Buddha on Earth and in Heaven

Author(s): Wen Fong

Source: Record of the Art Museum, Princeton University , 1954, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1954),
pp. 38-61
Published by: Princeton University Art Museum

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 BUDDHA ON EARTH AND IN HEAVEN

IN the Art Museum there is a Chinese Buddhist stele, un-

pretentious in appearance, yet of unique interest for the
students of Buddhist art (Fig. 2 and Cover).1
The stone measures 0.73 m. in height. The base dimension is
0.495 m. x 0.135 m. The left side of the stone has been chipped
off about one centimeter along the edge, apparently as a result
of the re-use of the stone in 1589 A.D., when the back of the
stone was given an inscription to commemorate a deceased old
cypress tree (Fig. 1).2 To this misdeed we may also attribute the
damage suffered by parts of the central composition.3 The
central Buddha image and the four attending figures, however,
have remained intact, for they are safely placed in a deep recess
carved into the surface of the stone. The Buddha sits on the
lotus throne4 with his legs folded in vajrasana (the Diamo
Pose) his right hand raised in vitarka-mudria and the left
1 Accession number 43-134. The stele is a part of the C. O. von Kienbusch
Memorial.
2 The inscription of 1589 A.D. runs at a go-degree angle in relation to
front side and makes no mention at all of the sculptured front. It narrates
story of an old cypress tree which had lived over a thousand years and t
was infected with disease and had to be chopped down. The locality of the t
is described as being near the temple Ta Shan Ssfi, north of Chi (which c
be in Shantung or Shansi); and because of this famous tree, the temple was
popularly known as the Temple of the Old Cypress.
Insofar as it appears evident that the sculpture on the front of the stele w
disregarded completely by the user of 1589, who merely utilized the back of
stone as material for a new monument, we may presume that the original s
was set up in the same area as the cypress tree. It seems highly unlikely t
an expedient act such as that rwould involve the moving of this heavy piece
stone from any great distance.
3 The sculptured front was obviously set hidden in the wall of the mon
ment, or probably in the very tree stump.
4 The throne is octagonal, but shows in the front only its three sides.
a similar throne, see Seiiti Miduno and Tosio Nagahiro, A Study of the Buddh
Cave-Temples at Lun-men, Ho-tnan, Tokyo, 1941, pl. 81, which illustrates
main Buddha in the Cave K'an-ching Ssfi.
5 The right hand of the Buddha is broken. From the position of the forearm,
we know that it could not represent Abhavandada-mudra, as shown in Figure mo
by the Buddha of Wang-fo Tung. It could, however, show the Dharmiacakra-
mudra, which is sometimes represented by the right hand only. Since Waley, fol-
lowing Foucher and Stein, calls this general speaking gesture Vitarka-mutdra, we
find it convenient to use this convention. We may cite the "Vitarka-mudra" held
by Sakyamuni in the Kanshfiji hanging of the "Vulture Peak Paradise Mandala"
as a typical example of this hand symbol. (For an illustration of the Kanshfiji
hanging, see Nait6 Toichir6, The TT'all Paintings of Horyfji, ed. by W. R. B.
Acker and B. Rowland, Jr., Baltimore, 1943, pl. 6o.)

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his left knee.6 By him, there stand two of his disciples and two
Buddhisattvas.7 This central group is flanked by two composite
pillars, which are made up with four dwarf-atlantes,8 four stone
drums, and two rats on the top.9 Above the heads of the central
6 For a similar position for the left hand, see Figure io, the Buddha of Wang-
fo Tung.
7 The two disciples are Ananda and Mahakasyapa. The latter stands on Bud-
dha's left, marked by more prominent rib-bones, for he is an older man. Maha-
kaiyapa is also shown here holding a rosary, which is usually used by Buddhist
monks to aid their practice of meditation. The rosary is also a symbol of
Ruipadhatu, "The World of Form," which is the second of the Trailokya, "The
Three Realms" (see Taisho Tripitaka, Plates, II, p. 91).
For a brief account of "The Three Realms," see Note 22.
For stories of Ananda and Mahakasyapa, see Sokei-ann Sasaki, The Story of
the Giant Disciples of Buddha, Ananda and Maha-kasyapa, First Zen Buddhism
Institute, New York, 1931.
For identification of the two Buddhisattvas in the stele, see p. 53 and Note 56
8 The dwarf-atlantes are earthly demi-gods. For a discussion concerning their
designation as yaksas, see Naito, Acker-Rowland, op. cit., pp. 250-251, n. 38-40.
9 The two animals on the top of the pillars, if indeed rats, should represent
day and night.
The following parable is found in the "Sfitra on the cause of the preaching of
the law by Pindola Bharadvaga to the King Udayana" (Nanjio 1347, a Hinayana-
suitra translated by Gunabhadra into Chinese in 435-443 A.D.):
"There was a man, who was pursued by a giant elephant while walking across
a field. Seeking refuge, he climbed down on a vine into a well. As he was hang-
ing onto the vine, he suddenly noticed above him two rats, one white and one
black, nibbling away the vine. From the walls of the well there were four
serpents pointing at him; below him, at the bottom of the well, there was a giant
poisonous dragon. ... The field was the scene of life and death . . . the elephant
represented an accident of life . . . the vine was the root of life; the white and
black rats represented day and night . ." (Taisho, V. 32, no. 1690, p. 787a-b;
free translation by the author).
Professor K. Weitzmann has pointed out to me that this old Indian parable
was introduced into Christian literature and manuscript illuminations by Bar-
laam and loasaph of the middle eighth century A.D., commonly attributed to
St. John of Damascus. The parable is retold in the following fashion:
. a man flying before the face of a rampant unicorn, who, unable to
endure the sound of the beast's cry, and its terrible bellowing, to avoid being
devoured, ran away at full speed. But while he ran hastily, he fell into a great
pit; and as he fell, he stretched forth his hands, and laid hold on a tree, to
which he held tightly. There he established some sort of foot-hold and thought
himself from that moment in peace and safety. But he looked and descried two
mice, the one white, the other black, that never ceased to gnaw the root of the
tree whereon he hung, and were all but on the point of severing it. Then he
looked down to the bottom of the pit and espied below a dragon, breathing
fire, fearful for eye to see, exceeding fierce and grim, with terrible wide jaws,
all agape to swallow him. Again looking closely at the ledge whereon his feet
rested, he discerned four heads of asps projecting from the wall whereon he
was perched . . ." (translated by the Rev. G. R. Woodward and H. Mattingly,
St. John Damascene, Barlaam and loasaph, The Loeb Classical Library, pp.
89

