiences by
theories of desire). Relatedly, much research has focused constraining their desires such as when restrictive policies
on manifestations without accounting for their ideological are introduced through “nudges” or in “politically correct”
originations. Finally, with few exceptions (e.g., the work consumption?
on co-optation and marketplace drama), ideology has not
been studied dynamically as a dialectic progression over

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Tracing Consumption Manifestations Back to
time. This critique, together with our theoretical frame-
work, leads to three research mandates for multiple re-
Ideological Originations
search programs on consumption ideology: (1) Many studies that we reviewed focus on ideological for-
incorporating the system and desires into the consumer’s mations in highly circumscribed consumption contexts
lived experience, (2) tracing consumption manifestations such as buying halal burgers (Johnson, Thomas, and Grier
back to ideological origins, and (3) elucidating the dialectic 2017), pursuing natural hair care practices in Kenya
progression of consumption ideology. (Ndichu and Upadhyaya 2019), or engaging in illicit con-
sumption of rhino horns (Truong, Dang, and Hall 2016).
Incorporating the System and Desires into the We propose that these highly contextualized, in-depth stud-
ies be supplemented by a broader consideration of explana-
Lived Experience tory factors. In other words, we propose a research
Research has primarily concentrated on social-group- program that traces consumption manifestations back to
based concepts to study the role of ideology in social val- their ideological origins. This may address the following
ues, meaning, and identity. We recommend more integra- research questions: Do the types of consumption domains
tion of this largely ethnographic perspective, which is that we distinguished based on topic modeling (i.e., status-
centered on cultural aspects of the consumer’s lived experi- based consumption, brand affinity and antipathy, per-
ence, with a systemic, sociological perspective that focuses formed practices, and political consumption) show distinct
on social interests and a psychological/psychoanalytic per- origination patterns? How important are systemic consum-
spective that considers ideology as an indispensable part of erist factors relative to consumer desires in leading to these
social reality motivated by desires and fantasies. types? For example, are political consumption and per-
Combining the intergroup perspective with the systemic formed practices more systemically determined whereas
and social-reality perspectives may result in research pro- status-based consumption and brand affinity and antipathy
grams that examine the sociological, ethnographic, and reflect unfulfilled desires? In addition, do the orientations
psychological underpinnings of consumption ideology in a of reconcilement, engagement, alienation, and activism,
multi-disciplinary fashion, leading to the following exem- which numerous studies have investigated contextually, re-
plary research questions: How can systemic aspects related late more generally to conflicts or conflict resolutions be-
to consumerism (e.g., “buy more,” “buy new things,” or tween the system and consumer desires? Finally, future
“signal your status through consumption”) stimulate con- research should investigate how ideologies (e.g., neoliber-
sumer desires, be embraced as values, and become a part alism, feminism, environmentalism, or postmodernism) in-
of consumer identity? Which institutions (e.g., sales chan- teract with the ideology of consumerism to engender novel
nels like retailing or e-commerce, trade vs. consumer pro- manifestations of consumption ideology in specific
tection, advertising or social media) best represent contexts.
consumerist ideologies? Finally, what new positive ideas,
ideals, and institutions do consumers imagine as represent- Elucidating the Dialectic Progression of
ing their desires (e.g., virtual assistants, empowering apps,
or sustainability squads)?
Consumption Ideology
A related research program should examine the comple- Finally, we suggest research on dialectic progression
mentary processes of consumer subjectification and con- and its related processes of systemic appropriation, symp-
sumption sublimification, as well as the conflict tomatic oscillation, and ideological co-optation. When are
dimensions we identified. This research program would ad- these processes likely to occur? How do dialectics and their
dress several unanswered research questions: How are related processes unfold over time? Longitudinal and even
ideological, consumerist knowledge and power structures historical studies using a dialectic perspective may be in-
(e.g., the notion of consumer value, the importance of structive (Arsel and Thompson 2011). For example, a
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 89

research program on digital technologies may investigate CONCLUSION

how ideas and ideals about technology affect society, so-
cial life, and social reality dialectically over time. In this There is no escaping the spectral hand of ideology.
respect, Negroponte (1995) provides a core dimension— Ideology is omnipresent in people’s lives and manifests it-
“atoms” versus “bits”—which seems to be relevant for in- self as a consumption ideology when consumers buy and
vestigating consumer experiences in stores versus online, use marketplace products, services, and experiences. That
with augmented versus virtual realities, and real money is, consumption ideology is part of any consumer’s social
versus cryptocurrency. How does this dichotomy shape reality. Consumers are subject to the workings of ideology
consumers’ ideological discourse and actions dialectically either consciously or unconsciously when they reflect and
over time? Another dimension that is relevant to studying enact ideology through consumption. We have much to
the ideological aspects of technology is “real” versus learn from research about the dialectic nature and effects
“fake.” In a Lacanian sense, is an anonymous “friend” on- of consumption ideology.

