Copyright American Psychological Association

CONTENTS

Preface  xix

I. Introducing Community Psychology

Chapter 1 The Fundamentals of Community Psychology:
Promoting Social Change 1
What Is Community Psychology?  3
Individualistic Versus Structural Perspectives  6
Community Psychology: A Shift in Perspective  8
Persons, Contexts, and Change  9
Persons and Contexts  9
Structural Perspectives and First-Order and Second-Order
Change 11
Ecological Levels of Analysis in Community Psychology  15
Individuals 17
Microsystems 17
Organizations 18
Localities 18
Macrosystems 19
Levels of Intervention  20
Eight Core Values in Community Psychology  22
Social Justice  25
Respect for Human Diversity  25
Sense of Community  26
Collective Wellness  26
Empowerment and Citizen Participation  27
Collaboration 27
Empirical Grounding  28
Multilevel, Strengths-Based Perspective  28
The Interrelationship of Community Psychology Values  28
Overview of This Book  30
Using Respectful Language to Discuss Social Identities  30
Learning Goals  31

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Chapter 2 The Development and Practice of Community

Psychology 33
Community Psychology as a Linking Science and
a Linking Practice 35
The Practice of Psychology in the 20th Century  36
Individualistic Practice  37
Psychology in Cultural Perspective  38
The Formative Contexts of Community Psychology  39
The Growth of Psychology After World War II  39
Preventive Perspectives on Problems in Living  41
Reforms in Mental Health Systems  42
Group Dynamics and Action Research  45
Movements for Social Change and Liberation  47
Undercurrents of Optimism  50
Community Psychology: Developing an Identity  51
The Swampscott Conference  51
Establishing a Field of Community Psychology  52
Community Psychology in Shifting Social Contexts  53
Societal Shifts Toward Individual-Level Conceptualization of
Social Problems  54
Emergence of Globalization as a Movement  55
Defining Social Issues in Progressive and Conservative
Eras 56
Developing New Conceptual Frameworks to Inform the Practice of
Community 58
Addressing Social Issues and Equity  58
Bottom-Up and Top-Down: Contrasting Approaches to Social
Change 61
Diversity of Viewpoints, Divergent Reasoning, and
Dialogue 62
What Do Community Psychologists Do?  63
Training for Community Psychology  63
Community Psychology Practice  64
Community Psychology Practice Skills  65
Ethics in Community Psychology  69
The Global Contexts of Community Psychology  70
Unique Development in Different Contexts  71
Community Psychology in North America  71
Community Psychology in Latin America  72
Community Psychology in Europe, Australia, and
New Zealand 73
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Community Psychology in Africa  74

Community Psychology in Asia  75
Moving Toward Global Dialogues in Community
Psychology 76
Conclusion 77

II. Community Research

Chapter 3 The Aims of Community Research 80
Action Research in Community Psychology  81
Community Research Practice: Shared Commitments in
Contextually Grounded Inquiry  83
Examining the Values and Assumptions We Bring to Our
Work 84
Three Philosophies of Science for Community Psychology
Research 84
Problem Definition in Research  88
Attending to Marginalized Voices  89
Promoting Community Participation and Collaboration in
Research Decisions  91
Developing a Relationship “Before the Beginning”  93
Research Decisions: Defining the Topic and
Collecting Data 95
Interpreting Findings  96
Reporting Research and Evaluating Its Impact  97
Ethics of Participatory Approaches  101
Attending to the Cultural and Social Contexts of Research  102
Three Methodological Issues Involving Culture  102
Conducting Culturally Anchored Research  105
Conducting Research With an Ecological Perspective  107
An Example of the Importance of Considering Levels of
Analysis: Supported Housing Environments  107
How Can Ecological Levels Be Studied?  108
Conclusion 109
Chapter 4 Methods of Community Psychology
Research 111
Answering Research Questions in Community Psychology  113
Qualitative Methods  113
Participant Observation  116
Qualitative Interviewing  117
Focus Groups  118
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Case Studies  119

Two Concluding Issues  122
Quantitative Methods  124
Common Features of Quantitative Methods  125
Quantitative Description and Inference  126
Randomized Field Experiments  130
Nonequivalent Comparison Group Designs  132
Interrupted Time-Series Designs  134
Mixed-Methods Research  137
Combining Participatory Methods and GIS Mapping to
Understand Community  138
A Mixed-Methods Evaluation of Peer Support for Early
Adolescents 138
A Mixed-Methods Evaluation of the Sexual Assault Nurse
Examiner Program  140
Conclusion 141

III. Understanding Communities

Chapter 5 Understanding Individuals Within
Environments 144
Conceptual Models of Ecological Context  147
Four Ecological Principles  147
Social Climate Dimensions  152
Social Regularities  154
Ecological Psychology and Behavior Settings  155
Activity Settings  158
Environmental Psychology  161
Comparing the Six Perspectives on Ecological Context: An
Example 163
The Importance of Understanding Ecological Contexts for
Intervention 166
Research: Linking Neighborhoods, Families, and
Individuals 166
Promoting Neighborhood Quality of Life  171
Creating and Altering Settings  172
The Community Lodge: Creating an Alternative Setting  172
Conclusion: Promise and Challenges of Changing
Environments 176
How Are Contexts Both Powerful and Fragile in Their
Influences on Individuals?  176
How Can We Understand Ecological Contexts as Dynamic
Systems That Change Over Time?  177
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How Can We Clarify the Mutual Relationships Between

Individuals and Contexts?  177
How Are Ecological Contexts Influenced by Culture, Ethnicity,
Gender, and Other Social Processes?  177
Chapter 6 What Defines Community? 179
An Ecological-Transactional Model of Communities  180
What Is a Community?  181
Types of Communities  182
Levels of Communities  183
Who Defines Communities?  184
Sense of Community  185
Benefits of a Sense of Community  186
Four Elements of Sense of Community  188
Questions and Issues for Defining and Measuring Sense of
Community 191
Concepts Related to Sense of Community  192
The Complex Realities of Communities  194
Counterspaces 196
Multiple Communities in a Person’s Life  198
Conflict and Change Within a Community  199
Respect for Diversity and Sense of Community  201
The Importance of Community  202
Social Capital  202
Building Communities  206
The Physical and Natural Environments  207
Sense of Community Online  209
Hope, Spirituality, and Transcendence in Relation to Sense of
Community 211
Conclusion 213
Chapter 7 Understanding Human Diversity in Context 214
Fostering Brave Spaces: An Invitation to Engage In Diversity
Conversations With Courage and Humility  215
What Is Human Diversity?  216
Intersectionality: A Tool for Understanding Human Diversity  217
Key Dimensions of Human Diversity for Community
Psychology 218
Culture 219
Race, Ethnicity, Gender, and Social Class  220
Dimensions of Diversity Receiving Greater Attention in
Community Psychology  224
Social Inequities  229
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Experience of Culture and Dimensions of Diversity: Socialization in

Cultural Communities  229
Revitalizing Activity Settings in an Alaska Native
Community 230
Developing Counterspaces as Activity Settings  231
Identity Development and Acculturation  232
Identity Development Models  232
Acculturation Models  235
Psychological Acculturation  236
The Need for a Contextual Perspective in Acculturation  238
Concepts of Liberation, Oppression, and Decoloniality  240
Oppression: Initial Definitions  241
Oppression: Multiple Ecological Levels  244
The Liberation Perspective: A Call to Action  248
Attending to Diversity in the Practices of Community
Psychology 250
Cultural Competence Across Levels of Analysis  250
When Values of Diversity and Community Conflict  251
When Culture and Liberation Conflict  252
Designing Culturally Anchored Community Programs  254
Conclusion 254

IV. Collective and Community Responses to Challenges

Chapter 8 Empowerment and Citizen Participation 257
What Is Empowerment?  259
The Context and Limits of Empowerment  260
What Is Citizen Participation?  261
Citizen Participation in Action  263
Citizen Participation: A Means or an End?  265
Multiple Forms of Power  266
Power Over, To, and From  266
Integrative Power  268
Three Instruments of Social Power  269
Summary Thoughts on Power  274
How Do Citizens Become Empowered Leaders in Their
Communities? 275
Personal Qualities for Citizen Participation and
Empowerment 277
Sense of Community and Citizen Participation in
Neighborhood Organizations  281
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Empowering Practices and Settings  282

Empowering Practices  283
Empowering and Empowered Community Settings  283
Family Violence Coordinating Councils as Empowering
Contexts 284
Highlander Research and Education Center: An Empowering
Setting 285
Riot Youth: An LGBTQ+ Theater Group  286
Features of Empowering Practices and Settings  287
Conclusion 292
Chapter 9 Understanding Stress and Coping in
Context 294
Stress and Coping: An Ecological-Contextual Model  296
Risk and Protective Factors  297
Distal and Proximal Factors  300
Working Through the Ecological-Contextual Model  301
Distal Personal Factors  303
Proximal Stressors  303
Resources Activated for Coping  310
Coping Processes  311
Coping Outcomes  314
Interventions to Promote Coping  317
Social Support  322
Generalized and Specific Support  323
The Relationship Context of Support  323
Social Support Networks  325
Mutual Help Groups  326
Distinctive Features of Mutual Help Groups  327
Online Mutual Help  329
Mutual Help Outcomes  330
Spirituality and Coping  331
Empirical Research on Spirituality and Coping  333
Conclusion 334

V. Preventing Problems and Promoting Social

Competence
Chapter 10 Key Concepts in the Science of Prevention and
Promotion 337
Prevention and Promotion Are All Around You  338
What Is Prevention?  340
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What Is Promotion?  341

Concepts for Understanding Prevention and Promotion  341
Primary, Secondary, and Tertiary Prevention  341
Universal, Selective, and Indicated Preventive Measures  342
Prevention of Disorder and Promotion of Wellness and
Competence 343
Promotion of What? Building Resiliency  345
Putting It All Together: Addressing Risk and Protective Factors on a
Community Level  349
Applying Knowledge of Risk and Protective Factors in Your
Community 351
Do Prevention Programs Work?  355
Meta-Analyses of Prevention Programs  355
Are Prevention Programs Cost-Effective?  357
Examples of Successful Prevention and Promotion Programs  360
Prevention of HIV/AIDS Infection: Promoting Healthy Sexual
Behaviors 361
Prevention of Childhood Behavior Disorders: Promoting
Positive Parenting  364
Prevention of Bullying and School Violence: Promoting Safe
School Climates  366
The Implementation and Sustainability of Programs  369
Chapter 11 Implementing Prevention and Promotion
Programs 372
Introduction to Prevention: Program Implementation Is
Challenging 373
It’s Not Just Program Implementation, It’s Program
Innovation 375
A Brief History of Approaches to Program
Implementation 376
An Integrative Model  378
Elements of Successful Implementations  382
Evaluation as a Means to Better Implementation  383
Community-Based Participatory Action Research in Program
Implementation 385
Evaluate for Unintended Consequences  386
Examples of Successful Dissemination  387
Social-Emotional Learning Programs  387
Home-Visiting Programs  390
Applying What We Know in Program Implementation  392
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Problem Identification and Definition  392

Assessment of the Setting  393
Reviewing Available Interventions  395
Assessing the Fit Between the Program and the Setting  399
Training and Support of Staff  400
Implementing, Innovating, and Sustaining Programs  401
Cultural Diversity in Program Implementation  403
Suicide Prevention Program in Native American/Alaska
Native Communities  404
Putting It All Together  406
Chapter 12 Program Development, Evaluation, and
Improvement 408
Evaluation in Everyday Life  410
Rationale for Program Evaluation  411
It Seemed Like a Good Idea, but Is It Really Working?
(Results-Based Accountability)  411
Linkages Among Program Development, Evaluation, and
Improvement 414
Three Types of Evaluation  417
Process Evaluation  417
Formative Evaluation  418
Summative Evaluation  419
Evaluation Data Collection Methods  420
Case Example: Development, Evaluation, and Improvement of a
Mentoring Program  420
Overview of Mentoring Programs  420
How Does Mentoring Work?  424
Evaluation in Practice: GirlPOWER!  424
Making Continuous Improvements to the GirlPOWER!
Mentoring Program  426
Empowerment Evaluation  427
Principles of Empowerment Evaluation  428
Empowerment Evaluation in Action  428
Getting To Outcomes: A 10-Step Approach to Results-Based
Accountability 433
The 10 GTO Accountability Questions  433
Using Getting To Outcomes to Prevent Underage Drinking:
GTO in Action  437
Developments in GTO  444
Conclusion 445
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VI. Using Community Psychology to Promote