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images, there is the carefully carved drape-canopy, now largely
broken.10 The festoons are tied to the pillars on both sides, and
hung at the top from a lotus plant, which in turn grows up-
wards into three big lotus flowers, supporting a Buddha in the
center with hands in dhydna (or samadhi)-mudr&", and two
music-playing garudas,2 one playing a lute and another a pipe.13
Between the garudas, at either side of the dhyani Buddha, there
are two naked new-born souls standing on small lotus buds.14
In the two upper corners of the stele, two deva-kings, crowned
and armoured, one holding a forked spear and another a sword,
half-stand and half-sit on the bodies of two dead demons.15

187-189). The parallel was also brought to my attention by Professor DeWald i

whose museum seminar this paper was first developed.
For illustrations of the parable, see: J. Strzygowski, Die Miniaturen des ser-
bischen Psalters, Wien, 1906, p. 97, fig. 36, which, however, reproduces Paris,
Bibl. Nat., gr. codex 36, fol. 2o3v., instead of gr. 1128, as the caption says in th
book (for description of this picture, see H. Bordier, Description des peintures
mss. grecs, Bibl. Nat., Paris, 1883, p. 264); and S. der Nersessian, L'Illustratio
du roman de Barlaan et Joasaph, Paris, 1937, p. 65, fig. 26.
10 The festoons were cut out of the stone to hang freely over the heads o
central images. They must have hung in two layers, the lower of which attache
to the stone only at points where the individual loops of festoons were broken
off. The base of each broken festoon is clearly visible in the stone.
11 The dhyaina-mnudrt symbolizes the entry into deep meditation. It is made
with both hands lying on crossed knees, palms upwards, both index fingers ben
to touch respective thumbs, which in turn touch each other. Here, the finger
details are not indicated owing to the small scale.
12 Garudas, bird-deities, form one of the eight armies of celestial beings de-
scribed in the Lotus Sutra. They are represented with human heads, bird bodies
and gold wings. For comparisons, see A. Stein, The Thousand Buddhas, London,
1921, pl. II, lower right along the cut of the picture.
13 The pipe is almost completely obliterated. It only becomes evident when
compared with the pipe held by the second musician, counting from the bottom
of ibid., pl. I. The pipe is sheng in Chinese.
14 The naked souls are represented standing in such a way that they resemble
the new-born Buddha as told in the Legends of Buddha. See, for example, E
Matsumoto, Tonko-ga no Kenkyfi, Tokyo, 1937, pl. LXXIII c.
15 The deva-kings, Mahiirijas or Lokapalas, are Indra's external generals. Ther
are four Maharajas, dwelling on four sides of Mount Meru, called the Four
Guardian Kings of the World. In China, appearing in almost every temple, the
spear-bearer is Dhrtardstra, guardian of East, "Deva who governs a Kingdom
t-NA s ;" usually represented with a blue face; the sword-user is Viriupiks
guardian of West, "Deva of Broad-eyes 4^ A. " usually represented with a
white face. Dhrtardstra is also represented with a lute; he is the commander o
the army of musician-garudas.
The four guardians are distributed according to the Chinese cosmology t
symbolize four directions, four colors, anti four seasons. If the main deity sit
in the center facing South, it is proper to have Dhrtarcstra on his left, identify-

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Under them, there are two apsaras flying over the heads of two
other celestial guardians, the vajra vira,16 both armourless, the
left of which raises high a three-pronged vajra (the thunderbolt
of Indra, called the Diamond Club in China) and the right a
vajra wheel. They are standing on the same level as the central
Buddha group. Below, in a separate register, two lions guarding
a reliquary (surface damaged) occupy the center.17 On the sides,
there are two dancing figures and six seated musicians, playing
drums, bells, clappers, a flute, and an instrument unidentified
because of the damage.18
Below the band of dancers and musicians, we find two rows
of donors with each figure turned towards the center of the
stele. The figures number nineteen in total, but only eighteen
of them have their names inscribed next to them.19 Each figure
except one holds an offering lotus in his hand. The kneeling
figure in the center, which alone holds an incense burner, is in-
scribed as Wang, the mother of the chief donor Li Jen-t'ai 44 - .
At the bottom of the stone there is the dedicatory inscription,
which gives the date and the occasion for which the stele was
made. Although the reign title and the first character of the
cyclical designation for the recorded date are lost, the lost char-
acters can be epigraphically reconstructed.20 We have found that
the date of the carving is 750 A.D.; its corresponding cycle is

ing with East, Blue, and Spring; and Virfipdksa on his right, identifying with
West, White, and Fall.
In Japanese, deva-kings are called jinno, meaning divine kings.
16 Vira are mighty men or demi-gods. In Japanese, Vajra-vira are called kon-
gorikishi. In western writings, they are commonly called vajrapani.
17 For a glimpse of what the lion-and-reliquary group might look like, we
may turn to its counterpart in Figure 12, showing a part of the Metropolitan stele.
18 For comparisons of these seated musicians, see Stein, op. cit., pls. I, II.
19 The nineteenth figure, at the right end of the lower left line, differs
from the rest; first, by being deprived of a name; secondly, by being broader
than other figures. It is obviously a late intruder, carved over a part of the space
filler, the lotus floral design ¶: t, since the floral motif is originally centrally
placed, and actually runs over the surface of the added figure.
20 The first part of the inscription reads:
"IN [ ] [ ] NINTH YEAR YEAR CORRESPONDING [ ] YIN NINTH
MOON CHIN HSU BEGINNING FIRST [ ] CHIN HSU."
The literary style of the writing points to an eighth century T'ang date. First,
the word "year" is written as ts'ai , a unique literary preference of that period.
Secondly, t_e combination chin hsu (loes not represent a cycle unless the char-
acter chin l wvas a substitute for pingr^. This again was a T'ang characteristic,

