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Chochkitam: A New Classic Maya Dynasty and The Rise of The Kaanu'l (Snake) Kingdom

Estrada Belli, Francisco, and Alexandre Tokovinine 2022 Chochkitam: A New Classic Maya Dynasty and the Rise of the Kaanu'l (Snake) Kingdom. Latin American Antiquity:1-20.
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134 views49 pages

Chochkitam: A New Classic Maya Dynasty and The Rise of The Kaanu'l (Snake) Kingdom

Estrada Belli, Francisco, and Alexandre Tokovinine 2022 Chochkitam: A New Classic Maya Dynasty and the Rise of the Kaanu'l (Snake) Kingdom. Latin American Antiquity:1-20.
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Latin American Antiquity

Chochkitam: a New Classic Maya Dynasty and the Rise of the Kaanu’l (Snake)
kingdom
--Manuscript Draft--

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Full Title: Chochkitam: a New Classic Maya Dynasty and the Rise of the Kaanu’l (Snake)
kingdom

Article Type: Article

Corresponding Author: Francisco Estrada-Belli, PhD


Tulane University
New Orleans, LA UNITED STATES

Corresponding Author Secondary


Information:

Corresponding Author's Institution: Tulane University

Corresponding Author's Secondary


Institution:

First Author: Francisco Estrada-Belli, PhD

First Author Secondary Information:

Order of Authors: Francisco Estrada-Belli, PhD

Alexandre Tokovinine, PhD

Order of Authors Secondary Information:

Abstract: Thanks to many epigraphic references compiled in the last 35 years there is growing
consensus among mayanists about the existence of a hegemonic state in the Maya
lowlands during the Classic period headed by the Kaanu’l royal dynasty based at
Dzibanche and Calakmul, yet many aspects of its organization are still poorly
documented. Many important questions remain unanswered especially about the way
power was exerted and passed on within this political system that might be different
from an average-sized Maya kingdom. In this paper we present new archaeological
and epigraphic data from Chochkitam, a little-known site in northeastern Peten,
Guatemala. While this was a center of average size, the epigraphic texts reveal its
political standing as a royal city with important connections with the Kaanu’l and other
regional powers at various significant junctures during the Classic period, including
before, during and after the Kaanu’l hegemony. While fragmentary, these historical
reconstructions provide precious data to validate emerging hypotheses regarding how
the Kaanu’l kings managed their domain.

Suggested Reviewers: Charles Goldern, PhD


Brandeis University
[email protected]
epigraphy, political organization. Kaanu'l hegemony, settlement patterns

matthew Looper
CSU Chico: California State University Chico
[email protected]
Maya epigraphy

Nick Carter
The University of Texas at San Antonio
[email protected]
Epigraphy

Jason Yaeger
Professor, The University of Texas at San Antonio
[email protected]
specializes on Classic Maya political organization and settlement patterns

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Antonia Foias
Professor
[email protected]
Epigraphy, maya political organization, maya ceramics

Olivia Navarro-Farr
Associate Professor, The College of Wooster
[email protected]
maya plitical organization, epigraphy, kaanu'l hegemony

Matsumoto Mallory
assistant professor, UT Austin: The University of Texas at Austin
[email protected]
maya epigraphy

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Chochkitam: a new Classic Maya dynasty and the rise of the Kaanu’l (Snake) kingdom

DO NOT CITE IN ANY CONTEXT WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR(S)

Francisco Estrada-Belli Middle American Research Institute, Tulane University 6823 Saint Charles
Avenue, New Orleans, LA 70118, USA ([email protected], corresponding author).
Alexandre Tokovinine Department of Anthropology, The University of Alabama, Box 870210
Tuscaloosa, AL 35487

Competing Interests: The authors declare none


Abstract

Thanks to many epigraphic references compiled in the last 35 years there is growing consensus among

mayanists about the existence of a hegemonic state in the Maya lowlands during the Classic period

headed by the Kaanu’l royal dynasty based at Dzibanche and Calakmul, yet many aspects of its

organization are still poorly documented. Many important questions remain unanswered especially

about the way power was exerted and passed on within this political system that might be different

from an average-sized Maya kingdom. In this paper we present new archaeological and epigraphic data

from Chochkitam, a little-known site in northeastern Peten, Guatemala. While this was a center of

average size, the epigraphic texts reveal its political standing as a royal city with important connections

with the Kaanu’l and other regional powers at various significant junctures during the Classic period,

including before, during and after the Kaanu’l hegemony. While fragmentary, these historical

reconstructions provide precious data to validate emerging hypotheses regarding how the Kaanu’l kings

managed their domain.

Keywords: Chochkitam, Xultun, Maya, Snake kings, hegemonic states, Kaanu’l, Dzibanche, political

organization,

Resumen

Gracias a muchas referencias epigráficas recopiladas en los últimos 35 años, existe un creciente

consenso entre los mayistas sobre la existencia de estados hegemónicos en las tierras bajas mayas

durante el período Clásico encabezado por el reino Kaanu’l. Sin embargo, muchos aspectos de su

organización aún están poco documentados. Muchas preguntas importantes permanecen sin respuesta,

especialmente sobre la forma en que se ejerció y transmitió el poder dentro de este sistema político que

podría ser diferente de reino mayas de tamaño menor. En este artículo presentamos nuevos datos
arqueológicos y epigráficos de Chochkitam, un sitio poco conocido en el noreste de Petén. Si bien fuera

un centro de tamaño menor, los textos epigráficos revelan su posición política que fue capital de un

reino con importantes conexiones con los reyes Kaanu'l y con otras potencias regionales en varias

coyunturas importantes del período Clásico, incluso antes, durante y después de la hegemonía de

Kaanu'l. Si bien sean fragmentarias, estas reconstrucciones históricas brindan valiosos detalles para

evaluar las hipótesis emergentes sobre como los reyes Kaanu'l obtuvieron y administraron el poder.
Introduction

The notion that Classic Maya kingdoms were able to grow into hegemonies has gained increased

acceptance in the last decades thanks to epigraphic data unearthed at numerous sites revealing a

network of client polities centered on the Kaanu’l dynasty based at Dzibanche and Calakmul. The Kaanu’l

greater domain extended over a majority of lowland maya kingdoms during most of the Late Classic

period, circa from 500 to 751 AD (Figure 1). Much of what is known about this hegemony comes from

texts from the peak of its power in the Late Classic period, from 640 to 736 AD, when the dynasty was

situated at Calakmul. Much more obscure is its early history, from ca. 400 to 571 AD, as the kingdom

rapidly expanded from Dzibanche. In this paper we present new archaeological and epigraphic data

from Chochkitam, a little-known site in northeastern Guatemala, revealing its political standing as a seat

of royal power in the geopolitics of the Maya lowlands before, during and after the Kaanu’l hegemony.