Community and Social Change
Chapter 13 Improving Society Through Community
Action 448
Why Should We Attempt Social Change?  450
Community Development  452
Consciousness Raising and Community Readiness  453
Direct Actions  455
Community Coalitions  458
Consultation as a Community Development Tool  460
Public Policy  461
Crime Policy: Punishment Versus Prevention  463
Macrolevel Change: Public Policy Regarding Poverty  468
Conclusion 478
Chapter 14 Emerging Challenges and Opportunities: Shifting
Perspective to Promote Change 480
Promoting Community and Social Change  482
Opportunities for Citizens  482
Community Psychologists’ Readiness to Participate in Social
Change 486
Personal Qualities That Are Helpful in Working for
Community and Social Change  487
Emerging Trends in Community Psychology  491
Broadening Commitment to Social Justice and
Social Action 491
Examples of Innovative Social Justice Research and
Practice 494
Challenges and Opportunities in Local-Global
Connectedness 496
Collaborative and Participatory Research and Action  500
Becoming a Community Psychologist  503
Careers Related to Community Psychology  503
Graduate Training in Community Psychology  505
Concluding Thoughts  507

References  509
Index  577
About the Authors  599
Copyright American Psychological Association

PREFACE

Welcome to the fourth edition of Community Psychology: Linking Individuals

and Communities! In this book, we hope to get students excited about the
work of community psychology, including research and social action, and
show how the principles of this field are applicable to everyone, including
nonpsychologists. We also take a more values-focused approach than in pre-
vious editions, one that makes more explicit the importance of social justice,
anti-racism initiatives, and creating second-order change at multiple ecolog-
ical levels.
In this new edition, we remain committed to integrating pedagogy into
the text to promote student reflection, insight, application, and action. To ac-
complish this, we have significantly expanded the book’s pedagogical features
by including additional examples and exercises that highlight how commu-
nity psychology is relevant to addressing modern societal issues, along with
extensive discussion questions that can help students internalize key concepts
and apply them to their own lives. We continue the previous editions’ pri-
mary focus on advanced undergraduate students. However, through enrich-
ment sections, updates of current research, and online discussion formats,
we have developed this book to be a resource for graduate courses as well.
Furthermore, with advances noted in this book, it can serve a third function
as a record of advances in the field for community psychology professionals.
We recognize that many students using this book in your course will not
become community psychologists. We wrote this edition to make ideas from
community psychology accessible and helpful for those who will have careers in
human services and for all of us who participate in civic life. Community psy-
chology frameworks can assist critical review of social problem definitions and
proposed solutions that students will encounter as citizens, community leaders,
and professionals. We have colleagues who have used material from the book
in social work, counseling, education, urban studies, and public health courses.
Finally, we seek to make conceptual contributions to community psychology,
posing issues for scholars and activists in our field to consider and adding to the
ongoing conversation that allows our field to evolve and grow.
We welcome two new authors to this fourth edition: Andrew D. Case and
Victoria C. Scott. They were instrumental in our discussions reflecting on de-
velopments of the field since the third edition. We wrote all our chapters after
a wide-ranging reading of new developments in the field. This edition benefits
from the multiple perspectives and varied experiences of the author team,
who used a collaborative writing process to promote continuity between the

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chapters. We challenged each other’s viewpoints and developed a consensus

for the revisions. Each chapter has a primary author whose perspective led
our revision. Bret Kloos is primary author for Chapters  2 and 14 and took
responsibility for coordination of this edition; Jean Hill is primary author for
Chapters  1, 6, 10, 11, and 13; and Elizabeth Thomas is primary author for
Chapters 3, 4, and 8. Andrew Case collaborated with Elizabeth on Chapter 7
and Bret on Chapters 5 and 9; Victoria Scott and Abe Wandersman collabo-
rated on Chapter 12.
We also want you to know that we donate 10% of our royalties to the
Society for Community Research and Action (SCRA), an international body
of community psychologists and scholars in related fields devoted to enhanc-
ing well-being and promoting social justice. To learn more about SCRA or to
become a member, see their website at http://www.scra27.org/.

Highlights and Changes to the Fourth Edition

Throughout the book, we have included greater consideration of ethics and
reflexivity in community psychology practice and research. We incorporated
more examples that demonstrate how social justice is an overarching value
of the field. For example, we extended discussion of critical perspectives and
second-order change across multiple levels of analysis. We added calls to ac-
tion for the field to incorporate decolonial perspectives as community psy-
chology evolves as a field. We also expanded discussions of minority-related
and acculturative stressors, expanded discussion of counterspaces, and intro-
duced the notion of “brave spaces” for engaging tensions and experiencing
discomfort as we learn together.
In terms of pedagogy, there are also several new features that are intend-
ed to make the content more accessible and engage students in broader dis-
cussions of what it means to “change perspective” in psychology and how
one could “do psychology” differently. We have continued the Community
Psychology in Action features from the third edition and added Changing
Perspectives features, both of which include discussion questions to encour-
age reflection and constructive critique. Each chapter begins with an opening
exercise and discussion questions to set the stage for the main themes of the
chapter. We include a marginal glossary to introduce key terms with defini-
tions immediately available for students. We have moved chapter summaries
to the book’s companion website, where student and instructor resources can
be accessed at the following link: http://pubs.apa.org/books/supp/kloos4/.
Where we had to cut material, we have also moved it to the companion web-
site to be part of the instructor’s manual so that it is still available to instruc-
tors who would like to continue to feature it in their teaching. Below, we high-
light the goals of each chapter as well as key revisions.
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Chapter 1. The Fundamentals of Community

Psychology: Promoting Social Change
The main goal of this chapter is to help students negotiate the conceptual
shift in how problems are defined and addressed to a community psychology
perspective. We developed a new exercise to link values to community re-
search and social change—testing DNA evidence of sexual assault cases that
had been warehoused. The chapter has been revised to give greater clarity
to why community psychology requires a shift in perspective. We have inte-
grated values of community psychology throughout the chapter, particularly
social justice as an overarching value for the field. We provide more examples
of the concept of second-order change at multiple ecological levels. Research
on youth participatory approaches in community research and intervention
is used to illustrate these concepts. The discussion of community psychology
values has also been modified and extended to include the concepts of collec-
tive wellness and a multilevel, strengths-based perspective.

Chapter 2. The Development and Practice of

Community Psychology
This chapter addresses how you “do psychology” differently if you have a
shift in perspective. We build on Chapter 1 by introducing theories and prac-
tices that have enabled the new field of community psychology to act upon
its shift in perspective. We emphasize the importance of problem definition
and responding to social forces in (a) understanding the development and
practice of community psychology and (b) encouraging students to exam-
ine how community responses to challenges shape the field today. We have
further developed discussion of community psychology practice, including
ethics and emerging global dialogue about viewpoints and practices across
regions. Our view of community psychology’s development is written from
a North American perspective. However, we note parallels and differences in
the practice of community psychology in different countries and regions. We
frame the chapter as an account of the ongoing development of communi-
ty psychology.

Chapter 3. The Aims of Community Research

Chapter 3 is the first of two chapters dedicated to research. It focuses on the
goals and commitments of contextually grounded inquiry, with addition-
al attention in this edition to researcher reflexivity and the ethics of partic-
ipatory and collaborative strategies. Chapter  3’s Community Psychology in
Action feature provides an updated account of a longtime partnership be-
tween researchers at the University of Illinois at Chicago and El Valor, a
community-based organization serving mostly Latinos with developmental
disabilities across the life span, as well as their families.
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Chapter 4. Methods of Community Psychology

Research
This chapter builds on themes of community collaboration, participatory ap-
proaches, and research across levels of analysis, providing illustrations of qual-
itative, quantitative, and mixed-methods research in community psychology.
This edition offers additional examples of inquiry conducted by academic and
community researchers outside North America, opening with participatory
action research from the Garo Hills region of Northern India. We include a
more extended discussion of the value of multiple methods and new examples
of mixed-methods research.

Chapter 5. Understanding Individuals Within

Environments
Chapter 5 continues our presentation of fundamental ecological concepts of
the field. In this edition, we open with a new discussion of “blue zones” and
consider how place and environments are related to health, well-being, and
life expectancy. We retained the third edition’s review of six approaches to un-
derstanding persons in context. In some cases, we tightened the presentation
(e.g., Barker’s ecological psychology) to allow for expanded discussions of ac-
tivity spaces and counterspaces. We updated our discussion of creating new
spaces when current alternatives are insufficient. We close with the historical
example of the Fairweather Lodge and consider current efforts to expand use
of this alternative model to mental health services.

Chapter 6. What Defines a Community?

In this chapter, we invite readers to consider “community” as a transforma-
tion from “place” to “space.” We have added discussions of alternative settings
and counterspaces, the research on the tension between the values of human
diversity and community, and the greatly enhanced body of research on sense
of community online (including the sometimes harmful effects). We have also
extended our discussion of sense of community in spiritual communities to
explicitly include concepts of hope and transcendence.

Chapter 7. Understanding Human Diversity in Context

We open Chapter 7 with an invitation to engage in diversity conversations with
courage and humility. We introduce the notion of brave spaces as a holding
place for engaging tensions and growing more accustomed to experiencing
discomfort as we learn together. The chapter is also framed by an expanded
discussion of intersectionality, as well as extensive discussion questions that
encourage students to reflect on their own social identities. We illustrate so-
cialization in cultural communities through research on activity settings, in-
cluding interventions to prevent youth suicides in Alaska Native communities
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and counterspaces for individuals to challenge deficit-oriented societal narra-

tives concerning their identity. We strengthen the section on oppression and
liberation with the call to action that decolonial perspectives offer to our field.

Chapter 8. Empowerment and Citizen Participation

Chapter 8 (Chapter 11 in the third edition) is now focused on empowerment
and citizen participation. We moved this chapter forward to build upon the
invitations for engagement and calls to action offered in the diversity chapter
and to focus on collective and community responses to challenges. We em-
phasize how an empowerment perspective changes how we think about prob-
lems and solutions and how we work with others. We include a Community
Psychology in Action feature that provides an example of empowerment
through long-term action by community psychologist Marci Culley and resi-
dents of Sugar Creek, Missouri, as they responded to environmental pollution
in their community. The theme of citizen participation to address environ-
mental injustice is elaborated in new examples, including the Flint, Michigan,
water crisis and long-term activism around nuclear energy. In our discus-
sion of empowering practices and settings, we attend closely to features of
relational contexts across multiple levels. Examples include Family Violence
Coordinating Councils, the Highlander Research and Education Center, and
the Riot Youth LGBTQ+ Theater Group.

Chapter 9. Understanding Stress and Coping in Context

In Chapter 9 (formerly Chapter 8), we spend more time than in the previous
edition developing and explaining risk and protective factors in an ecological
model of stress, coping, and change. First, we wanted to make concepts of
distal and proximal risk more accessible to students and to make the connec-
tions to intervention in other chapters. We have also expanded discussions of
minority-related and acculturative stressors, traumatic growth, and the po-
tential for positive growth. After the discussion of the model, we close with
three community-based approaches for responding to challenges presented
by stressors and consider the potential of these approaches for promoting pos-
itive change: social support, mutual help, and spiritual–religious resources.

Chapter 10. Key Concepts in the Science of Prevention

and Promotion
Chapter 10 (formerly Chapter  9) presents students with an introduction to
prevention and promotion as alternative ways to address problems. We em-
phasize the idea that they will all someday be involved in community or or-
ganizational prevention programming efforts. The goals of this chapter and
Chapter  11 continue to be to generate excitement about the demonstrated
potential of prevention and promotion programs and to provide students with
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the knowledge and skills they need to join in these efforts. In Chapter 10, we
have increased our emphasis on wellness promotion and added a new figure
and metaphor to illustrate the relationships between risk and protective fac-
tors and interventions across multiple ecological levels.

Chapter 11. Implementing Prevention and Promotion

Programs
In Chapter 11 (formerly Chapter 10), we significantly increased our discus-
sion of implementation science, including an extended discussion of the con-
cepts of capacity and readiness. We begin with an example asking students
to think about their high school experiences and what challenges they might
identify for which a prevention program could be helpful. This provides the
backdrop for more explicit discussion of how programs are introduced and
adapted. We encourage students to think about which program components,
organizational capacities, relationships, resources, and systems need to be in
place to promote successful implementation.

Chapter 12. Program Development, Evaluation, and

Improvement
With an emphasis on evaluation, Chapter  12 (previously Chapter  13) links
the concepts of program development, evaluation, and improvement. Like
the previous edition, it opens with examples of how evaluation and program
improvement are pervasive in everyday life. We expanded the description of
Figure 12.1 to clarify the link between program development, evaluation, and
improvement, and we updated examples throughout the chapter. Additionally,
we introduce (a) formative evaluation, a type of evaluation that is increasingly
used in community improvement initiatives, and (b) the inquiry–observation–
reflection framework, a mixed-methods framework for data collection. We re-
tained two widely used evaluation approaches: Empowerment Evaluation and
Getting To Outcomes, revising the examples associated with both approaches
to increase accessibility.

