ABSTRACT

GENTRY, RUSSELL SPENCER. The Transformation of Nabataea: Economic

Transformation in the Late First Century BC and First Century AD (Under the direction of
Dr. S. Thomas Parker).

In the first century BC, the Nabataeans faced a challenge: they had subsisted as desert

nomads by plying their skills along the caravan route connecting Arabia and the

Mediterranean. With the advent of the Roman Empire, Rome gained access the Red Sea,

providing an alternate link to the products of the Far East. Archaeological evidence from the

Nabataean kingdom suggests that the Nabataeans thrived despite this potential competition,

and transformed their kingdom into a more intensively settled landscape. This thesis offers a

synthesis of the evidence for this transformation and explains the phenomenon as Nabataea

taking advantage of emerging markets in the Pax Romana.

© Copyright 2017 by Russell Gentry

All Rights Reserved

The Transformation of Nabataea: Economic Transformation in the Late First Century BC and
First Century AD

by
Russell Gentry

A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of

North Carolina State University
in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts

History

Raleigh, North Carolina

2017

APPROVED BY:

_______________________________ _______________________________
Dr. S. Thomas Parker Dr. Jennifer Gates-Foster
Committee Chair

_______________________________
Dr. Julia Rudolph
 ii

BIOGRAPHY

Russell Gentry is a North Carolina native whose passion for history and archaeology

has led him across classrooms and deserts alike. In addition to history, he enjoys performing

live theater, exercising, and collecting books.

 iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my gratitude to my family for their unwavering support

through the trials and triumphs I experienced as a graduate student; my mother and father

were always there for me with support and kindness. I would also like to thank the faculty at

NC State for their excellent mentorship, particularly during my time as a teaching assistant

for Professors Judy Kertesz and David Zonderman. Finally, most of all, I would like to

express my sincere thanks to my advisor Dr. S. Thomas Parker, whose 207 history class

made me choose to major in history as an undergrad, and whose encouragement and

mentorship has helped me to succeed in graduate school. Thank you.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures v

1: Introduction 1

2: Primary Sources 4

3: Modern Historiography 11

4: Historical Setting 20

5: The Negev 32

6: Petra and Its Environs 40

7: Wadi Araba, the Hisma, and Northern Hijaz 55

8: The Plateau East of the Dead Sea 68

9: Wadi Sirhan and the North 78

10: Conclusion 83

References 87
 v

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: NPFW Chart 10

Figure 2: Map of the Nabataean Kingdom with Major Sites 38

Figure 3: Avdat, the site of Oboda in the Negev 39

Figure 4: The Ramon Crater in the Negev 39

Figure 5: Map of Petra 52

Figure 6: Plan of the Garden and Pool Complex with the Great Temple 53

Figure 7: The Wadi Silaysil Survey 53

Figure 8: Plan of Umm al-Biyara 54

Figure 9: The ‘Ayl to Ras an-Naqab survey 66

Figure 10: Planned remains of the Nabataean campground at Humayma 67

Figure 11: Wadi Araba Survey 67

Figure 12: Sculpture of a possible Nabataean deity from Khirbet et-Tannur 77

 1

Chapter 1

Introduction

The Nabataeans played a crucial role in the incense trade between the Mediterranean and

the southern Arabian Peninsula from the 4th century BC until the 2nd century AD. Relatively little

is known about these people from documentary sources, but archaeological evidence for

Nabataean civilization abounds after years of fieldwork especially focused around their famous

capital of Petra, now in southern Jordan. The splendors of this ancient city draw visitors to this

day and the site remains one of the “wonders of the modern world,” yet the elaborate tomb

façades of Petra whisper only hints of ancient Arab elites. These great people of antiquity clearly

evolved in significant ways over the course of these centuries. Furthermore, it now seems

apparent that the structures and society of Nabataea were fundamentally transformed in the late

first century BC.

In this period Nabataea changed from a nomadic, decentralized tribal society to a more

bureaucratic kingdom with an elite ruling class which experienced the phenomena of

sedentarization, economic transformation, territorial expansion, and greater cross-regional

engagement as a major economic player connecting the Arabian Peninsula with the

Mediterranean world. Documentary sources hint at this great transformation, but archaeological

evidence, much of it only recently recovered through surface surveys and excavations, reveals a

kingdom-wide picture of transition that warrants a synthesis and above all an explanation of the

available evidence; therefore, this thesis aims to synthesize the evidence for this transformation

and offer explanations for its causes as well as its effects.

 2

This analysis will begin with a review of the evidence available, followed by a

historiographical overview, including a brief review of the origins of the Nabataeans and their

historical development down to the first century BC. This will contextualize the research within

the framework of current scholarship about the Nabataeans in the broader Near East, focusing

especially on the external influences on the Nabataean kingdom. Next, this thesis will synthesize

the evidence for changes in Nabataea in the late 1st century BC. In order to address the many

excavations and surveys relevant to this analysis, it is necessary to break the kingdom down into

smaller regions to observe some patterns. This regional analysis will explore a changing

kingdom and in some cases beyond to discern its evolving role in the wider region.

The journey will begin in the northwestern portion of the kingdom: the Negev desert.

Recent archaeological evidence from this region has led one scholar, Tali Gini-Erickson, to

conclude that Nabataea was in fact transformed by the early first century AD.1 This provides a

working model which can be tested for its validity by synthesizing survey and excavation

evidence from other regions. Next the tour of Nabataea will hone in on the much-discussed

capital: Petra. Here, extensive archaeological evidence published over many decades of

fieldwork will form the next step of this analysis, looking at evidence from the city itself and the

surrounding plateau. Next, Wadi Araba, Hisma, and Hijaz regions will be treated. These were

zones of high aridity but, like much of the Nabataean kingdom, they witnessed a period of

intensification in the late 1st century BC. Next, this analysis will turn north of Petra to explore the

plateau east of the Dead Sea, which experienced widespread agricultural settlement beginning in

the late first century BC. Finally, the last Nabataean area will be far to the north—in the Wadi

1
Erickson-Gini, T., Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev, 2010.
 3

Sirhan region, where sparse Nabataean pottery may suggest that ethnic, non-elite Nabataeans

were reluctant to migrate north. In conclusion, the analysis will illustrate and attempt to explain

these changes within the Nabataean kingdom around the first centuries BC and AD.

Traditionally, there has been a tendency for scholars to designate King Aretas IV (9 BC-

AD 40) as the major agent of change in the Nabataean Kingdom, but the evidence suggests that

the transformation of Nabataea began much earlier and instead developed over a series of reigns,

likely beginning under Malichus I (62-30 BC) and Obodas III (30- 9 BC) with the foundation of

the ports at Aila and Leuke Kome. Aretas IV played a major role, but was neither the first nor the

sole architect of the transformation of Nabataea, based on the evidence from various parts of the

kingdom pointing to earlier intensification of settlement. Possible explanations for this

transformation of Nabataea include the emerging stabilized Mediterranean market unified by the

Roman empire as well as the vigorous and ultimately successful Nabataean response to an effort

by the Romans to circumvent the traditional caravan route to Arabia by revitalizing Egyptian

ports along the Red Sea.

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Chapter 2

Primary Sources

The last few decades have witnessed a veritable explosion of new evidence, mostly but

not entirely archaeological, about the Nabataeans. Even Bowersock’s Roman Arabia, a landmark

publication now nearly thirty-five years old, relied primarily on the few well-known scattered

literary sources, the small corpus of laconic and largely undated Nabataean inscriptions,

Nabataean coinage, and the excavation of Petra and a few other sites, mostly in the Negev. 2

Bowersock had little access to regional surveys, apart from early pioneers such as Nelson

Glueck. But Glueck’s surveys, although comprehensive in geographic scope, were conducted

before the development of a refined chronological typology of Nabataean pottery, the crucial

dating tool of such regional surface surveys.3 Glueck and others could certainly identify pottery

as “Nabataean.” This enabled him to date hundreds of sites in Jordan and the Negev to the

Nabataean era and draw his now famous “Dead Sea - Madaba line” demarcating one limit of

Nabataean settlement, but Glueck and other early scholars had no means to subdivide the

centuries of Nabataean history into discrete periods between their appearance in the historical

record in the late 4th century BC to their annexation into the Roman Empire in AD 106.

Furthermore, it was already clear to such scholars as Peter Parr that the Nabataean ceramic

tradition clearly continued well beyond the Roman annexation,4 perhaps even into the 3rd or 4th

century, although its end was as mysterious as its origins.