More broadly, these data contribute to ongoing discussions of the origins of the Kaanu’l dynasty, the

identity of its early rulers, specific modalities of royal succession and co-rulership, and finally, on the

routes through which the hegemony was expanded.

The “Snake Head” k’uhul Kaanu’l ajaw (“holy Kaanu’l lord”) royal title has been known as one of

the most frequently occurring in Classic Maya political statements (Marcus 1976). It was found to be

associated with explicit expressions of overlordship by Martin and Grube (1995) who proposed that

major Classic Maya kingdoms had hegemonic relations with smaller polities. Subsequent research also

revealed that place names were the main component of such royal “emblem glyphs” (Berlin 1958),

although they did not always correspond to the place names associated with the archaeological sites

occupied by holders of any given emblem glyph (Stuart and Houston 1994). It later became apparent

that the Late Classic seat of the Kaanu’l dynasty was located at the archaeological site of Calakmul

known as Chi’k Nab and Huxte’ Tuun in the hieroglyphic inscriptions (Martin 1996, 2005).
The discovery of a hieroglyphic stairway celebrating conquests and rituals undertaken by Early

Classic Kaanu’l kings at the site of Dzibanche suggested that it may have been the early capital of the

Kaanu’l kingdom (Martin 2020; Nalda 2004; Velásquez García 2004). Excavations at the site uncovered

several richly furnished tombs. One of these potentially royal burials contained a bone bloodletter with

an inscription identifying its owner as “holy Kaanu’l lord Jom Uhut Chan” (also known as "Sky Witness";

Nalda and Balanzario Granados 2004). Subsequent epigraphic discoveries at Dzibanche and Xunantunich

provided evidence that the toponym of Kaanu’l of the “Snake king” emblem glyph was, in fact, the

ancient name of Dzibanche and that the hub of the Kaanu’l hegemony only moved to Calakmul in 636-

640 AD (Helmke 2017; Martin and Velásquez 2016).

Recent studies have expanded the list of Dzibanche-based Kaanu’l rulers. Martin and Beliaev

(2017) identified references to K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’, known as Ruler 16 of the Kaanu’l dynastic list on the so-

called Codex-style ceramic vases (Martin 1997, 2017). The inscription on a wooden lintel from Dzibanche

(Gann 1928) suggests that K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’ became kaloomte’ (high king or paramount ruler) in 550 AD.

The text on a ceramic vessel at Uaxactun mentions him as an overlord of a previously unknown Tikal

king. According to El Peru Stela 44, K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’ also supervised the accession of a local ruler in 556

AD. A re-analysis of the crucial passage on Altar 21 at Caracol credits the decisive defeat of Tikal ruler

Wak Chan K’awiil in 562 by Dzibanche and Caracol forces to K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’ instead of “Sky Witness”,

as previously thought (Martin 2020; Martin and Beliaev 2017).

The new discoveries also implied that there was a chronological overlap of some sort between

K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’ and his apparent successor, “Sky Witness”. The latter is mentioned as a “holy Kaanu’l

lord” and a supervisor of a king’s accession at Los Alacranes, a subordinate polity 90 km south of

Dzibanche, in 561 AD (Grube 2008). The revised chronology also failed to resolve discrepancies between

accession dates of Kaanu’l dynasts as reported in the lists on Codex-style vases and the dates of
references to the same individuals on carved monuments. One possible explanation of the discrepancy

would be a succession system in which rulers acceded to the “holy king” (k’uhul ajaw) office first and

only later to the “hegemon” (kaloomte’) position, whereas the Codex-style lists mentioned only those

Kaanu’l lords who achieved the kaloomte’ rank (Martin 2017, 2020). At any point in time, a hegemon or

high king would co-rule with one or more lesser “holy kings”. This system would enable managing war

campaigns on foreign lands while keeping a ruler in power at home. Such two-tier organization was

attested at other Classic Maya royal houses including those of Bonampak-Lacanha and Motul de San

Jose (Tokovinine 2013; Tokovinine and Zender 2012).

Our own investigations at Chochkitam sought to uncover archaeological and historical data to fill

a large gap in the history of a section of northern Peten that went from Holmul to Rio Azul for which

little or no well-preserved texts exist. Of particular interest to us were any possible links to the ebb and

flow of regional political influences during the middle of the Classic period including testing the

hypothesis that the Kaanu’l expansion prior to the decisive war against Tikal in 562 AD advanced

through a direct route (Figure 1). Naranjo’s ruler accession in 546 AD under Kaanu’l lord Tuun Kab Hix

marked a terminus ante quem for the timing for the arrival of Kaanu’l armies into central Peten by this

or an alternative route, following the coastline and the Belize River Valley. The site of Chochkitam

appeared to be located precisely on a north-south inland route from Dzibanche to Tikal. This eastern

land route would complement a western route connecting Dzibanche to La Corona and El Peru, which,

according to contemporary textual references was used by the Kaanu’l by 520 AD, prior to the route

originating at Calakmul after 640 AD (Canuto and Barrientos 2013; Martin 2008, 2020).

Investigations at Chochkitam
The site of Chochkitam (CKT) was first reported in 1909 by archaeologist Raymond Merwin during

the first Harvard University expedition in northern Peten (Tozzer 1911). It was mapped by Tulane

University’s Frans Blom in 1924 who reported an inscribed monument (Blom 1988; Morley 1938). The site

likely owes its name to a plant locally known as chooch-citam, “peccary-choch” (Roys 1931). The site’s

three main monumental groups extend over approximately 0.5 km2 of upland ridge terrain and are

connected by broad causeways (Figure 2). The Main and the Merwin plazas form a continuous area of 2

ha. To the south, are the Central Acropolis’s royal courtyards. The North Group features a 10 m high

pyramid, a 80 m long palatial structure to the south and small lateral courtyards. The Northeast Group

features an eastern pyramid and small range structures on a 5 m high plaza platform. Several residential

groups surround the main ceremonial complex forming the urban zone of a medium-sized city. Less dense

residential zones extend for at least three kilometers to the north and south.

Blom (1988, Morley 1937) reported seven plain monuments from Chochkitam’s main plaza, and

a carved one, Stela 1, which he photographed. In the north edge of the plaza, Blom noted two other

monuments, an altar and a possible stela fragment near Stela 1, while two other altars were found in front

of the western palace, Structure IV, and one in front of the eastern palace, Structure IX. An additional

monument was noted in front of the north side of a pyramid at the south end of the Merwin Plaza, Building

X.

Beginning in 2019, our team conducted survey and excavations at Chochkitam1. We updated the

map of the site and investigated looters’ trenches in the main structures locating three looted and one

undisturbed royal tomb. In 2019, we re-documented Stela 1, and confirmed the good conditions of its

carving. We also recorded two partial altars and two adjoining fragments of an additional carved stela

(Stela 2) in that same spot. The monument in front of Structure X, Stela A5, was found to be a probable

altar with only minor traces of carving. In 2021, we located and documented a carved stela (Stela 3) in the

Northeast Group. To test hypotheses regarding Chochkitam’s position regarding potential routes from
Dzibanche to northern Peten we developed several routes using GIS methods and plotted them against

the location of known sites (see Methods in Supplemental Materials).

