Missouri Asks Supreme Court To Reinstate Second Amendment Preservation Act
Missouri Asks Supreme Court To Reinstate Second Amendment Preservation Act
23A___
In the
Supreme Court of the United States
ANDREW BAILEY
Missouri Attorney General
Governor Michael L. Parson, and Missouri Attorney General Andrew Bailey. The
RELATED PROCEEDINGS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases Page(s)
Alden v. Maine,
527 U.S. 706 (1999).................................................................................................. 38
Biden v. Nebraska,
143 S. Ct. 2355 (2023).............................................................................................. 21
Biden v. Texas,
142 S. Ct. 2528 (2022).............................................................................................. 21
Bucklew v. Precythe,
139 S. Ct. 1112 (2019).............................................................................................. 20
California v. Texas,
141 S. Ct. 2104 (2021).................................................................................... 3, 23, 36
Ex parte Young,
209 U.S. 123 (1908).................................................................................................. 18
Frank v. Walker,
574 U.S. 929 (2014).................................................................................................... 6
Gregory v. Ashcroft,
501 U.S. 452 (1991).............................................................................................. 6, 18
iv
Haaland v. Brackeen,
143 S. Ct. 1609 (2023).............................................................................................. 30
Hollingsworth v. Perry,
558 U.S. 183 (2010).................................................................................................. 15
Maryland v. King,
567 U.S. 1301 (2012)...................................................................................... 5, 17, 37
McKesson v. Doe,
141 S. Ct. 48 (2020) ........................................................................................... 29, 30
Nken v. Holder,
556 U.S. 418 (2009)........................................................................ 5, 8, 18, 19, 22, 23
Raines v. Byrd,
521 U.S. 811 (1997).................................................................................................. 30
Strange v. Searcy,
135 S. Ct. 940 (2015)............................................................................................ 6, 38
Trump v. Hawaii,
138 S. Ct. 2392 (2018).............................................................................................. 21
v
Uzuegbunam v. Preczewski,
141 S. Ct. 792 (2021)................................................................................................ 30
Mo. Rev. Stat. § 1.420 ...................................................... 8, 9, 11, 12, 22, 27, 28, 32, 34
vi
Mo. Rev. Stat. § 1.450 ................................................................ 9–13, 23, 27, 28, 32–35
Mo. Rev. Stat. § 1.460 ................................................................ 9, 10, 13, 25, 27, 34, 36
Like many States, Missouri has disagreements with the Federal Government
interpret and enforce certain federal firearms statutes. In light of this Court’s recent
Second Amendment decisions, the Missouri General Assembly believes that a small
number of federal statutes may be unconstitutional; that the doctrine in this area is
changing, see, e.g., McDonald v. City of Chicago, 561 U.S. 742 (2010); and that
Missouri officials ought to strive to comply with the Second Amendment to the
officials to enforce federal laws not in line with that interpretation, and creating a
remedy akin to § 1983 against Missouri officials for violations of the Second
Amendment.
In response, the United States sued Missouri. The United States does not
dispute—and has in fact conceded—that Missouri has a right under the Tenth
Amendment not to lend its resources to assist federal enforcement. App. 50a (citing
Printz v. United States, 521 U.S. 898 (1997)). So the United States instead sued under
a novel theory that a State cannot exercise its Tenth Amendment authority if the
State’s factual reason for doing so is mistaken. Here, the United States asserts in its
reason for prohibiting local governments from facilitating federal enforcement “is
see also Brief of United States, United States v. Missouri, No. 23-1457, at 41 (CA8,
Aug. 10, 2023) (complaining that the legislature chose to exercise its authority “on
The district court accepted this novel theory. At the Federal Government’s
invitation, the district court focused not on what the law does, but on the legislature’s
reason for passing it. Fixating on the statute’s legislative findings—which are, of
course, purely declaratory—the district court concluded that the Missouri General
And because the General Assembly’s interpretation was central to the reason the
legislature directed state agencies not to assist with federal enforcement, the district
court struck down the Act in its entirety. Aggravating that error, the district court
The district court’s order is deeply flawed for two basic reasons.
First, it directly conflicts with two of this Court’s decisions issued in just the
last two years. (The district court cites neither.) The cornerstone of the district
court’s opinion is that the General Assembly’s legislative finding is wrong. On that
basis, the district court declared the entire statute unconstitutional. But this Court
was clear two years ago that federal courts may only “enjoin named defendants from
taking specified unlawful actions,” not “enjoin challenged laws themselves.” Whole
Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 595 U.S. 30, 44 (2021). Judicial orders must operate
3
against “specific” parties; they “do not simply operate on legal rules in the abstract.”
California v. Texas, 141 S. Ct. 2104, 2115 (2021) (quotation marks omitted). Here,
none of the named defendants enforces the statute, and nobody enforces the
legislative finding that features as the centerpiece of the district court’s analysis. The
district court’s injunction against a purely declaratory provision that nobody can
themselves.”
Second, the United States has no standing. As to injury, the Act can be
enforced only against Missouri agencies and political subdivisions, not the Federal
Government—as the Missouri Supreme Court has explained. City of St. Louis v.
State, 643 S.W.3d 295, 297–298 (Mo. 2022). The United States thus has no injury.
The Federal Government asserts that it is injured by local governments not helping
it enforce federal laws. App. 65a. But this “injury” is not “legally and judicially
cognizable,” United States v. Texas, 143 S. Ct. 1964, 1970 (2023), because it is a
laws, Printz, 521 U.S., at 924. No better is the United States’ protest in its complaint
enforcement officers, Federal Firearms Licensees, and the public at large.” App. 69a.