Chapter 13. Improving Society Through Community

Action
Chapter 13 (previously Chapter 12) is designed to engage students in a broad
view of social change and to help them envision themselves participating in
those efforts. We retain our examples from the PICO network as powerful
stories of how individuals can become involved in community development
initiatives in their communities. The section describing community develop-
ment practices has been reorganized for greater conceptual clarity. We pro-
vide a new example of the relationship between prevention science and crime
policy, and we updated and expanded the discussion of the impacts of state
and federal policies on poverty.
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Chapter 14. Emerging Challenges and Opportunities:

Shifting Perspective to Promote Change
In Chapter  14, we seek to promote students’ optimism for their own en-
gagement in community and social change. We consider emerging trends of
(a) increasing social-justice–focused social action and (b) responding to chal-
lenges of globalization with community building and systematic efforts to de-
colonize our approaches to research and practice. We have expanded discus-
sion of how students may use concepts and community psychology practice
skills as citizens or social service professionals by adapting the points made
by J. G. Kelly (1971) and Langhout (2015) about personal qualities that can
help them achieve social change in collaboration with community partners.
For students interested in obtaining training in community psychology or re-
lated fields, we expand our discussion of training, finding jobs, and careers.
Consistent with other chapters, we discuss the expanding awareness of critical
perspectives in the field. We close by encouraging students to think about
how, where, and when they can use ideas from the text to address concerns in
their communities.

Alternative Orderings of Chapters

We recognize that we each have our favorite ways to organize the concepts
and themes of the field. We encourage instructors to use chapters in an order
that supports your pedagogy. In fact, members of the author team use differ-
ent orderings in our classes, in part because the settings where we teach vary,
as do the backgrounds and interests of our students. We have ordered chap-
ters in this edition to build on the core concepts of the field and foster student
recognition of interrelated strands among community psychology concepts.
We think of Chapters 1–3 and 5–9 as providing conceptual frameworks that
help psychology “shift its perspective.” Chapters 4 and 10–13 provide tools for
“doing community psychology”; we organized these chapters to begin with
more person- or microsystem-focused approaches that then extend to broader
community and social change in Chapter 13. Chapter 14 is intended to engage
students in thinking about how they can use ideas from the course to work to-
ward community and social change. Some possible chapter orderings follow.
All our suggestions use Chapters 1 and 2 to introduce the field, although
some instructors may choose to rely on Chapter 1 alone. After the introductory
chapters, you might want to proceed directly to Chapters 5–8 (ecology, com-
munity, diversity, and empowerment and citizen participation). To highlight a
social change perspective early, you could pair Chapters 8 (empowerment and
citizen participation) and 13 (community social change) much sooner than
they appear in the book. If your course has many clinically minded students
(this includes graduate students in clinical or counseling psychology, but it is
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x xvi P r e f a c e

also an implicit focus of many undergraduates), enlarging their perspective

to think ecologically and preventively may be an important goal. To engage
their interest, you might assign Chapter 9 (stress and coping in context) ear-
ly to highlight the integration of clinical and community concepts to engage
them in thinking about shifting perspectives. Alternatively, Chapters  9–11
(coping and prevention/promotion) can form an integrated unit on coping
and prevention at some point in the course. Chapter 12 could be added to il-
lustrate how local program evaluation can improve implementation and qual-
ity. However, we believe that full coverage of community psychology requires
covering Chapters 5–8 and 13 at some point.
For a focus on community-engaged research, you may wish to assign
Chapter 12 (program development, implementation, and evaluation) follow-
ing the research focus of Chapters 3 and 4 to illustrate how the logic of scien-
tific thinking can be adapted to practical community program monitoring and
improvement. We have developed these chapters to explicitly link research
and action and to challenge the received view that many students have of what
constitutes rigorous research. Some instructors assign Chapters 3, 4, and 12
near the end of the course. The emphasis these chapters place on participatory
research and cultural anchoring may have deeper meaning for many students
after reading about ecology, community, diversity, and empowerment. Of
course, these are only some of the possible orderings of chapters in this text.
We encourage you to develop your own approach.

Language and Identity

Respect for human diversity is a core value of community psychology.
Language is a key mode of conveying this respect, particularly by referring to
individuals and groups using their preferred self-identifying labels. We also
recognize that the terms we use for identities are often contested. The terms
preferred by individuals and groups can be an index of diversity in commu-
nities and familiar examples of how we negotiate inclusion and visibility. In
this book, we refer to individuals’ and groups’ identities based on how they
self-identify; where possible, we use language used by community members
from the examples we cite. We also try to use inclusive language when re-
ferring to groups more broadly. However, language and identity are quickly
changing, and once the book is published, it will be outdated. Our under-
standings of gender and how to adapt gendered language (e.g., pronouns) is
quickly evolving. We also realize that different members of the same com-
munity may prefer different labels. For example, “Latina,” “Latino,” “Latinx,”
“Hispanic,” and other terms may be appropriate when referring to some peo-
ple from Spanish-speaking or Latin American cultural backgrounds in differ-
ent regions or groups, but those terms may be inappropriate when referring
Copyright American Psychological Association
P r e fa c e xxv ii

Photo by David Asiamah. Reprinted with permission.

This community-woven basket represents community psychology’s mission
to promote well-being, resist oppression, and cultivate a sense of community
diversity across ages, genders, ethnicities, and other social and cultural
characteristics.

to other groups and individuals from those backgrounds. We sometimes use

“Latinx” as a broad, gender-neutral term, but we recognize that using this
term can diminish the experiences of Latina women. We have used the term
“Black” to be more inclusive as not all persons of African descent identify as
African American, but we use the term “African American” when authors or
community members have used it.
We encourage you to examine the use of language with your classes and
to criticize what we have written where more appropriate language is needed.
We are aware of how quickly language and the politics of representation can
change; we have painfully reread a few passages in the third edition that are
now out of date. In Chapter 1, we include a note to students to think reflex-
ively about how they use language when referring to their own social identi-
ties, those of classmates, or of anyone else, whether those identities concern
ethnicity, gender, ability/disability status, or any other characteristic that is
important to someone.
 Copyright American Psychological Association
x xvi i i P r e f a c e

Additional Resources
Finally, we want you to know that there are additional resources for the
textbook online. For students, these include lecture enrichments, recom-
mendations for further reading, and links to video clips. For instructors, we
include materials for lecture enrichments. These include in-class exercises,
PowerPoint slides for each chapter, background material on classic studies
in community psychology, example assignments, and suggestions for student
evaluation. Student and instructor resources can be accessed at the following
link: http://pubs.apa.org/books/supp/kloos4/.

Acknowledgments
This book would not have been conceived or written without the support of
many individuals and of the multiple communities in which we live. Jean Ann
Linney, Jim Dalton, Maurice Elias, and Abe Wandersman first conceived of
writing a new community psychology textbook with an engaging pedagogy
and have encouraged us after other commitments precluded them continuing
with it. David Becker and Elise Frasier, our editors at APA Books, helped us
to navigate the tremendous changes occurring in publication and production
of textbooks and to prepare a text that is engaging and is delivered on mul-
tiple platforms. We express our appreciation to nine masked peer reviewers
for their encouragement and critical comments to improve this edition. Our
reviewers’ support and critiques were genuinely thoughtful and valuable.
We also appreciate the students at Rhodes College, the University of North
Carolina at Charlotte, and the University of South Carolina who provided
similar constructive criticism.
Our perspectives on community psychology have been strongly influ-
enced by mentors, colleagues, and students. We very much appreciate the
examples of our mentors who introduced us to community psychology or
shaped the way we think about community psychology: Mark Aber, Nicole
Allen, Carla Hunter, Leonard Jason, Thom Moore, and Julian Rappaport. We
expect that they will recognize many of their influences in the book. We also
thank many colleagues and students who have given us comments and sug-
gestions in class, at conferences, on surveys, and by email. We also acknowl-
edge the value of reading recent community psychology textbooks by other
authors, especially those by Manuel Riemer, Stephanie Reich, and Scot Evans;
John Moritsugu, Elizabeth Vera, Frank Y. Wong, and Karen Grover Duffy;
Leonard A. Jason, Olya Glantsman, Jack F. O’Brien, and Kaitlyn, N. Ramian;
Geoff Nelson and Isaac Prilleltensky; Murray Levine, Douglas Perkins, and
David Perkins; and Jennifer Rudkin. All these make valuable contributions to
the ongoing conversation of our field.
Copyright American Psychological Association
P r e fa c e xxix

We also need to acknowledge the gifts of vision, confidence, and generosi-

ty that Jim Dalton and Maurice Elias gave to us by recruiting us to be stewards
for the future development of this textbook as a resource for community psy-
chology. They have consistently been encouraging and helpful. It is a some-
what sobering responsibility to follow their lead, but we will strive to produce
a text and supplementary resources that thoughtfully present community psy-
chology in ways that engage students and current social issues.
Bret thanks his community partners in social change efforts and his stu-
dents for challenging his thinking. He is especially grateful to community
partners for demonstrating the value of perseverance and creativity in pro-
moting sustainable social change. Jean thanks Jim, Mo, and Abe for their work
on earlier editions of this book and for their amazing generosity in sharing
that work with us. She also thanks her students and colleagues who have en-
thusiastically supported her community work, even when they did not really
share her excitement. Elizabeth thanks her community partners at the fam-
ily center for all that they have taught her about collaboration and building
inclusive communities. She thanks her students for the energy and insights
they bring to community-based learning and action research efforts. Andrew
thanks God for providing the opportunity to help write this edition with such
a wonderful group of people. He thanks his mentors—both spiritual and ac-
ademic—for their gifts of time, understanding, and support. Victoria thanks
her doctoral program advisors for welcoming her through the door of com-
munity psychology over a decade ago and illuminating the value of linking
community research and action in service of social improvement. Abe thanks
his students and former students for their valuable contributions to theory,
research, and action that make community psychology valuable to our com-
munities. Finally, we deeply thank our families, whose love, patience, and sup-
port always nurture and enrich our lives.
 Copyright American Psychological Association

1 The
Chapter Title
Fundamentals
of Community

arindambanerjee/Shutterstock.com
Psychology:
Figure Caption here. Ommo dit autatus ciendae
Promoting
Social
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dit.guides much of its work in
improving communities and society, making sure
Social Change
that all voices are heard.

Looking Ahead
➟
After reading this chapter you will be able to answer these questions:
1. What is the shift in perspective that makes 3. What are ecological levels of analysis
community psychology different from and how do they relate to community
other fields? psychology theories and practice?
2. How does the concept of second-order 4. Why is community psychology viewed as
change relate to that shift in perspective? a values-based field and what are those
values?

Opening Exercise
Testing Warehoused DNA Evidence

In a city police storage unit in Detroit, over Rebecca Campbell to lead it. The task force
11,000 sexual assault kits sat ignored and was asked to determine how large the problem
untested, some for over 3 decades. Most, if was and why the kits had never been tested.
not all, of the victims who had undergone Additionally, the group was asked to develop
the invasive physical examinations required a plan for testing the kits and notifying the
to obtain that evidence had no idea that the victims of the results.
DNA of their assailants had never been tested. The obvious answer to why this immense
Neither did many members of the Wayne backlog occurred might be that there was
County criminal justice system, including the not enough money or resources to test all
assistant prosecutor who discovered the kits in those kits, and that definitely was a factor. But
2009. as Dr. Campbell’s research team conducted
The prosecutor’s office put together a qualitative analyses of the police records, they
multidisciplinary task force to assess the discovered that a lack of resources was not
problem and asked community psychologist the only factor, or even the most powerful

1
 Copyright American Psychological Association
2 C H A P T E R 1   •   T H E F U N D A M E N TA L S O F C O M M U N I T Y P S YC H O L O G Y

Testing Warehoused DNA Evidence (continued)

one. Instead, strong biases against sexual training developed by the task force headed
assault victims, particularly young victims by Dr. Campbell to ensure that sexual assault
and those the officers characterized as sex kits are tested and that the victims are
workers, resulted in many cases literally being informed of the results in a supportive and
warehoused. appropriate manner. Even with those efforts,
The task force had more than 1,500 of the at least 100,000 sexual assault kits are still in
kits tested. The results showed that more than warehouses, untested. That number may be
a quarter of the kits resulted in DNA matches much higher; many states do not know how
in the FBI national database. Of those, 549 many untested kits they have. For additional
were to suspected serial rapists. information about what your state is doing to
Today, police departments around the end the backlog of sexual assault kit testing,
United States are using the protocols and you can visit http://www.endthebacklog.org/.

What Do You Think?

1. Who would you say was responsible for the 11,000 untested kits found in Detroit?
2. What do you think is best way to solve this problem?
3. The field of community psychology explicitly values and centers social justice in its
work. Why would untested sexual assault kits be viewed as a social justice issue?

