PC 11 2022
PC 11 2022
Executive summary
Europe must increasingly deal with the harmful impacts of climate change, regardless
Klaas Lenaerts (klaas. of its success in reducing emissions. These impacts have significant cross-border effects and
[email protected]) is a threaten to deepen existing divisions. Cooperation on adaptation, which is mostly seen as
Research Analyst at Bruegel requiring local or regional efforts, may be useful, but the role of the European Union is
ill-defined.
Simone Tagliapietra
We give an overview of how climate change might change Europe and how it might affect
(simone.tagliapietra@
people and the economy. We also discuss what sort of adaptation policies are being pursued
bruegel.org) is a Senior
at EU level and on what grounds. We argue that a stronger adaptation governance framework
Fellow at Bruegel
would benefit adaptation efforts.
Guntram Wolff (guntram. We formulate three ideas to strengthen adaptation. First is a three-layered governance
[email protected]) is
framework based on intensive cooperation to establish binding adaptation plans. Second is
Director of Bruegel
an EU-level insurance scheme against damages from climate change, with the size of national
contributions tied to the achievement of self-chosen targets in adaptation plans. Our final
The authors thank Stavros suggestion is to increase ex-ante adaptation funding by targeting more spending under EU
Zenios and other Bruegel regional and agricultural policies specifically to adaptation in the most vulnerable regions.
colleagues for their valuable
comments and suggestions.
Recommended citation
Lenaerts, K., S. Tagliapietra and G. Wolff (2022) ‘How can the European Union adapt to
climate change while avoiding a new fault line?' Policy Contribution 11/2022, Bruegel
1 Introduction
The European Union’s commitment to climate neutrality by 2050 is necessary and lauda-
ble, but even if it succeeds, global average temperatures may still rise to 2.4 degrees Celsius
above pre-industrial levels by 2100, according to projections that assume other economies
worldwide also achieve their official climate promises, as set out in Nationally Determined
Contributions under the Paris Agreement (Stockwell et al, 2021). Even in the increasingly
unlikely scenario that global warming is limited to 1.5°C, the EU will still need to deal with
the consequences of more frequent and intense heat waves, droughts and floods, as well as
rising sea levels. In addition to mitigating climate change, major efforts will have to be made
to adapt societies, as signalled by the call at COP26 in Glasgow to allocate more international
climate aid to adaptation and to disaster relief.
The EU is ambitious on tackling climate change, but most actions at EU level focus on
mitigation. Adaptation – efforts to avoid, limit or manage the harmful effects1 of climate
change on human and natural systems – is mostly a regional and local issue. Nevertheless,
the EU is also moving on this front, and for good reason. Science predicts that southern
(and south-eastern) EU countries could be significantly more affected than their north-
ern counterparts, which may exacerbate existing tensions within the EU. Furthermore, the
all-encompassing effects of climate change touch on various policy fields that are within EU
competences, and there are many cross-border aspects and instances of scale advantages. It
remains, however, difficult to exactly delineate where and how the EU should step in, espe-
cially since adaptation to climate change still involves learning-by-doing.
The aim of this paper is to contribute to this debate, which will become increasingly
important as climate change accelerates. To set the scene, we first give an overview of what
may be ahead for Europe in terms of physical climate change and economic loss. We then
discuss the arguments invoked to warrant EU intervention in terms of adaptation, and look at
what the EU is currently doing in practise. Finally, we propose ideas to strengthen the govern-
ance of climate adaptation efforts in Europe, and to tackle remaining shortcomings.
1.5
0.5
Global annual
0
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1850
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Source: Bruegel based on HadCRUT4 (mean) estimates reported by the European Environmental Agency (2021a).
Projections of different global warming scenarios for Europe teach us three main things
about the future: that it matters greatly how successful efforts are to reduce greenhouse
gas emissions, that all of Europe will be affected, and that in most scenarios, southern and
south-eastern Europe will face the biggest impacts of climate change on multiple fronts.
Average temperatures will increase in all regions throughout this century, but patterns
vary depending on the season. Winters will become warmer particularly in central and east-
ern Europe. Mountainous areas and the northern and southern edges of Europe will experi-
ence the largest temperature increases overall, especially in the summer, with mean temper-
atures that will be between 2°C and 2.5°C warmer than today by the end of this century, even
Figure 2: Annual number of health-affecting heatwave days between 1981-2010 (left) and between 2070-2099
under 3°C global warming scenario (middle) and a >4°C global warming scenario (right)
0 5 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Even the frequency of extreme sea levels and coastal floods is expected to increase much
more in the south than in the north. By 2100, sea-level surges that historically would occur once
every century may return as much as several times a year along the Mediterranean and Black
Sea coasts in a high emission scenario (>4°C), while they may happen once every one or two
years along northern shorelines. In an intermediate scenario (3°C) the probabilities decline to
around once a year and a few times each decade, respectively (EEA, 2021c).
2 For simplicity we use likely upper bounds of global average temperature increases by 2100 to refer to global
warming scenarios that were presented in the Fifth Assessment Report of the IPCC (2014a). 2°C refers to RCP 2.6,
a pathway in which CO2 emissions start to decline by 2020 and reach zero in the second half of this century. 3°C
refers to RCP 4.5, in which CO2 emissions remain at current levels until 2050, after which they start declining. > 4°C
refers to RCP 8.5, in which emissions continue to rise as before.