If that were enough, the United States could sue to impose a gag order on every law
professor who dares to publish a paper disagreeing with the Department of Justice’s
interpretation of the Second Amendment. Nor has the United States ever identified
4
any offending action taken by the State, the Governor, or the Attorney General—the
assist with enforcement of certain federal statutes stem from the availability of a
private right of action in state court. But an injunction against public officials (the
Governor and Attorney General) in federal district court does not bind any private
plaintiff or state court and thus cannot alleviate the (supposed) harms the United
States cites. “Supposing the attorney general did have some enforcement authority
under [the Act], the petitioners have identified nothing that might allow a federal
injunction against any and all unnamed private persons who might seek to bring their
own [state law] suits.” Whole Woman’s Health, 595 U.S., at 44. The district court’s
order thus does nothing to alleviate any injuries asserted by the Federal Government.
Pointing out these and other problems, Missouri asked the district court to stay
the order on March 8, 2023, one day after the district court entered it. The district
court declined to enter a full stay, but agreed to stay its order administratively until
the Eighth Circuit could rule on a motion for a stay pending appeal. App. 2a–5a. Per
the district court’s order, Applicants and Respondents fully briefed the stay motion
More than six months passed without a ruling by the Eighth Circuit, and
Missouri’s law was allowed to stay in effect. Then, last Friday, September 29, the
5
Eighth Circuit denied Missouri’s stay motion in a one-line order. App. 1a. The court
offered no analysis. The Eighth Circuit’s order is thus similar to the Fifth Circuit’s
order last year in NetChoice, LLC v. Paxton, where the Fifth Circuit “issued a one-
Applicants of the ‘careful review and a meaningful decision’ to which they are
13, 2022) (quoting Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 427 (2009)) (brackets accepted). This
Court vacated the Fifth Circuit’s order and should do the same here. The district
Staying the district court’s order would maintain the status quo pending
appeal. The Missouri General Assembly passed the Second Amendment Preservation
Act in June 2021. The United States did not sue until February 2022 and never
sought preliminary injunctive relief. So except for the 24-hour period between when
the district court entered its order and its administrative stay and the two business
days between the Eighth Circuit issuing its one-line order and Missouri filing this
application, Missouri’s law has been allowed to stay in effect for more than two years.
Absent a stay, the State of Missouri and its citizens face immediate,
irreparable harm. “Any time a State is enjoined by a court from effectuating statutes
Maryland v. King, 567 U.S. 1301, 1303 (2012) (Roberts, C.J., in chambers) (citing New
Motor Vehicle Bd. of Cal. v. Orrin W. Fox Co., 434 U.S. 1345, 1351 (1977) (Rehnquist,
6
J., in chambers)). And here, where the State has passed a statute to enable its
citizens to hold their own state government accountable, the injury is especially
poignant. Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. 452, 460 (1991) (“Through the structure of its
government, and the character of those who exercise government authority, a State
sovereign ability to define the authority of the State’s own subdivisions. It denies
everyday Missourians their right to hold their own state government accountable.
quo of Missouri’s duly enacted legislation. Applicants request that this Court issue
Preservation Act to remain in force while the Court considers this Application, and
issue (2) an order—staying the district court’s injunction pending the Eighth Circuit’s
decision on the merits—that will allow the parties the opportunity to seek timely
review of that decision from this Court. Rule 23; 28 U.S.C. § 2101(f); Frank v. Walker,
574 U.S. 929 (2014). “When courts declare state laws unconstitutional and enjoin
state officials from enforcing them, [this Court’s] ordinary practice is to suspend those
injunctions from taking effect pending appellate review.” Strange v. Searcy, 135
S. Ct. 940, 940–41 (2015) (Thomas and Scalia, JJ., dissenting from denial of the
application for a stay) (collecting cases). There is no reason to depart from this
practice here.
7
OPINIONS BELOW
at App. 6a–29a. The Eighth Circuit’s one-line order denying a stay pending appeal
JURISDICTION
The Court has jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. §§ 1651, and 2101(f), and Supreme
Court Rule 23. This Court has the inherent power to “hold an order in abeyance while
it assesses the legality of the order,” and this power has been “preserved in the grant
of authority to federal courts to ‘issue all writs necessary or appropriate in aid of their
respective jurisdictions and agreeable to the usages and principles of law.’” Nken,
556 U.S., at 426 (citation omitted). That is true even though “the Court of Appeals
has not finally disposed of the case; indeed, it has not ruled on the merits nor
Paccar, Inc., 424 U.S. 1301, 1302–03 (1976) (Rehnquist, J., in chambers). Moreover,
Citizens for Responsible Energy, Inc. v. Nuclear Regul. Comm’n, 479 U.S. 1312 (1986)
40a–47a.
8
STATEMENT
1. Signed into law on June 12, 2021, the Second Amendment Preservation Act,
or SAPA, contains nine sections. The Missouri Supreme Court has already
authoritatively interpreted the statute. It held that the first four of these nine
provisions to enforce these legislative declarations.” City of St. Louis, 643 S.W.3d, at
297; App. 32a. The district court trained its attention almost exclusively on the
The first section declares Missouri’s policy of federalism and all duties that
States” and supporting Congress’s authority “in the exercise of a few defined powers,”
while still “reserving for the state governments the power to legislate on matters
concerning the lives, liberties, and properties of citizens in the ordinary course of
It is the second provision that drew the ire of the United States and the
attention of the district court. The district court called this provision the
“cornerstone” of the entire Act. App. 18a. This section declares that it is the opinion
of the Missouri General Assembly that some federal statutes may be “infringements
on the people’s right to keep and bear arms, as guaranteed by Amendment II of the
Constitution of the United States.” § 1.420; App. 44a. This section describes these
statutes not by name or citation but by effect. Included, are statutes that require
rights. Ibid.