Results

The earliest architecture encountered by our limited excavations at Chochkitam dates to the

Late Preclassic period (400 BC-250 AD). This is a stairway on the central axis of Building VII, on the south

end of the Main Plaza. Much more activity at the site has been documented for the Early Classic period

(250-550 AD). In addition to a later version of that same acropolis stairway, we found Early Classic

construction phases in Building XV and in the North Group (Figure 2). The period of greater building

activity at the site, however, appears to have been the Late Classic period (550-830 AD).

The pre-Kaanu’l perspective on Classic Maya kingship at Chochkitam is provided by Stela 3

(Figure 3a, b). This small monument, measuring 1 by 0.74 m, was left by looters on the back slope of the

main Northeast Group structure. This is the central portion of a stela whose upper and lower sections

are still missing. The carvings’ relatively good preservation suggests that the monument was not

exposed to the elements for a long time.

The front side of Stela 3 depicts a standing human figure holding a double-headed serpent, a

common element of royal god-summoning rituals during period-ending ceremonies (Figure 3a). A large

feline head is visible on the protagonist’s belt. Both the body and the head of the protagonist are in a

full-frontal view. The style of the headdress and of smaller iconographic elements is consistent with

Early Classic sculpture (Proskouriakoff 1950). When combined with the frontal view, the chronological

distribution appears more restricted: for example, at Tikal and Yaxha, such monuments are

accompanied by strong visual links to Teotihuacan imagery and appear around 378 AD (Grube 2000;
Stuart 2000). There are no overt Teotihuacan traits in the imagery on CKT Stela 3, but the full-frontal

view would suggest links with Central Peten.

The inscription on the back of the monument is arranged in two columns of hieroglyphic blocks

(Figure 3b). The paleography of the text is solidly Early Classic. The narrative is visibly incomplete: its

initial and final parts are on the now-missing fragments. The date and the predicate of the main

sentence are lost. The glyphs in blocks pA1 and pB1 are largely gone. Block pA2 contains a single

logogram TE’ followed by a possible TAY grapheme in the remaining corner of pB2. The next word in the

inscription in Block pA3 is “god” (K’UH). Therefore, the preceding part of the text contained the name of

a deity or deities. There are at least two Classic Maya theonyms with TAY – Tayal/Tayel Chan K’inich and

Juun Tayal Chan Ajawtaak, the latter being a common reference during period-ending ceremonies

(Martin, et al. 2017; Tokovinine and Zender 2012). The TE’ (te’ for “wood, stick, tree”) logogram could be

part of another theonym. However, it is just as likely that it belonged to a predicate referring to

something that the god or gods did. Block pB3 contains a grapheme that looks like a raptorial bird head

with a headband or another sign altogether on top of it. Surface damage compounds secure

identification, but one highly tentative reading would be LAK-[K’IN]-CH’EEN spelling lak’in ch’een for

“eastern holy place” or “eastern city”. This is followed by CH’AB-ya for [u]ch’abiiy, “it has been

her/his/its penance/creation,” in Block pA4 – a common reference to the king’s generative auto-sacrifice

required to enable divine presence, presumably the one mentioned in the previous sentence (Stuart

2005). Block pB4 provides further contexts with 12-TZ’AK-TUUN that seems to be omitting a preposition

for [ti/tu] lajcha’ tz’ak-tuun, “in her/his/its twelve stone-gathering(s)”. A similar expression occurs as a

title on a late sixth-century stucco frieze on Building A at Holmul (Figure 3c, Block X) where it refers to

one’s age in years as 20-TZ’AK-TUUN-li-a for winik tz’ak-tuunila’, “the person of twenty stone-

gatherings” (Estrada Belli and Tokovinine 2016). The implication is that the text on the stela refers to the

ceremonies marking the completion of the twelve years of a twenty-year period (katun). Dedicating a
stela for the first twelve years of a katun is also very rare, but there is at least one other case relatively

nearby – Stela 9 at Lamanai dedicated in 9.9.12.0.0 or 625 AD (Closs 1988).

The protagonist’s name is spelled in Blocks pA5 and pB5 as MUWAAN BAHLAM (muwaan

bahlam, “hawk jaguar”). It is not accompanied by any title, although the preceding passages are

consistent only with rituals undertaken by royalty. An identical name appears on Yaxchilan Lintel 11

(Figure 3d) in a passage that lists captives taken by the second ruler of the site whose reign began some

years after 359 AD and ended in 378 AD (Martin and Grube 2008[2000]; Mathews 1997). That Muwaan

Bahlam could have been a namesake, but the timing of Yaxchilan reference is close enough to

Chochkitam Stela 3 to consider a possibility that it was the same person.

The rest of the inscription on the stela contains part of a parentage statement introduced by y-

une[n] “his son of father” in Block pA6 followed by what looks like a rather uncommon variant of the

logogram YOPAAT in Block pB6, likely the first half of a name that could look something like Yopaat

Bahlam. The rest of the inscription would be on a now-missing lower fragment.

In summary, the imagery and text on Stela 3 provide the first glimpse of Classic Maya kingship at

Chochkitam. Curiously, the iconography and rhetoric of the monument conform to royal monuments,

but there is a conspicuous absence of royal titles in the narrative. The style hints at a possible link to

Tikal at a time of intensified interaction with Teotihuacan. The fact that Muwaan Bahlam of Chochkitam

potentially ended up as a captive at Yaxchilan highlights the complexity of the political landscape of that

period.

The next dataset clarifying the position of Chochkitam in the Classic Maya world comes from the

North Group, the second largest ceremonial complex at the site and a major focal point of royal activity

during the Early Classic period. In 2021, our excavations focused on the central pyramid (Str. 105, Figure

2). Here, looters had penetrated Early and Late Classic construction phases, including an intact structure,
composed of two gallery-style rooms. The western section of the northern room was occupied by a tall

bench. On the exterior, we have exposed 5 m of the western half of the north side and a 1 m section of

the western side, adjacent to the northwest corner (Figure 4a), revealing a carved frieze. Unfortunately,

its uppermost section had been truncated in antiquity by a later floor.

The frieze features WITZ mountain spirits shown as heads with open mouths and stone-like

teeth (Figure 4b). The excavations exposed the mountain head on the northwestern corner and part of

the mountain in the center of the composition. Large serpent heads are depicted next to the mountains.

The serpent heads are facing each other, towards a large anthropomorphic figure kneeling before the

central mountain. A smaller flying or suspended human figure appears between one of the serpent

heads and the earflare of the corner mountain. The lower part of a torso of a seated human figure (up to

just above the belt level) is visible on top of the corner mountain.