AP Photo/Rick Bowmer, File

These untested rape kits represent a social justice concern that community psychology is well-equipped to
solve for the betterment of individuals, communities, and society as a whole.
 Copyright American Psychological Association
W hat I s C ommunity P sychology ? 3

What Is Community Psychology?

community Community psychologists work in a multitude of fields, including child devel-
psychology opment, mental health, criminal justice, education, community health, home-
concerns the
relationships of lessness, substance abuse, and organizational psychology. What unites us is
individuals with not the area in which we choose to work but rather the perspective we bring
communities to that work. Community psychologists seek to understand people within the
and societies. By
integrating research
social contexts of their lives in order to promote a better quality of life for all
with action, it seeks people. Community psychologists believe that often the best way to alleviate
to understand and human suffering and advance social justice is through a focus not on chang-
enhance quality of
life for individuals,
ing individuals but rather on changing the relationship between those people
communities, and and the settings, organizations, and structures in which they live. This view-
societies. point may be best illustrated by the words of Martin Luther King, Jr., when he
addressed the American Psychological Association in 1967. His address was
titled “The Role of the Behavioral Scientist in the Civil Rights Movement.”
I am sure that we will recognize that there are some things in our society, some
things in our world, to which we should never be adjusted. There are some
things concerning which we must always be maladjusted if we are to be people
of good will. We must never adjust ourselves to racial discrimination and racial
segregation. We must never adjust ourselves to religious bigotry. We must never
adjust ourselves to economic conditions that take necessities from the many
to give luxuries to the few. We must never adjust ourselves to the madness of
militarism, and the self-defeating effects of physical violence.
In that address, Rev. Dr. King called for the creation of a new organi-
zation, the International Association for the Advancement of Creative
Maladjustment. The field of community psychology arose around the same
time as his address, and as a field we embrace the concept of creative malad-
justment, not only in relation to the social justice issues he listed but in re-
sponse to any structural context that impedes optimal human health and well-
being.
Keeping in mind the diversity of community psychologists’ interests and
personal views, we offer this definition of the field: Community psychology
concerns the relationships of individuals with communities and societies. By
integrating research with action, it seeks to understand and enhance quality
of life for individuals, communities, and societies.
Let us unpack this definition. Community psychology concerns the mul-
tiple relationships between individuals, communities, and societies. We de-
fine “community” broadly. An individual lives within many communities and
at multiple levels: family, networks of friends, workplace, school, voluntary
association, neighborhood, and wider locality—even cultures. All these exist
within larger societies and, ultimately, within a global context. The individual
must be understood in terms of these relationships, not in isolation.
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4 C H A P T E R 1   •   T H E F U N D A M E N TA L S O F C O M M U N I T Y P S YC H O L O G Y

Community psychology’s focus is not on the individual or on the com-

munity alone but also on their linkages. The field also studies the influences
of social structures on each other (e.g., how citizen organizations influence
the wider community). But unlike sociology, community psychology places
a greater emphasis on individuals and their complex interactions with the
social structure.
Community psychology is also committed to engaging in research and
developing valid psychological knowledge in the interest of improving com-
munity life. In the community psychology perspective, knowledge is con-
structed through research and action. The community psychologist’s role has
often been described as that of a participant–conceptualizer (Bennett et al.,
1966, pp. 7–8), actively involved in community processes while also attempt-
ing to understand and explain them, as aptly summarized in these statements:
If we are afraid of testing our ideas about society by intervening in it, and if we
are always detached observers of society and rarely if ever participants in it, we
can only give our students ideas about society, not our experiences in it. We can
tell our students about how society ought to be, but not what it is like to try to
change the way things are. (Sarason, 1974, p. 266)
Community psychology research is intertwined with efforts to change a
community and social action. Findings from research are used to build theory
and to guide action. For example, a program developed in a high school set-
ting to prevent youth violence (i.e., action) can generate greater knowledge of
the problem, adolescent development, the local school and community, and

Box 1.1 Changing Perspectives: Homelessness

Bessie Mae is 97 years old and homeless. She has her two boys, and that is about all. She
and sons Larry, 60, and Charlie, 62, live in a 1973 Chevrolet Suburban they park each night
on a busy Venice street. Bessie worked as a packer for the National Biscuit Co. until she was
in her 60s. Charlie worked in construction and as a painter before becoming disabled by
degenerative arthritis. Larry was a cook before compressed discs in his back and a damaged
neck nerve put an end to it. He began working 26 years ago as a full-time caregiver for his
mother through the California’s In-Home Supportive Services program. That ended about 4
years ago, when the owner of a Palm Springs home where they lived had to sell the place. At
the same time, the state dropped Larry and his mother from the support program, he said. The
three have tried at various times since to get government-subsidized housing. But they failed,
in part because they insist on living together (Pool, 2009). It was not until the publication
of Pool’s article in the Los Angeles Times that Bessie Mae and her sons were able to obtain
housing from a nonprofit organization: the Integrated Recovery Network.
Bessie Mae and her sons are not alone. On one specific night in January 2019, an estimated
568,000 people were homeless in the United States (Department of Housing and Urban
Development, 2020). Nearly one fifth of those people were children. Only 63% of those who
were homeless were staying in shelters or other types of transitional housing. The remaining
37% were living on the street, in their cars, or in other places where people are not meant
to live.
 Copyright American Psychological Association
W hat I s C ommunity P sychology ? 5

What Do You Think?

1. Consider the news stories you have heard about the problem of homelessness
or perhaps the homeless people you have encountered yourself. Why do you
think these people are homeless?
2. Take a minute to list what you think are the top three contributing causes to
homelessness.

how to design future prevention programs (i.e., research). Moreover, commu-

nity psychology research and action are collaborative, based on partnerships
with the persons or communities involved.
Community psychology is different from other fields of psychology in
two ways. First, community psychology offers a different way of understand-
ing human behavior and how to support individual, family, and community
wellness. We focus on the community contexts of behavior. That shift in per-
spective (which is the first thing we discuss in this chapter) leads to the second
difference: an expansion of the definition of appropriate topics for psycholog-
ical study and intervention. Community psychologists are interested in effec-
tive ways to prevent problems rather than treat them after they arise. The field
emphasizes promoting healthy functioning for all members of a community
rather than intervening when problems develop for a few of those members.
And we focus our research on factors at the neighborhood, community, and
societal level that support or impede healthy development.
If you are like many people, you listed such things as substance abuse,
mental illness, and domestic violence—problems affecting the lives of the
people who become homeless. These are indeed contributing factors. But they
are not the primary factors. All these variables are more common among per-
sons who do not become homeless than among those who do (Shinn, 2009;
Shinn et al., 2001). The most important factor contributing to the problem
of homelessness in the United States has nothing to do with the character or
personal circumstances of the individuals who become homeless. It is a lack
of affordable housing in our communities. The best predictor of the extent of
homelessness in a community is the ratio of available affordable housing units
to the number of persons and families seeking them (Shinn, 2016; Shinn et
al., 2001).
Structural factors are often more influential than individualistic factors
when solving societal problems like homelessness. We must address these
problems from multiple structural levels, while being respectful of individual
differences and empowering those directly affected by these issues. Empirical
grounding is also essential because studying and solving these problems,
strengthening communities, and achieving social justice for all members
of those communities is nearly impossible without a sound scientific basis.
These are some of the fundamental values of community psychology, which
we explore later in this chapter.
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Individualistic Versus Structural Perspectives

individualistic As mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, many people tend to focus only
perspective on individuals’ behaviors or life choices instead of considering structural fac-
focuses on the life
choices and behaviors
tors when thinking about the roots of societal problems like homelessness.
of individuals when Listing factors such as substance abuse, mental illness, and domestic violence
addressing societal as the main causes of homelessness represents an individualistic perspective,
problems.
focused on how homeless persons and families are different from those with
structural housing. While this viewpoint is an important one, as individual factors do
perspective
also referred to as an
matter, we are going to ask you to consciously make a perceptual shift and to
ecological perspective, analyze problems in living through a structural perspective as well. Using
it examines how this perspective requires you to think about how organizations, neighbor-
systemic factors at
various levels impact
hoods, communities, and societies are structured as systems and how those
the lives of individuals, systems affect the lives of individuals and families. In community psychology,
families, and other this is generally presented as taking an ecological perspective, and that is how
groups within a
community.
it will be discussed in this book.
This shift in perspective can be made clear by viewing homelessness as a
game of musical chairs (McChesney, 1990). In any community, there is a finite
number of affordable housing units—just as there is a finite number of chairs
in a game of musical chairs. And in both situations, there are more people
than there are available chairs (or housing units). While individual variables
do influence who becomes chairless (or homeless), these are not the defining
factors in the game. These factors determine who gets the available seats and
who is left standing but not how many chairs are available. The game is struc-
tured from the beginning to ensure that someone is left without a chair.
A study of solely individual-level variables in homelessness misses this
larger reality. A social program for homelessness that focuses only on such
factors as treating individual mental disorders or promoting job-interviewing
skills may reshuffle which people become homeless and which do not, but it
does nothing to increase the availability of housing. Addressing community
or societal problems such as homelessness requires a shift in perspective—
from an individualistic perspective to a structural/ecological one. Within this
broader perspective, community psychologists have much to contribute (e.g.,
M. A. Bond et al., 2017). We revisit the issue of homelessness and what can be
done about it in Chapter 13.
The shift from an individualistic to a structural/ecological perspective is
related to another issue we would like you to consider in this class: problem
definition. As we are sure you have learned in other psychology courses, hu-
man beings are rarely content to just observe something. We want to under-
stand it, and we will, almost automatically, construct some sort of explanation.
These personal explanations then become the basis for how we define social
problems. If you view an issue through an individualistic perspective, your
definition of the problem will center on individual-level variables. The issue of
Copyright American Psychological Association
I ndi v idualistic Ve r sus S t r uctu r al P e r specti v es 7

Philip Pilosian/Shutterstock.com
Community psychology examines societal issues like homelessness through an
ecological lens, addressing systemic causes rather than just individual factors.

problem definition is not an incidental one. How we define a problem shapes

the questions we ask, the methods we use to answer those questions, and the
way we interpret those answers. And all those things affect the types of in-
terventions we will consider. How we define a problem has such far-reaching
effects that social scientists have declared problem definition to be an ethical
issue (O’Neill, 2005).
Assumptions we make about a problem determine how we define the
problem, which in turn determines the ways we approach and try to solve
it. This may be particularly true when we are not consciously aware of the
assumptions we are making. Our cultural background, personal experiences,
education, and biases (and sometimes the biases that came with our educa-
tion) help shape those assumptions, which may actually prevent effective re-
sponses to the problem. Our assumptions can thus become the real problem.
If we ignore how problems are framed—the viewpoint through which we
derive our definitions—we will be imprisoned by those frames (E. Seidman
& Rappaport, 1986). In this book, we hope to broaden your thinking about
framing problems and the process of problem definition. We will encourage
you to become participant–conceptualizers for how problems are defined and
addressed in your communities. Community psychologists strive to think
outside the traditional boxes of psychology to define problems and generate
interventions at many levels.
Actually, there are no truly individual problems or interventions. Every­
thing that humans do takes place in social contexts: in a culture, a locality,
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8 C H A P T E R 1   •   T H E F U N D A M E N TA L S O F C O M M U N I T Y P S YC H O L O G Y

a setting (e.g., workplace, school, playground, home), and a set of personal

relationships. For example, a child matures within many social contexts that
shape their development. When a client arrives for a psychotherapy session,
they bring a personal set of life experiences (in social contexts), as does the
therapist. The two form a relationship that is rooted not only in who they are
as persons but also in cultural, gender, social, economic (e.g., who pays for
treatment, and how does that affect it?), and other contexts. Even the atmo-
sphere of the waiting room, interpreted in cultural terms, makes a difference.
In this chapter, we first expand our discussion of how community psy-
chology involves a shift of perspective from the viewpoint of most of psy-
chology. We then elaborate on the community psychology perspective by de-
scribing some of its basic assumptions about persons, contexts, and two types
of change. Next, we discuss two conceptual frameworks central to the field:
ecological levels of analysis (multiple layers of social contexts) and eight core
values of the field. This chapter is the first of two that introduce and define
community psychology in Part I of this book. In Chapter  2, we trace how
community psychology developed a different way of “doing” psychology and
provide examples of its current practice.

Community Psychology: A Shift in Perspective

In the previous section, we presented homelessness as an example of how a
shift from an individualistic perspective to a structural/ecological perspective
changes how we define a problem and what types of interventions we consid-
er. In this book, we discuss a number of approaches to addressing problems
from a structural perspective. Here is an overview:
• Prevention/promotion programs reduce the future likelihood of prob-
lems—for example, by strengthening protective factors and reducing risk
factors in individuals, families, schools, organizations, and communities
(see Chapters 10 and 11).
• Consultation focuses on roles, decision making, communication, and
conflict in organizations to promote employee job satisfaction or effec-
tiveness of human services, social change organizations, or schools (see
Chapters 12 and 13).
• Alternative settings arise when traditional services do not meet the
needs of some populations (e.g., women’s centers, rape crisis cen-
ters, self-help organizations for persons with specific problems—see
Chapters 9 and 13).
• Community organizing at grassroots levels helps citizens organize
to identify local issues and decide how to address them. Community
 Copyright American Psychological Association
P e r sons , C onte x ts , and C hange 9

coalitions bring together citizens and community institutions (e.g.,

religious congregations, schools, police, business, human services,
government) to address a community problem together instead of with
separate, uncoordinated efforts (see Chapter 13).
• Participatory research, in which community researchers and citizens
collaborate, provides useful information for action on community issues.
Program evaluation helps determine whether community programs ef-
fectively attain their goals and how they can be improved (see Chapters 3
and 4).
• Policy research and advocacy includes research on community and
social issues, efforts to inform decision makers (e.g., government offi-
cials, private sector leaders, mass media, the public) about courses for
action, and evaluation of the effects of social policies (see Chapter 13).
Community psychologists are engaged in advocacy regarding homeless-
ness, peace, drug abuse, positive child and family development, and oth-
er issues. One goal of this book is to introduce you to tools for advocacy,
as a citizen or professional, at levels from local to international.