The third and fourth provisions—the last of the four sections concerning
“legislative findings and declarations,” City of St. Louis, 643 S.W.3d, at 297—simply
declare the truism that if a law is unconstitutional, it is invalid and should not be
enforced. Without referencing § 1.420 or any statute described therein, § 1.430 states
generically that any federal statutes “that infringe on the people’s right to keep and
bear arms as guaranteed by the Second Amendment to the Constitution of the United
States” are “invalid to this state, shall not be recognized by this state, shall be
specifically rejected by this state, and shall not be enforced by this state.” § 1.430;
App. 45a. The fourth section simply states that institutions of state government have
a general duty to protect the constitutional rights of Missourians. § 1.440; App. 45a.
these legislative declarations.” City of St. Louis, 643 S.W.3d at 297; App. 32a. The
district court devoted barely more than one page to these actual substantive
agencies from assisting with enforcement of federal statutes that the Missouri
45a.
The next two sections create the Act’s sole enforcement mechanism: suits by
private citizens against state agencies. As the Missouri Supreme Court put it,
10
“Sections 1.460 and 1.470 impose civil liability on state political subdivisions and law
enforcement agencies that employ individuals who knowingly violate ‘section 1.450
or otherwise knowingly deprive[ ]’ Missouri citizens of their rights to keep and bear
arms.” City of St. Louis, 643 S.W.3d, at 297–98; App. 32a, 46a–47a. Missouri
governmental entities face a $50,000 civil penalty for their employees knowingly
violating Missourians’ federal and state right to bear arms. City of St. Louis, 643
S.W.3d, at 298; App. 32a–33a, 46a. In addition to imposing penalties for assisting
§ 1.460 also includes a provision akin to 42 U.S.C. § 1983. It imposes liability against
the United States or Article I, Section 23 of the Constitution of Missouri while acting
under the color of any state or federal law.” § 1.460; App. 46a.
The next section after the civil enforcement provisions includes definitions that
narrow the scope of federal statutes that the General Assembly believes may be
unconstitutional. § 1.480; App. 47a. Critically, it allows state agencies to assist with
federal enforcement of federal laws that have state analogues, such as felony crimes
571.” § 1.480; App. 47a. Chapters 570 and 571 have dozens of provisions and are
Offenses.”
11
App. 47a.
2. More than eight months after SAPA was enacted, the United States sued
Missouri in federal district court. App. 48a. Rather than focus on Missouri’s decision
in § 1.450 not to lend state resources to assist with federal enforcement—a decision
court to fixate on § 1.420, the provision where the General Assembly declares its
at nullifying federal law,” App. 72a, was preempted by federal firearms laws that
“expressly forbid certain conduct that [SAPA] allows,” App. 72a–73a, and violated
and those with whom the Federal Government deals,” App. 73a. Twelve days after
filing its complaint, the United States moved for summary judgment. R. Doc. 8.
Missouri opposed and moved to dismiss. R. Docs. 13, 16, 25. The United States never
Federal Government’s invitation, the court focused its analysis on the declaratory
the district court spent 9.5 evaluating provisions the Missouri Supreme Court
construed to be simply declaratory. The district court held that the General
nullification attempt that violates the Supremacy Clause” because the General
Assembly declared its belief that some federal laws may be unconstitutional. App.
20a–21a. It then determined that SAPA is also preempted because the General
Assembly’s expression of opinion “creates confusion” for Missouri citizens, and thus
the “statement stands as an obstacle” to the Federal Government. App. 22a. Then,
having determined that the General Assembly’s statement of opinion about how to
interpret the Second Amendment is critical to the statute, the district court held that
In the remaining pages, the district court turned to the Federal Government’s
court again focused first on provisions that the Missouri Supreme Court has already
held are merely declaratory. App. 26a–27a (assessing §§ 1.430–1.440). In the court’s
substantive provisions.
Government because it “states that ‘[n]o entity . . . shall have the authority to enforce
or attempt to enforce any federal acts . . .’ that are deemed infringements under
§ 1.420.” App. 27a (quoting § 1.450) (alterations in original). The district court did
not cite or apply the canon of constitutional avoidance, nor did it cite the Missouri
13
Supreme Court’s determination that “Section 1.450 removes from Missouri entities …
‘the authority to enforce’” certain federal statutes. City of St. Louis, 643 S.W.3d, at
and also because these provisions might “discourage federal law enforcement
recruitment efforts.” App. 28a. The court then held that these provisions were
necessary to enforce SAPA, so no part of SAPA was severable, and an injunction was
justified prohibiting “any and all implementation and enforcement” of the Act by the
The next day, the State moved to stay the judgment and injunction pending
appeal. Doc. 91. The court denied the request for a regular stay but ordered an
administrative stay until the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit ruled on
Missouri’s forthcoming stay motion. App. 2a–5a. Per the Court’s order, the motion
That administrative stay remained in place for more than six months. Then,
last Friday, September 29, the Eighth Circuit issued a one-line order denying
Missouri’s motion to stay the judgment pending appeal, including a request for an
administrative stay to keep the law in force while the State applied for emergency
relief from this Court. App. 1a. The order is one line long and includes no legal
reasoning, much less an explanation why the status quo should be suddenly upended
after more than two years. The appeal on the merits before the Eighth Circuit has
14
been fully briefed since August and awaits panel assignment and a date for oral
argument.