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keng-yin A T , and the reign title during that period, T'ien
Pao k . The rest of the dedicatory inscription is translated
as follows:
"THAT WHICH IS NOT SUBJECT TO BIRTH AND EX-
TINCTION21 IS KNOWN AS THE FA A (dharma, or Buddhist
Law). THAT WHICH HAS A HSIANG Af (laksana, or external
appearance), AND YET HAS NO [PARTICULAR] HSIANG IS
KNOWN AS THE FO 4?p (Buddha). BUDDHA IS CHUEH
(bodhi, or enlightenment), AND THE GREAT TEACHER OF
THE 'THREE REALMS.'22 ONCE [HE] RETREATED TO THE
SHUANG-LIN t,.:(salavana, the twin trees, sal trees, under which

since the use of the character ping was taboo during the T'ang dynasty, and
words involving ping are always written as chin, meaning brilliant or good
omen. With chin read as ping, we find the descriptions of the stele date as
follows:

a) It is the ninth year of some reign.

b) It corresponds to the cycle [ ] yin .
c) The beginning of its ninth month is a day of wvhich cyclical designation is
ping hsu T J (here written as ching hsu- 1j).
Between the years 618 A.D. and 906 A.D., the duration of the T'ang (lynasty,
only 750 A.D. and 774 A.D. are the ninth year of some reign having at the
same time the cycle yin ' as the second character of the cyclical combination.
Further, the Chinese calendar shows that 750 A.D. was the year which had
the first day of its ninth moon marked cyclically as ping hsu. From this we are
able to reconstruct the inscription, which should read in English as follows:
IN T'IEN PAOkt, NINTH YEAR,
THE YEAR CORRESPONDING TO THE CYCLE KENG YINA r',
THE NINTH MOON, WHICH BEGINS WITH PING HSU r f.
THE FIRST DAY, WHICH IS PING HSU.
21 Mi,}^, translation of Nirodha, meaning annihilation or extinctio
22 "The Three Realms," Trailokya, are: 1) Realm of Desire (Kam
2) Realm of Form iRupadhdtu); 3) Realm of Formless (Arupadha
Realm of DesireA ,- " consists of earth and purgatory and six hea
sire, which are Antariksa t)I' , Caturmaharaja-kayikaustv .., Tra
'rrJ ' 1;, Tusita 'i ., Nirmiinarati 4{ f,., and Paranirmitava
S.t 4t3 .K. "The Realm of Form r "consists of four dhyana
7 ;: j, which in turn are divided into eighteen "Heavens of F
inhabitants of this realm are above the desire for sex and food. "The Realm
of Formless . & , " is a realm of mind in contenplation. It has "Four
empty (or formless) Heavens," Caturupabrahmnalokhav 'T .
In connection with "The Paradise of the Pure Land," questions have been
raised as to whether the Pure Land belongs to any of these three realms. Perti-
nent early texts concerning discussions of this problem are gathered in An-yang
Ts'ao, I, Taisho 84, no. 2686, pp. 119-121. The general answer to this query is
that while Buddhisattvas and arhats could choose freely to live in any of the
three realms as their compassion might urge them to (Taish6, 84, pi. 1i9b), the
rest of the beings could appear in the Pure Land, and yet still be unable to
rise above the lowest realm of desire (p. iaic).

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the Buddha entered nirvana), AND PRACTICED THE SAN-MEI
_ t (samddhi).23 THEN HE CAUSED HIS PRECIOUS VESSEL
[OF SALVATION] TO FLOAT FOR ETERNITY, AND HIS
GOLDEN PRECEPTS PRESERVED FOREVER. THOSE WHO
HAVE HEARD [OF HIM] ARE FREED FROM THE B
OF THIS WORLD; THOSE WHO INVOKE [HIS N
RISE TO THAT WAY OF AWAKENING. WE, FATHERS AND
SONS )F 1-I at ,24 LI JEN-T'AI $4-,AND OTHERS
THE NUMBER OF SIXTEEN, WHO LIVE IN THIS MUDDY
WORLD OF SHA-P'O f (saha),5 AND WHO WERE R
IN THOROUGHFARES OF PERPETUAL DARKNESS, EACH
OF US HAS COME TO HAVE A PURE AND FAITHFUL HEART,
AND TOGETHER WE HOPE FOR THE SHORE OF PO-LO
X * (paramita),26 WE HAVE REVERENTLY UND
TO MAKE THIS STONE IMAGE. THE TASK HAS NOW
COME TO ITS COMPLETION. THE LIGHT [OF T
RADIATES TO THE TEN DIRECTIONS. MAY ALL SENTI-
ENT BEINGS (sattvas) ATTAIN THE WONDROUS WAY.
HEREUPON THIS EULOGY:

MAJESTIC THE TRUE IMAGE,

BEAUTIFUL THE MAGIC MANIFESTATION;
UNOBSCURED AS THE BRIGHT SUN,
BANISHING ALL VAIN THOUGHTS;
SAVING US FROM THE THREE CALAMITIES,27

The rosary held by Mahakasyapa in the stele symbolizes "The World of

Form" (see Note 7). This means that Mahakaiyapa here is represented in his
historical aspect as an ascetic, practicing meditation in the Dhyana Heavens.
23 Samddhi is the highest stage of meditation, when the meditator, so to
speak, passes from abstraction to ecstasy. The aim is mukti, freedom from the
bondage of this life. The word dhydna denotes a more general form of medita-
tion; while a third word samdpatti represents the stage between the two.
24I-i is a religious fraternity which existed as early as fifth century A.D. In
early Lung-men caves, we already see dedications by I-i. For an account of I-i
as an organized lay society for financing the erection of stone Buddhist monu-
ments, see L. S. Yang, "Buddhist Monasteries and Four Money-raising Institu-
tions in Chinese History," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 13, June 195o,
p. 180 f., and notes.
25 Sahd is the earth, where there is both good and evil, and where all beings
are subject to rebirth and transmigration.
26 "The Shore of Po-lo," is a translation of Pdramitd, which denotes the act,
or the means, of crossing over from this shore of suffering, birth and rebirth, to
that of virvana.