The composition resembles friezes on Early Classic temples including those at Xultun (Saturno,

et al. 2012), Holmul (Estrada Belli and Tokovinine 2016), and Balamku (Baudez 1996; Boucher and Dzul

Góndora 2001). The Holmul (Figure 5a) and Bakamku (Figure 5b) imagery is strikingly similar and is

interpreted as a representation of royal apotheosis: a deceased king rises (reborn) as the sun seated on

the central mountain flanked by his ancestors and/or gods upon the other mountains and kneeling

lesser spirits possibly corresponding to stars (Estrada Belli and Tokovinine 2016). Just as in the case of

the Holmul example, the Chochkitam frieze features an inscription along the cornice at the bottom of

the pictorial scene (Figure 4b, c).

The eyes of the mountains on the Chochkitam frieze differ from the standard WITZ logogram or

iconography (see Figure 5a and b) and are likely conflations with the inscribed glyphic spellings of

toponyms. The central mountain appears to be Och Witz, “Enter/Entrance Mountain”. The corner

mountain has ‘shiny’ eyes of the Sun God, so it is probably K’ihnich Witz, “Searing Mountain”. The
supernatural geography implied by these names is consistent with visual and textual references in Early

Classic funeral contexts such as paintings inside the royal tombs at Rio Azul (Acuña 2015). Given that the

examples at Xultun, Rio Azul, and Holmul are all relatively close spatially and chronologically to the

Chochkitam frieze, they may be manifestations of the same set of beliefs centered on the fate of the

ruler upon death.

The surviving part of the hieroglyphic inscription (Figure 4b) begins with an isolated section in

Blocks pA-pD that contains the end of the Lunar Series (C, X5, and the length of the lunar month as 30

days) and the solar year date. Of the latter, a coefficient of 15 is visible, but the rest of the block (pD) is

largely gone. The missing section covers the remaining part of the main clause – all of the predicate and

the agent’s name. The secondary clause begins in Block pF with a relational ukabaaj (“she/he/it is/was

commanded by”), which is a common way of referring to one’s subordination in Classic Maya texts.

The name of the overlord is spelled in blocks pG-pJ as K’AHK’ TI’ CH’ICH’ K’UH ka-KAAN a-AJAW

for k’ahk’ ti’ ch’ich’ k’uh[ul] kaan[u’l] ajaw, “K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’, holy Kaanu’l lord”. There can be no doubt

that this is the same Dzibanche ruler as the one identified by Martin and Beliaev (2017). While the

previously known examples of the name had all the graphemes squeezed into a single glyph block

(Figure 5c), the new example leaves no doubt that CH’ICH’ is a separate grapheme and not one of the X-

in-a-mouth signs. The last block in the sequence (pK) is harder to interpret because it contains a complex

conflation. Part of it seems to be KAL-ma for an underspelled kaloom[te’]. The other part consists of two

stacked sun disks. Some Late Classic inscriptions such as Nakum Stela 2 (Figure 4d) and Naranjo Stela 2

(Figure 5e) use the same combination of stacked sun disks to spell elk’in/lak’in, “east(ern).” A version on

the Komkom vase (Figure 5f; see Helmke, Hoggarth, et al. 2018) shows two sun discs separated by a

water stream implying that this is really a distinct allograph of a glyph ELK’IN or LAK’IN for “east”.

“East(ern) kaloomte’” would then be the translation of the block.


On the western side, below the corner WITZ mountain head, was another section of the

inscription with a few signs still in situ (Figure 4c). The first block (A) contains the so-called Initial Series

Introductory Glyph (ISIG) with an embedded sign for the patron Chuwaaj (“Jaguar God of the

Underworld”) of the solar year month of Uo (Ihk’ At). As implied by its designation, the ISIG occurs at the

beginning of texts where it introduces Long Count dates. However, the presence of the Lunar Series on

the northern side of the frieze implies that there was at least one more Long Count date in the narrative.

There are examples of inscriptions with multiple Long Count dates such as the text on Tikal Stela 31

(Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 52b). Therefore, it is unclear, whether the narrative on the

Chochkitam frieze began on the western side and ended on the northern side or began elsewhere and

continued on the northern and western sides.

Returning to the inscription on the western side, Block B should contain a count of 400-year

periods. The block is so damaged that only a single dot remains. A count of twenty-year periods would

follow in Block C, but it is largely gone except for a lower corner of *WINIK.HAAB. The last remaining

block (D) is preserved well enough to discern that it contained a count of 14 years (14-HAAB-ba,

chanlajuun haab). If we assume that the date falls after K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’s accession to the office of

kaloomte’, the best match would be *9.*6.14.X.X or 568 AD. If one accounts for the solar month patron,

the date would be *9.*6.14.*5.*7 *8 *Manik *15 Uo or April 4, 568 AD. That seems to be in agreement

with the Lunar Series and with the coefficient of the solar month on the northern side, but the

remaining part of the month glyph itself does not look like Uo. Since there is no indication that the same

Long Count date was repeated twice, there is not enough data to reconstruct the date on the northern

side using the information on the western side. It is not uncommon, however, for the Classic Maya

inscriptions to begin and conclude with the same pivotal event. Given the abovementioned similarities

to Holmul Building A, that event would be the dedication of the temple and/or ceremonies around the

burial of the temple’s occupant and accession of the next king. Therefore, assuming that the Long Count
date on the western side corresponds to the beginning of the text, the Long Count at the end of the text

on the northern side may refer to something that happened in the same year. For example, it could be

9.6.14.14.7 6 Manik 15 Zac, or October 21, 568. This date is separated from the first one by nine 20-day

solar months, a number with a possible ritual significance.

In summary, the Chochkitam frieze evokes the theme of royal apotheosis and belongs to a set of

similar monuments from the region. The inscription contains at least two Long Count dates and one of

them is preserved well enough to establish that it corresponds to 568 AD. The name of the local

protagonist is gone, but he was apparently commanded by the Dzibanche ruler K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’ carrying

the title of “holy Kaanu’l lord” and “East(ern) kaloomte’.” The implication is that by 568 AD Chochkitam

had been incorporated into the Kaanu’l hegemony. The fact that K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’ was in charge as late

as 568 AD conforms to the co-rulership hypothesis outlined earlier. This is also the earliest known

occurrence of the “East(ern) kaloomte’” title. Later rulers in the region such as Til Man K’inich of Altun

Ha’ around 584 AD (Helmke, Guenter, et al. 2018) and possibly a ruler of Lamanai in 625 AD claimed the

title (Closs 1988). It emerged again in references to Kaanu’l lords during the twilight of the hegemony

post-751 AD as in the texts at Yaxchilan (Martin 2020). Taking into account the text on CKT Stela 3

discussed above, it seems that Dzibanche and Chochkitam were both placed in the “east” of the Maya

world along with sites such as Altun Ha’ and Lamanai. Consequently, the title of “east(ern) kaloomte’”

implied a more localized domain. The fact that it was still in use in 568 AD shows that Dzibanche-based

hegemons were still perceived as “eastern” despite their victory over Tikal and a decisive push into

Campeche and Central Peten. It is possible that later use of the title of “East(ern) kaloomte’” by Altun

Ha’ and Lamai reflected competition for a second-tier regional hegemony within the larger Kaanu’l

system.