15
ARGUMENT
Missouri respectfully requests that this Court stay the injunction pending
petition for a writ of certiorari. A stay of this kind is warranted if there is “(1) a
reasonable probability that four Justices will consider the issue sufficiently
meritorious to grant certiorari; (2) a fair prospect that a majority of the Court will
vote to reverse the judgment below; and (3) a likelihood that irreparable harm will
result from the denial of a stay.” Hollingsworth v. Perry, 558 U.S. 183, 190 (2010)
(per curiam). The Court may also balance the equities in close cases. Id. Applicants
First, an administrative stay is necessary to preserve the status quo while this
Court considers this application. This Court has granted similar requests in the past,
and the Eighth Circuit’s unreasoned, one-line order provides no reason for upending
the status quo that has until now existed for more than two years.
Second, there is a reasonable probability that this Court will grant certiorari
and reverse. The decision directly conflicts with this Court’s recent precedents, splits
with the decisions of several courts of appeals, and places immense stress on settled
concepts of sovereignty and federalism. Making matters worse, the United States
equitable authority that this Court made clear very recently. Just two years ago, this
Court explained that courts may only “enjoin named defendants from taking specified
enjoin the world at large, or purport to enjoin challenged laws themselves.” Whole
Woman’s Health, 595 U.S., at 44 (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). But
the district court’s injunction does just that, holding unconstitutional a provision that
The order also conflicts with the decisions of multiple federal courts of appeals.
For example, the Fifth Circuit stayed a preliminary injunction the United States had
Texas, No. 21-50949, 2021 WL 4786458, at *1 (CA5 Oct. 14, 2021). And the Ninth
Circuit squarely rejected the argument that this district court accepted here: that a
State’s exercise of its Tenth Amendment authority can be preempted under the
doctrine of “obstacle preemption.” United States v. California, 921 F.3d 865, 888 (CA9
2019).
The Court also routinely grants certiorari in cases where a State, as plaintiff
against the United States, challenges the validity of federal action (even when there
is no circuit split). The Court should be equally solicitous of the need for a State to
vindicate its sovereign authority here because the district court’s order places
the United States’ aggressive, novel argument would slash a gaping hole through the
otherwise valid policies of States. After all, the United States here never challenges
Missouri’s decision not to lend state resources to enforce federal laws; the United
States instead challenges Missouri’s reason for not lending resources. The district
17
court’s order accepting that theory has the effect of co-opting “State and local law
85’s penalties.” App. 29a. This grants the Executive the power to “impress into its
service—and at no cost to itself—the police officers of the 50 States,” Printz, 521 U.S.,
at 922, based solely on disagreements about the reasons a State may choose not to
lend its resources to the federal government. This lawsuit thus places much more
If that were not bad enough, the United States does not even have standing to
sue. Neither of the injuries the United States cites is cognizable. State governments
cutting off state resources for federal enforcement is not an injury; it is a feature of a
State’s settled Tenth Amendment authority. Similarly, the United States’ assertion
that it can sue because the General Assembly’s declaratory statement creates
“confusion” proves far too much; it would justify gag orders against law professors.
The United States also cannot show redressability or causation because all of its
alleged injuries stem not from enforcement by state officials (who are the only named
form of irreparable injury.” King, 567 U.S., at 1303 (2012) (Roberts, C.J., in
chambers) (brackets in original). Here, because only private citizens enforce SAPA,
the injunction operates on Missouri’s courts and clerks that accept filings. See Mo.
18
Rev. Stat. § 1.440 (“It shall be the duty of the courts … of this state to protect the
rights of law-abiding citizens to keep and bear arms ….”). This has long been
recognized as a grave injury to States, as “an injunction against a state court would
be a violation of the whole scheme of our government.” Ex parte Young, 209 U.S. 123,
163 (1908). Further, the injunction also invades a “decision of the most fundamental
agencies from the General Assembly’s control. Gregory, 501 U.S., at 460.
The Eighth Circuit’s unreasoned order denying a stay and changing the status
quo upends a civil enforcement scheme that has been in effect for more than two
years. The Court should enter an administrative stay of the district court’s injunction
After reviewing the stay request for more than six months (keeping the district
court’s temporary stay in place), the Eighth Circuit summarily rejected Missouri’s
stay application without offering even a single reason why the Court thought the two-
year status quo should be upended. This unreasoned decision does not “ensur[e] that
appellate courts can responsibly fulfill their role in the judicial process.” Nken, 556
U.S., at 427. The decision is especially perplexing given that the United States (1)
waited to sue until eight months after the law was enacted, (2) has not claimed
Just last year, this Court vacated a similarly timed and similarly perfunctory
order where the equities were far less strong. There the Fifth Circuit “issued a one-
19
Applicants of the ‘careful review and a meaningful decision’ to which they are
‘entitled.’” Emergency Application, NetChoice, LLC v. Paxton, No. 21A720 (May 13,
2022) (quoting Nken, 556 U.S., at 427) (brackets accepted). This Court stayed the
This Court has explained that a stay “temporarily suspend[s] the [lower
“simply suspend[s] judicial alteration of the status quo.” Nken, 556 U.S., at 428–29.