27 W. E. Soothill, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, London, 1

p. 69: "The three calamities: they are of two kinds, minor and major.
minor, appearing during a decadent world-period, are sword, pestilence
famine; the major, for world-destruction, are fire, water, and wind." (From
She Lun, XII.)
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 FREEING US FROM FIVE HINDRANCES;28
MAY OUR SONS AND OUR GRANDSONS,
ALWAYS TURN THEIR HEARTS TO IT."

The last line carries the signature of the calligrap

decipherable owing to damage.

Stylistically, the Princeton stele belongs to the

development of the T'ang monumental sculptu
art of sculpture reached its peak of glory in the
of the seventh century when the colossus of Vair
was erected at Feng-hsien Ssfi of Lung-men (Fig
comparison to the Feng-hsien Ssi figures, the Pri
show longer faces, more slender proportions for
also more freedom in pose and modelling. The
we know from existing monuments, have already
selves manifest at the beginning of the eighth c
an example, we may cite the Amitabha Trinity o
wall of Hua-t'a Ssu at Hsi-an, Shensi, made in 703
In iconography, the stele is rooted in the tradit
cut caves exemplified by the Feng-hsien Ssf carving
central part of the stele design is conceived as a c
the Buddha is enthroned with four attendants, and at which
gateway the guardians stand and the apsaras are flying. For an
exact parallel of this arrangement, we may turn to Figure 6,
which reproduces the exterior of Yao-fang Tung, also at Lung-
men.31 A third example is shown in Figure o, which illustrates
28 Ibid., p. 129: "The five hindrances, or obstacles: . .. The hindrances of (i)
the passion-nature, e.g. original sin; (2) of karma caused in previous lives; (3) the
affairs of life; (4) no friendly or competent preceptor; (5) partial knowledge."
29 This colossal rock-cut shrine was carved under the supervision of Shan-tao,
the great Pure Land master, by Imperial order with donation from Empress Wu.
It was begun in the fourth moon of 672 A.D., and completed in the twelfth
moon of the year 675. The colossus of Vairocana, measuring about 15 m. from
the crown of the halo to the base of the pedestal, is accompanied by two disciples
(arhats), two Buddhisattvas, two deva-kings, and two vajra-vira. For a detailed
account of the statues and a full transcript of the inscription, see Tokiwa-
Sekino, Buddhist Monuments in China, Tokyo, 193o, text, part II, p. 91; or the
English edition, p. 83 f. For more detailed photographs, see Chavannes, Mission
archeologique dans la Chine septentrionale, Paris, 1909, nos. 351, 352, 353, 355,
356. Figures 3 and 4 are taken from Oswald Siren, Chinese Sculpture, vol. 4, pls.
453, 456.
30 Tokiwa-Sekino, op. cit., 1-25; Collection of K. Hayasaki.
31 The exterior of Yao-fang Tung shows two vajra-vira standing to each side
of the pillared and arched gateway. Above, a stele supported by two dwarf-

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the interior back wall of Wang-fo Tung, with the central
Buddha and his four attendants.32 The affinity between the
Princeton design and the "program" of these caves can be graphi-
cally told by a series of their floor plans (Figs. 7-9).33
On the other hand, the Princeton stele's iconography is
unique among the known monuments of Buddhist art.34 The
dancers, the musicians, the music-playing garudas, and the new-
born souls on the stele undoubtedly remind us of the popular
type of "Western Paradise" pictures found in Tun Huang,
where the same groups of celestial beings are shown (Fig. 13).35
Although Tun Huang examples of this type date mostly later
than the stele, we cannot doubt that such elaborate representa-
tions of paradise with layers of pavilions and terraces, musi-
cians and dancers, and musician-birds, existed in the late seventh

atlantes is flanked by two flying apsaras. These are all done in high relief, and
as Tokiwa and Sekino have suggested, should be dated to the early T'ang
period. Inside, against the back wall, the main Buddha is seated cross-legged,
accompanied by two disciples and two Buddhisattvas. See Tokiwa-Sekino, op. cit.,
text II, English ed., pp. 89-90. Figure 6 is taken from Chavannes, op. cit., pl.
CCXXVIII.

32 Wang-fo Tung, the Cave of Thousand Buddhas, was complet

See Tokiwa-Sekino, op. cit., pp. 73-74; Figure lo is taken from pl
33 The translation of a cave "program" into a stele compositi
quite natural, when we remember that both caves and stele w
devotional purposes, and that while powerful emperors and w
erected colossal statues, the modest donors could only seek to sat
and their gods with imitations of the grand in a smaller scale
politan Museum of New York, we see another example of thi
(Fig. 12) in which the lower right of the three niches on the ba
shows the Buddha enthroned amidst four attendants, with tw
two lions flanking a reliquary under them, while the other two
slight variations of the same theme. (See A. Priest, Chinese Sc
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1944, no. 33, pp. 36
LXXIV.)
34 Helen B. Chapin, in discussing the stele with Professor G. R
found the iconography so puzzling that she concluded in the fol
"I think the only thing that can be said at present is that the s
provincial and certainly uncanonical. There is also a possibility
a forgery. The intention seems to have been to represent a para
it is impossible for me at least to say. The inscription seem
Sakyamuni, either preaching just before the Nirvana or lying
stela itself does not conform. I do not think this proves the stela
it certainly, along with other things, poses problems. (See lett
Chapin to Professor George Rowley, dated May o2, 1945, kept in
Art Museum.)
35 Figure 13 reproduces P. Pelliot, Les grottes de Touen-houang, Paris, 1920, V,
p1. CCCIII.