The discovery of a Late Classic tomb and Stelae 1 and 2 at Chochkitam has revealed the third

stage in the transformations of the political landscape around the site when the Kaanu’l hegemony had
withdrawn from the region and smaller polities were left to gravitate toward local power centers such as

Xultun in Chochkitam’s vicinity. We have found Stela 1 (Figure 6a) in front of Structure I at the north end

of the Main Plaza, where Frans Blom had photographed it (Morley 1937, 1938). Next to it were several

other fragments. Just to the east of it, where remains of an altar wrapped in the roots of a large tree. A

few meters to the south, were the remains of a second, smaller plain altar. Two other fragments,

revealed to be the central portion of a second carved stela (Stela 2, Figure 6b). Directly in front of Stela 1

was a looter’s tunnel that penetrated deep into the core of Structure I, reaching a large vaulted tomb,

carved into bedrock at the geometric center of the structure and unfortunately completely empty.

The main scene on either monument (Figure 6) consists of a profile of a standing figure of a

ruler. The basal register of Stela 2 has not been recovered yet, but the one on Stela 1 (Figure 6a) shows a

captive with arms tied behind his back. The ruler’s costume in the scenes is nearly identical and

unequivocally highlights his royal status. He wears a mask and a headdress of the deity Yax Chiit Juun

Witz’ Naah Kaan (Coltman 2015) with the Yop Huun (‘Jester God’) royal jewel (Stuart 2012). He carries a

shield with the face of the Jaguar God of the Underworld on his left arm. The ruler’s right arm on either

monument is eroded, but, judging from the available space, it once held K’awiil – the essence of

kingship (Martin 2020). A belt with ancestral heads and a chest pectoral complete the attire.

The calendrical part of the inscription of either stela is eroded beyond recognition. Nevertheless,

the composition of the monument, the style of the carving, and the paleography of the hieroglyphs can

be securely placed in the later half of the eighth century. They are particularly similar to Xultun Stela 23,

24, and 25 dedicated by Queen Yax We’n Chahk in 761-780 AD (Rossi and Stuart 2020; Von Euw and

Graham 1984). The synharmonic orthography (Houston, et al. 1998) of K’AWIIL-li in Block pC2 on Stela 2

(Figure 6b) is typical of late eighth-century texts.


The inscriptions on the two monuments are organized in a similar manner: a column in the

upper right, a continuation in the lower left, and a third column in the lower right corner of the scene

(Figure 6). Given the size of the preserved glyphs, it is likely that the eroded initial sections contained a

Calendar Round date followed by a single dedicatory statement. The lower-left column would report the

name of the protagonist. It is almost entirely eroded on Stela 2 (Figure 6b), but its version on Stela 1

(Figure 6a) is relatively legible with the exception of the first two blocks: (pA3) a-ha-la (pA4) CHAN-na

K’INICH (pA6) sa-ku WINIK-ki (pA6) ch’o-ko … ahal chan k’inich saku[n] winik ch’ok, “Ahal Chan K’inich,

older brother youth”. The presence of the ch’ok (“youth”) epithet could indicate junior status. However,

in the inscription on the Palenque Palace Tablet (Blocks K7-L11), ch’ok is part of the “elder brother” title

and not a reference to one’s social or biological youth (Sergei Vepretskiy, personal communication

2022). As with other Chochkitam texts, no emblem glyph follows the personal name. The latter consists

of a perfect participle ahal “awakened” (see Smailus 1975) followed by chan “sky” and k’i(h)nich

“searing [lord]” (Sun God) resulting in a theophoric name phrase evoking the Sun God of the east: “the

Searing [Lord] is awakened [in] the sky”.

The third (lower-right) column on either stela begins with an enigmatic expression. Its version in

Block pB1 on Stela 1 (Figure 6a) is reads as u-CHIIT ?-K’UH-K’AL-li uchiit k’al-… k’uhuul, “her … god

raising”. The matching section in Block pB1 on Stela 2 (Figure 6b) is more damaged, but one can discern

CHIIT-ta and a better-preserved K’AL in the same position as on Stela 1. The element above K’AL

appears similar to -ni on Stela 2, but the example on Stela 1 shows that it is closer to the K’UH “water

group” element. There are two alternative explanations of chiit k’al-k’uhuul. It could be an otherwise

unique parentage expression. It could also refer to ritual activity undertaken by someone who

accompanied the ruler, but who was not represented in the scene. The second interpretation seems

more plausible because of a similar statement on Stela 24 of Naranjo (Graham 1975) where a

bloodletting ritual undertaken by Queen Wak Jalam Chan Lem (“Lady Six Sky”) is described twice as
uk’al-mayij (“her gift raising”) and as ubaah ti yax k’uh “her image with a new/fresh god” and then

depicted as Queen Wak Jalam Chan Lem standing with a bowl of her blood-letting offering. Therefore,

k’al-k’uh(uul) may evoke the same act as k’al-mayij: it is about generating divine presence or essence

(k’uhuul) through blood offering (mayij).

As in the case of Naranjo Stela 24, the protagonists of the blood-letting ritual on CKT Stela 1 and

2 texts are queens. The nominal phrase on Stela 1 (Figure 6a) looks like a string of titles: (pB2) IX-OCH-

K’IN-ni (pB3) CHAN-na yo-?YOON-ni (pB4) IX-TZOL (pB5) IX-?-?, ix-ochk’in chan yoon ix-tzol ix-…, “Lady

yoon/yok’in of the western sky, Lady who aligns, Lady …” (see Stuart 2014 on TZOL). The title combining

yoon/yok’in, “sky” (sometimes, “sky house”) and cardinal directions seems to be reserved for major

royal families placed near the boundaries of the narrator’s perceived landscape. For example, Copan

rulers were called the “yoon/yok’in of the southern sky house” (Tokovinine 2013). Therefore, the text

refers to a noble woman – the king’s mother or spouse – who originated near the western edge of

Chochkitam’s network. If the text on Stela 2 refers to the same queen, then the nominal phrase helps

clarify her identity: pC1) IX-?-ba-li (pC2) K’AWIIL-li (pC3) IX-SUUTZ’-?-AJAW ix …baal k’awiil ix suutz’

ajaw: “Lady …baal K’awiil, the Queen of Suutz’.” The Suutz’ toponym of the queen’s emblem glyph

corresponds to the archaeological site of Naachtun (Cases and Lacadena García-Gallo 2015; Nondédéo,

et al. 2019). Naachtun was part of the Kaanu’l system and then emerged as a major regional network

node after its decline (Nondédéo, et al. 2021). Previous investigations of Naachtun Late Classic ceramic

data suggested a connection between Rio Azul and Naachtun (Nondédéo, et al. 2019). It appears that

Naachtun’s network extended further east to Chochkitam.