It is undisputed that prior to the Eighth Circuit’s order denying the stay motion that
the district court’s six-month administrative stay maintained the status quo. App.
1a–4a. Though courts should not issue stays “reflexively,” Nken, 556 U.S. at 427,
courts,” id. Here an administrative stay (and a full stay) is justified because the
Eighth Circuit upended a two-year status quo in a one-line, unreasoned order, putting
into effect a district court injunction that places immense stress on federalism.
If the district court opinion is allowed to stand, this Court will likely grant
certiorari because the decision adopts a novel, disruptive concept of federalism that
would create an end-run around Tenth Amendment doctrines, that directly conflicts
with several of this Court’s decisions, and that splits with other courts.
20
their authority under the Tenth Amendment not to assist with federal enforcement
of federal law, they cannot do so if the State’s reason for exercising its authority is
incorrect.
State chooses to exercise its authority. And the Federal Government’s (and district
court’s) theory has no discernible endpoint. The district court quite literally held that
unlawful because the statement “creates confusion.” App. 22a; see also App. 23a, 26a.
If the United States may sue any State or state official who expresses a contested
view of the Constitution, then law professors, state lawyers, and all government
officials have cause for serious concern. Every legislator has a duty to comply with
the Constitution, which necessarily requires interpreting it. Under the United
States’ theory, each decision a state official makes can be second-guessed by a federal
district court not because the decision is itself unlawful, but because the rationale
Suppose, for example, that the majority leader in a liberal State announces
that he is bringing a bill to the floor to abolish the death penalty under state law
Government’s theory, the United States could sue to strike down that statute by
asserting that the law is based on an incorrect factual premise rejected in Bucklew v.
21
Precythe, 139 S. Ct. 1112, 1122 (2019) (“The Constitution allows capital
punishment.”), and that the Federal Government will now have to bring more federal
state lands, saying that the Federal Government has failed to do its job because there
have been more than 3 million illegal border crossings this year. Under the Federal
Government’s theory, the United States could sue to stop barrier construction by
asserting that the governor acted on a “mistaken premise,” and that the actual
Common Cause, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2500 (2019), for striking down statutes simply
by this case should warrant this Court’s review even absent the district court’s clear
error or the split explained below. The Court routinely grants certiorari in cases
where a State is a plaintiff against the United States and challenges the validity of a
statute, often without any circuit split. E.g., Biden v. Nebraska, 143 S. Ct. 2355
(2023); United States v. Texas, 143 S. Ct. 1964 (2023); Biden v. Texas, 142 S. Ct. 2528
(2022); Wolf v. Innovation Law Lab, 141 S. Ct. 617 (2020); Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S.
Ct. 2392 (2018). The Court should be similarly solicitous of the need for a State to
22
vindicate its sovereign authority and defend its statutes when the United States is
the plaintiff and seeks to dismantle a state statute so it can access state resources.
The district court exceeded the limits on the equitable powers of federal district
courts by “enjoin[ing] challenged laws themselves.” Whole Woman’s Health, 595 U.S.,
Injunctions act in personam, Nken, 556 U.S., at 428, or as this Court explained,
“federal courts enjoy the power to enjoin individuals tasked with enforcing laws, not
the laws themselves.” Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 141 S. Ct. 2494, 2495 (2021)
(per curiam). Here, the district court fixated on the legislative declarations and
findings. Nearly all the district court’s analysis was dedicated to declaring §§ 1.420–
1.440 unconstitutional. App. 19a–27a. The court devoted little more than a page to
other sections. Yet, as the Missouri Supreme Court has held, these four sections are
purely declaratory; they “contain legislative findings and declarations.” City of St.
Louis, 643 S.W.3d, at 297 (distinguishing these four sections from the “five remaining
sections [that] comprise the substantive provisions”). The district court did not
dispute this, even describing these provisions as definitional nine times. App. 20a–
25a, 27a. Because these sections are purely declaratory—that is, incapable of
Whole Woman’s Health, 595 U.S., at 44; see also Webster v. Reprod. Health Servs., 492
U.S. 490, 506 (1989) (“It will be time enough for federal courts to address the meaning
23
concrete way.”). The district court overlooked Whole Woman’s Health. It did not even
This case is thus no different from the recent challenge to the individual
any enforcement mechanism. There, this Court held that the plaintiffs did not have
standing to sue: The “problem lies in the fact that the statutory provision, while it
tells them to obtain that coverage, has no means of enforcement.” California v. Texas,
141 S. Ct., at 2114. “Because of this, there is no possible Government action that is
causally connected to the plaintiffs’ injury.” Id. So too, here. Legislative findings
and declarations cannot be held unconstitutional, even if a district court thinks their
content causes confusion. Federal courts have no equitable authority to “enjoin the
enforcement of certain federal statutes and enable private citizens to sue to enforce
the prohibition. True, these provisions can be enforced—but not by any named
defendant. As in Whole Woman’s Health, private parties, not state officials, enforce
violations of the Act, so the United States cannot sue the Governor or the Attorney
General for relief. And because an injunction “operat[es] in personam” and must be
“directed at someone, and govern[ing] that party’s conduct,” Nken, 556 U.S., at 428,
24
if the United States cannot sue a Missouri official, then the United States cannot sue
the United States sued Texas over a law creating a private right of action against
violators of Texas’ abortion laws. The district court’s injunction in this case, unless
Both cases involve the same fundamental question. In United States v. Texas,
the United States framed the question presented as whether the Federal Government
could “bring suit in federal court and obtain injunctive or declaratory relief against
the State, state court judges, state court clerks, [or] other state officials, … to prohibit
S.B. 8 from being enforced.” Brief of the United States, United States v. Texas, No.