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and early eighth century in China, since the original Taema-
mandara of the Taema-dera monastery in Yamato, certainly a
variation of the type, was done after a Chinese model in the
Tempy6 Hoji era.36 In view of this, a few crucial questions con-
cerning the meaning and derivation of the stele composition are
raised. One might wonder whether the stele is directly related
to this Tun Huang type of Western Paradise. Whether the
answer to this is affirmative or negative, one may further right-
fully ask if the stele does represent a Buddhist paradise, even
though the inscription only terms it a "stone (Buddha's) image."
To answer these questions, we must first examine the de-
velopment of paradise paintings in the T'ang period. The
"Paradises," properly called "Phases of the Pure Land, ''it:
:I ,37 were enormously popular in China during the seventh and
eighth centuries.38 One type of these "Pure Land" pictures, the
famous image of "Amitabha Accompanied by Fifty Buddhisat-
tvas," dates back in China proper to the Northern Ch'i dynasty,
or the middle of the sixth century A.D.39 Among the examples
of early representations of the Pure Land extant today, this
theme of "Amitabha and Fifty Buddhisattvas" is predominant.
In Lung-men, we see it treated on the back wall of the Cave
Wang-fo Tung, which was completed in 680 A.D. (Fig. io). In
Tun Huang, it shows up in one of the earlier cycles of frescoes,
dated roughly around 700 A.D. (Fig. I 1).40 Finally, in Japan,
36 The original Taema-mandara was made in 763 A.D. See Taki Seiichi, "On
the Taema-mandara Painting," Kokka, nos. 247, 249, 251 (in three parts). A good
copy of this composition is in Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., registra-
tion no. o6.5.
37 In China, the paradise pictures were always called "Phases of (Amitabha's)
Pure Land." In Japan, the term mandara was used to include these paradise
pictures after the introduction of the Shingon sect in 8o6 A.D. Thus the Paradise
made in the Taema-dera monastery was called the Taema-mandara. (See Taki
Seiichi, Kokka, December, 191o, no. 247, English ed. p. 160.)
38 Among the wall paintings listed by Chang Yen-yian in his Li-tai-ning-hua-
chi, a good portion of them depicting "Phases of the Pure Land" were painted
by famous artists like Wei-chih, Po-chih-na, Wiu Tao-tzu, and others.
39 The story of the invention of this icon of "Amitabha Accompanied by Fifty
Buddhisattvas iss told 1)y Tao-hsiian in his Chi Shen-chou San Pao Kan T'ung Lu
.4 4ri '1 . *. li' htchapter II, which is translated in Naito, Acker-Rowland,
The Wall Paintings of Honruji, pp. 143-144.
Although Tao-hsiian would have us believe that the image first came to China
in the Han dynasty, the pictures in any case were not popularized until the
time of Northern Ch'i, when Ts'ao Chung-ta painted them.
40 Cave 146, Tun Huang (Pelliot, op. cit., V, pl. CCCXVIII).
Bachhofer dates these frescoes 700 A.D. See L. Bachhofer, "Die Raumdarstellung

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the Tachibana shrine of late seventh century in the Horyfiji
monastery, one of the earliest representations of Amitabha of
that country, represents this very same theme (Fig. 14).41
We can be sure that the universal popularity of this ancient
icon at the end of the seventh century was not an accident, for
it appeared to be the only orthodox composition "revealed" to
the believers, expressly for the purpose of representing a vision
of the Pure Land. Among the H6ryuji Kond6 frescoes, the
Amitabha Paradise on the large western wall, as noted by Nait6
T6ichir6, represents this same image of "Amitabha Accompa-
nied by Fifty Buddhisattvas."42 The other three paradises in
the same Kond6 are different; but they too represent something
familiar to us. The north-western wall, for instance, though
much damaged even before the fire, shows the Buddha seated
on the lotus throne, flanked by two disciples, two Buddhisattvas,
and eight guardians, and under them, two lions and a reliquary
in the center (Fig. 15).43 The eastern and the north-eastern

in der chinesischen Malerei des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr.," Miinchener Jahr-

buch der bildenden Kunst, 1931, p. 215.
41 See Catalogue of Art Treasures of Ten Great Temples of Nara, III, The
Horyfji Temple, part III, Tokyo, 1932, pp. 407, pls. 36-85.
42 Nait6, Acker-Rowland, op. cit., p. 143 f.
43 Naito T6ichir6, in his Wall Paintings of Hryfiji, singles out the two front
guardians (nos. 12, 13 in Figure 15) as kongbrikishi (vajra-vira) and puzzles over
the identities of the six figures in the rear. He decides that no. 8 might have
been a Buddhisattva, while the other five (nos. 9, 6, 7, lo, 11) are jinno (devaraja,
or deva-kings). But if so, as Nait6 has observed, the arrangement would seem
to "do violence to the principle of balanced relationship between figures occupy-
ing the same relative position on the two sides of the composition." Then he
conjectures that the five devaraja may be the Five Great Divinities in the
Maitreya paradise, as the painter of the frescoes "was so careful to put in the
most characteristic features of at least two of the other paradises . . . in this
case too, putting in the Five Great Divinities who constitute one of the main
characteristics of the Tusita heaven of Miroku (Maitreya)." (Ibid., pp. 88-91.)
Fig. 15 is taken from Ibid., pl. 11.
The argument sketched above appears to be rather arbitrary. First of all, if
the "five devaraja" were meant to be the "Five Great Divinities in the Maitreya
Heaven," then the extra Buddhisattva (no. 8) still remains unexplained (he
could not be just a space-filler!). Secondly, the attribution of this paradise to
Maitreya is disputable, and methodologically, it is unsound to use the doubtful
existence of the "Five Great Divinities of the Maitreya Heaven" to prove the
disputable attribution of the paradise of Maitreya, or vice versa. Bachhofer has
suggested, and I believe with good reasons, that the Buddha on the north-eastern
wall, instead of this one on the north-western wall, is Maitreya. (See L. Bach-
hofer, "Maitreya in Ketumati, by Chu Hao-ku," India Antiqua, Leyden, 1947,
p. 6, note 11.)

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walls exhibit the same elements.4 Indeed, they are but transla-
tions into painting of the same "program" of the Lung-men
caves discussed above (Figs. 7, 8, 9), and of course, also of the
Princeton and Metropolitan Museum steles (Figs. 2, 12).
Thus the standard arrangement of a Buddhist cave shrine,
representing the abode of a Buddha, could be used by late
seventh- and early eighth-century artists to symbolize a paradise.
The singular, important point to be stressed here is the fact
that early representations of Buddha's paradises, "Amitabha
and Fifty Buddhisattvas" and the cave-derived paradises in-
cluded, were simple stately assemblies of Buddhas, Buddhisat-
tvas, Buddha's disciples, and guardians. They were in short,
austere icons, and had none of the painterly embellishments of
the aesthetic bliss of paradise, as represented by the later Tun
Huang, or Taema-mandara type of paradise (Fig. 13).45 The
origin of this later type of paradise is obscure to us. Most
writers follow the tradition that Shan-tao % * (168o), the
most prominent patriarch and the greatest teacher of the Pure
Land School, was the inventor of this type. The evidence is
however not conclusive.46 What is certain is that this form of