Any reader of this book is quite likely to participate in community initia-

tives such as these in the future, whether as a community psychologist, clinical
counseling psychologist, or another health professional, educator, researcher,
parent, or citizen. One goal of this book is to give you tools for doing so.
Understanding diverse cultures, including your own, may also require
another shift of perspective. Cultural traditions of individuals, families, and
communities provide personal strengths and resources for effective action.
Community psychology emphasizes understanding each culture’s distinctive-
ness while not losing sight of that culture’s core values and shared human
experiences. A further goal of this book is to provide you with some tools for
learning about and working in diverse cultures (see Chapter 7).

Persons, Contexts, and Change

The shifts of perspectives that we have described involve underlying assump-
tions about two questions: How do problems arise? How can change occur?
Every day, each of us acts on our own assumed answers to these questions.
Next, we describe some assumptions among community psychologists about
these questions.

Persons and Contexts

Some of our most important assumptions about problems concern the im-
portance of persons and contexts. Shinn and Toohey (2003) coined the term
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10 C H A P T E R 1   •   T H E F U N D A M E N TA L S O F C O M M U N I T Y P S YC H O L O G Y

context context minimization error to denote ignoring or discounting the importance

encapsulates all the of contexts in an individual’s life. Context (a term we use throughout this
structural forces
that influence an book) refers to the encapsulating environments within which an individual
individual’s life, lives (e.g., family, friendship network, peer group, neighborhood, workplace,
including family and school, religious or community organization, locality, cultural heritage and
social relationships,
neighborhood,
norms, gender roles, social and economic forces). Together, these make up
school, religious the structural forces that shape the lives of individuals. Context minimization
and community errors, where people focus primarily on an individual’s behavior and overlook
organizations, cultural
norms, gender roles,
or discount structural factors, lead to psychological theories and research
and socioeconomic findings that are flawed or that hold true only in limited circumstances. These
status. Not adequately errors can also lead to therapy interventions or social programs that fail be-
accounting for these
structural forces leads
cause they attempt to reform individuals without understanding or altering
to flawed research the contexts within which those individuals live.
and practice, which A key concept of social psychology is the fundamental attribution error
is called context
(Ross, 1977)—the tendency of observers watching an actor to overestimate
minimization error.
the importance of the actor’s individual characteristics and underestimate the
importance of situational factors. When we see someone trip on a sidewalk,
we often think “how awkward” or wonder if the person has been drinking. We
seldom look to see if the sidewalk is flawed. Context minimization is similar
but refers to contexts and forces that include those beyond the immediate sit-
uation. Cultural norms, economic necessities, neighborhood characteristics,
and the psychological climate of a workplace are examples. Contexts influence
our lives at least as much as individual characteristics do.
Consider the multiple contexts that influence a child in a first-grade pub-
lic school classroom. The personalities of teacher and students certainly influ-
ence the classroom context; the curriculum and routine ways that the teacher
engages with students are also important. But also consider the relationships
of the school principal, faculty, and staff with the child and their family. The
class occurs in a physical room and school in a wider neighborhood and com-
munity, which can support or interfere with learning. Relationships between
administrators, school board members, and citizens (and taxpayers) certainly
influence the classroom environment, as do community, state, and national
attitudes and policies about education. These contexts have important influ-
ences beyond simple effects of the individuals involved. Actions to improve
learning for students in that first-grade classroom will need to change multi-
ple contexts (Weinstein, 2002a).
Persons and contexts influence each other. Community psychology is
about the relationships of persons and contexts. These are not one-way streets.
Contexts affect personal life, while persons, especially when acting together
with others, influence and change contexts. Stephanie Riger (2001) called for
community psychology to appreciate how persons respond to contexts and
how they can exercise power to change those contexts.
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Persons influence context when, for example, citizen efforts in a neigh-

borhood lead to improved safety, neighboring connections among residents,
assistance for people affected by domestic violence, affordable housing, or re-
duced pollution from a neighboring factory. Persons who share a problem or
illness can influence contexts of human services or health care when they form
a mutual help group to support each other. Community psychology seeks to
understand and to improve individual, community, and societal quality of life.
One of our goals for this book is to whet your appetite for involvement in
community and social action in ways that draw on your personal strengths
and community resources.

Reading this book “in context.” In reading this book, we expect that,
at times, you will disagree with or recognize limitations to what we write.
Respectful disagreement is important in community psychology. Community
psychologist Julian Rappaport (1981) playfully yet seriously proposed
Rappaport’s rule: “When everyone agrees with you, worry” (p. 3). Diversity of
views is a valuable resource for understanding multiple sides of community
and social questions.
As you read this book, identify your specific life experiences that lead you
to agree or disagree, and identify the social contexts of those experiences. If
possible, discuss these with your instructor, with a classmate, or in class as a
group. In our experience, many disagreements in communities and societies
are based on differing life experiences in different contexts. It is important to
discuss those experiences with respect and to understand them. That discus-
sion can deepen your own and others’ learning. Sharing your perspectives can
help others be better participant–conceptualizers in their communities.

Structural Perspectives and First-Order and

Second-Order Change
Developing a comprehensive understanding of the problem of homeless-
ness introduced earlier in this chapter requires a conceptual shift from an
individual-level only perspective to a person-in-context, structural perspec-
tive. This perceptual shift may be particularly difficult for those of us who
were raised in the American cultural tradition of individualism. This tradi-
tion holds that America, from its founding, has offered equal opportunities
for all, so what we make of our lives solely depends on individual talent and
effort. While we do not discount the importance of individual knowledge,
skills, and effort (in fact, community psychologists actively work to devel-
op programs to increase these attributes in individuals, as you will see in
Chapters 10 and 11), we believe that the role of structural forces in human
behavior has been undervalued in psychology as a whole. One of the major
skills we want you to take away from your reading of this book is the ability
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first-order change to look at a problem and ask yourself, “What structural factors influence this
altering, rearranging, problem or behavior? How could those be modified to improve the lives of
or replacing the
individual members individuals and families?”
of a group without One of the first major studies demonstrating the importance of struc-
addressing the tural forces was a study of crime and juvenile delinquency in Chicago in
structural issues that
are the root cause of
the first half of the 20th century. Two sociologists, Clifford Shaw and Henry
the problem. McKay (1969), looked at official sources of juvenile delinquency rates (e.g.,
second-order arrests, adjudications) in Chicago neighborhoods during three time periods:
change 1900–1906, 1917–1923, and 1927–1933. These were periods of rapid change
resolving a problem by in Chicago: successive waves of immigration by different ethnic groups, in-
changing relationships
within a community,
creased industrialization, sharp increases in population density, and high
which includes shared levels of mobility. What they found was that, over time, rates of juvenile de-
goals, roles, rules, and linquency remained high in certain neighborhoods, even though almost the
power dynamics. This
approach requires
entire population of those neighborhoods had changed! Even when the eth-
more extensive and nic makeup of a neighborhood completely changed (as existing immigrant
dynamic efforts but groups moved to more desirable neighborhoods and new immigrant groups
is more likely to result
in positive, long-term
moved in), the high rates of juvenile delinquency persisted. Shaw and McKay
change. concluded that it was structural factors in the neighborhoods (poverty, over-
crowding, and the social disorganization that accompanies rapid change)
that were causing the high crime rates, not the characteristics of the indi-
viduals who lived there. The theory they developed, social disorganization
theory, is still an influential theory in the field of criminology, but the general
point about the importance of structural forces has important implications
well beyond that field. Their research also illustrates the difference between
first-order and second-order change.
Writing of the family as a social system, Watzlawick et al. (1974) distin-
guished between two kinds of change. First-order change alters, rearranges,
or replaces the individual members of a group (the neighborhood in C. Shaw
and McKay’s, 1969, research). This may resolve some aspects of the prob-
lem. However, in the long run, the same problems often recur with the new
cast of characters, leading to the conclusion that the more things change, the
more they remain the same. Attempting to resolve homelessness by counsel-
ing homeless individuals without addressing the supply of affordable hous-
ing represents first-order change. You may help that individual, but the so-
cial problem will persist because you have not addressed all the reasons that
homelessness exists.
A group is not just a collection of individuals; it is also a set of relationships
among them. Changing those relationships, especially changing shared goals,
roles, rules, and power relationships, is second-order change (Linney, 1990;
E.  Seidman, 1988). For example, instead of preserving rigid lines between
bosses who make decisions and workers who carry them out, second-order
change may involve collaborative decision making, giving workers power
to make decisions. Instead of rigid lines of expertise between mental health
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professionals and patients, it could involve finding ways that persons with dis-
orders may help each other in self-help groups. The point is not that specific
interventions need to be used but rather that the analysis of the problem takes
into account these sets of relationships, power, and contexts as possible con-
tributing sources of the problems. Second-order change can help transform
individuals’ lives and the communities where they live.
Try a thought experiment suggested by community psychologist Seymour
Sarason (1972) to analyze the educational system. Criticisms of schools, at
least in the United States, often focus blame on individuals or collections of
individuals: incompetent teachers, unmotivated or unprepared students, or
uncaring parents or administrators. Imagine changing every individual in
the school—firing all teachers and staff and hiring replacements, obtaining a
new student population, and changing every other individual from the school
board to the classroom—yet leaving intact the structure of roles, expectations,
and policies about how the school is to be run. How long do you think it will
be before the same issues and criticisms return? Why? If you answer “not
long,” you are seeing the limits of first-order change. It is sometimes enough,
but often, it is not.
Next, we present two detailed examples of second-order change, one in
relation to substance abuse recovery and the other in relation to the role of
youth in their communities.

Oxford House: Second-order change in recovery from substance abuse.

Traditional professional treatments for substance abuse have high recidivism
rates. Methods that rely more on persons in recovery helping each other offer
promising alternatives. One example is twelve-step groups such as Alcoholics
Anonymous. Another is Oxford House, a network of residential settings
(Jason, Olson, & Harvey, 2015).
Many recovery homes (halfway houses) are located in areas of higher
crime and drug use, have crowded and time-limited accommodations, and
impose rules that limit resident initiative and responsibility. Some of these
limitations reflect the reluctance of the larger society to support or have
day-to-day contact with persons in recovery. In contrast, Oxford Houses offer
more spacious dwellings in lower-crime residential neighborhoods. Residents
are required to be employed, pay rent, perform chores, and remain drug-free.
The resident may choose whether to be involved in professional treatment,
mutual help (e.g., twelve-step) groups, or both. Separate Oxford Houses ex-
ist for women and men. Each house is governed democratically, with leaders
chosen by residents but without professional staff. Current residents vote on
applications of prospective residents to join the house; a resident who returns
to drug use or who is disruptive can be dismissed by a similar vote. The new
resident joins a community in which there is support, shared responsibility,
and shared decision making.
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Oxford Houses represent second-order change because they alter the

usual roles of patient and staff, making persons in recovery more account-
able for their own behavior and for each other, in a context of equality, sup-
port, and shared community. Evaluations indicate positive outcomes and re-
duced recidivism.
In many cases, achieving second-order change requires not only a shift
in how we think about a problem but also a change in the methods we use to
understand and address the problem. Youth inquiry approaches are an exam-
ple of this.
Youth inquiry approaches: Creating second-order change in the en-
vironments of children and adolescents. Children and adolescents have
been studied intensively in social science research, including in a whole field
of study—child development—devoted exclusively to them. But in all that
research, youth have been the objects of study, not the creators of research.
That distinction illustrates a specific structural understanding of the role of
children and adolescents in the research process. Their role is to be studied
by adults. Their voices have been silent in deciding what questions should
be asked, what methods should be used, what data should be collected, how
those data should be understood, and what should be done with the results.
Over the past 2 decades, that structural understanding of the role of youth
in the research process has been challenged through the use of youth inquiry
approaches (Kennedy et al., 2019; Langhout & Thomas, 2010a). Youth inquiry
approaches are research and social change methods that center youth, rather
than adults, as the primary knowledge generators and change agents. Adults
are involved as collaborators and support providers, not as directors. All these
changes in role relationships represent second-order change.
Instituting that second-order change in our structural approach to under-
standing and improving the environments in which youth live has resulted
in measurable changes in those environments. A majority of studies of proj-
ects using youth inquiry approaches demonstrate significant environmental
outcomes (Kennedy et al., 2019; Langhout & Thomas, 2010a). These include
changes in the way youth are perceived and valued by the adults in their
schools and communities, changes in peer norms, the development of new
programs and improvement of existing ones, and the adoption of new policies.
For example, youth participatory action projects in two urban high
schools resulted in more diversity-related discussions between adults and
students and in structural changes within the schools through which stu-
dents could inform and influence hiring decisions, teaching practices, and
other policies at the schools (Ozer & Wright, 2012). A youth participatory
action program in Minneapolis involved youth investigating and mapping
youth-friendly opportunities in their neighborhoods. They then developed
innovative ways to bring those opportunities to the attention of other youth
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and their families. Finally, they worked to educate their communities about
unmet needs of youth and barriers to participation in existing opportuni-
ties. Safe and reliable transportation to youth programs was identified as one
such barrier, and youth in one neighborhood were able to create two new bus
routes specifically to transport youth to parks, libraries, and other youth pro-
grams (Walker & Saito, 2011).
Limits of Change in Social Contexts. Even second-order change does not
“solve” community and social problems. Attempts to resolve community and
social issues represent a problem-resolution process rather than problem
solving. A series of changes is likely needed to transform the lives of individ-
uals and their communities. Every problem resolution creates new challenges
and perhaps new problems: unintended consequences, altered alignments of
human or material resources, or new conflicts involving human needs and
values. This is not a reason to give up. The change process leads to real im-
provements if communities and societies carefully study both history and
likely future consequences (Sarason, 1978).