A significant inscribed vessel came from the first unlooted burial from Chochkitam which was

found in a looters trench in the Southwest Group. Not much remains of the upper structure of the

pyramid, but within its core was a dense layer of ceramic fragments many of which were from

polychrome vessels. Fortunately, the looters stopped their excavation at this point. Below the layers of
blackened ceramics was a thin layer of small chert flakes. Below this, were limestone slabs capping a cist

cut into bedrock (Figure 7). Within it, was an extended individual with head to the west, four ceramic

vessels and two carved jade earflares. The vessels included a Palmar Orange polychrome bowl

decorated with quincunx motifs, a small Chinos Black on Orange polychrome bowl decorated with fleur

de lis, a Cabrito Cream polychrome tripod plate featuring a seated figure on the interior and a Zacatel

Cream Panela variety polychrome vase (CHO.L.09.11.02.02, Figure 8). Its iconography includes a

repetitive flowery “solar path” motif (Taube 2009) with cloud scrolls. Stylistically, it finds close parallels

with a group of polychrome vases belonging to Xultun’s Queen Yax We’n Chahk. Previous investigations

of similar ceramics dealt almost exclusively with looted vessels (Krempel, et al. 2021). This is the first

case of an inscribed Zacatel Cream, Panela variety polychrome vase near Xultun with archaeological

provenience.

The dedicatory text (Figure 9a) is slightly damaged, but remains mostly legible: A) a-AL-ya (B)

T’AB (C) yu-k’i-bi (D) ka-ka-wa (E) u-BAAH-li-AAN (F) ti-li-wi (G) CHAN-na YOPAAT (H) a-ha-la (I) CHAN-

na K’INICH (J) ?1 ?K’AY ?AHK (K) ba-ka-ba; alay t’ab[aay] yuk’ib [ta] kakaw ubaahil aan tiliw chan

yopaat ahal chan k’inich juun k’ay ahk ba[ah] kab; “Here goes up the cup for chocolate of the

impersonator of Tiliw Chan Yopaat, Ahal Chan K’inich, Juun K’ay Ahk, the principal [upon] land.” The

inscription highlights the vase’s special function – to be used only during a concurrence (ubaahil aan)

between a human owner and a manifestation of the storm god Yopaat – “Yopat burns in the sky” (tiliw

chan yopaat). Although there are many royal theophoric names with Yopaat, this is a rare theonym

designating a specific manifestation of this deity.

The personal name of the king appears in Blocks H-I after the impersonation statement. The first

part – Ahal Chan K’inich – indicates that the owner of the vase is the same person as the protagonist of

CKT Stela 1, although we believe that the person buried with it was probably a close relative and the

king to have been buried in the looted tomb in Structure I. Block J contains another appellative that
seems to function as a secondary name and not as a title. The Juun K’ay Ahk reading is highly tentative

given the unusual shape of the scroll with a dot coming out of the turtle logogram’s mouth. As with

other instances of Chochkitam rulers’ names, there is no emblem glyph, but a common title of high

nobles and royalty – baah kab, “the principal [upon] land”.

A looted Zacatel Cream vase of Panela variety (Kerr n.d.:K1837) also mentions Ahal Chan K’inich

Juun K’ay Ahk as its owner (Figure 9b) and it is very likely that the vase was painted for the same ruler of

Chochkitam. Yet another example of that name occurs on a sherd of a Juleki Cream polychrome vase

excavated in a layer above the Chochkitam tomb (Figure 9c): …-bi … -ha-CHAN-na K’IN-ni-chi, [yuk’]ib …

[a]ha[l] chan k’inich.

The name phrase on K1837 features two additional titles: (L) 13-tzu-ku (M) 20-11 (N) ?,

huxlajuun tzuk winikbuluk … (“Thirteen Divisions, thirty-first …”). The “Thirteen Divisions” title indicates

that Chochkitam was part of a regional group of Maya polities also known as “Thirteen Gods” that

included Xultun, La Honradez, Altun Ha, Tikal, and Motul de San Jose (Beliaev 2000; Tokovinine 2013).

Ahal Chan K’inich was apparently the thirty-first ruler of Chochkitam. An undeciphered logogram in

Block N of the inscription on the K1837 vase must be the proper royal title of Chochkitam rulers – yet

another case of a non-emblem glyph dynasty (Houston 1986). The relatively high number of successions

(31) may be contrasted to more modest counts of kings of the dynasties tracing their foundation to the

Early Classic political order. For example, Ahal Chan K’inich’s contemporaries at Yaxchilan only counted

fifteen or sixteen predecessors (Stuart 2007).

Although the vase excavated at Chochkitam (CHO.L.09.11.02.02) and the looted vase (K1837)

apparently belonged to the same local ruler and belong to the same Panela variety of Zacatel Cream

ceramics, the stylistic and paleographic differences between them (compare Figure 9a and 9b) are much

greater than what might be expected from a single workshop under the patronage of Queen Yax We’n
Chahk as previous investigations suggested (Krempel, et al. 2021). K1837 is stylistically much closer to

the vessels with the names of Xultun rulers implying that Xultun potters were commissioned to make it,

a gift-labor practice attested elsewhere. The Chochkitam vase, on the other hand, was probably

produced at a local workshop. The Juleki Cream sherd with Ahal Chan K’inich’s name does not look like

anything that could be produced at Xultun and Chochkitam. Rio Azul workshop is the best source for this

polychrome pottery (Adams 1999), although there is also an unprovenanced vessel painted in the same

style (Kerr n.d.:K7524) that names a ruler of Los Alacranes who belonged to the same regional

collectivity of Ho’ Pet Hux Haab Te’ (“The Five Provinces [of] Huux Haab Te’” or “The Five Provinces [and]

Huux Haab Te’) (Tokovinine 2013). Therefore, Ahal Chan K’inich of Chochkitam owned vessels made by

his own artists and by potters commissioned from Xultun and Rio Azul and/or Los Alacranes.

Chochkitam and the expansion of the Kaanu’l kingdom

The sixth century Chochkitam frieze suggests a link between Dzibanche and Chochkitam rulers and a

possible route connecting them directly. The path generated by our model from Dzibanche to Tikal leads

through Chochkitam after passing near La Milpa (Figures 1 and 10), whose dynasty experienced

disturbance in the late fifth century (Hammond, et al. 1996). After Chochkitam, the route leads into

Xultun and then Tikal. This would suggest that for the Kaanu’l armies to arrive at Tikal through the

shortest route, Xultun and Chochkitam had to be secured as allies.