2
Bowersock, G.W., Roman Arabia, 1983.
3
Glueck, N., Explorations in Eastern Palestine,, v. 1-4, in AASOR 14, 15, 18-19, 25-28. 1934-51; Glueck, N.,
Rivers in the Desert, 1960.
4
Parr, P.J. “A Sequence of Pottery from Petra.” In Sanders, J.A., Near Eastern Archaeology in the Twentieth
Century. Garden City: NY: Double Day: 348-381.
 5

All this changed in the late 1970s with the initiation of new, intensive regional surveys

covering much of the kingdom, especially in Jordan and the Negev. Above all was the work of

Burton MacDonald, who directed a series of methodologically sound and promptly published

regional surface surveys of the plateau (Biblical Edom) from Wadi al-Hasa to Ras en-Naqb.5

They underscored Glueck’s conclusions about the density of Nabataean settlement across the

entire plateau which was the heart of the Nabataean kingdom. The herculean scale of their

achievements cannot be denied, but they also reflect two serious limitations in our understanding

of the history of the Nabataeans. First, MacDonald rightly published a selection of all evidence

recovered from all periods from Paleolithic to Late Islamic, which meant that only a tiny sample

of artifacts was actually published from each of his several thousand sites. These usually meant

at best only a handful of diagnostic Nabataean sherds from each site. Second, MacDonald’s

earlier surveys were published before the appearance of the groundbreaking Nabataean ceramic

typology, discussed below. Further, even his later published reports make no effort to subdivide

chronologically his collected Nabataean pottery. Therefore, although our understanding of the

extensive scope of Nabataean pottery and thus settlement was advanced significantly by

MacDonald’s survey, it was not possible to discern patterns of intensification and abatement of

settlement within the Nabataean period.6 The same criticism can be raised about other valuable

regional surveys from the same era, such as Miller’s survey of the Kerak Plateau and Parker’s

Limes Arabicus Project and Roman Aqaba Project.7

5
MacDonald, B., “Four Archaeological Surveys in Southern Jordan,” in Crossing Jordan: North American
Contributions to the Archaeology of Jordan, 2007: 161-167.
6
Hunter, F.S., A Synthesis of Three Surface Surveys in Jordan and an Interpretation of Increased Settlement and
Land Use in the Late Byzantine Era, master’s thesis: North Carolina State University, 2010.
7
Miller, J.M., Archaeological Survey of the Kerak Plateau, 1991; Parker, S.T., The Roman Frontier in Central
Jordan: Final Report on the Limes Arabicus Project, 1980-1989, 2006; Parker and Smith, “The Hinterland of
Roman Aila.” In Parker S.T., and Smith III, A.M., eds. Roman Aqaba Project Final Report, Vol. 1, 2014: 357-377.
 6

MacDonald’s work and other regional surveys also encouraged excavations of newly

discovered sites in the Nabataean hinterland, such as Khirbet edh-Dharih.8 Other important new

excavations included extended work at Humayma, a Nabataean village halfway between Petra

and Aqaba9 and extensive excavations at Aqaba (ancient Aila) itself, which demonstrated its

foundation by the Nabataeans.10 Israeli archaeologists continued work on Nabataean sites in the

Negev.11 At long last, excavations have begun at Nabataean sites in northwestern Saudi Arabia,

especially Villeneuve’s work at Meda’in Salih.12 Excavations have also resumed at several sites

within Petra itself, providing a much more nuanced picture of the development of the Nabataean

capital.13 These more recent excavations and surveys are now exploiting the pioneering work of

Stefan Schmid, who developed a chronological typology of Nabataean fine ware that permits

dating many diagnostic sherds of this ubiquitous pottery within a few decades.14 His typology

provides a crucial tool to reconstruct the occupational sequence of many Nabataean sites from

surface survey alone (Figure 1).

8
Chambon, A., et al., Khirbet edh-Dharih: des Nabatéens au Premier Islam, 2002.
9
Oleson, J.P., Humayma Excavation Project, 1: Resources, History, and the Water-Supply System, 2010; Oleson
J.P. and Schick, R., eds. Humayma Excavation Project, 2: Nabataean Campground and Necropolis, Byzantine
Churches, and Early Islamic Domestic Structures, 2013.
10
Parker, S.T., “The Foundation of Aila: A Nabataean Port on the Red Sea,” in SHAJ X: Crossing Jordan, 2009:
685-690.
11
Erikson-Gini, T., “Recent Advances in the Research of the Nabataean and Roman Negev,” in Rosenthal-
Heginbottom, R. eds. Nabataeans in the Negev, 2003.
12
Nehmé, L., al-Talhi, D., and Villeneuve, F., Report on the Third Excavation Season (2010) of the Madâ’in Sâlih
Archaeological Project, 2010.
13
Joukowsky, M.S., “The Petra Great Temple: A Final Chapter,” in ACORN, 18, 2006: 1-2; Bedal, L.A.,
“Nabataean Landscape and Power: Evidence from the Petra Garden and Pool Complex.” In Levy, T.E., et al.
Crossing Jordan: North American Contributions to the Archaeology of Jordan, 2007: 375-383; Fiema Z.T., The
Petra Church, 2001; Renel, F. and Mouton, M., “The Architectural Remains and Pottery Assemblages from the
Early Phases at the Qasr al-Bint,” in Mouton, M. and Schmid, S.G., eds. Men on the Rocks: the Formation of
Nabataean Petra, 2013: 57-78; Schmid, S.M., Petra, Ez Zantur II, 2000.
14
Schmid, S.M., Petra, Ez Zantur II, 2000: Abb. 98.
 7

Although this new tool represents a breakthrough for researching the history of Nabataea,

several caveats must be stressed. First are the usual problems posed by surface ceramic evidence

such as ambiguous sample sizes and uncertainty of pottery from all periods of a site’s sequence

of occupation appearing on the surface. Second is the fact that excavation of Schmid’s type site,

the domestic complex or “villa urbana” atop Jabal ez-Zantur overlooking the Petra city center,

revealed a gap in occupation between the early 2nd century (when the complex witnessed a

violent destruction) and reoccupation at the turn of the 4th century. Therefore there remains

considerable uncertainty about the terminus of Schmid’s Dekorphase 3c (sometime after ca. AD

100) and the appearance of Dekorphase 4 (sometime before ca. AD 300). This “gap” is currently

being addressed by the ongoing excavations on the Petra North Ridge, which is producing

considerable stratified evidence from domestic contexts dating to the 2nd and 3rd centuries but

which is not yet published.15 Nevertheless, this latter issue does not pose a problem for the

current thesis, which is primarily concerned with the history of Nabataea well before this period.

In short, the plethora of new archaeological evidence now permits a much more nuanced

picture of the historical development of the Nabataean kingdom, particularly when combined

with existing documentary evidence. But before delving into the archaeological evidence in

detail, a review of the primary historical documents covering Nabataea is necessary. These

sources include: Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, the author of 1 Maccabees, Flavius Josephus, Paul of

Tarsus, and the Babatha papyri. These sources are relatively sparse, granting even more

importance to the archaeological data available from Nabataea, but they are nevertheless

important to our understanding of Nabataean lifeways.

15
Parker S.T. and Perry, M. “Petra North Ridge Project: The 2012 Season,” in ADAJ, 57, 2013: 399-407.
 8

Diodorus of Sicily was a Greek historian from the first century BC who wrote a universal

history that included information on the Nabataeans. Although Diodorus never observed the

Nabataeans firsthand, his work incorporates observations made by an earlier historian:

Hieronymus of Cardia. He was a general and contemporary of Alexander the Great, so his work

was already centuries old when it was reused by Diodorus.16 Hieronymus relates the story of a

battle in 312 BC between the Nabataeans and Athenaeus, a general of Antigonus I, the One-

Eyed. This means that the testimony of Diodorus Siculus represents a secondhand account of

events that occurred many years before the first century BC but based on a contemporary source.

Strabo (ca. 63 BC- ca. AD 23) was a near contemporary of Diodorus whose Geography

also included information on the Nabataeans. Like Diodorus, Strabo did not observe the

Nabataeans directly, but relied on eyewitness testimony. Strabo’s account of the Nabataeans

differs significantly to that of Diodorus. Athenodorus, Strabo’s friend and source, visited Petra

himself, which makes this a good source for a depiction of Nabataea in the late first century BC.

Nevertheless, there are some bizarre aspects to the report on Nabataea seen in Strabo—in

particular Strabo’s discussion of Nabataean burial practices, which appear wholly unlike

anything actually attested at Petra.17

1 Maccabees mentions the Nabataeans as well. This work was originally written in

Hebrew but only survives in the Greek translation of the Septuagint. Nevertheless, it is

significant that it mentions an encounter between the Maccabees and the earliest known

16
Hornblower, J., Hieronymus of Cardia, 1981.
17
Roller, D.W., Strabo, 2016.
 9

Nabataean king: Aretas I in the 160s BC.18 This source does not, however, provide a detailed

account of the Nabataeans nor provide any clues about their lifeways

The Jewish historian Josephus, writing in the late 1st century AD, includes many

references to the Nabataeans in both the Jewish War and Antiquities of the Jews, but only insofar

as they relate to the Jews. For example, he describes an episode ca. 100 BC in which Gaza, the

crucial terminus of the Incense Road on the Mediterranean, was besieged by the Jewish

Hasmonean King Alexander Jannaeus. The defenders were expecting aid from “Aretas, King of

the Arabs” (probably Aretas II of Nabataea).19 This was a reasonable expectation given the

importance of the port to the Nabataean economy, although such aid ultimately failed to

materialize. Although Josephus attests the prominence of the Nabataeans in the Negev and their

relationship to other regional rulers, he does not offer much detailed information about Nabataea.