Ecological Levels of Analysis in Community Psychology

As individuals, we live within webs of social relationships. Urie Bronfenbrenner
(1979) proposed a levels of analysis framework (describing levels of social
contexts) that is influential in developmental psychology and community psy-
chology. Our discussion of ecological levels is partly based on Bronfenbrenner’s
approach, but our frame of reference is the community, not just the develop-
ing individual. Thus, we differ in some details from his approach. Historically,
community psychology has used ecological levels as a way of clarifying the
different values, goals, and strategies for intervention associated with each
level of analysis (Rappaport, 1977a, 1977b; E. Seidman & Rappaport, 1974).
In addition, this approach helps us focus on the interactions between systems
(see also different concepts of ecological levels in Maton, 2000; Moane, 2003;
G. Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010).
Thinking in terms of ecological levels of analysis helps clarify how a single
event or problem has multiple causes. For example, factors that contribute to
a child’s problems in school may include forces at multiple levels. Powerful
adults at school, in the local community, and at national and global levels
make policy decisions that affect the resources that determine the quality of
education the child receives. Family members, friends, and teachers have a
great impact, but even their thinking and values are influenced by the school
system; the local community; and cultural, societal, and even global levels.
Thinking in terms of ecological levels of analysis also helps illustrate mul-
tiple ways to address an important question for community psychology: What
is a community? While originally tied to place or a locality, “community” has
come to refer to sets of relationships among persons at many levels—whether
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tied to place or not (see Chapter 6). Thus, a classroom, sorority, religious con-
gregation, online community, or cultural group (e.g., the Mexican American
community) may be considered a community.
Figure 1.1 illustrates our typology of ecological levels of analysis for com-
munity psychology. The most proximal systems, closest to the individual and
involving the most face-to-face contact, are closer to the center of the dia-
gram. The more distal systems, less immediate to the person yet having broad
effects, are toward the outside of the diagram.
As you can see in the diagram, some of these systems overlap; for exam-
ple, some organizations, such as small businesses or community groups, are
so small that they have many of the psychosocial qualities of microsystems.
The examples in italics in Figure 1.1 are illustrative and do not represent all
groups at each level.

Figure 1.1 Ecological Levels of Analysis for Community

Psychology

MACROSYSTEMS
Cultures Societies
Governments Corporations
Mass media Social movements Belief systems

LOCALITIES
Neighborhoods Cities
Towns Rural areas

MICROSYSTEMS ORGANIZATIONS
Schools
Families INDIVIDUALS
Labor groups
Friends
Local businesses
Classrooms Community coalitions
Work groups Religious congregations
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individual Individuals, societies, and the levels between them are interdependent,
the smallest ecological and their contributions to behavior and social problems may overlap in dif-
level, it involves total
consideration of a ferent ways. Indeed, community psychology is based on that interdependence
person’s experiences, of persons in contexts. It is at the point where these systems link that commu-
memories, thoughts, nity psychology interventions can often have their greatest impact: the point
feelings, relationships,
culture, and other
where community members have identified an issue and where multiple peo-
defining factors. ple, groups, and community resources must be brought together in an inten-
microsystems tional way to address it. It is for this reason that community psychology is
smaller environments referred to as a linking science (see Chapter 2).
or groups within an
ecological framework
where the individual
Individuals
often communicates or The concept of the individual in this model encompasses all of a person’s
interacts directly with
others (e.g., families,
experiences, relationships, thoughts, and feelings. Consider the individual
classrooms, musical person, nested within the other levels. The person chooses their relationships
groups, sports teams). or environments to some extent and influences them in many ways; likewise,
these influence the person. Each person is involved in systems at multiple
ecological levels (e.g., family and friends, workplace, neighborhood). Much
research in community psychology concerns how individuals are interrelated
with social contexts in their lives.
Community psychologists and others in related fields have developed in-
dividually oriented preventive interventions to increase personal capacities
to address problems in communities. These interventions have been docu-
mented to be effective in reducing such problems as difficulties in the social
and academic development of children, adolescent behavior problems and
juvenile delinquency, adult physical health and depression, HIV/AIDS, dif-
ficulties during family transitions such as parenting and divorce, and family
violence (we discuss these in detail in Chapters 10 and 11). Many preventive
approaches promote social-emotional competence and skills for adapting to
challenging contexts or ecological transitions from one context to another,
such as entering school or becoming a parent (Weissberg et al., 2003).

Microsystems
Microsystems are environments in which a person repeatedly engages in
direct, personal interaction with others (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, p. 22). They
include families, classrooms, friendship networks, athletic teams, musical
groups, neighborhoods, residence hall wings, and self-help groups. In mi-
crosystems, individuals form interpersonal relationships, assume social roles,
and share activities (Maton & Salem, 1995).
Microsystems are more than simply the sum of their individual members;
they are social units with their own dynamics. For example, family therapists
have long focused on how families function as systems beyond their individu-
al members (Watzlawick et al., 1974). Members have roles, differential power
in making decisions, reactions to the actions of other members, and so on.
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setting Microsystems can be important sources of support for their members but also
an important concept sources of conflict and burdens.
in community
psychology that The concept of a setting is important in community psychology (see
encompasses physical Chapter  5). In this psychological usage of the term, setting is not simply a
surroundings and physical place but an enduring set of relationships among individuals that
relationships among
individuals. It can
may be associated with one or several places. A chapter of a self-help group
span multiple places is a setting, even if its meeting place changes. Physical settings such as play-
and can apply to grounds, local parks, bars, or coffee shops may provide meeting places for
microsystems and
larger organizations.
microsystems. The term “setting” is applied to microsystems and to larg-
er organizations.
organizations
large ecological
systems with solid, Organizations
clearly defined
structures, including
Organizations are larger than microsystems and have a formal structure: a
titles, missions, title, a mission, bylaws or policies, meeting or work times, supervisory rela-
rules and policies, tionships, and so on. Organizations studied by community psychologists in-
schedules, and
clude human service and health care settings, treatment programs, schools,
hierarchies, among
other things (e.g., workplaces, neighborhood associations, cooperative housing units, religious
workplaces, religious congregations, and community coalitions. These important forms of commu-
congregations, nity affect whom people associate with, what resources are available to them,
neighborhood
associations, schools). and how they define and identify themselves. Employed persons often intro-
They often consist of duce themselves by where they work.
multiple microsystems Organizations often consist of sets of smaller microsystems. Classes, ac-
and can be part of
larger social units tivities, departments, staff, administrators, and boards make up a school or
(e.g., a neighborhood college. Departments, shifts, or work teams make up a factory or restaurant.
association operates Religious congregations have choirs, religious classes, and prayer groups.
within a city).
Large community organizations usually work through committees. However,
localities organizations are not simply the sum of their parts; the dynamics of the whole
geographic settings
within an ecological organization, such as its organizational hierarchy and its informal culture,
framework—such are important.
as counties, towns, In turn, organizations can be parts of larger social units. A local congre-
neighborhoods, or
even entire cities— gation may be part of a wider religious body, or a retail store part of a chain.
that often contain A neighborhood association offers a way for citizens to influence city govern-
multiple organizations ment. The largest organizations (e.g., international corporations, political par-
or microsystems,
including
ties, religious denominations) are macrosystems, which are discussed later.
governments,
economies, media Localities
outlets, and
educational and health Although the term “community” has meanings at many levels of analysis, one
systems. prominent meaning refers to geographic localities, including rural counties,
small towns, urban neighborhoods, or entire cities. Localities usually have
governments; local economies; media; systems of social, educational, and
health services; and other institutions that influence individual quality of life.
Localities may be understood as sets of organizations or microsystems.
Individuals participate in the life of their shared locality mainly through
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community smaller groups. Even in small towns, individuals seldom influence the wider
coalitions community unless they work alongside other citizens in an organization or
representatives of
multiple community microsystem. An association of neighborhood residents is an organization,
groups and while the entire neighborhood is a locality. That neighborhood may also host
organizations that microsystems of teen friends, adults who meet for coffee, and parents and
come together
to address broad
children who gather at a playground. However, a locality is not simply the sum
community issues, of its citizens, microsystems, or community organizations. Its history, cultural
such as public health traditions, and qualities as a whole community surround each of those levels.
concerns. They are
effective means of
An example of the linkage between organizations and localities is the de-
mobilizing community velopment of community coalitions, composed of representatives of various
resources to address community groups and organizations and formed to address wider commu-
shared goals.
nity issues such as drug abuse or health concerns. While community coali-
macrosystems tions may be a new concept for many of you, they are important elements
the largest systems
within an ecological
of community psychology practice and have been shown to be effective in
framework that increasing and mobilizing community resources to achieve community goals
form contexts that (Bess, 2015; C. Harper et al., 2014; Oesterle et al., 2018; V. Shapiro et al., 2015).
influence individuals,
microsystems,
We discuss community coalitions in detail in Chapters 10, 11, and 13.
organizations, and
localities. These other Macrosystems
ecological systems
can in turn influence Macrosystems are the largest level of analysis in our system. While Figure 1.1
macrosystems through portrays only one macrosystem, in fact individuals, microsystems, organiza-
social advocacy
or widespread tions, and localities are all continually influenced by multiple macrosystems.
action. Example Macrosystems include societies, cultures, political parties, social movements,
macrosystems include corporations, international labor unions, multiple levels of government, in-
cultures, political
parties, corporations, ternational institutions, broad economic and social forces, and belief systems.
religions, and Community psychology’s perspective ultimately needs to be global.
governments. Macrosystems exercise influence through policies and specific decisions,
populations such as legislation and court decisions, and through promoting ideologies and
a broadly shared social norms. Ideals of individual autonomy greatly influence U.S. culture and
characteristic that links
people together within the discipline of psychology. Mass media communicate subtle forms of ra-
a macrosystem. They cial stereotyping and cultural expectations for thinness, especially for women.
can form the basis of Macrosystems also form contexts within which the other levels function, such
a community (e.g., the
Deaf community),
as how the economic climate affects businesses. But systems at other levels can
influence macrosystems through social advocacy or through actions such as
buying locally grown foods.
An important level of analysis that we include under macrosystems is the
population. A population is defined by a broadly shared characteristic (e.g.,
gender, race, ethnicity, nationality, income, religion, sexual orientation, ability
or disability status). Populations can be the basis of a broad form of commu-
nity (e.g., the Jewish community, the gay community). However, not all indi-
viduals within a population will identify with it as a community.
Many studies in community psychology concern more than one level of
analysis. For instance, a study of children in Head Start programs investigated
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mediating neighborhood-, family-, and individual-level factors related to educational

structures success. The researchers found that neighborhood-level factors (including the
institutions that link
individuals to public number of families of low or high socioeconomic status and the number of
life, including formal homes in which English was a second language) had significant direct effects
organizations and on the cognition and behavior of children in Head Start (Vanden-Kiernan et
settings (e.g., schools,
churches) and less
al., 2010). These direct neighborhood-level effects were not mediated by such
formal ones (e.g., self- family-level factors as family structure, income, ethnicity, or family processes
help groups, clubs, (e.g., amount of social support available to parents, parents’ involvement in
organized supporters
groups for a favorite
their children’s education). What this means, for example, is that living in
sports team). They a neighborhood marked by concentrated poverty had a significant negative
can act as a buffer in effect on the cognitive and behavioral development of children, even if those
dealing with stressors
from larger institutions
children lived in a two-parent home with high income and parents who were
(e.g., unemployment, highly involved in their education. The negative neighborhood-level effects
discrimination) and were strong enough to overwhelm any positive effects the children received
can be important
from their parents. We discuss the strong effects of neighborhood context on
intervention points
when helping child development in Chapter 5.
communities.

What Do You Think?