21-588, at I (Oct. 27, 2021). Here, the United States has similarly sued to enjoin “the
State” and “state officials … to prohibit [SAPA] from being enforced.” In Texas, as
here, the statute gives enforcement authority only to private citizens, not state
officials. The Texas law does not “allow state officials to bring criminal prosecutions
or civil enforcement actions”; instead it “directs enforcement ‘through ... private civil
Health, 595 U.S., at 35 (citation omitted). So too, here. The only individuals
empowered by SAPA to enforce the Act are private citizens. Indeed, the statute
regulates government officials; it does not empower them. The statute prohibits
privileges ensured by” the Second Amendment and declares that government officials
“shall be liable to the injured party,” not to the government. Mo. Rev. Stat. § 1.460.1
(emphasis added); App. 46a; compare 42 U.S.C. § 1983 (making defendants “liable to
Two other similarities are relevant. First, as here, the United States asserted
that Texas was “nullifying” federal law. Brief of the United States, United States v.
Texas, No. 21-588, at 3, 10, 12–14, 16, 19, 22, 24, 41–42, 45 (Oct. 27, 2021). Second,
the United States has asserted in both cases that the targeted State passed a law for
Indeed, all three counts in both cases are similar. Count I against Texas
alleged that the Texas law violated the Supremacy Clause and the Fourteenth
Amendment, Count II alleged that the law was preempted, and Count III alleged
that SAPA violates the Supremacy Clause due to the alleged “nullification” of federal
law, Compl. ¶¶ 76–80, App. 72a; that it “is preempted because it is contrary to federal
firearm laws,” Compl. ¶ 82, App. 72a–73a; and that it violates “intergovernmental
immunity by directly regulating the activities of Federal agents and those with whom
was no need to answer questions about the United States’ ability to sue States given
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the clear holding in Whole Woman’s Health about the limits of federal court equity.
But if the district court’s injunction in this case is allowed to stand, it will clearly split
2. If upheld, the decision would also split with the Ninth Circuit. That is true
First, the district court decision is inconsistent with the Ninth Circuit’s
decision about whether a State’s choice not to facilitate enforcement of federal law is
subject to obstacle preemption analysis. Here, the district court focused on the
General Assembly’s statement interpreting the Second Amendment and held that the
the full purposes and objectives of federal firearms regulatory measures because it
creates confusion ….” App. 22a. In contrast, the Ninth Circuit has squarely held that
principles.” United States v. California, 921 F.3d 865, 888 (CA9 2019) (citation
omitted).
Second, the district court’s decision conflicts with the same Ninth Circuit
enforcement recruitment efforts.” App. 28a. But the Ninth Circuit concluded that
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the doctrine “is not implicated when a state merely references or even singles out
federal activities.” 921 F.3d, at 881. Rather, the Act must affirmatively “treat the
federal government worse than anyone else.” Ibid. Here, SAPA does not regulate the
federal government at all. And to the extent it “discourage[s] federal law enforcement
federal laws, that happens every time a State exercises its authority under Printz.
The injunction below is incompatible with the Ninth Circuit decision and “could be
used to commandeer state resources and subvert Tenth Amendment principles.” Id.,
The district court’s most clearly incorrect holding is its principal one: that
purely declaratory provisions are themselves unconstitutional. That holding fails for
all the reasons stated above in Part II, A and B—namely, that this Court has clearly
held that courts can only “enjoin named defendants from taking specified unlawful
actions,” not “enjoin challenged laws themselves.” Whole Woman’s Health, 595 U.S.,
But no better are the district court’s two other holdings—comprising a sum
total of two paragraphs, less than one full page. First, the court held that § 1.450
purports to regulate the Federal Government because it “states that ‘[n]o entity . . .
shall have the authority to enforce or attempt to enforce any federal acts . . .’ that are
and because these provisions might “discourage federal law enforcement recruitment
efforts.” App. 28a. These holdings serve as no barrier to granting a stay because they
are also incorrect. Each fails for the same fundamental reason as the district court’s
principal holding (no named defendant can enforce the challenged provisions); each
fails because the United States lacks standing; and each independently fails for other
Unlike § 1.420, the target of the district court’s principal holding, §§ 1.450
through 1.470 are not declaratory provisions. They can be enforced—just not by any
state official. Neither the district court nor the United States has identified any text
in the Act that empowers state officials to enforce it. Rather, the only enforcement
In an attempt to get around this problem, the district court’s opinion suggests
that the Attorney General can enforce SAPA because of a Missouri statute giving the
Attorney General authority, generally, to maintain litigation “to protect the rights
and interests of the state.” App. 11a; Mo. Rev. Stat. § 27.060. But that general
statute does not overcome the specific text in SAPA that expressly provides
enforcement authority only to private individuals. Applied here, § 27.060 states only
that the Attorney General is a proper party to bring suit in circumstances where a
state official can sue. Where, as here, no state official can do so, § 27.060 has no effect.