Another brief mention of the Nabataeans appears in the New Testament. The Apostle

Paul wrote that a warrant was issued for his arrest ca. AD 40 by the Nabataean governor

(ethnarch) in Damascus, representing “Aretas the King” (presumably Aretas IV).20 Once again,

the source lacks details about Nabataea itself, but sheds some light on the political structure of

the kingdom, including some form of Nabataean control over Damascus, one of the largest and

most important cities of the Roman Levant, with a Nabataean bureaucrat serving as governor.

The nature and extent of Nabataean control over Damascus, however, remains cloudy at best. In

any event, it appears to have been brief.

18
For a detailed analysis of this passage, see Bowersock, Roman Arabia, 1983: 18-20.
19
For a discussion Josephus’s Antiquities of the Jews 13.60, see Bowersock, Roman Arabia, 1983: 22-23.
20
For a discussion of 2 Corthinthians 11.32-33 and Galatians 1.15-17. see Bowersock, Roman Arabia 1983: 68.
 10

Finally, some valuable insights about Nabataean administration and the economy may be

gleaned from the famous “Babatha Archive” of papyri found in a cave near the Dead Sea.

Babatha was an affluent Jewish woman who owned property, including date palm plantations,

near the southern end of the Dead Sea. The documents range in date from the late 1st to the early

2nd centuries AD, i.e., the transition from Nabataean to Roman rule. The documents were

deposited in the cave during the Jewish Revolt of 132-135.21

The historical evidence to be gleaned from most of these sources will be outlined in more

detail in the historical summary in chapter 4.

Figure 1: NPFW Chart (Schmid, 2000).

21
Lewis, N., ed., The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters. Greek Papyri. Jerusalem:
Israel Exploration Society, 1989. For a recent analysis, see Esler, P.F. Babatha's Orchard: The Yadin Papyri and an
Ancient Jewish Family Tale Retold. Oxford: Oxford University, 2017.
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Chapter 3

Historiography

“Clearly, between the late fourth century [BC] and the late first, the Nabataean
way of life had changed dramatically.”
–G.W. Bowersock, Roman Arabia, 17

Before diving into an analysis of the evidence, a historiographical review will place this

inquiry within the context of Nabataean scholarship and the study of ancient Arabian trade.

Though many works relate to Nabataean economic history, this overview represents a selection

intended to illustrate the evolving scholarly understanding of Arabian trade in the first centuries

BC and AD. Observations by current researchers in the field, such as Tali Erickson-Gini and S.

Thomas Parker, working in a variety of archaeological contexts have begun to shed light on

details of a transformation of the Nabataean economy beginning in the first century BC. Before

turning to these works, earlier scholarship which informed the current state of the field will

contextualize the more recent research on this topic. To that end, authors such as Nigel Groom

and G. W. Bowersock will provide a foundation for research on the Nabataean incense trade with

their works from the 1980s. Finally, studies of South Arabian kingdoms have begun to provide

more nuanced information about the Arabian incense trade as a whole, and recent work by R.

McLaughlin will set the historiographical stage for the final portion of this thesis, following the

historiography of the Nabataean kingdom. Finally, analysis of recent surveys and excavations

summarized above and which will follow throughout also provide helpful observations in the

body of this thesis, but they are too numerous to include in this historiographical overview.

Nigel Groom’s 1981 study of ancient incense trade covers Nabataea in some detail and

touches on the roles of Red Sea and caravan trade in the kingdom. Groom briefly discusses the
 12

history and various overland connections of Nabataean Aqaba (Aila), as well as its role as a

Nabataean port. Although his work appeared before the excavations at Aqaba, Medinet-el Haras

(Berenike), and Al-Qusayr (Myos Hormos), Groom suggests that the Ptolemaic harbor

foundations on the Egyptian Red Sea coast constituted an attempt to wrest some of the lucrative

incense traffic from the Arabian overland caravans to Egypt. Furthermore, Groom downplays the

role of Aila as a port, suggesting that most sea traffic flowing into Nabataea arrived at Leuke

Kome (exact location uncertain but clearly farther south on the Arabian Red Sea coast), then

traveled north overland, avoiding the difficult sailing conditions in the Gulf of Aqaba. Groom

treats these ports only in brief and avoids discussing the considerable changes which may have

occurred through historical events such the Roman annexation of Egypt in 30 BC. Regardless, he

succeeds in creating the seminal work on the Arabian incense trade and he provides a strong base

from which to begin an inquiry into ancient Red Sea commerce and Nabataean economic history

in the first century.22

G. W. Bowersock’s Roman Arabia, published in 1983, in fact covers the Nabataeans

from their origins through the Roman annexation of AD 106 and into the early fourth century.

For example, he discusses the economic motivations for Aelius Gallus’s attempted conquest of

Arabia Felix (southern Arabia) ca. 25 BC which highlights Rome’s initial interest in the region.

Bowersock also notes the difficulties of studying Nabataean history because of the paucity of

written evidence; however, he offers a bold suggestion about the kingdom during the reign of

Aretas IV (9 BC- AD 40), i.e. the possibility of a temporary Roman annexation of Nabataea in 3-

1 BC. Bowersock’s suggestion has not received wide acceptance, but it remains one possible

22
Groom, N., Frankincense and Myrrh, 1981: for the author’s discussion of Aila, see 205-206; for his discussion of
Red Sea trade and the role of Leuke Kome, see 208-209.
 13

explanation for a peculiar gap in Nabataean numismatic evidence, as well as the claim by Strabo

(Geography 16.4.24) that Rome controlled Nabataea in the late first century BC.23 Finally,

Bowersock considers the long reign of Aretas IV, as “the flowering of Nabataea”, and suggests

that this is the crucial period of growth and urbanization for the Nabataean kingdom.24 As more

archaeological evidence has come to light, Bowersock’s view of a dramatically changed

Nabataea under Aretas IV has gained wide support, but this thesis will argue that Aretas IV was

neither the first nor the only agent of transformation in Nabataea’s history, which actually began

decades earlier.

Steven Sidebotham’s 1986 monograph on Roman economic policy in the Red Sea from

30 BC to AD 217 reconsiders broader implication about regional commerce in this period. For

example, Sidebotham argues that the Emperor Augustus, after his annexation of Egypt in 30 BC,

built upon earlier economic policies established in the Ptolemaic period (323-30 BC). However,

prior to the Roman annexation of Egypt, the Ptolemaic kings did not wield enough regional

power to dominate Red Sea markets, particularly in competition from Nabataea, whose caravan

connections were more secure than traffic via the Red Sea during the Hellenistic Period. While

acknowledging the economic motivations for the campaign of Aelius Gallus (ca. 26-24 BC),

Sidebotham suggests that the regional economic trends shifting in Rome’s favor were incidental,

23
Huth, M., “Some Nabataean questions reconsidered,” 2010: 224. In a more recent publication, numismatist Martin
Huth points out that this coinage gap around the turn of the first century AD remains as the corpus of Nabataean
coinage grows, and this phenomenon still lacks a sufficient explanation. Nevertheless, Huth agrees with most
scholars that a temporary annexation (or even punitive recall of minting privileges) is unlikely. Additionally, Huth
notes that the absence of coinage extends to the year AD 3, which further harms Bowersock’s earlier hypothesis
about Aretas IV’s resumption of autonomy in AD 1.
24
Bowersock, Roman Arabia, 1983. For the author’s discussion of Gallus’s expedition, see 46-47, for his theory
about the brief annexation of Nabataea in the midst of Aretas IV’s reign, see 54-56; for his discussion of Nabataean
growth and urbanization under Aretas IV, see 59-61; also see Chapter 3 for a further discussion of the evidence from
Strabo.
 14

but had an important effect on Nabataea, offering the first postulation that the kingdom which

once thrived on trans-regional trade had to turn to new lifeways. Sidebotham stressed the

importance of Roman policy, particularly in their new province of Egypt, as a critical factor in

influencing the relationship between Rome and the Nabataean kingdom in the first century. This

remains an important topic of debate.25

David Johnson's 1989 article, “Nabataean Piriform Unguentaria”, discusses the

emergence of a major perfume industry at Petra in the late first century BC. The buildup of this

industry so soon after the Roman annexation of Egypt, during a period of apparent economic

transformation underscores two key points: 1) Nabataea still received copious incense imports in

this period from South Arabia, regardless of the new transshipment opportunities presented by

the revitalization of Egyptian Red Sea trade; 2) the Nabataeans transitioned from simply

transporting and taxing incense products to using incense as a raw material to create value-added

products of their own. Johnson also offers the important insight that with renewed security by the

unification of the Mediterranean under the Principate, the Roman world suddenly emerged as an

enlarged and stable market for incense products around the turn of this era.26

Walter Ward’s 2002 M.A. thesis studied the classical Red Sea ports of Berenike, Myos