If wve turn to a good color print of the north-western wall (Wall Paintings of
the Horyuji Monastery, Benrido Press, Kyoto, 1951, Wall Painting No. IX), we
will notice that the front left guardian (no. 12 in our Fig. 15) is naked to the
waist and is wearing a sort of diadem around his hair, while the third figure
back, on both sides (nos. 6, 7, in Fig. 15), is definitely clothed and is wearing a
much taller headdress. The figure (no. 8 in Fig. 15) which Naitb identifies as a
Buddhisattva, is almost entirely obliterated, but against the dark cloth of the
figure behind, enough silhouette is shown to indicate that the headdress has
projecting horns. This alone is enough to prove that this figure is not a Bud-
dhisattva but another vajra-vira (or kongorikishi).
Based on these observations, it is safe to conclude that the front four figures
(nos. 12, 13, 8, 9 in Fig. 15) are vajra-vira, who are shown naked as they are in
the Princeton stele, and the rear four (nos. 6, 7, 1o, 11) are deva-kings, who
are usually clothed and armoured.
44 The paradise on the large eastern wall has no guardian figure. This omis-
sion seems to be made only for compositional reasons. The three walls (the
western wall is different, for it is a different composition) have an even distribu-
tion of thirteen figures for each wall. In taking the place of the eight guardians
of the north-western wall, the eight additional disciple figures on the eastern wall
make up the number of the scriptural "Ten Great Disciples" of Buddha Sakyamuni,
45 Two other examples of the early type of paradise in Tun Huang may be
cited: Cave 77 (Pelliot, op. cit., pl. CLIV, CLVI) representing Maitreya, four
Buddhisattvas and four guardians; Cave 146 (ibid., pl. CCCXIX) representing
Buddha flanked by six disciple figures, two Buddhisattvas, and two guardians.
4G This tradition is primarily based on two literary references: 1) Wang-sheng
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picture appeared suddenly, completely new and apparently in
full maturity, in the last years of the seventh century.47 By the
middle of the eighth century, when the Princeton stele was
made, it had taken the place of the older icon as the sole image
of the blessed Pure Land. The persistence of the old "cave
iconography" in the stele speaks for the strong traditional aspect
of the stone carving; but what is the relation of the stele to this
later type of paradise picture?
The relation between the two is actually restricted to the
formal borrowing of the dancer-and-musician group by the

Hsi-fang Ching-t'u Shui-ying Chuan (circa A.D. 760-780 according to Waley) men-
tions that Shan-tao, in addition to transcribing the Amitayus-sfitra ten thousand
times, had also painted three hundred "Phases of the Pure Land" (Taisho, 51,
no. 2070, p. 105c; see also A. Waley, A Catalogue of Paintings Recovered from
Tun-Huang by Sir Aurel Stein, London, 1931, p. xxii). 2) Priest Shunsho (A.D.
1255-1335) in his Honen Shbnin Gyojo Gwazu says that in Japan, when Shan-
tao's commentary on the Amitayur-dhyina-sfitra was introduced in 858, it was
then realized that the Taema-mandara of 763 was based on the text of the com-
mentary rather than the original suitra. (See Waley, op. cit., p. xxii.) By putting
the two references together, we seem to be told that:
1) Shan-tao painted Paradise Pictures, whose composition was
2) later copied by the Taema-mandara.
As E. Matsumoto, however, points out, in a composition like that of the
Taema-mandara, two basic kinds of pictures are involved: the central composition
illustrates the Pure Land described in the Amitayus-sutra, while the side scenes
illustrate the sixteen "Meditations" and the story of Vaidehi and Ajatasatru de-
scribed in the Amitayurdhyana-sutra. (See E. Matsumoto, Tonko-ga no Kenkyu,
Tokyo, 1937, pp. 1-44.) It is possible that the side scenes of the Taema-mandara
were copied directly after examples created by Shan-tao, who illustrated his own
commentary on that Amitayurdhydna-sutra. Yet, there is no evidence that Shan-
tao created the central composition, illustrating the paradise described in the
Amitayus-sutra, which is our present concern.
In fact, there is evidence showing that Shan-tao, if induced to paint the central
Paradise scene, would still depict it in the old manner of what we have hitherto
described as the cave-derived simple type of paradise. At the end of his com-
mentary on the Amitayurdhydna-suitra, Shan-tao records his visions of heaven,
the most concrete of which, appearing on the "second night," shows "The Bud-
dha Amitabha, his body in genuine gold color, sitting under the tree of seven-
jewels and on the gold lotus [throne]. Ten monks (disciples) surrounding him;
each sits under a jewelled tree. There are heavenly scarves hanging on the
trees. The Buddha sits frontally facing west, with his hands closed in meditation."
(Taish6, 37, no. 1753, p. 278c. Translation by the author.) This can be no other
composition than that similar to the Horyuji eastern wall, which by the merest
coincidence also shows the Buddha facing West.
47 This would seem to coincide with the Japanese traditional belief that the
picture was "passed on from three countries," or a composition introduced from
India (or Central Asia) through China and Korea. (See, Taki Seiichi, Kokka no.
247, p. 164b, the English edition.)

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Princeton stele,48 and the difference between the contents of the
two is greater even than the difference in their independent
iconographic derivations. Although founded in the traditional
"cave iconography," and kin to the Horyiuji cave-derived para-
dises, the Princeton design represents a theme, above and be-
yond the scope of a Buddhist Paradise, and is, in the fullest
sense, a pictorial embodiment of certain religious teachings of
its time.