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In fact, the district court’s holding directly conflicts with a decision of the
Eighth Circuit. In that case, the court described the statute as one “provid[ing] for
enforcement only through private actions for damages” even though the Arkansas
Attorney General, like the Missouri Attorney General here, had authority to bring
suit “in all litigation where the interests of the state are involved” and had “statewide
Hutchinson, 803 F.3d 952, 958 (CA8 2015); Ark. Code §§ 25-16-703; 25-16-713; see
also Hope Clinic v. Ryan, 249 F.3d 603, 605 (CA7 2001) (en banc) (“Article III does
providing for private litigation, when the federal government (or its agents) are the
In any event, the district court’s speculation that the Attorney General’s
authority under § 27.060 to maintain litigation on behalf of the State also authorizes
him to enforce SAPA “is too uncertain a premise on which to address the question
presented.” McKesson v. Doe, 141 S. Ct. 48, 50 (2020). Rather, the district court
should have done what this Court concluded the Fifth Circuit failed to do sua sponte:
certify the question to the state courts. Id. Striking down an entire statute based on
“certification would ensure that any conflict in this case between state law and the
[federal law] is not purely hypothetical.” Id., at 51. That is especially true here
because the Federal Government has pressed an unusual claim that seeks to sidestep
ordinary analysis under the Tenth Amendment. “The novelty of the claim at issue
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invalidate a State’s law.’” Ibid. (citation omitted) (brackets in original). Here, federal
law allowed the district court to certify the issue to the Missouri Supreme Court sua
The United States lacks each of the three “irreducible” components of standing:
injury, causation, and redressability. Uzuegbunam v. Preczewski, 141 S. Ct. 792, 797,
(2021).
On injury, the United States has not and cannot establish an injury that is
“legally and judicially cognizable.” United States v. Texas, 143 S. Ct. 1964, 1970
(2023) (quoting Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811, 819 (1997)). The Act can be enforced
only against Missouri agencies and Missouri political subdivisions, not the Federal
Government—as the Missouri Supreme Court has explained. City of St. Louis, 643
S.W.3d, at 297–298. So the United States complains instead about reduced task
forces and information sharing between state and federal officials. But Missouri has
a constitutional right to direct its agencies not to participate in those task forces and
information sharing. Printz, 521 U.S., at 924. A State’s decision to exercise that
otherwise, [the United] State[s] would always have standing to bring constitutional
challenges when” a State exercised its Tenth Amendment authority not to help
enforce federal law. Haaland v. Brackeen, 143 S. Ct. 1609, 1640 (2023). The only
31
On redressability, the United States fares no better. The district court’s order
applies only to the named defendants, not to any private citizen, because there is
“nothing that might allow a federal court to parlay [the Attorney General’s] authority,
or any defendant’s enforcement authority, into an injunction against any and all
unnamed private persons who might seek to bring their own [state law] suits.” Whole
Woman’s Health, 595 U.S., at 44. And because the injunction only prohibits state
officials from taking action, it cannot grant any Missouri subdivision immunity from
suit. Id.; see also Edgar v. MITE Corp., 457 U.S. 624, 651–53 (1982) (Stevens, J.,
concurring in part) (rejecting the idea that a preliminary injunction “can fairly be
are brought in state courts where federal district court injunctions and Eighth Circuit
In other words, the district court order provides the United States with no
Private individuals could still bring private suits in state court, and with the prospect
government with enforcing certain federal statutes even with a federal injunction on
the books. Indeed, the Federal Government has previously represented to the Eighth
government official when “individuals may file private court actions without [the
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government’s] involvement.” Brief of the United States, The School of the Ozarks,
All this exposes the fundamental problem for the United States on the third
irreducible component of standing: causation. The United States has not and cannot
identify any affirmative act by any named defendant that has caused any injury.
Simply put, the State and the state officials are nominal placeholder defendants sued
so the United States can get a district court to tell the Missouri General Assembly
that its interpretation of the Second Amendment is wrong. That abstract dispute
provides no standing.
In addition to the procedural and equitable reasons why the district court’s
alternative holdings fails, those holdings independently (and quickly) fail on the
merits. They fail because the holdings are substantively incorrect, and also because
the scope of relief awarded (striking down the statute in its entirety) is much too
broad.
“[s]ection 1.450 regulates the United States directly in violation of the doctrine of
intergovernmental immunity.” App. 27a. The sole support the district court provides
for this holding is the district court’s argument that “Section 1.450 states that ‘[n]o
entity . . . shall have the authority to enforce or attempt to enforce any federal acts . .
.’ that are deemed infringements under § 1.420.” App. 27a (quoting § 1.450)
The district court’s holding that § 1.450 directly regulates the Federal
Government fails most readily because the Missouri Supreme Court has held the
opposite. The Missouri Supreme Court expressly held that this language “removes
from Missouri entities … ‘the authority to enforce’” certain federal statutes. City of
St. Louis, 643 S.W.3d, at 297 (emphasis added). This holding is binding on federal
courts. Supervisors v. United States, 85 U.S. 71, 81–82 (1873). The district court
plainly erred when it departed from the Missouri Supreme Court interpretation.
is constitutional, then it is the court’s “plain duty to adopt that construction which
will save the statute from constitutional infirmity.” United States ex rel. Attorney
General v. Delaware & Hudson Co., 213 U.S. 366, 407 (1909). This rule is particularly
important when the court is “invited to pass upon the constitutional validity of a state
statute which has not yet been applied or threatened to be applied by the state courts
((quoting Alabama State Federation of Labor v. McAdory, 325 U.S. 450, 460 (1945)).
Here it is plainly plausible to read “no entity” to refer only to state entities, not federal
entities. Indeed, that is the more natural reading given the full text, which explicitly
focuses on state entities, and which the district court omitted via ellipsis:
infringing on the right to keep and bear arms as described under section
1.420.
would not have stressed that the statute covers public officials “of this state.” Only
canon could one conclude that the text regulates the Federal Government.