Hormos, Clysma, Leuke Kome, and Aila. He offered a synthesis of the evidence from these sites,

providing some important conclusions. For example, he noted that Egyptian ports were

connected to a larger network of overseas trade, which included India, while the Nabataean ports

of Aila and Leuke Kome did not seem to connect directly with regions beyond South Arabia,

25
Sidebotham, S.E., Roman Economic Policy, 1986: For the author’s discussion of Ptolemaic and Augustan
economic policy on the Red Sea, see 175; for his suggestion that Nabataea had to adapt to Red Sea economic shifts
caused by direct Roman control of Egypt, see 179.
26
Johnson, D.J., “Nabataean Piriform Unguentaria,” in Aram 2, 1990: 235-248.
 15

Gaza, and Syria. Ward admits that the relationship between the ports of Aila and Leuke Kome is

somewhat obscure, particularly during Aila’s late first century BC foundation. Nevertheless,

Ward makes a strong case for locating Leuke Kome at modern Aynunah, just east of the mouth

of the Gulf of Aqaba, now in Saudi Arabia. Ward also argues for Aila’s role as a land transport

hub rather than as a seaport until the turn of the 4th century, an important argument to consider

when analyzing the complex relationship between the Red Sea ports around the time of the

Roman annexation of Egypt. Ward suspects that Aila’s primary function until ca. AD 300 was to

facilitate land transport rather than sea traffic and that most sea traffic into the Nabataean

kingdom arrived at Leuke Kome. This argument is supported by the position of Aila between the

important caravan cities of Meda’in Saleh (Hegra) and Avdat (Oboda), and the difficult sailing

conditions in the Gulf of Aqaba.27

Björn Anderson conducted a broad study of the Nabataean kingdom for his 2005

dissertation. Anderson utilized the Jordanian Antiquities Database and Information System

(JADIS) to treat the topic of Nabataean intensification. He concluded that there was a flurry of

intensified settlement broadly between 100 BC and the annexation of Nabataea in AD 106.

Unfortunately, because of the nature of the survey evidence in JADIS, as Anderson points out, he

could not narrow the chronology more tightly nor look at areas beyond the relatively arbitrary

borders of modern Jordan. Therefore, Anderson treats the Negev and Hejaz regions of Nabataea

27 Ward, W. D., Roman Red Sea Ports, 2002: For his contrast of Egyptian and Nabataean ports, see 144; For his
conclusions about Aila, see 140-141. For a contrary view, arguing that Aila was indeed a key port under the
Nabataeans, see Parker, S.T., “The Roman Port of Aila: Economic Connections with the Red Sea Littoral,” in L.
Blue, J. Cooper, R. Thomas and J. Wainwright, eds. Connected Hinterlands: Proceedings of the Red Sea Project IV.
Held at the University of Southampton September 2008. British Archaeological Reports International Series 2052.
Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 2009: 79-84.
 16

separately, but his dissertation provides helpful ideas about the Graeco-Roman conceptualization

of these hinterland regions in textual evidence. The breadth of Anderson’s work necessarily

excludes some details about the Nabataean settlements of this region between the late first

century BC and the Roman annexation. Nevertheless, he posits an interesting theory regarding

the identity of those who occupied the marginal regions of the Hejaz. He argues that these

individuals were nomadic, localized groups disconnected from each other and the wider

Nabataean kingdom, particularly compared to the Negev.28

Tali Erickson-Gini’s article on Nabataean colonization in the Negev examines this desert

in southern Israel which connects Petra with the Mediterranean Sea. She summarizes Nabataean

archaeological evidence in the Negev from the Hellenistic to Late Roman and Byzantine Periods.

She argues that prior to the late 1st century BC Nabataean settlement was essentially restricted to

the Petra-Gaza road, implying that Nabataean interest in the Negev was largely confined to

securing the lucrative commercial traffic through the region. But the late 1st century BC, she

argues, witnessed not only the revitalization of existing Nabataean settlements on the Petra-Gaza

route but also significant expansion of Nabataean settlement beyond this route, i.e. the

development of agro-pastoral communities in the more well-watered portions of the Negev.29

This parallels conclusions by recent scholarship on Wadi Arabah.30 Furthermore, by

incorporating the Nabataean Fine Ware typology she offers a tight chronology that is readily

comparable to research from Wadi Arabah. Erickson-Gini’s synthesis will serve as a model for

28
Anderson, B.P., Constructing Nabataea, 2005: For his use of JADIS and conclusions about intensification see 58-
67; for his theory on disconnected nomadism in the Hejaz, and the contrasting situation in the Negev see 79-80.
29
Erickson-Gini, T., “Nabataean Colonization in the Negev Highlands,” 2005.
30
Parker S.T., and Smith III, “The Hinterland of Roman Aila,” 357-377 in Parker and Smith 2014.
 17

this thesis, which will test her reconstruction of settlement patterns when considering evidence

from the rest of the Nabataean kingdom.

Roberta Tomber’s Indo-Roman Trade offers a diachronic look at the maritime connection

between the Roman world and India beginning in the first century BC. It includes an overview of

Roman activity on the Red Sea. She raises important questions about the chronology and purpose

of ports in Egypt and Nabataea. She suggests that the revitalization of the Egyptian ports of

Berenike and Myos Hormos in the late first century BC forced drastic change in the Nabataean

economy by threatening their control over the lucrative luxury traffic from the southern Arabian

Peninsula. Her focus necessarily precludes close examination of the Nabataean heartland, but

Tomber nevertheless provides a useful synthesis of Red Sea trade in the Roman era.31

The results of S. Thomas Parker and Andrew M. Smith’s recent publication of their

Southeast Wadi Araba Survey (SAAS, part of the Roman Aqaba Project) largely parallel the

conclusions of Erickson-Gini for the Negev. Their survey north of Aila provides detailed

economic data for the region linking the Red and Dead Seas. Their most important contribution

for this thesis is their argument for intensification of settlement in the BC/AD transition roughly

corresponds to that of the Negev.32 Their survey offers more quantification than many other

surveys—most published only in preliminary form. Further, their use of Schmid’s typology of

Nabataean Fine Ware provides tighter dating of sites and allows more detailed comparison with

the Negev. For these reasons, this thesis will provide more detailed consideration of the

Southeast Wadi Araba Survey than other areas.

31
Tomber, R., Indo-Roman Trade, 2008: 57-87.
32
Parker, S.T. and Smith, A.M., “The Hinterland of Roman Aila,”: 10, in Parker and Smith 2014.
 18

Finally, this thesis will look beyond Nabataea to the Hadrawmat kingdom in South

Arabia. This region has received less attention from scholars compared to Nabataea and the

broader Roman East, but because it was the source for frankincense during the BC/AD transition,

changes in Hadrawmat at this time reflect the consequences of shifting regional economies. The

most recent monograph on the Hadrawmat kingdom in this period is Raoul McLaughlin’s The

Roman Empire and the Indian Trade. His work provides a helpful summary of the documentary

evidence. McLaughlin notes the Hadrawmat king’s careful regulation of trade through the

region, as well as the prominence of the ports at Qana and Khor Rori.33 Fortunately, recent

publications of archaeological evidence from this region provide an opportunity to expand on his

summary of the documentary evidence for the Hadrawmat kingdom. This thesis will note the

changes evident in the Hadrawmat kingdom to provide a broader context for developments in the

Nabataean economy.

This examination of the historiographical tradition surrounding Nabataean economic

history, particularly leading up to the turn of the first century AD, points to the next logical step:

an analysis of change in the Nabataean kingdom during the BC/AD transition. It will be argued

that the beginning of Roman domination of the region, especially the Roman annexation of

Egypt, presented serious challenges to the Nabataean economy and thus to the Nabataean polity

as a whole. An examination of the Nabataean kingdom holistically and in its international

context will suggest a kingdom-wide economic transformation as manifested by urban and

especially rural expansion. This thesis will then address possible explanations for this apparent

transformation of Nabataea. In short, it appears that the Nabataean kings of this period responded

33
McLaughlin, R. The Roman Empire and Indian Trade, 2014: 140-149.
 19

to the challenges posed by intrusive Roman power by implementing policies that transformed

Nabataea. The fact that Nabataea continued to thrive following the establishment of the Pax

Romana in the late 1st century BC suggests that the Nabataeans were up to the challenge.
 20

Chapter 4

Historical Setting

“For [the Nabataeans], the habit is neither to sow grain, nor to plant a single fruit
giving tree, nor to use wine, nor to build a house. And if one should be found
behaving contrary to these [customs], death [is] to be the punishment for him.
(νόμος δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς μήτε σῖτον σπείρειν μήτε φυτεύειν μηδὲν φυτὸν καρποφόρον
μήτε οἴνῳ χρᾶσθαι μήτε οἰκίαν κατασκευάζειν: ὃς δ᾽ ἂν παρὰ ταῦτα ποιῶν
εὑρίσκηται, θάνατον αὐτῷ πρόστιμον εἶναι.)”
–Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, 19.94.3

Before moving to the archaeological evidence, this thesis will turn to the documentary

sources which establish a historical setting for the Nabataean kingdom. Although much of

Nabataean history is obscure (particularly in the early Hellenistic Period) and there are no extant

literary works by the Nabataeans themselves, the documentary sources available still offer

important evidence about the origins and history of the kingdom. It will proceed chronologically

from the early Hellenistic Period (323-63 BC) to the reign of Aretas IV (9 BC-AD 40).