1. What are the most important microsystems, organizations, localities, and
macrosystems in your life? How are those settings related to each other?
2. Think about one specific setting in your life. What resources does it provide for
you? What challenges or obligations does it present? What are its strengths and
weaknesses?
3. Name something that you would like to change about that setting. Why?
4. At what level does that setting exist (microsystem, organization, locality, or
macrosystem)? How would changing that setting affect settings at the other levels?
How would changes at the other levels affect that setting?

Levels of Intervention
Ecological levels of analysis are helpful tools in shifting perspective about
where to look to improve social outcomes. Systematically examining an issue
across levels of analysis can uncover multiple contributing factors to that is-
sue. However, examining social issues across levels of analyses is not sufficient
to promote change; that is, understanding where to look is only the first step
of the community psychology shift in perspective.
One way in which levels of analysis can help suggest appropriate points of
intervention is through the concept of mediating structures, “those institu-
tions standing between the individual and his private life and the large insti-
tutions of public life” (Berger & Neuhaus, 1977, p. 2). Peter Berger and John
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Neuhaus were sociologists who developed a strategy to promote well-being

for individuals and communities by developing mediating structures. Central
to this theory is that society can exert stressful conditions on individuals,
some of whom have difficulty coping with these stressors. However, a strate-
gy of promoting the development of mediating structures focuses on settings
that can assist individuals in coping with society’s stressors. In our ecological
levels of analysis framework, these might be organizations (e.g., schools, mu-
tual help groups, churches) or less formal settings. Community psychologists
have been interested in the potential of settings that can serve as mediating
structures—many of which are underutilized resources in communities al-
ready. In some cases, community psychologists focus on creating new alter-
native settings that better meet the needs of the individuals affected by the
focal concern.
What to change and how to change it are crucial components of any
change strategy. In the coming chapters, we elaborate on how and what to
change. For this introduction of the community psychology perspective, we
emphasize two related points that need to be paired with any consideration of
ecological levels of analysis: problem definition and selection of interventions
that are linked to ecological levels of analysis.
The focus of any change effort requires a problem definition to organize
resources and action. It is critical to examine how a problem is framed and
how this dictates interventions. In the example of homelessness presented
earlier, if homelessness is defined as a problem with the person only (e.g.,
addiction, mental health, lack of job skills) or problem of the environment
only (e.g., lack of affordable housing), the selected interventions will be
quite different (e.g., a treatment for an individual deficit vs. the creation of
a program to increase access to affordable housing). By focusing on a sin-
gle level of analysis (e.g., individual problems), the intervention strategy is
constrained to individual change efforts and will be ineffective in addressing
homelessness if aspects of the problem at higher levels of analysis are not
addressed (e.g., access to safe, affordable housing). Too often, the change
strategy ignores or does not match the level of analysis. In North America,
many communities have programs to help homeless individuals change but
do little to address the lack of affordable housing. From a community psy-
chology perspective, addressing such issues as homelessness or joblessness
will require multiple interventions at more than one level of analysis. If in-
terventions are not implemented at multiple levels of analysis, they will like-
ly fail to effectively address the issue.
Furthermore, there are three ways that we may fall short of addressing
issues even if we examine multiple levels of analyses. First, it may be that
action is necessary but not taken (e.g., additional resources for treatment
of homeless persons or affordable housing are not committed). Second, it
may be that action is taken where it should not be (e.g., arresting homeless
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errors of logical typing persons for sleeping on the street; how does this prevent homelessness?).
taking action at the Third, and perhaps more common, action is taken at the wrong level of
wrong ecological
level (e.g., city analysis (e.g., the only action taken is passing city ordinances to limit
ordinances that limit panhandling or loitering—observable individual-level behaviors of some
panhandling, which homeless persons that are troubling to many community members). In
targets individual
behaviors resulting
community psychology terms, this is referred to as an error of logical typ-
from homelessness, ing (Rappaport, 1977b; Watzlawick et al., 1974). While panhandling and
not the root causes loitering can be problematic, focusing change efforts on this individual lev-
of homelessness
within localities and
el of analysis likely will not reduce homelessness. These efforts may also not
macrosystems). reduce behaviors perceived to be problematic; rather, these behaviors will
likely be moved to different locations as the root causes for homelessness
have not been addressed.
How do community psychologists decide how to frame problem defini-
tions? How can you choose which levels of analysis need to be included in an
intervention strategy? In the next section, we present core values of commu-
nity psychology that help guide these decisions.

Eight Core Values in Community Psychology

values Our personal values about relationships, accountability, social change priorities,
deeply held ideals and our personal political world view all shape our priorities and agenda for
in individuals and community work.
communities about —M. A. Bond, 1989, p. 356
what is considered
moral, right, or good. Our work always promotes the ends of some interest group, even if we do not recognize
They can influence
that explicitly.
goals, the means to
—Riger, 1989, p. 382
achieve those goals,
or both. Community
psychology is guided Values play a central role in both research and social action. The decisions
by eight core values, about what issues to investigate, how to research them or intervene, and who
as shown in Exhibit 1.1. should be involved in those activities are all formed by the values of the peo-
ple involved. This is true for all research and action, but for much of history
the central role played by values in those activities has been largely ignored.
Many of you are likely aware of the Tuskegee syphilis study conducted by the
U.S. Public Health Service from 1932 to 1972 (CDC, n.d.). A research pro-
gram that was intended to provide data supporting more resources for the
treatment of syphilis in poor Black communities resulted in hundreds of men
being denied effective treatment, even when it became available. There were
many systemic failures responsible for this ethical catastrophe, but at the heart
of them all were the values of the people designing and running the study.
They valued the data they received from the men recruited for the study more
than they valued the men themselves.
But what exactly do we mean by “values”? Values are deeply held ideals
about what is moral, right, or good. They have emotional intensity; they are
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honored, not lightly held. Values may concern ends (goals), means (how to
attain goals), or both. They are social; we develop values through experiences
with others. Individuals hold values, but so do families, communities, and
cultures. Values may be rooted in spiritual beliefs or practices but can also
be secular. Many ethical conflicts involve choices about which of two worthy
values is more important in a given situation (R. Campbell & Morris, 2017b;
G. Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010; O’Neill, 2005).
In community psychology, discussions of values are useful for sever-
al purposes. First, values help clarify choices for research and action. Even
defining a problem is a value-laden choice, strongly influencing subsequent
action (E. Seidman & Rappaport, 1986). Public definitions of community and
social problems often reflect the worldviews of the powerful and thus help
maintain the status quo. Attending to values can lead to questioning those
dominant views.
Second, the discussion of values helps identify when actions and espoused
values do not match (Rappaport, 1977a). Consider a community leader who
helps found a neighborhood social center to empower teens who are gay, les-
bian, bisexual, or questioning their sexuality. The leader decides how to reno-
vate the space and plans all the programs, allowing the youth themselves little
say. Despite the leader’s intent, this actually disempowers the youth (Stanley,
2003). The leader talks the talk but does not walk the walk.
Or consider an alternative high school that seeks to empower students,
their families, and teachers (Gruber & Trickett, 1987). But when decisions
are to be made, the teachers have sources of day-to-day information and in-
fluence that students and parents lack; teachers thus dominate the discussion.
Despite the espoused values of all involved, the organizational practices do
not empower students and families. The problem is not individual hypocrisy
but an organizational discrepancy between ideals and outcomes.
Third, understanding a culture or community involves understanding
its distinctive values. For instance, Potts (2003) discussed the importance of
Africanist values in a program for middle school African American youth.
Native Hawaiian cultural conceptions of health are closely tied to values of
‘ohana and lokahi (family and community unity) and of interdependence
of the land, water, and human communities. A health promotion program
in Native Hawaiian communities needs to be interwoven with these values
(Helm, 2003).
Fourth, community psychology has a distinctive spirit (J.  G.  Kelly,
2002)—a shared sense of purpose and meaning. That spirit is the basis of our
commitment and what keeps us going when obstacles arise (J. G. Kelly, 2010).
It is thoughtful but also passionate and pragmatic, embodied in research
and action.
In our experience, the spirit of community psychology is based on eight core
values, listed in Exhibit 1.1. Our discussion of these eight values is influenced
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Exhibit 1.1  Eight Core Values in Community Psychology

1. Social justice is the fair and equitable distribution of resources, opportunities, obligations,
and power across communities within a society. All members in a socially just society
have the same rights and are subject to the same processes, which are developed
collaboratively with input from all members of that society.
2. Respect for human diversity acknowledges and honors the variety of communities and
social identities based on gender, ethnic or racial identity, nationality, sexual orientation,
ability or disability, socioeconomic status, age, religious and spiritual beliefs, and
other characteristics. Communities are understood on their own terms, and research,
interventions, and other psychological work are tailored based on those terms.
3. Sense of community is a feeling of belongingness, interdependence, and mutual
commitment that links individuals as a collective. It is integral to community and social
action and is a resource for social support and clinical work.
4. Collective wellness is an overall sense of contentment within a community that balances
the objective and subjective needs of all individuals and groups within that community
and resolves conflicting needs for the general good.
5. Empowerment and citizen participation are essential components to all work in
community psychology, ensuring that community involvement exists at all ecological levels
in making decisions and that community members can exert control.
6. Collaboration entails an equal relationship between community psychologists and
community members. Psychologists lend their expertise but do not assume a position of
hierarchical superiority, giving citizens the opportunity to contribute their own knowledge,
resources, and strengths.
7. Empirical grounding is using empirical research to make community action more effective
and using the lessons from that work to make research more valid for understanding
communities. Community psychologists also acknowledge that no research is unbiased, so
they are open about values and the impact of context in their work.
8. Multilevel, strengths-based perspective avoids focusing only on the individual level
and addresses all ecological levels of analysis, recognizing and integrating community
strengths at these levels in the work of community psychology.

by, yet different from, the discussions of values by Isaac Prilleltensky and
Geoffrey Nelson (2002; G. Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2010; Prilleltensky, 1997,
2001, 2012). These eight values are just one way of summarizing the field’s val-
ues. In addition to these common values, each individual and working group
within the field must decide what values will be central to their work. Our
discussion here is intended to promote the discussion of these values and the
issues they raise for community life. As M. A. Bond (1989) and Riger (1989)
asserted in quotations at the beginning of this section, community psycholo-
gy will be guided by some set of values and serve someone’s interests, whether
we realize it or not. It is better to discuss and choose our values and how to
put them into action.
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distributive justice Social Justice

an aspect of social
justice that involves Social justice can be defined as the fair, equitable allocation of resources, op-
the fair and equitable portunities, obligations, and power in society as a whole (Prilleltensky, 2001,
allocation of resources
(e.g., money, access to
p. 754). Social justice has two aspects especially important here. Distributive
quality education and justice concerns the fair and equitable allocation of resources (e.g., money,
healthcare) among access to good quality health services or education) among members of a so-
community members.
cial group. Procedural justice ensures that everyone has the same rights and
procedural justice is subject to the same procedures. Procedural justice is often understood in
an aspect of social
justice ensuring that
terms of due process in the legal system, but Prilleltensky (2012) argued for an
everyone within a expansion of that concept to include all settings and all relationships. So if two
setting has the same children commit the same transgression, they both receive the same treat-
rights and is subject
to the same rules and
ment from their parents, and they both understand the basis of that treatment
procedures. In law, it and consider it (reasonably) fair. Or if an organization has a pool of money to
is understood as due use for staff raises, everyone in the organization understands how the raises
process, but it applies
to other settings as
are distributed and considers that process fair. From a community psychology
well. perspective of social justice, in order for processes to be just, everyone should
be involved in their development. Following these definitions, a just setting
is one in which every member receives an equitable share of the resources,
everyone is involved in the development of the processes that govern the set-
tings, and those processes are applied fairly.
Psychology’s record of support for social justice in the United States has
been mixed. It has sometimes been at the forefront of social justice struggles,
as in the involvement of psychologists Mamie and Kenneth Clark and oth-
ers in research cited in the 1954 school desegregation case Brown v. Board
of Education. However, psychological research and practice has also had
the effect of supporting sexism, racism, and other injustices, for instance
in the area of intelligence testing (Gould, 1981; Prilleltensky & Nelson,
2002). The tradition of liberation psychology, rooted in Latin America, and
the related fields of critical psychology and feminist psychology exempli-
fy psychological pursuit of social justice (M. A. Bond et al., 2000a, 2000b;
Martin-Baro, 1994; Montero, 1996; Prilleltensky & Nelson, 2002; Watts &
Serrano-García, 2003).

Respect for Human Diversity

This value recognizes and honors the variety of communities and social iden-
tities based on gender, ethnic or racial identity, nationality, sexual orientation,
ability or disability, socioeconomic status and income, age, religious and spir-
itual beliefs, or other characteristics. Understanding individuals-in-commu-
nities requires understanding human diversity (Gomez & Yoshikawa, 2017;
Trickett, 1996). Persons and communities are diverse, defying easy general-
izations and demanding that they be understood in their own terms.
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This is not a vague respect for diversity as a politically correct attitude.