Next, consider the district court’s holding that §§ 1.460–1.470 violate the
enforcement of federal firearm regulations.” App. 28a. This is the same error the
district court made when determining that the Federal Government was injured. The
the provisions prohibit enforcement of federal law by state officials. States have a
constitutional right under the Tenth Amendment to regulate whether their own
officials will help facilitate enforcement of federal law. “[A] decision not to assist
because otherwise the Federal Government could “commandeer state resources and
subvert Tenth Amendment principles.” United States v. California, 921 F.3d 865,
enforcement recruitment efforts.” App. 28a. Not only did the district court not
provide any support for that conclusory sentence, but a state law is not
way.” United States v. Washington, 142 S. Ct. 1976, 1984 (2022). Every time a State
exercises its authority not to help enforce federal law, that could hamper recruitment
efforts of federal employees because it means that the employees will have to do all
the work themselves rather than rely on assistance from state officials. But that is
not a discriminatory cost. In fact, the only direct cost imposed by these penalty
provisions is on Missouri governmental entities. The law thus treats the Federal
2. Even if one or more of the district court’s holdings were valid, none would
justify striking down the statute in its entirety. SAPA includes a severability clause
expressly declaring every provision “or the application thereof to any person or
Take, for example, the district court’s determination that the main substantive
it regulates the federal government. Even if that holding were correct, the solution
would be to hold that § 1.450 cannot be applied against federal entities, not that
Similarly, the district court concluded that if the civil penalties provisions in
§§ 1.460 and 1.470, are unconstitutional, then the entire statute must fall. App. 28a.
But this Court adopted the exact opposite conclusion in the most recent Affordable
Care Act case. There, Congress removed from the Affordable Care Act any means of
enforcement, and this Court held that it could not strike down the rest of the law as
some circumstances. The United States cannot dispute that Missouri is empowered
to create a state law remedy, like § 1983, for private citizens to secure compensation
against state officials for violations of their Second Amendment rights or rights under
the Missouri Constitution. That is what the statute does. It imposes liability against
the United States or Article I, Section 23 of the Constitution of Missouri while acting
under the color of any state or federal law.” § 1.460; App. 46a. The Federal
Government’s (unripe) contention that the statute might sometimes afford a remedy
where no right has been violated cannot be used to strike down provisions that are
clearly legitimate.
IV. Missouri has established irreparable harm, and the balance of harms
favors a stay.
facto irreparable harm. “Any time a State is enjoined by a court from effectuating
injury.” Maryland v. King, 567 U.S. 1301, 1303 (2012) (Roberts, C.J., in chambers)
(citing New Motor Vehicle Bd. of Cal. v. Orrin W. Fox Co., 434 U.S. 1345, 1351 (1977)
(Rehnquist, J., in chambers)). When the State is blocked from implementing its
statutes, “the State necessarily suffers the irreparable harm of denying the public
interest in the enforcement of its law.” Planned Parenthood of Greater Texas Surgical
Health Servs. v. Abbott, 734 F.3d 406, 419 (CA5 2013); Coalition for Economic Equity
v. Wilson, 122 F.3d 718, 719 (CA9 1997). Here, the General Assembly created a
remedy for all Missouri citizens, and the district court removed it entirely. The
Moreover, the public interest greatly favors Missouri. SAPA gives private
their Second Amendment rights (and state constitutional rights). The Federal
Government contends that SAPA sweeps too broadly, but there is no doubt that SAPA
also protects against clearly established violations of the Second Amendment. The
district court’s decision thus harms the public interest because it burdens the private
rights of Missouri’s citizens and takes away from them a tool akin to § 1983 that they
can use to keep their own state and local government accountable.
The United States cannot possibly show that a stay, pending appeal, would
cause any injury, let alone irreparable injury, as the law requires. Not only can the
United States not identify any injury at all, but the United States’ litigation choices
clearly establish that the United States does not face irreparable harm from delay.
The United States waited to sue until 8 months after the law was enacted, and the
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Federal Government never sought preliminary injunctive relief. After nearly two
years, the United States has failed to show any attempted enforcement of SAPA
CONCLUSION
“When courts declare state laws unconstitutional and enjoin state officials
from enforcing them, [this Court’s] ordinary practice is to suspend those injunctions
from taking effect pending appellate review.” Strange v. Searcy, 135 S. Ct. 940, 940–
41 (2015) (Thomas and Scalia, JJ., dissenting from denial of the application for a stay)
The district court upended the constitutional balance between the federal
of Missouri law enforcement agencies and political subdivisions. Under the district
court’s order, the General Assembly can no longer set the bounds of Missouri law
enforcement. The decision exacts a grave injury because “[w]hen the Federal
strikes at the heart of the political accountability so essential to our liberty and
republican form of government.” Alden v. Maine, 527 U.S. 706, 751 (1999).
relief from the District Court’s permanent injunction pending consideration of this
Application, and the Court should stay the District Court’s permanent injunction
pending both the Eighth Circuit’s issuance of a decision on the merits and the
39
opportunity to seek timely review of that decision from this Court on a petition for
writ of certiorari.
ANDREW BAILEY
Missouri Attorney General
s/ Joshua M. Divine
Joshua M. Divine
Solicitor General
Counsel of Record
Jeff P. Johnson
Deputy Solicitor General
OFFICE OF THE MISSOURI
ATTORNEY GENERAL
Supreme Court Building
207 West High Street
P.O. Box 899
Jefferson City, MO 65102
(573) 751-8870
[email protected]