Most scholars argue for a transformation of Nabataea between the late fourth and late

first centuries BC from a pastoral, nomadic tribal society to a monarchial, bureaucratic state with

a largely sedentary population, prosperous mixed economy, standing professional army, and a

critical role in international relations. The problem remains precisely when this occurred over the

course of these three centuries. This chapter will explore some of the causes of this

transformation and will argue that the evidence points to a key political transition in the

emergence of a Nabataean monarchy in the second century BC. But the crucial economic

transition seems to have begun a later, i.e. in the late first century BC. Written records of

Nabataea’s international relations in this period suggest that the continuous threat of conflict and

episodes of actual warfare between the Nabataeans and Hasmonaean, Herodian, and Roman
 21

forces necessitated the kingdom’s adoption of carefully orchestrated foreign policies. Therefore,

by the reigns of Malichus I (62-30 BC) and Obodas III (30-9 BC), Nabataea was ruled by a

strong central authority which balanced military, diplomatic, and economic concerns. This paved

the way for dramatic change in the once nomadic population of the kingdom.

The Nabataeans emerged from the opaque depths of historical obscurity in the writings of

two late first century BC/early 1st century AD Greek authors: Diodorus Siculus and Strabo. As

discussed above, neither the historian Diodorus nor the geographer Strabo observed the

Nabataeans firsthand. But both apparently relied on eyewitness testimony of others. Strabo for

example had a personal friend who had actually visited Petra. Diodorus synthesized earlier

accounts from all over the known world to produce a “universal history.” His treatment of

Nabataea relied heavily on Hieronymus of Cardia, who served in the Hellenistic East under

Antigonus I, the One-Eyed, founder of the Antigonid dynasty of Macedonia. In 312 BC

Antigonus sent Athenaeus, one of his generals, with force of 4600 troops against the Nabataeans.

Athenaeus launched a successful surprise attack against “a certain rock” (widely assumed to be

Petra) and seized a quantity of silver, frankincense and myrrh. But en route home the Nabataeans

launched a surprise attack on the camp of Athenaeus and wiped out most of his force. Antigonus

then ordered a second attempt to invade Nabataea, led by his son Demetrius. It is notable in this

account that the Nabataeans communicated intelligence about Greek movements through use of

fire signals (presumably from elevations within their territory) and dispersed their flocks into the

desert and other remote locations. Demetrius was forced to withdraw without taking “the rock,”

having to be content with some “gifts” and hostages from the Nabataeans (Diodorus Siculus,

19.94-97). Antigonus attempted to profit from the failed excursions into Arabia by collecting
 22

asphalt from the Dead Sea, placing this expedition under Hieronymus, Diodorus’s source for

these events. The Nabataeans emerged from the desert in force and “shot nearly all of them dead

(σχεδόν ἃπαντας κατετόξευσαν)”34 (Diodorus Siculus, 19.100.1-2). Fortunately, Hieronymus

dodged the arrows and lived to write his account. Thus Diodorus, although writing nearly three

centuries after these events, could rely on the eyewitness account of Hieronymus.

Diodorus portrays the Nabataeans as pastoral nomads living in the inhospitable

environment of the desert in order to protect their freedom from outsiders like the Antigonids.

Furthermore, Diodorus even claims that for any Nabataean who plants crops or establishes a

permanent dwelling (οἱκίαν), “the punishment is death (θάνατον αὐτῷ πρόστιμον εἶαι)” (19.94.3).

In addition to their nomadic desert lifeways, the Nabataeans further protected themselves from

external invasion by maintaining a refuge referred to simply as the “rock (πέτρα),” a natural

bulwark requiring no wall which likely refers to the site of Petra (19.95.1).35 This natural fortress

failed the Nabataeans only once, when Athenaeus took them by surprise during a festival. A

subsequent attempted Antigonid deception failed both because the Nabataeans anticipated a

second attack and their natural citadel surrounded by harsh desert proved impervious to further

assault (Diodorus 19.95-97). The presence of quantities of frankincense and myrrh collected at

Petra surely implies that the Nabataeans were already deeply engaged in long distance caravan

traffic with south Arabia and the emphasis on their herds underscores the pastoral nomadism of

their economy. However, this snapshot of Nabataea from the late fourth century BC contrasts

sharply with account of life in the Nabataean kingdom three centuries later.

34
All translations are by the author unless otherwise stated.
35
Bowersock, Roman Arabia, 1983: 13.
 23

Strabo’s Geography was written in the early first century AD and portrays a different

kind of Nabataea. Athenodorus, Strabo’s personal friend, informed the geographer about the

Nabataeans by actually visiting Petra about this time and thus furnishes a firsthand account of

their capital. Nabataea had changed significantly in the three centuries since they set arrows and

ambushes against the Antigonids. The Hellenistic armies had faltered in the deserts where arid

expanses protected the nomadic Nabataeans from subjugation. But by the time of Strabo “those

Nabataeans and Syrians are obedient to the Romans (κἀκεῖνοι Ῥωμαίοις εἰσὶν ὑπήκοοι καὶ

Σύροι)” (Geography, 16.4.21).

Three centuries after the Antigonid campaigns, Strabo’s confidant Athenodorus

witnessed a transformed Nabataea. The kingdom now boasted a “metropolis:” Petra, which

functioned only as a meeting place and defensive strongpoint in centuries past, but now the city

hosted a royal bureaucracy, “and it was extraordinarily well-managed (σφόδρα δ᾽ εὐνομεῖται)”

(Geography, 16.4.21). This centralized authority governed relatively peaceful Nabataean

subjects who acquired property with such skill, “that there was even a public fine for one

decreasing his property, and accolades for one who increased [his possessions] (καὶ δημοσίᾳ τῷ

μὲν μειώσαντι τὴν οὐσίαν ζημία κεῖται, τῷ δ᾽ αὐξήσαντι τιμαί)” (Geography, 16.4.26). Further,

Athenodorus reports, these properties included expensive stone houses wherein the Nabataeans

engaged in frequent drinking contests and enjoyed an array of plentiful fruits: a far cry from their

roots as self-reliant pastoral nomads. Perhaps a vestige of the former Nabataean pastoral

egalitarianism survived in the custom of the king, who was “so democratic that besides serving

himself it even happened that he occasionally served the others also (δημοτικὸς ὥστε πρὸς τῷ

αὐτοδιακόνῳ καί ποτ᾽ ἀντιδιάκονον τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ αὐτὸν γίνεσθαι)” (Geography, 16.4.26).
 24

Strabo’s Geography offers an important contrast to the image of Nabataea encountered

by Antigonid generals, but his work suffers from problematic references beyond the uncertain

statement about Rome’s control of the kingdom. For example, according to Strabo, the

Nabataeans interred their kings not in the magnificent rock-cut tombs still drawing crowds to

gaze at the cliffs of Petra, but instead they purportedly deposited royal corpses (along with all

others) “beside piles of dung, (παρὰ τοὺς κοπρῶνας)” (Geography, 16.4.26). This hyperbolic

report sharply contrasts archaeologically attested Nabataean burial customs, throwing into

question at least this portion of the credibility of Strabo’s report. Nevertheless, the juxtaposition

of the accounts of Diodorus Siculus and Strabo shows a sharp enough contrast to reveal a

changed landscape from the fourth to first centuries BC. This timespan produced no direct

historical sources to hint at the pace or reasons for changes in the Nabataean kingdom, so

interpretations of this regional metamorphosis must rely on archaeological evidence grounded in

its historical context. This thesis suggests that the transformation of Nabataea occurred relatively

rapidly from the late first century BC through the first century AD.

The nature of this transformation was murky and the early history of the Nabataeans

remains obscure. Nevertheless, Aryeh Kasher has suggested that the Nabataeans actually

prospered in the periods of relative unrest in the Hellenistic world from the turn of the third

century until the mid-second century BC. Furthermore, Kasher argues that the Nabataeans

thrived during periods of conflict among the Hellenistic states. Their knowledge of desert-ways

allowed Nabataean trade to continue, especially in the Hauran to the north.36 Though his

argument is circumstantial, the premise makes sense: While conflicts disrupted the economies of

36
Kasher, A. Jews, Idumaeans, and Ancient Arabs, 1988:17-19.
 25

the Hellenistic Levant, the Nabataeans continued to operate their trade routes, which were

otherwise inaccessible to those unfamiliar with the desert. In fact, the Nabataeans and their trade

networks may have continued to survive precisely because they were more nomadic in this

period, with a less centralized government. The free nomads of Nabataea portrayed in the

account of Diodorus Siculus beat back early Hellenistic incursions; their nomadic traditions

could have continued uninterrupted while centralized Hellenistic powers fought just to the west.