100000 10000
Global EM-DAT EU27 Munich Re
50000 5000
0 0
1980
1982
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2020
Source: Bruegel based on EM-DAT, CRED/UCLouvain (2021), Swiss Re Institute (2022), EEA (2022).
Estimates based on a static model by the European Commission’s Joint Research Centre
(Feyen et al, 2020) showed how much welfare loss the current EU economy could suffer if
it were subject to different global warming scenarios, compared to today’s climate (Figure
5). Feyen et al (2020) considered general equilibrium effects of damages from river floods,
coastal floods, droughts, windstorms and human mortality from extreme heat, as well as
declining agricultural yields and the impact of water scarcity on energy supply. Total EU28
(including the United Kingdom) welfare losses per year would be at least €175 billion with a
temperature rise of 3°C, €83 billion with 2°C and €42 billion with 1.5°C.
Regions that are more affected by climate change are also likely to suffer greater material
losses, particularly if these places are less prepared, as data from, for example, ND-GAIN
(2022) suggests. The Commission’s results confirm that southern Europe would be affected
the most, with a yearly loss of 1.3 percent of GDP with 2°C of global warming compared to
an average for the EU28 of only 0.7 percent3. The results are mostly driven by mortality from
extreme heat, without which losses are more similar across different regions. Strikingly,
Scandinavian countries could enjoy net economic gains, as increased energy output and
agricultural production outweigh the impact of more floods. No region has net gains in a 3°C
warming scenario, but the net losses for countries north of the Alps (0.2 percent to 0.6 percent
of GDP) are clearly less than those incurred by southern and south-eastern countries, which
would reach up to 2.8 percent of GDP.
3 Note that these are not projections of damages to assets, but losses in GDP. Estimates of future damages from the
same study are higher, eg €111 billion per year from coastal flooding alone (EU-wide) in a moderate emission
scenario without adaptation.
-0.5
-1
-1.5
These impact estimates are conservative according to Feyen et al (2020). They do not
account for all possible climate impacts or tipping points (eg loss of labour productivity), and
they only apply estimated climate change effects to today’s economic output. Such a static
approach does not take into account long-term effects that climate change may have on the
growth rate of GDP, for example through reduced aggregate investment and political insta-
bility. Dell et al (2012) found robust evidence in historical data that temperature increases
reduce short-term economic growth in poor countries, as well as evidence suggesting persis-
tent effects on growth rates. Wealthy countries are not affected. Burke et al (2015) predicted
that due to cooler baseline temperatures, northern countries may see long-term growth
benefits in a high emission scenario, while countries that are on average already warmer may
suffer from permanently lower growth, resulting in very big GDP per capita gaps (relative to a
constant-temperature baseline) by 2100.
The debate on the existence of long-term growth effects from higher temperatures is
still open, whereas negative short-term impacts on GDP (sometimes non-linear) are well
established. Models that do not feature permanent growth impacts (but still permanent GDP
effects) usually predict much smaller effects than those that do. For example, Kalkuhl and
Wenz (2020) found output losses of ‘only’ 20 percent compared to the baseline in tropical
regions by 2100. In general, numbers depend greatly on assumptions and specifications and
precise estimates are clearly not possible (see Kahn et al, 2021). But most studies suggest
that climate change is set to exacerbate international inequalities, including within Europe.
Adaptation has not yet been sufficient to play a significant role in mitigating damages (Kahn
et al, 2021; Burke et al, 2015), but will become increasingly important in the long run (Dell et
al, 2012).
4 EU adaptation policies
Adapting to climate change is a society-wide challenge. This is reflected in the multitude of pol-
icies and initiatives that play a role at every level of governance. The EU’s adaptation policies are
guided by the 2021 strategy on adaptation to climate change (European Commission, 2021b).
We discuss this together with some of the most notable policies through which the strategy is
pursued, as well as the EU initiatives in place to react to climate-related disasters when they
occur.
7 The private sector is almost invisible in adaptation spending statistics (Buchner et al, 2021).
8 For more information, see https://civil-protection-humanitarian-aid.ec.europa.eu/what/civil-protection_en.
9 We do not propose to integrate them into NECPs because adaptation is not secondary to mitigation but should be
consistent with it. We therefore think the revising and reporting schedule (five- and two-yearly) should be aligned
with that of the NECPs, while the Commission should publish individual progress assessments every five years,
rather than the current EU-wide assessment mandated by the regulations.
6 Conclusion
As the first effects of climate change are becoming apparent, it is already clear that they can
become severe, depending on how far temperatures rise, and that not all EU countries will
be hit to the same degree. The drought that hit Portugal and Spain in the winter of 2022 is an
ominous example of what could be in store for most countries south of the Alps. Impacts will
also differ between economic sectors and social groups, and will be counted in percentages of
GDP and lives lost.
Adapting to climate change is mostly a matter of regional and local action, but there are
several reasons why the EU should also play a role. These involve scale advantages, territorial
spillovers and impacts that relate specifically to the EU’s other competences, such as ensur-
ing the functioning of the single market. This is reflected by the two adaptation strategies the
European Commission has adopted so far, and by its efforts to create an EU disaster-response
capacity.
These strategies have driven progress at EU level. However, a lack of knowledge, aware-
ness, political priority and funding among some (sub)national policymakers continues to lead
to weak policy implementation. The current EU strategy does not address this sufficiently,
as binding, measurable targets are absent and not demanded from member states. More
cooperation among governments is needed to strengthen policymaking and define tasks. The
threat of climate-driven divergence between member states remains unaddressed.
We make three suggestions in response to these problems:
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