Our GIS analysis suggest that an optimal route to Naranjo that avoided low-lying areas would

not have included coastal navigation from the Chetumal bay to the Belize River, as we might have

assumed. Likely, this would have been an impractical way to move a large army. Instead, a more direct

route included a march through Northern Belize, where it headed for medium-sized centers such as

Punta de Cacao and El Pilar. We propose that this hypothetical route through the eastern lowlands led

Kaanu’l king Tuun Kab Hix to install the 12 year-old Ajnuumsaj Chan K’inich on the Naranjo throne in 546
AD after conquering all intervening territories. In support of this military hypothesis is evidence from La

Sufricaya, where Early Classic dynastic monuments and buildings were desecrated and the dynastic seat

moved to Holmul around 500-550 AD (Tokovinine and Estrada Belli 2015). Similar disruptions in the

dynastic sequence just prior to 546 AD are evidenced in the inscriptions at Naranjo (Tokovinine, et al.

2018).

The route to Naranjo was probably used to reach Caracol, as well, according to our model. It

would have led through El Pilar and Xunantunich, dependencies of Naranjo, before crossing the Macal-

Chiquibul rivers confluence and climbing into the Vaca Plateau towards Caracol. The fact that Naranjo

was incorporated into the hegemony by the Kaanu’l before Caracol (546 AD vs 561 AD) suggests that the

Kaanu’l armies likely advanced from there, as well.

Parallel developments related to the Kaanu’l’s advancement southward occurred in western

Peten, where their activity as overlords dates to 520 AD at La Corona and 544 AD at El Peru (Canuto and

Barrientos 2013; Martin 2008). The hypothetical route we propose from Dzibanche to El Peru and La

Corona initially follows a similar course as the Tikal one veering southwest towards a close ally of

Kaanu’l: Los Alacranes (mentioning “Sky Witness” in 561 AD), then skirting Rio Azul before veering west

towards Preclassic and Classic centers such as Nakbe, Tintal, La Florida and Achiotal, associated with the

k’uhul chatan winik (“holy Chatan person”) royals frequently mentioned in Late Classic texts as close

Kaanu’l vassals. The route to El Peru, would continue southwest, skirting Uaxactun and El Zotz. We

wonder if massive fortifications recently discovered by lidar along the El Zotz ridges (Canuto, et al. 2018;

Garrison, et al. 2019) initially protected Tikal from a Kaanu’l army advancing through this territory. The

route finally reaches the Rio San Pedro at El Peru. This point marks the beginning of a navigable riverine

route to the rich Tabasco plain and to trade connections with Highland Mexico (Estrada-Belli 2011:Figure

6.3). In 599, the Kaanu’l kings attacked and sacked Palenque after securing support from Santa Elena
along the way (Martin 2020: 347). Perhaps the march towards Palenque also followed this rather direct

route instead of taking a longer more northernly path (Figure 1).

Conclusions

Data from Chochkitam contribute significantly to our understanding of the history of the site

and its place in a greater political landscape. The long dynastic count of Chochkitam rulers implies that

the royal line traced itself back to Preclassic times. The truly historical record begins with Muwaan

Bahlam of CKT Stela 3 sometime in the fourth or fifth century AD. Muwaan Bahlam’s political affiliations

are unknown, although the innovative style of the monument implies a link to Central Peten. The

increased prominence of Xultun as a key regional partner of Tikal and Caracol indicates that Chochkitam

benefited less than its immediate neighbors from the post-entrada order.

That situation apparently changed with the rise of the Kaanu’l dynasty. The Chochkitam frieze

inscription explicitly states that Kaanu’l king K’ahk’ Ti’ Chich’ commanded local rulers. K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’,

is now confirmed to have been alive and active as Kaanu’l’s hegemonic ruler in 568 AD, six years after

the victory over Tikal. This confirms Martin and Beliaev’s (2017) identification of him as ruler n. 16 on

the Kaanu’l dynastic sequence, between Tun Kab Hix and ”Sky Witness”, with the latter of whom he co-

ruled for some time. The spatial extent of K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’s network discussed above indicates that he

was the true architect of the Kaanu’l expansion. Furthermore, a least-cost route analysis suggests that

Chchkitam could have been an important waystation to lunch attacks against Xultun and Tikal. It also

suggests all other northeast and central Peten kingdoms on direct routes to distant allies had been

secured by the Dzibanche kings prior to the 562 AD Tikal war

Chochkitam inscriptions expand our list of royal dynasties, which, as of those of La Corona, Rio

Azul, and Holmul, had the trappings and ritual obligations of Maya royalty but lacked full royal titles like

‘emblem glyphs’. In the case of Chochkitam, Holmul, and Rio Azul, the issue seems to be about distinct
local identities and the time depth of these identities and not just the perpetually subordinate status of

the rulers. Chochkitam rulers claimed to be one of the Thirteen Divisions, on par with Tikal, Xultun, and

Altun Ha kings.

Finally, Chochkitam inscriptions offer a glimpse of what may be the Classic Maya “east identity”

that was clearly shared by other polities in the region including the Kaanu’l of Dzibanche. It appears that

K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’ still perceived himself as a specifically “eastern” hegemon. At Chochkitam, the “east

identity” is revealed in the royal names evoking the east, by distinct ritual practices such as

commemorating twelve years of a k’atun with a stela and venerating the Yopaat deity. Chochkitam texts

reveal that the boundary between the “east” and the “west” was somewhere west of Xultun and east of

Naachtun.

After the gradual withdrawal of the Kaanu’l from the Peten, post their defeats by Tikal,

Chochkitam became part of a reorganized political landscape. It appears that the dynasties of Naachtun,

Xultun, and Rio Azul dominated the new political network. Data from Chochkitam indicates relationships

with all the three sites during the reign of Ahaal Chan K’inich, albeit asymmetrical, as there are no

external references to Chochkitam or gifts from Ahaal Chan K’inich to his Naachtun, Xultun, or Rio Azul

counterparts.

Acknowledgements

This research was authorized by Guatemala’s Ministry of Culture and Sports (convenio 2019-21) and

supported by grants from the Pacunam, Hitz, and Alphawood foundations. Institutional support came

from Tulane University and the Middle American Research Institute. The excavations at Chochkitam

were carried out by Cesar Enriquez and Enrique Zambrano of Universidad de San Carlos, Guatemala

(USAC). Antolin Velazques (USAC) mapped the site. Berenice Garcia (ENAH) drew the ceramic profiles
and ran the lab. Ana Lucia Arroyave (USAC) carried out the ceramic analysis. We are grateful to the

Sociedad Civil Laborantes del Bosque for allowing work in their concession and use of the camp and to

CONAP for allowing access into the Maya Biosphere Reserve. Several colleagues including Dmitri Beliaev,

David Stuart, Simon Martin, and Sergei Vepretskii kindly reviewed various iterations of the manuscript,

and we greatly appreciate their insights and suggestions.