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line part of the “Real” or is the “friend” entirely a con-
sumer fantasy? Finally, a third dimension that may
dialectically progress is “human” versus “machine.”
Technology invades consumers’ lives in the form of AI DATA COLLECTION INFORMATION
and robotics, but, conversely, consumers may technologi-
cally augment their bodies and minds via implants of non- The data set comprises 168 abstracts of published
human, technological parts or synthetic tissue and organs, articles. Based on all authors’ instructions, a research assis-
for example. tant performed the search of relevant published articles
Digital technologies also create new ideological catego- based on ideology-related keywords. The initial total
ries in terms of what is being sold and what is of value. For search was supplemented based on all authors’ decision to
Marx, neo-Marxists, and Bourdieu, social reality is tied to include additional articles suggested as part of the review
and desire is triggered by the “material” (ownership of ma- process. The initial search was done in May and June
terial possessions). In contrast, digital experiences are in- 2019, and it was updated in May 2020. The topic modeling
tangible and transient. They exist “in the void” as reported in the article was done from December 2020 to
possibilities. Consumers have nothing to show for the cost February 2021. The same research assistant wrote the code
of a digital product unless it is massively shared as part of for LDA and ran the topic modeling based on the authors’
an elusive network, creating a digital symptomatology in instructions. The data, the R code, and the custom
sharing selfies and “food porn” (McDonnell 2016), as well dictionary are stored in a project directory on the Open
as tagging shopping locations and joint app usage to gain Science Framework at https://osf.io/cxk2g/?view_
commercial benefit. only¼fb495bb0c63b4dbbab085c3a48c5d80e.
90 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

APPENDIX: SELECT CRITICAL THEORIES ON SOCIAL CATEGORIES

Examples of consumer research

Key references related works Critical propositions
Gender and feminist theories Butler, Judith (1990), Gender Bristor, Julia M., and Eileen Sex and gender are social cate-
Trouble: Feminism and The Fischer (1993), “Feminist gories. Social power is embed-
Subversion of Identity, New Thought: Implications for ded in gender. Power is
York, NY: Routledge Consumer Research,” Journal reproduced in the gendered ev-
Haraway, Donna (1997), of Consumer Research, 19 eryday activities of individuals
Modest_Witness@Second_Mill- (March), 518–36
ennium: Famaleman_ Schroeder, Jonathan E., and