Kasher’s theory has important implications for this thesis. If in fact nomadism allowed the

Nabataeans to survive and even prosper through periods of regional instability, then the

establishment of the Pax Romana likely presented new challenges. That is, while early Nabataea

was a product of its environment, and appeared to endure because of nomadic adaptation to the

desert, the transformed Nabataea which appeared around the BC/AD transition was likewise a

product of a changing geopolitical environment.

By the mid-second century BC, the earliest known Nabataean king (Aretas I) appears (1

Maccabees 9.35), but it is not clear if there were earlier kings. Furthermore, in the late second

century BC, an inscription from modern Turkey attests diplomatic relations between Nabataea

and that region, though the nature of these relations is obscure.37 At the end of the second

century BC, the Jewish Hasmonean King Alexander Jannaeus laid siege to the city of Gaza. It is

not known whether Gaza was formally part of the Nabataean kingdom at this time, but Josephus

reports that they appealed (without success) to an Arabian king (ὁ Ἀράβων βασιλεὺς) named

Aretas for assistance (Antiquities of the Jews, 13.360). Bowersock points out that, regardless of

the Nabataeans’ formal control over Gaza, the kingdom had a strong presence in the Negev, so it

37
Bowersock, G.W., Roman Arabia, 1983: 22.
 26

would have been in the interest of Aretas II to keep Gaza open as a point of access to the

Mediterranean world.38

There are a couple possible explanations for Aretas II’s neglect of Gaza. First, the

Nabataeans may have simply lacked the military strength to face Alexander Jannaeus. Second,

because the Nabataeans used desert routes otherwise inaccessible to non-nomadic Hellenistic

peoples, they could have continued to maintain their trade economy by skirting the Jewish

Kingdom by traveling north through Jordan and Syria or to the south of Gaza, through the Negev

to the Mediterranean port of Rhinocolura). A certain “Rhinocorura” (likely the same site) is

mentioned by Strabo (Geography 16.2.31-32) as a desert port along the Mediterranean coast of

eastern Egypt, possibly at the modern site of al-Arish. The name Rhinocolura is a bit mysterious,

and the site could in fact correspond to several coastal towns mentioned by Pliny and Josephus.

Pliny writes ambiguously: "and the two towns of Rhinocolura, inland Raphia, Gaza and inland

Anthedon" (Pliny, Natural History, 5.14). Furthermore, Josephus mentions a coastal Rhinocolura

near Gaza, Anthedon and Raphia. (Antiquities of the Jews, 13, 15.4; Book 24, 11:5). Josephus

also mentions Rhinocolura in connection with Pelusium at modern Port Said (Antiquities of the

Jews, 14, 14.2; The Jewish War, Book 1.14). Regardless of whether Rhinocolura is to be

identified with modern El-Arish, this port likely provided the Nabataeans with a sufficient

alternative to Gaza, especially if they were not strong enough to challenge Alexander Jannaeus at

that time.

Early in his reign, Aretas III did gain some successes against Alexander Jannaeus, but the

Hasmonaean king quickly retaliated and Gaza remained under his control (Josephus, Antiquities

38
Bowersock, G.W., Roman Arabia, 1983: 22.
 27

of the Jews, 13.392-393). Nevertheless, Aretas III successfully took Damascus in 85 BC, and he

later began minting Hellenistic-style coins there (Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 13.392).

Roughly two decades later, the Romans appeared in the region when Pompey annexed Syria as a

Roman province (64 BC) and reduced all the other polities in the region to the status of

autonomous client states, including Nabataea. The Nabataean kingdom was able to maintain its

autonomy by paying off the Roman governors of Syria, Scaurus and Gabinius (Appian

14.16.106). It may not have been a particularly hard sell, given that Pompey’s military forces

were occupied with other conflicts in the region and the Syrian governor sent to Nabataea

struggled in the desert environment. Nevertheless, the Nabataeans’ ability to pay significant

amounts of money to preserve their autonomy suggests that they possessed considerable

economic power by the mid- first century BC. More importantly, this episode shows that

Nabataean wealth was concentrated in an authority with sufficient power to amass such sums.

On September 2nd, 31 BC, the forces of Octavian triumphed over Mark Antony and

Cleopatra at the Battle of Actium. The following year Octavian invaded Egypt and annexed it as

a new province. After over a century of political turmoil within the Roman world, this brought

peace to the Mediterranean. By 27 BC Octavian, now styled Augustus, was the first emperor of

Rome. The Nile’s reliable and abundant production of grain fed the city of Rome and the

confiscated wealth of the Ptolemaic dynasty funded military discharges. Augustus recognized the

unique importance of Egypt by creating a special equestrian position, the praefectus Aegypti, to

govern Roman Egypt, preventing any senator from raising a revolt among the three Roman

legions permanently based there.

 28

Furthermore, Roman control of Egypt brought additional opportunities beyond the Nile: a

direct link to the Red Sea and the maritime trade route which stretched to the horn of Africa,

South Arabia, and India. The Nabataeans under Malichus I (62-30 BC) aided the Romans in their

conquest of Egypt by burning Cleopatra’s fleet near Suez (Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews,

69.3). Nevertheless, the Nabataeans may have harbored an ulterior motive: Knowing that the

annexation of Egypt would bring the Roman Empire directly to the Red Sea, it could have been

in the Nabataeans’ best interest to eradicate the ships of Cleopatra to insure that the Romans

could not capture them for use in the Red Sea. This assertion may also be supported by the fact

that Nabataean relationships with Augustus remained strained, especially after the unauthorized

ascension of Aretas IV in 9 BC; but, if the account of Cassius Dio is fully accepted, then the act

of burning the ships was actually a suggestion of the Roman governor of Syria (51.7.1).

Regardless, the Nabataeans must have had serious concerns about the Roman Empire’s

acquisition of the western Red Sea coast.

In fact, the next logical step for the Augustan policy of continued expansion was the

invasion of South Arabia to gain direct control over the sources of frankincense. In 26 BC Aelius

Gallus, the prefect of Egypt, led a sizeable force, largely drawn from the Roman provincial

garrison of Egypt but which included 1,000 Nabataean troops, launched his expedition from

Egypt. The campaign was chronicled by Strabo, a personal friend of the prefect. The Romans

employed a Nabataean guide and advisor named Syllaeus, who suggested that they bring their

army across the Red Sea to Leuke Kome, then march down the western Arabian coast to Arabia

Felix (South Arabia). Gallus reached South Arabia but the campaign ended in disaster. The army

suffered heavy casualties, not so much in combat but from illness and the harsh arid
 29

environment. Gallus had to retreat before reaching his destination. Strabo suggests that this was

the result of treachery on the part of Syllaeus, who Aretas IV later handed over to the Romans

for execution (Geography, 16.4.24). Strabo also suggested that Syllaeus himself wanted to

benefit by sabotaging the expedition and taking over Arabia Felix, but he could not have done

this by dragging the army through the desert until the soldiers collapsed. Nevertheless, the

Nabataeans had to be concerned about the dramatic change in the regional geopolitical situation.

Roman provinces, both with substantial armies, were now permanently based on their northern

and western borders (in the provinces of Syria and Egypt, respectively) and Herod’s client

kingdom of Judaea posed another potential threat to the west. The conquest of Arabia Felix

would have given Rome complete control of the incense trade, the main source of Nabataea’s

wealth, from its source in the Hadrawmat kingdom to its Mediterranean terminus via Egypt. It is

possible that Syllaeus himself intentionally lead Gallus astray, because Roman control of Arabia

Felix would have been a massive blow to the kingdom’s economy.39

Although Augustus’ attempt to gain direct control of the sources of frankincense had

failed, he quickly developed an alternative strategy. He founded or revitalized ports along the

Egyptian Red Sea coast, such as Myos Hormos and Berenike, to divert trade from the overland

route across the Arabian Peninsula to trade by sea. Incense, as well as other eastern luxury

products would be borne from South Arabia by sea to these ports, then overland across the

eastern desert of Egypt to the Nile, and thence to Alexandria, completely bypassing the

Nabataean overland caravan routes. Recent excavations of these ports clearly date their

revitalization in this period. Some measure of its success is suggested by Strabo’s observation

39
For an alternate argument see Bowersock, Roman Arabia, 1983: 47-49.
 30

that by his day (i.e., ante AD 23) the bulk of the eastern trade was now moving through Myos

Hormos.40 In short, this was a direct threat to the heart of the Nabataean economy.

The Nabataeans had to worry about more than just the expansion of Roman power.

Relations between Obodas III (Malichus I’s successor, reigned 30-9 BC)) and Herod the Great

(37-4 BC) had deteriorated. At the beginning of the reign of Aretas IV in 9 BC, Herod gained

approval from Augustus to invade Nabataea. The emperor probably based his decision on the

fact that Aretas had not waited to gain approval from Augustus before taking up his kingship.