Data Availability Statement

Annual archaeological reports available at https://liberalarts.tulane.edu/mari/research-

education/holmul

3D scans of frieze https://skfb.ly/o8XZs

3D scan of Stela 1 https://skfb.ly/oq6pz

3D scan of Stela 2 https://skfb.ly/o8YnV

3D scan of Stela 3 https://skfb.ly/o8XZt

Figure captions

Figure 1. Map of maya lowlands showing known extent of Kaanu’l hegemony during the Dzibanche

period and hypothetical routes from Dzibanche (avoiding wetlands) and other sites mentioned in the

text (F. Estrada-Belli, terrain data: NASA SRTM)

Figure 2. Map of the ceremonial core of Chochkitam (A. Velasquez and F. Estrada-Belli)

Figure 3. Chochkitam Stela 3: a) Stela 3 front; b) stela 3 back; c) detail of stucco frieze, Building A, Group

II, Holmul; d) detail of Lintel 11, Yaxchilan (A. Tokovinine)


Figure 4. Chochkitam stucco frieze: a) excavation profile showing the location of the frieze; b) northern

side of the frieze, c) western side (A. Tokovinine and C. Enriquez)

Figure 5. Comparative context of the Chochkitam stucco frieze: a) detail of stucco frieze, Building A,

Group II, Holmul; b) detail of stucco frieze, Structure 1A, Balamku; c) detail of a Codex-style vessel

(K6751); d) detail of Nakum Stela 2; e) detail of Naranjo Altar 2; f) detail of the Komkom vase (A.

Tokovinine)

Figure 6. Chochkitam Stela 1 (a) and Stela 2 (b) (A. Tokovinine)

Figure 7 Profile drawing the CHO.L.09 looter’s trench containing the undisturbed tomb at Chochkitam (E.

Zambrano) and photo of artifacts (B.Garcia).

Figure 8. Zacatal Cream Panela variety vase (CHO.L.09.11.02.02) from Chochkitam (F. Estrada-Belli)

Figure 9 Texts on Chochkitam ceramics: a) Zacatel Cream vase, Chochkitam; b) detail of looted vase

(K1837); c) vessel fragments, Chochkitam (A. Tokovinine)

Figure 10. Map of hypothetical least-cost routes from Dzibanche to Tikal, Naranjo, La Corona, Caracol

and El Peru that avoid wetlands (F. Estrada-Belli; terrain data: NASA SRTM).
Notes

1
See Data Availability Statement and Supplemental materials section

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Supplemental Materials

Methods

Archaeological excavations. At Chochkitam, we have carried out excavations within looters’

trenches in the main structures and test pits into the plaza floors to document architecture and site

chronology. An excavation in looter’s trenches typically begins by removing the backfill material left by

looters until we reach the levels left undisturbed. We then record the architectural features exposed by

the looters in scaled drawings on digital tablets. In some cases, we excavate further into the core of the

mound to follow exposed architecture and record any architecture to generate as complete a

stratigraphic sequence as possible. We excavate test pits in the plazas recording all stratigraphy to

document periods of construction. All materials recovered are transported to a laboratory in the city

and analyzed. We analyze ceramics using the type-variety system to assess a chronological sequence

and evaluate shared styles with other lowland sites. We analyze lithics and other archaeological

materials using established typologies to document function, mode of manufacture and source.

Using the above-described methods we have conducted limited excavations in the following

buildings, Structures I, V and VII in the Main Plaza, Structure X in the Merwin Plaza, Structure XV and XII

in the acropolis area, the eastern shrine in the Southwest Group, the north structure in the North Group

and the east structure in the Northeast Group (Figure 2). So far, we have been able to recover four sets

of epigraphic texts from different contexts. The first set is from Stelae 1 and 2 (Figure 6). The second is

an inscription on a vessel from a burial in the Southwest Group (Figures 8 and 9). The third is an

inscription on Stela 3 (Figure 3). The fourth set is an inscription on a structure buried int the North

Group (Figure 2).


Route analysis. We developed routes from Dzibanche to Tikal, Naranjo, El Peru, Caracol,

Palenque and La Corona using GIS methods1 (Figures 1 and 10). As a topographic basis for modeling

movement between sites, we used the most recent terrain data from NASA’s STRM mission (version

2.02). The terrain data comes with a ground resolution of 32.5 meters per pixel, which is the highest

resolution currently available for the region covering all the sites. Based on these terrain data we

generated slope and aspect maps. We then reclassified the slope and aspect maps raw data into 7

categories representing factors of difficulty in traversing terrain based on slope steepness and direction

of movement. For example, difficulty class 7 was reserved for the steepest terrain facing the opposite

direction of travel. We also generated a map of landforms3, generating 10 classes of land features,

including flat terrain, summit, ridge, shoulder, spur, slope, hollow, footslope, valley, and depression.

Classes for depressions, valley, and footslope, representing bajo terrain were assigned a factor of 10

while the other classes, representing upland terrain were assigned a difficulty factor of 1. This had the

purpose of forcing the least-cost algorithm to avoid traversing the bajos, if possible, which are

intermittently flooded and permanently covered in some of the harshest, thickest vegetation, and are

believed to be more difficult for foot travel compared to upland terrain.

Based on these friction factors, a cost surface was developed for each of the destinations of our routes,

Tikal, Naranjo, El Peru, Caracol, Palenque and La Corona4. Finally, we found the routes using the r.drain5

algorithm, which threads a path through the pixels with the lowest values in the input cost map

providing coordinates for Dzibanche as a starting location and each of the destinations. The resulting

map traced the least-cost routes based on the selected criteria, which included avoiding bajo terrain

(Figures 1 and 10).


Epigraphy. The inscriptions at Chochkitam were recorded using a combination of high-resolution

photography (diffused and raking light) and structure-from-motion photogrammetry (De Reu, et al.

2013). For the latter, overlapping digital images were converted into 3D point clouds and polygon

meshes using Agisoft Metashape Pro software (Agisoft LLC 2019). Further visualization of 3D data was

undertaken in Meshlab (Cignoni, et al. 2008). In particular, radiance scaling filters were used to enhance

the visibility of fine carved and incised details (Vergne, et al. 2010). The orthoimages of 3D models

enhanced with the radiance scaling filters were combined with raking-light and diffused-light images as

multiple overlapping layers which then served as basis for digital line drawings of the monuments

following the updated procedures of the Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions (Fash, et al. 2022).

Following established conventions, the logograms and syllabograms are reported in bold uppercase and

lowercase, whereas transliteration is in italics.

Notes

1
GRASS-GIS open-source software https://grass.osgeo.org/
2
https://www2.jpl.nasa.gov/srtm/
3
https://grass.osgeo.org/grass78/manuals/r.geomorphon.html
4
Using https://grass.osgeo.org/grass78/manuals/r.cost.html with “knight’s move”
5
https://grass.osgeo.org/grass78/manuals/r.drain.html

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Fash, Barbara W., Alexandre Tokovinine and Ian Graham

2022 Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, vol. 3, part 4, Yaxchilan. Peabody Museum of
Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge, MA.

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Figure 1
Manuscript
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Figure 9
Figure 10

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