It is significant that the stele inscription merely calls the carv-

ing a "stone (Buddha's) image." The key difference between
the stele design and a true paradise picture lies in the appear-
ance of a second Buddha on the top of the Princeton stone.49
We may define a paradise picture as a concrete vision of the
Pure Land, showing its splendor and magnitude, with the
presiding Buddha in the center and the subsidiary Buddhas
and Buddhisattvas around him. In the Princeton stele, however,
the two Buddhas are shown as equals, contemporaneous, but
presiding over two different worlds. This phenomenon cannot
48 The dancers and musicians are first of all naked to the waist, a definite non-
Chinese character. Secondly, the musicians are seated in yoga pose, another
Indian feature. The ancient Chinese sitting-down pose is close to the kneeling
position, with the knees placed in front of the body rather on the sides. For
a survey of illustrated ancient Chinese musicians, see Chao P'ang-yen, "Han-hua
So-chien Yui-hsi Kao," Studies Presented to Ts'ai Yiian-p'ei on his Sixty-fifth
Birthday, part I, Peiping, 1935, pp. 525-538.
49 Plain superimposition of two or more Buddha groups on one stele is com-
mon. (See, for examples, the stele in Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.,
registration no. 23.14, and Naito, The Wall Paintings of Horyuji, Japanese
edition, pi. 9 [a].) In ordinary paradise pictures (Fig. 13) there may appear above
the head of the main Buddha, the "Buddhas of the Past and Future." The sub-
sidiary Buddhas, however, are always shown in a group, and in a much smaller
scale than the central Buddha. One painting in Tun Huang, representing the
Maitreya Paradise, shows both Maitreya figures in equal size, and both with
pendant legs. There, the top figure represents the Buddhisattva Maitreya who
waits in the Tusita Heaven. The picture is illustrated in Pelliot, op. cit., pl.
CCCXVII, and also in Matsumoto, op. cit., pl. I (b). Matsumoto, however, wrongly
labels the picture as Amitabha's Paradise, which could neither account for the
pendant legs, nor for the second Buddha in the separate precinct on the top.
The subsidiary Buddha group in the lower half of the paradise, illustrated in
Stein, Thousand Buddhas, pl. VII, may suggest a parallel to the Princeton top
Buddha. As it is subordinated to the central triad, however, it appears only to
contribute to the idea of the existence of multi-Buddhas in a paradise. We
hardly need to dispute with Petrucci, "who takes the group . . . for a repetition
of the principal triad" (ibid., p. 17); this repetition of the central triad is
further clearly exemplified in the paradise illustrated in ibid., pl. VIII.

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be properly understood until we realize that it is a literal illus-
tration of the Sukhavatlvyuha (Amittiyus-suitra).50
The Amitayus-sutra is the main sutra of the Amitabha Pure
Land School. Shan-tao, its greatest preacher, was said to have
transcribed this sutra throughout his life over ten thousand
times.51 The dialogue of this sutra takes place at Ragagriha, on
the mountain Gridhrakufta. The principal speaker is the Bud-
dha, who tells the history of Amitabha, from his early stage
when he was a Bhikshu named Dharmakara, to the description
of Sukhavati, the Western Paradise over which Amitabha pre-
sides.52 Correctly, the Princeton stele represents the central
Buddha in speaking mudri, and identifies him in the inscription
as the Buddha, who had once "retreated to the salavana," that
is, the historical Buddha Sakyamuni. By inference, the Buddha
above would naturally be Amitabha, who sits in Sukhdvati with
all the Pure-Land beings-the new-born souls, the musician-
birds, the dancers and musicians, as described by the Buddha
in the Amitayus-sutra.53

To sum up, what we see here in this stone is first, a final

statement of Buddhism, which was now completely assimilated
in China, and secondly, the fruit of the teachings of Shan-tao
50 The Amitdyus-sfitra has had twelve Chinese translations. The first and the
fifth to tenth were already lost, when K'ai-yiian Lu, the catalogue of the Chinese
Tripitaka of A.D. 730, was compiled. For a list, see Nanjio 23 (5) n. 1.
The Amitayus-sutra (Taisho, 12, pp. 265 f.), together with the Lesser Amitiyus-
sutra (Taisho, 12, pp. 346 f.), and the Amitiyurdhyina-suftra (Taish5, 12, no.
365, pp. 340 f.) are the three main sftras of the Amitabha Pure Land Sect. All
three texts are translated in Sacred Books of the East, vol. XLIX, Buddhist
Mdhaydna Texts, part II, Oxford, 1894, pp. 1-72, 89-103 (trans. by Max Muller);
pp. 161-201 (trans. by J. Takakusu).
51 See Wang-sheng Hsi-fang Ching-t'u Shui-ying Chuan, Taisho, 51, no. lO5c.
52 J. M. Muller, translating "The Larger Sukhavativyuha," Sacred Books of the
East, vol. XLIX, part II, pp. 1 f.
53 See ibid., pp. 33 f.
In discussing the place held by Sakyamuni, Maitreya, and Amitabha in T'ang
Buddhism, Paul Mus is quite right in writing (Barabudur, I, Hanoi, 1935, p. 569):
"La devotion a Amitabha n'a donc pas elimine Cakyamuni de l'art de Touen-
houang, pas plus qu'a Yun-kang et Long-men l'apparente predominance icono-
graphique de Cakyamuni n'avait exclu l'adoration speciale d'Amitabha, a travers
la personne et l'image du Buddha historique. C'est faute d'avoir saisi en toute
son ampleur le systeme du Mahayana qu'on a voulu introduire un conflit entre
les deux tendances: elles sont en realit6 complementaires, et, jusqu'a l'6poque of
la ruine de l'Inde bouddhique a compromis la supr6matie de (akyamuni, elles
n'ont pas cess6 de se supposer l'une l'autre."