Nevertheless, Nabataean envoys to Rome eventually won Augustus over and he retracted his

earlier imperative for Herod to conquer Nabataea (Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 16.10.351).

This episode illustrates that, even with the establishment of the Pax Romana, the Nabataeans

were forced to play a careful political game with the Roman Empire to maintain their autonomy.

Note that in this case Aretas IV was able to negotiate successfully with Augustus and thereby

end the assault of Herod, a testament to Aretas’ diplomatic skill. Furthermore, by the early first

century AD, an epistle by the Apostle Paul of a Nabataean governor in Damascus, shows that

Aretas may have actually expanded his territory farther north into southern Syria (2 Corinthians

11.32).

This chapter has assessed the origins and early history of the Nabataean kingdom.

Despite the obscurity of much of Nabataea’s early history, the primary sources offer important

insights about rise of the kingdom and especially of the Nabataean kings. In considering the

kingdom’s history from the early Hellenistic Period to the late 1st century BC, it becomes clear

40
Peacock, D. and Blue, L. Myos Hormos—Quseir al-Qadim, Oxford: Oxford University, 2006.; Sidebotham, S.E.
and Wendrich, W.Z. Report of the 1998 Excavations at Berenike and the Survey of the Egyptian Eastern Desert,
including Excavations in Wadi Kalalat, Leiden: Research School CNWS: 2000.
 31

that the political landscape of the region changed dramatically, particularly after the arrival of the

Romans. The role of the Nabataean kings increased in importance, especially for the

management of foreign policy. It seems that early in their history, the Nabataeans were a

nomadic people shaped by their physical environment, but by the time of the Pax Romana, the

Nabataean social and political system had evolved to accommodate changing international

challenges. With threats from Hasmonaeans, Herodians, and Romans, the Nabataeans realized

their vulnerability as a territorial state economically dependent on international trade. Therefore,

by the reigns of Malichus I, Obodas III, and Aretas IV, the Nabataean kings developed policies

to maintain a traditional root of the Nabataean economy, international trade, while also seeking

to diversify its economy by developing new industries and greatly expanding its agro-pastoral

production. These policies seem clear upon a close examination of the archaeological evidence

from various regions within the Nabataean kingdom.

 32

Chapter 5

The Negev

“The people of Gaza held fast and gave up neither from lack of supplies nor from
the great number of their fallen, because they were prepared to endure anything
and everything rather than to fall to the enemy. Furthermore, the likelihood of
Aretas [II] to come fighting to their aid roused their zeal. (τῶν δὲ Γαζαίων
ἀντεχόντων καὶ μήτε ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας μήτε ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀναιρουμένων
ἐνδιδόντων, πᾶν γὰρ ὁτιοῦν ὑπέμενον παθεῖν ἢ ὑπὸ τῷ πολεμίῳ γενέσθαι,
προσεπήγειρεν δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν προθυμίαν καὶ Ἀρέτας ὁ Ἀράβων βασιλεὺς ἐπίδοξος
ὢν ἥξειν αὐτοῖς σύμμαχος)”
–Flavius Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 13.356

The Negev is an appropriate starting point for this thesis because it represents the entry

point into the Nabataean kingdom from the Mediterranean and Tali Erickson-Gini has already

compiled a synthesis of relevant archaeological evidence from this region. The Negev Desert

stretches from the southeastern Mediterranean coast to the western edge of Wadi Araba,

connecting the Nabataean and Roman economies through ports at Gaza and Rhinocolura (Figure

2). This desert bridge corresponds to the southern region of modern Israel and has received

extensive archaeological investigation in the past century. Archaeologists have long ventured

here, often in search of ancient biblical sites. The evidence from these surveys and excavations

provides the opportunity to create a detailed history of the region based in part on some 501

Nabataean and Roman sites thus far identified in the Negev.

Through a synthesis of this evidence, Erickson-Gini formed an interpretation of the

Negev’s history in the classical periods. Exploiting the recent typology of Nabataean Painted

Fine Ware created by Stefan Schmid, her research provides a more nuanced analysis with higher

historical resolution than earlier surveys in the Nabataean kingdom. Nevertheless, she dealt with

the same issue that plagues the analysis of archaeological material throughout the Nabataean
 33

kingdom: especially differing levels of published detail that make quantified comparisons among

sites and surveys difficult. Therefore, in order to draw broad historical conclusions about the

Negev, Erickson-Gini had to sacrifice some site-specific details for her synthesis of Nabataean

Negev archaeology. This thesis follows a similar method to draw conclusions about the changing

nature of Nabataea throughout the entire kingdom, with results generally similar to what

Erickson-Gini concluded about the Negev. She argued for a considerable intensification of

Nabataean activity in the Negev desert around the first centuries BC and AD.41 However, after a

short summary of her evidence (with particular focus on sites along trade routes), I will propose

that, under the direction of Malichus I, Obodas III, and Aretas IV, the Nabataeans improved the

trade route to Gaza by creating a circular rather than linear option for travel through the region.

This option would have allowed caravans to avoid steep ascents, reach a greater number of sites,

and end their circuit at Aila for a return journey down the Arabian coast. This trade route would

have also given caravans the added benefit of selling South Arabian products at Petra and Gaza,

then carrying Mediterranean products to the Red Sea and South Arabia via Aila.

There was clearly some early Hellenistic occupation of the region, suggested for example

by third century BC coins recovered from sites along the Petra-Gaza road, but this dropped off

dramatically following a third century BC earthquake. Based on documentary evidence discussed

above, Nabataean activity in the region must have continued throughout the Hellenistic period.

But Nabataean settlement in the Negev seemingly was restricted to the well-established Petra-

Gaza route, with little evidence of any sedentary occupation elsewhere in the Negev. These

Erickson-Gini, T., “Recent Advances in the Research of the Nabataean and Roman Negev,” in Rosenthal-
41

Heginbottom, R., 2003: 14.

 34

regions of course were likely not uninhabited but exploited by nomadic tribes, even when the rest

of the Hellenistic world was in conflict.42

Some of the earliest evidence for intensified Nabataean settlement of the Negev began

sometime in the first century BC, with evidence of the foundation of Avdat (Oboda) in this

period (Figure 3). This site’s central position in the region connected Gaza to the Nabataean

heartland and their capital, Petra. In the late first century BC, another road (constructed during

the reign of Aretas IV) connected Oboda with the Arabah valley and sites in the southern

Nabataean kingdom, such as Aqaba (Aila) and Meda’in Saleh (Hegra). The construction of this

new overland route required considerable effort on the part of the Nabataean king, because it

passed through the formidable geographic obstacle of the Ramon Crater (Figure 4). In order to

make this a viable caravan route, the Nabataeans were forced to cut a pass, known as the Ma’ate

Mahmal, through the crater’s steep northern cliff face.43

In the first century AD Nabataean settlement of the Negev expanded more rapidly.

Further evidence of increasing traffic and settlement along the Petra-Gaza highway comes from

the following sites, which were founded, re-founded, or expanded in the early first century AD:

Oboda, nearby Horvat Ma’agurah, and Haluza, in the west-central Negev. These sites show the

prominence of the Petra-Gaza route during the BC/AD transition, which is unsurprising given

that Petra remained a hub for goods from the north, west, and south. Additionally, the

Nabataeans rebuilt a Hellenistic fort at ‘En Rahel and constructed another at ‘En Ziq in the

Negev highlands along the Petra-Gaza route during this period. These fortifications must have

42
Kasher, A. Jews, Idumaeans, and Ancient Arabs, 1988:17-19.
Erickson-Gini, T., “Recent Advances in the Research of the Nabataean and Roman Negev,” in Rosenthal-
43

Heginbottom, R., 2003: for the Hellenistic occupation, abandonment, and first century BC reoccupation of the
Negev, see 9; for a discussion of the Ma’te Mahmal pass, see 10.
 35

made larger caravans feel safer passing through the newly intensively settled regions of the

Negev, whereas in the past the greatest defense in the desert may been the Nabataeans’ own

knowledge of the otherwise foreboding terrain. In the early first century, the Nabataeans also

established Nessana southwest of Oboda, near the modern Egyptian border, and this settlement

probably serviced increased caravan traffic to the ports of Rhinocolura and Gaza with the advent

of the Pax Romana.

By the mid-first century AD, the sites of Mampsis, east of Oboda and Mezad Yeruham,

near a well in the central Negev, also emerged. Additionally, excavations of a later (i.e.,

Tetrarchic) Roman fort at Oboda yielded residual evidence of mid-first century AD Nabataean

pottery, showing further expansion of the city in this period. These sites illustrate the success of

Nabataean trade routes passing through the heart of the Negev throughout the first century AD.