To be effective in community work, community psychologists must under-
stand the traditions and folkways of any culture or distinctive community
with whom they work (Gomez & Yoshikawa, 2017; O’Donnell, 2005). That
includes appreciating how the culture provides distinctive strengths and re-
sources for living. Researchers also need to adapt research methods and ques-
tions to be appropriate to a culture. This is more than simply translating ques-
tionnaires; it involves a thorough reexamination of the aims, methods, and
expected products of research in terms of the culture to be studied.
Respect for diversity must be balanced with the values of social justice
and sense of community—understanding diverse groups and persons while
promoting fairness, seeking common ground, and avoiding social fragmenta-
tion (Prilleltensky, 2001). To do that, the first step is usually to study diversi-
ties in order to understand them. A related step is to respect others as fellow
persons, even when you disagree. We explore the value of human diversity in
relation to community psychology throughout the book and provide addi-
tional conceptual frameworks for understanding diversity in Chapter 7.

Sense of Community
Sense of community is the center of some definitions of community psychol-
ogy (Sarason, 1974). It refers to a perception of belongingness, interdepen-
dence, and mutual commitment that links individuals in a collective unity
(D. McMillan & Chavis, 1986; Sarason, 1974). For example, community psy-
chologists have studied sense of community in neighborhoods, schools and
classrooms, mutual help groups, faith communities, workplaces, and internet
virtual environments (e.g., Buckingham et al., 2018; Fisher, Sonn, & Bishop,
2002; Newbrough, 1996). Sense of community is a basis for community and
social action as well as a resource for social support and clinical work. We
discuss psychological sense of community in detail in Chapter 6.

Collective Wellness
Community psychologist Isaac Prilleltensky (2012) defined wellness as “a
positive state of affairs, brought about by the simultaneous and balanced satis-
faction of diverse objective and subjective needs of individuals, relationships,
organizations, and communities” (p.  2). This definition differs from others
in its focus on multiple ecological levels. Prilleltensky believes that the con-
cept of wellness extends beyond the individual. Organizations can experience
varying degrees of wellness, as can communities and societies.
This definition also reflects the diversity embodied in those settings. The
needs of individuals, families, communities, and societies are multiple, com-
plex, and sometimes in conflict. It is in recognition of these points that we
have chosen the term “collective wellness” to describe this value in community
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E ight C o r e Values in C ommunity P sychology 27

psychology. This value as it is reflected in the field of community psychology

is further discussed in Chapters 7, 10, 11, and 13.

Empowerment and Citizen Participation

You are probably familiar with the concept of empowerment viewed through
an individualistic perspective—a feeling people experience of being able to ex-
ert power over their own lives. Community psychology views empowerment
through ecological, collaborative, and structural perspectives; at multiple lev-
els; and as a process rather than a feeling (Christens, 2019). Empowerment
is the process of enhancing the possibilities for people to control their own
lives (Rappaport, 1987). From this perspective, empowerment is an empir-
ical construct. Tangible changes are made in settings that increase the op-
portunities for members to come together to exert control over how those
settings function.
Citizen participation can be defined as “a process in which individuals
take part in decision making in the institutions, programs and environments
that affect them” (Wandersman et al., 1984, p. 339). Increased citizen partic-
ipation both results from and contributes to increased empowerment. These
values will be explored further in Chapter 8.

Collaboration
Perhaps the most distinctive value of community psychology, long empha-
sized in the field, involves relationships between community psychologists and
citizens and the process of their work (Case, 2017). Psychologists traditionally
assume an “expert” role, which creates a hierarchical, unequal relationship of
expert and client—useful in some contexts but often inappropriate for com-
munity work. Psychologists also traditionally address deficits in individuals
(e.g., diagnosing a mental disorder), while community psychologists search
for personal and community strengths that promote change. Community psy-
chologists do have expertise to share with communities. However, they also
need to honor the life experiences, wisdom, passionate zeal, social networks,
organizations, cultural traditions, and other resources (in short, the commu-
nity strengths) that already exist in a community. Building on these strengths
is often the best pathway to overcoming problems (D. D. Perkins et al., 2004).
Furthermore, community psychologists seek to create a collaborative re-
lationship with citizens so community strengths are available for use. In that
relationship, both psychologist and citizens contribute knowledge and re-
sources, and both participate in making decisions (Javdani et al., 2017; Kelly,
1986). For example, community researchers may design a study to meet the
needs of citizens, share research findings with citizens in a form that they can
use, and help use the findings to advocate for changes by decision makers.
Developers of a community program would fully involve citizens in planning
and implementing it.
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Empirical Grounding
This value refers to integrating research with community action, basing
(grounding) action in empirical research findings whenever possible
(Rappaport, 1977a; Tebes, 2017). This uses research to make community ac-
tion more effective and makes research more valid for understanding com-
munities. Community psychologists are impatient with theory or action that
lacks empirical evidence and with research that ignores the context and inter-
ests of the community in which it occurred.
Community psychologists believe no research is value-free; it is always
influenced by researchers’ values and preconceptions and by the context in
which the research is conducted. Drawing conclusions from research thus re-
quires attention to values and context, not simply to the data (Tebes, 2017).
This does not mean that researchers abandon rigorous research but that val-
ues and community issues that affect the research are discussed openly to
promote better understanding of findings. We explore how the field of com-
munity psychology approaches this integration of research and values in
Chapters 3 and 4.

Multilevel, Strengths-Based Perspective

Earlier in this chapter we introduced the concept of ecological levels of analy-
sis, each of which offers a unique perspective for understanding and defining
areas of concern and identifying potential points of intervention. That empha-
sis on moving beyond an individual level of analysis, and the shift in perspec-
tive that requires, is a defining aspect of the field of community psychology.
Along with that focus on context and an imperative to recognize and work
in the multiple settings that structure our lives, community psychology shares
with other disciplines a strengths-based perspective (Maton, Humphreys,
Jason, & Shinn, 2017; Rappaport, 1977a). This is the understanding that all
individuals, families, organizations, and societies have significant strengths
and that those strengths must be acknowledged, celebrated, and utilized in
efforts to enhance collective wellness.
The community psychology value of a multilevel, strengths-based per-
spective is reflected throughout the field and is specifically addressed in
Chapters 5, 10, 11, and 13.

The Interrelationship of Community Psychology Values

Of course, none of the eight values we have presented can exist in isolation. For
example, in Chapters 7, 10, and 11 we discuss how evidence-based prevention
and promotion programs (which are empirically grounded) should embody a
multilevel, strengths-based perspective; be designed and implemented based
on a collaborative, empowering relationship with the community; be adapted
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T he I nte r r elationship of C ommunity P sychology Values 29

Box 1.2 Community Psychology in Action: Tom Wolff and Community

Coalitions
Community psychologist Tom Wolff was engaged by a community health coalition to work
with local citizens to plan health initiatives. He held an evening meeting open to all citizens. At
such a meeting, one might expect to discuss a lack of affordable health care in the community,
a need for health promotion and prevention programs, or mutual help groups. Instead, the
most important need identified by many citizens was for street signs! Wolff barely contained
his amazement. Yet recently in this community, emergency medical care had been delayed
several times, with serious consequences, because ambulances could not locate residences.
Wolff duly noted this concern, then sought to turn the conversation to matters fitting his
preconceptions. However, the local citizens would not have it; they wanted a plan for action
on street signs. When that need had been met, they reasoned, they could trust the health
coalition to work with them on other issues. Wolff then shifted to working with the citizens to
get the municipality to erect street signs. Instead of pursuing his own agenda, he worked with
citizens to accomplish their goals (Wolff & Lee, 1997).

What Do You Think?

1. What community psychology values are reflected in Tom Wolff’s work?
2. How did recognizing and implementing these values affect his ability to
effectively work with the health coalition?
3. Can you imagine yourself being part of a coalition in your community working
together to solve a community problem? How might community psychology
values affect your approach to that work?

to reflect the diversity, history, and culture(s) of that community; and hope-
fully result in increased sense of community, increased collective wellness,
and, ultimately, increased social justice.
This seems like a lot to expect from what are, in many cases, small inter-
ventions, but think back to the discussion of the evidence on youth inquiry
approaches earlier in this chapter. There is a growing body of evidence for
their efficacy at promoting change at multiple ecological levels, which results
in increased collective wellness and a sense of community. They are based on
a recognition of the existing strengths of children and adolescents and, often,
on an explicit recognition of their diversity. Ultimately, they result in changed
roles, increased power and recognition for youth in their communities, and a
more equitable distribution of resources, even if only in relatively small ways.
Community psychology practitioner Tom Wolff presents an example of small
wins from his work in Box 1.2.
Not all interventions are small ones. In Chapter 13, we discuss public pol-
icy work, which can produce impacts at local, regional, national, and inter-
national levels. But large or small, the goal of community psychology is to
promote the vision of Martin Luther King, Jr., and engage in creative malad-
justment. The goal is to advance social justice.
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Overview of This Book

In this chapter, we discussed the shift in perspective that is central to com-
munity psychology and the values of the field. In Chapter 2, we present how
the field developed core methods and concepts or adapted them to act on
this shift in perspective. Chapters  3 and 4 deal with the research methods
that underlie community research and how those methods derive from the
basic values of the field. Chapters 5–9 present some underlying concepts of
the field and the theories and research related to them. These chapters present
the field’s approach to understanding communities. Chapters 10–12 present
a major focus of intervention in community psychology: the prevention of
disorder; the promotion of wellness for individuals, families, and organiza-
tions; and the implementation and evaluation of programs designed to meet
those goals. Chapter 13 extends community psychology’s approach to change
to the community and society levels. In Chapter 14, the final chapter, we talk
about some challenges and opportunities facing the field and encourage you
to think about how you can use tools of community psychology as citizens, in
human services careers, or even as aspiring community psychologists.
At the beginning of each chapter in this book, we present an opening
exercise that is designed to help you explore community psychology. The ex-
ercise might present an opportunity for a shift in perspective or an expansion
of what it means to engage in psychology. In many of the chapters, we also
present stories of Community Psychology in Action, focusing on the personal
stories of people doing community work. We also present similar Changing
Perspectives features with examples that encourage you to look at the world
in a different way and perhaps revisit your preconceived notions and biases.
Along these lines, we present self-reflection questions that ask you to engage
more directly with the material on a more personal and meaningful level.

Using Respectful Language to Discuss Social Identities

As noted earlier in this chapter, respect for human diversity is a core value of
community psychology. Language is a key factor in conveying this respect,
particularly by referring to individuals and groups using their preferred
self-identifying labels. In this book, we therefore refer to specific individu-
als and groups based on how they self-identify. We also try to use inclusive
language when referring to groups more broadly. However, sometimes dif-
ferent members of the same community prefer different labels. For example,
“Latina,” “Latino,” “Latinx,” “Hispanic,” and other terms may be appropriate
when referring to some people from Spanish-speaking or Latin American cul-
tural backgrounds but also inappropriate when referring to others from those
backgrounds. We sometimes use “Latinx” as a broad, gender-neutral term,
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U sing Respectful L anguage to D iscuss S ocial I dentities 31

but using this term can also sometimes diminish the experiences of Latina
women. We encourage you to use more appropriate language as needed when
referring to your own social identities, those of your classmates, or anyone
else, whether those identities concern ethnicity, gender, ability or disability
status, or any other characteristic that is important to someone.

Learning Goals
While we hope that by the end of this book some of you will consider further
education in community psychology, we realize that for many of you, this may
be your only formal involvement with the field. However, it is our firm belief
that all of you will—at various times in your life—be involved in initiatives
that will benefit from the theories, research, and skills we present in this book.
While the number of people who formally identify themselves as community
psychologists may be relatively small, the influence of the field is much larg-
er than those numbers would suggest. Community psychology theories and
research are reflected or directly cited in the work of public health experts,
social workers, sociologists, public officials, and other psychologists.
We hope that you finish this book with several accomplishments:
• a better understanding of community psychology;
• increased skills for working effectively in diverse contexts and
communities;
• a greater appreciation of the intertwining of individual, community, and
society;
• a greater awareness of your own values;
• a willingness to explore the many sides of community and social issues;
and
• a passionate engagement in changing your communities and society for
the better.

We came to community psychology because it engaged our minds, our

values, and our lives. We hope this book does that for you.
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For Review

Discussion Questions
1. Go back to the opening exercise in this 3. Think of a current issue you care about
chapter about the untested sexual assault in a community of which you are a
kits. How have your answers to those member. Using the ideas and approaches
questions changed after reading the discussed in this chapter, how might you
chapter? analyze and define that issue?
2. In what ways do your values align with 4. How might you create an intervention to
those of community psychology? address that issue?

Key Terms
community psychology, 3 microsystems, 17 populations, 19
individualistic perspective, 6 setting, 18 mediating structures, 20
structural perspective, 6 organizations, 18 errors of logical typing, 22
context, 10 localities, 18 values, 22
first-order change, 12 community coalitions, 19 distributive justice, 25
second-order change, 12 macrosystems, 19 procedural justice, 25
individual, 17

Learn More
A detailed summary of the chapter, along with other review materials, is available on the Community
Psychology, Fourth Edition companion website at http://pubs.apa.org/books/supp/kloos4/.