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and his fellow Pure-Land masters, which became overwhelm-
ingly popular after the seventh century.54
Starting with the central quintet group, inherited from earlier
rock-cut caves, the stele has stated the essential doctrine of the
Northern Buddhism, which in effect, had claimed that the
Theravada was embraced by the greater Mahaytina system. It
has been said that in the course of development of Buddhism
in China, "the Arhat ideal, that of the human being who, by
strenuous effort, acquires Enlightenment, gave way to that of
the Buddhisattva, the saviour of Mankind, and compassion
(Karuna) replaced Wisdom (Prajna) as receiving the greater
emphasis."55 In the presence of the Princeton image of the
central Buddha accompanied by two disciples (arhats) and two
Buddhisattvas, this statement seems to be an oversimplification.
For if the disciples, or the arhats, represented the Sravakas,
symbolizing the self-enlightenment ideal of the Theravada, and
the Buddhisattvas, the other-self salvation of the Mahayina, the
Buddha would be logically the embodiment of both. Theo-
logically, either one of the ideals is quite insufficient without
the other, and in the five-figured image of the Princeton stele,
we can easily see that these two ideals are being incorporated.
For a characterization of the meaning of this five-figured image,
we may quote Professor D. T. Suzuki:
" (When the central Buddha is Sakyamuni,) the Buddhisattvas
are Monju (Manjusri) and Fugen (Samantabhadra), and the
Arhats are Kasho (Mahakashyapa) and Anan (Ananda).
Sakyamuni is here both historical and 'metaphysical,' so to
speak. Seeing him attended by his two chief disciples, he is a
historical figure, but with Monju and Fugen who represent or
symbolize wisdom and love, the two ruling attributes of the
highest reality, Sakyamuni is Vairocana standing above the
world of transmigration. ... In fact, our religious life has
two aspects-the experience itself and its philosophy. This is
represented in Buddhism by the historical trinity of Sakya-
muni, Kashyapa, and Ananda, and by the metaphysical one
of Vairocana, Manjusri, and Samantabhadra. . ."56
54 See M. W. de Visser, Ancient Buddhism in Japan, I, Leiden, 1935, p. 318 f.,
especially, p. 320.
55 C. Humphreys, Buddhism, Penguin Books, 1951, p. 49.
56 D. T. Suzuki, Manual of Zen Buddhism, Kyoto, 1935, pp. 187-188.
The central Buddha, of course, does not have to be Sakyamuni. When it is
Amitabha, the attending Buddhisattvas are Avalokitesvara and Mahasthama.
52

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 Fig. i. Back of Stele Illustrated in Figure 2

It is instructive to note that among the early caves in Yung-

kang and Lung-men, the central Buddha is never attended by
more than two Buddhisattvas.57 The five-figured group appeared
early in the sixth century, and predominated thereafter.58
Yet, in a narrower historical sense, it is correct to say that
the Chinese Buddhist emphasis in the T'ang period passed from
the ideal of self-enlightenment to that of universal salvation. The
Pure Land School, the patron of the paradise paintings, was in
fact a doctrine of "salvation by grace," a school of short cuts, de-
veloped for the purpose of reaching the populace.59 In this
sect, faith alone was emphasized. It preached the "easy ways"
towards Nirvana, and recommended "Meditation on Buddha"
and the use of "the other-power (namely, powers of Buddhas
57 See Miduno-Nagahiro, Study of Buddhist Cave-Temples at Lung-men, p. 136.
For a search on the origin of the triad group, see, Takayasu Higuchi, "Proto-
type of the Amitabha Trinity," Ars Buddhica, 7, 1950.
58 Miduno-Nagshiro tell us that it first appeared in the years of Yung P'ing
of the Northern Wei Dynasty (commencing A.D. 508). (Op. cit., p. 136.)
The earliest five-figured image probably appears in a small niche on the
northern wall of the Ku-yang Tung, which is illustrated in Tokiwa-Sekino, op.
cit., 11-89, left, and which could be dated to circa A.D. 505 by the date of the
larger niche above.
59 Sir C. Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, III, London, 1921, p. 312 f.

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 Fig. 2. Stele in Princeton

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Fig. 3. The Colossus of Feng-hsien Ssu and Four Attendants

Fig. 4. The Guardians at Feng-hsien Ssi, on Buddha's Left

55

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 bt3
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 do

Fig. 7. Plan of Feng-hsien Sis

(after Miduno-Nagahiro, fig. 71)
a Buddha
b, b' Disciples
c, C' Buddhisattvas
d, d' Deva-Kings
e. e' Guardians

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 Fig. lo. Back Wall of Wang-fang Tung Fig. 11. Parad

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 r.

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 Fig. 14. The Amitabha Triad from the Tachibana Shrine, H6ryuji

Fig. 15. Diagram of the Paradise on the North-western Wall, H6ryfiji Kond6

60

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and Buddhisattvas, instead of one's 'self-power')" as means for
salvation.60 The philosophy of paradise pictures as vehicles for
meditation is clear in Tao-hsiian's account of the invention of
the image of "Amitabha Accompanied by Fifty Buddhisattvas":
"It is said that long ago the monk Gotsfi-bosatsu of the
Keitomaji (Kukkutarama) in India went to Amitabha's para-
dise and enquired of Amitabha as follows: 'The beings of the
world below long to be born in this pure land. But without
images of the Buddha, there is nothing for the strength of
their desire to operate by. Therefore I beg you to grant your
permission.' "61
We first meet the doctrine of "Meditation on Buddha" in Bud-
dhadhydna-samidhisdgara-sutra, which was translated into Chi-
nese as Kuan Fo San-mei Hai Ching by Buddhabhadra in the
early years of the fifth century.62 In the inscription of the Prince-
ton stele, this activity of Kuan San-mei (practicing the samddhi)
is attributed to Buddha; and as a good example of the use of
"the other-power," the inscription goes on to pray that "those
who have heard (of Buddha) are freed from the bondage of this
world; those who invoke (Buddha's name) all rise to that way
of awakening." We must not forget that the task of the carving
of the stone is in itself also a religious "merit," a further use of
the "other-power" on the way to one's salvation.63
In the West, the famous justification for the existence of re-
ligious pictures is Pope Gregory's ". .. so that those who are
illiterate may at least by seeing upon the walls read that which
they are unable to read in books."64 We believe that the Prince-
ton stele as an important historical document will need no
apologies.
Wen Fong
60 de Visser, op. cit., p. 318.
61 Translation following Naito, Acker-Rowland, op. cit., pp. 143-144.
62 Nanjio, 430; Taisho, 15, p. 645 f.
63 Painting religious pictures and transcribing sftras were also regarded as
"merits." For the context of printing Buddhist charms and sutras for "merits"
in the eighth and ninth centuries, see Hu Shih, "The Gest Oriental Library at
Princeton University," The Princeton University Library Chronicle, XV, Spring
1954, no. 3, pl. 122.
64 Migne, Pat. Lat., LIIVII, 1027-28:
"Idciro enim pictura in Ecclesiis adhibetur, ut hi qui litteras nesciunt, saltem
in parietibus videndo legant quae legere in Codicibus non valent."

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