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Meets_Oncomouse, New York, Janet L. Borgerson (1998),
NY: Routledge “Marketing Images of Gender:
Smith, Dorothy E. (1990), The A Visual Analysis,”
Conceptual Practices of Power: Consumption, Markets &
A Feminist Sociology of Culture, 2(2), 161–201
Knowledge, Boston, MA: Tuncay Zayer, Linda and
Northeastern University Press Catherine A. Coleman (2015),
“Advertising Professionals’
Perceptions of the Impact of
Gender Portrayals on Men and
Women: A Question of
Ethics?,” Journal of Advertising,
44 (3), 1–12
Post-colonialism Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, Olivotti, Francesca (2016), “The Individuals’ behaviors and identi-
and Helen Tiffin, (eds), (1995), Paradox of Exclusion and ties are shaped as a conse-
The Post-Colonial Studies Multiculturalism in Postcolonial quence of the control and
Reader. London, UK: Identity,” Consumption Markets exploitation exercised by colo-
Routledge & Culture, 19(5), 475–96 nizers on the physical, political,
McLeod, John (2010), Beginning Brace-Govan, Janice and He lène cultural, and economic
Postcolonialism (2nd ed.). de Burgh-Woodman (2008), environments
Manchester, UK: Manchester “Sneakers and Street Culture: A
University Press Postcolonial Analysis of
Young, Robert J.C. (1995), Marginalized Cultural
Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Consumption,” Consumption
Theory, Culture and Race. Markets & Culture, 11(2), 93–
London, UK: Routledge 112
Rohit Varman (2017), “Curry,”
Consumption Markets &
Culture, 20 (4), 350–56
Queer theory De Lauretis, Teresa (1991), Kapoor, Vikram and Russell W. Socially established norms and
“Queer theory: Gay and lesbian Belk (2020), “Coping and binary categories restrain possi-
sexualities,” Differences: A Career Choices: Irish Gay bilities and identities through di-
Journal of Feminist Cultural Men’s Passage From chotomies, e.g., masculine/
Studies, 3 (2), 3–18 Hopelessness To Redemption,” feminine or heterosexual/
Jagose, Annamarie and Corinna Consumption Markets & homosexual
Genschel (1996), Queer theory, Culture, doi: 10.1080/
Melbourne, AU: Melbourne 10253866.2020.1784733
University Press Kates, Steven M. (2002), “The
Turner, William B. (2000), A Protean Quality of Subcultural
Genealogy of Queer Theory, Consumption: An Ethnographic
Philadelphia, PA: Temple Account of Gay Consumers,”
University Press Journal of Consumer Research,
Wilchins, Riki (2004), Queer 29 (March), 383–99
Theory, Gender Theory: An Walters, Andrew S., and Lisa J.
Instant Primer, Los Angeles, Moore (2002), “Attention All
CA: Alyson Books Shoppers, Queer Customers in
Aisle Two: Investigating
Lesbian and Gay Discrimination
in the Marketplace,”
Consumption, Markets &
Culture, 5(4) 285–303
SCHMITT, BRAKUS, AND BIRAGLIA 91

TABLE (CONTINUED)
Examples of consumer research
Key references related works Critical propositions
Race theories Hall, Stuart (1980), “Race, Crockett, David (2008). Race is used as a systemic ex-
Articulation and Societies “Marketing Blackness: How ploitative social category.
Structured in Dominance,” in Advertisers Use Race to Sell Discourses in society are infil-
Sociological Theories: Race Products,” Journal of Consumer trating racialized subjects
and Colonialism, Paris, FR: Culture, 8 (July), 245–68
UNESCO, 305–45 Schaap Julian and Pauwke
Merchant, Carolyn (2003), Berkers (2019), “Maybe
“Shades of Darkness: Race and it’s . . . Skin Colour?” How Race-
Environmental History,” Ethnicity and Gender Function
Environmental History 8(July), in Consumers’ Formation of
380–94 Classification Styles of Cultural

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Said, Edward W. (1979), Content,” Consumption Markets
Orientalism, New York, NY: & Culture, 23 (6), 599–615
Vintage Books Sobande, Francesca, Anne
Wilderson, Frank (2010), Red, Fearfull, and Douglas Brownlie
White & Black: Cinema and the (2019), “Resisting Media
Structure of U.S. Antagonisms. Marginalisation: Black
Durham, NC: Duke University Women’s Digital Content and
Press Collectivity,” Consumption
Markets & Culture, 23 (5), 413–
28
Intersectionality Crenshaw, Kimberle  (1989), Karababa, Eminegül (2012), Several aspects of an individual’s
“Demarginalizing the “Approaching Non-Western personal, social, and political
Intersection of Race and Sex: A Consumer Cultures from a identities are combined to cre-
Black Feminist Critique of Historical Perspective: The ate unique modes of discrimi-
Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Case of Early Modern Ottoman nation or privilege
Feminist Theory and Antiracist Consumer Culture,” Marketing
Politics,” University of Chicago Theory, 12 (March), 13–25
Legal Forum, 139–68 Pen~aloza, Lisa (1994),
Collins, Patricia Hill (1990), Black “Atravesando Fronteras/Border
Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Crossings: A Critical
Consciousness, and the Politics Ethnographic Exploration of the
of Empowerment, New York, Consumer Acculturation of
NY: Routledge Mexican Immigrants,” Journal
May, Vivian M. (2015), Pursuing of Consumer Research, 21
Intersectionality, Unsettling (June), 32–54
Dominant Imaginaries, New Varman, Rohit and Ram Manohar
York and London, UK: Vikas (2007), “Freedom and
Routledge Consumption: Toward
Conceptualizing Systemic
Constraints for Subaltern
Consumers in a Capitalist
Society,” Consumption Markets
& Culture, 10 (2), 117–31
92 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

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