Finally, the Nabataeans established Sobota northwest of Oboda (toward Nessana) as well as

Rehovat, between Oboda and Gaza, in the late first century AD, further intensifying their agro-

pastoral exploitation in the Negev.44

It is not surprising that the Nabataeans attempted to reinforce their connection with the

Mediterranean world following Rome’s annexation of Egypt. In order to compete with the new

trade route provided by Rome’s Red Sea ports, Nabataea needed to ensure safe and efficient

passage through the Negev, especially if they hoped to increase the volume of settlement and

traffic through the region. The more interesting aspect of Nabataea’s activity in the late-first

century BC Negev is their establishment of a connection between Oboda and the southern

44
Erickson-Gini, T., Nabataean Settlement and Self-Organized Economy in the Central Negev: Crisis and Renewal,
2010: 45-46.
 36

Nabataean kingdom. This may have created a route which passed through Petra on the exit from

Arabia and then swung south through Aila on the return.

There are two advantages to a caravan route which travels to Gaza through Petra and

returns south through Aila: 1) This circuit would have allowed caravans to return to the primary

source of their wealth in the south more directly, bypassing Petra after they sold their incense

products. 2) This circuit would have provided much more favorable elevation changes. Large

ascents over short distances slow down caravans and force them to consume greater resources

per km (especially in terms of water). Furthermore, rapid increases in elevation add greater stress

for the travelers and especially their pack animals and may have increased the odds of damaging

their goods.

With the establishment of the Oboda-Aila route, a caravan circuit could have minimized

steep accents by leading from Hegra to Petra, then to Oboda and on to Gaza, returning via Oboda

to Aila through the Ramon Crater. This route avoids the steepest rises in elevation by spreading

out the ascents and allowing caravans to descend from Petra to the Wadi Araba and through the

Ramon Crater Pass without having to return up those steep passes. Furthermore, from Aila the

caravans could have engaged in sea commerce at the port, and followed a route back through the

Arabian Peninsula that was less-far inland carrying Mediterranean goods south from the

Nabataean Kingdom along routes that would remain active into the modern era thanks to the

Hejaz railway and other modern roads.

There is one more important consideration regarding the Nabataeans’ establishment of

the Oboda-Aila route. This route allowed return traffic to bypass Petra, which suggests that the

Nabataean kings had secured enough political and economic control of the southern and western
 37

portions of the kingdom that they felt comfortable regulating larger volumes of traffic outside

Petra. The Nabataean capital appears not to have suffered from this new route, however, because

it continued to expand in size and wealth and the Petra-Gaza route continued to thrive through

the first century AD.

Erickson-Gini’s synthesis of the first century archaeological evidence from the Negev

provides a model in order to bring together archaeological evidence from across the Nabataean

Kingdom. Unfortunately, this archaeological evidence is published with less consistency in

detail, so the challenge is to undertake a synthesis of the evidence to allow for some detailed

exploration of areas with more quantified information, while also accounting for publications,

which offer only general conclusions. Nevertheless, the broad synthesis provided by this thesis

shows that the dramatic intensification of settlement in the Nabataean Negev was not unique to

this region but was a kingdom-wide phenomenon. The evidence from the Negev suggests that

the Nabataean kings expanded their trade networks in this region during the BC/AD transition.

Furthermore, creation of a viable travel circuit leading from Petra to Gaza to Aila provided a new

way for caravans to reach more Nabataean settlements while minimizing the difficult terrain of

the journey. Using this route, caravans could have brought South Arabian goods through Petra

and to Gaza, and then returned to ports at Aila and Leuke Kome with Mediterranean products.

This suggestion is not meant to downplay the significance of the many other arteries of trade

leading through Nabataea and the Negev; however, it appears that Nabataean intensification of

Negev settlement was aimed in part to draw more traffic through the region. Furthermore, it

appears that the Nabataean kings made a conscious effort to create a trade triangle between Petra,
 38

Gaza, and Aila which also serviced tributary routes throughout the region, including traffic to

Rhinocolura and settlements around the heart of the Negev at Oboda.

Figure 2: Map of the Nabataean Kingdom with Major Sites (Nehmé, L., et al., 2010).
 39

Figure 3: Avdat, the site of Oboda in the Negev (Photo by Author).

Figure 4: The Ramon Crater in the Negev (Photo by Author).

 40

Chapter 6

Petra and Its Environs

“The Nabataean’s metropolis is called Petra; for it lies upon a place otherwise
even and flat, and is protected by a stone ring; steep and precipitous on the outside
while offering bounteous flowing water on the inside, both for public distribution
and gardens (μητρόπολις δὲ τῶν Ναβαταίων ἐστὶν ἡ Πέτρα καλουμένη: κεῖται γὰρ
ἐπὶ χωρίου τἆλλα ὁμαλοῦ καὶ ἐπιπέδου, κύκλῳ δὲ πέτρᾳ φρουρουμένου τὰ μὲν
ἐκτὸς ἀποκρήμνου καὶ ἀποτόμου τὰ δ᾽ ἐντὸς πηγὰς ἀφθόνους ἔχοντος εἴς τε
ὑδρείαν καὶ κηπείαν).”
–Strabo, Geography, 16.4.21

Moving southeast from the Negev, one enters the northern hinterland of the Nabataean

capital at Petra (Figure 5). The prominence of Petra is obvious from its numerous references in

primary sources such as Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and Pliny the Elder. Furthermore, over six

hundred Nabataean rock-cut tombs pepper the cliff faces of Petra and its environs, with further

Nabataean domestic and monumental architecture illustrating the importance of this Nabataean

metropolis. This site contains some of the oldest Nabataean archaeological evidence, which is

not surprising given that the earliest documentary references to Nabataea (contained in the works

of Diodorus Siculus) include references to Petra as a place of refuge for early nomadic

Nabataeans (19.95.1). As seen above, when attacked by Hellenistic rulers, the Nabataeans of the

fourth century BC leveraged their skill at desert survival as well as their bastion at Petra to fend

off the assaults, but by the BC/AD transition, Petra had changed. The site was no longer merely a

seasonal gathering place for nomads, but a thriving city with luxurious architecture and

expanding urban and rural populations.

Because Petra was the seat of Nabataean power, investigating changes in the site’s

archaeological history around the BC/AD transition is particularly significant to an overall

understanding of the kingdom’s transformation in this period. Additionally, Petra offers a unique
 41

opportunity for a detailed archaeological understanding of the core of the Nabataean kingdom

and the site and its hinterland have received more archaeological attention than anywhere else in

Nabataea. Therefore, in order to explore the Nabataean heartland, this chapter will first look at

surveys north of Petra, from the Wadi Silaysil, Jebel Shara, and Bayda areas. Next, the chapter

will move into the city itself and look at its archaeological history in chronological order by

analyzing information from studies of Petra’s architecture (including elite buildings such as those

at ez-Zantur), as well monumental structures such as the Qasr al-Bint, the Garden and Pool

complex, the so-called “Great Temple” complex (Figure 6), elite structures atop Umm al-Biyara,

and a temple on Jebel Numayr. Finally, this chapter will move east and south, looking at

hinterland surveys of the Wadi Musa, Udhruh, Jebel Haroun, and Wadi Sabra areas.

Investigations of the material cultural history of Petra reveal some of the earliest known

Nabataean archaeological evidence, as well as the most magnificent monuments in the kingdom.

It is important to note that, while the early Nabataean occupation of Petra seems a bit more

extensive than other regions in the kingdom, the hinterland of the capital did not witness

intensive settlement until the time of the transformation. Furthermore, the vast majority of the

monumental architecture in the metropolis was constructed during or after the first century BC.

In short, the capital and its environs appear to evolve and expand roughly alongside, rather than

ahead of, the rest of the kingdom. This suggests that the first century BC/AD transformation of

Nabataea occurred at roughly the same rate throughout the kingdom, and did not necessarily

“radiate” from the seat of royal authority. This in turn may suggest that relatively wide-spread

Nabataean elite actors took part in the transformation of the kingdom, rather than just a singular

authority. Nevertheless, in the absence of documentary evidence, the nature of authority and
 42

Nabataean social structure remains a matter of conjecture. In any case, the heartland of the

Nabataea transformed along with the rest of the kingdom, and this area offers the most detailed

look at Nabataea during the first century BC/AD transition.

The first area to examine in the Petra hinterland is Wadi Silaysil (Figure 7), just north of

the capital and only recently surveyed. Broadly speaking, the term “Early to Middle Roman

Period” (the terminology employed by this project) reflects the great intensity of occupation in

this hinterland but, unfortunately, this survey treats the period from the first century BC to the

mid-third century AD uniformly. Therefore, while this era had significantly more occupation

than the preceding and following periods, it is not clear whether this trend represents a steady

growth or sudden change in the landscape. Nevertheless, the period of hinterland intensification

began during a time roughly contemporary with the expansion attested elsewhere in the

kingdom.45

Moving northeast of Petra, Nabataean settlement of the Jebel Shara mountain range

appears to have drastically increased around the BC/AD transition. According to a recent

analysis of older survey materials, there was almost no pottery on Jebel Shara prior to this period

(with the exception of some Iron II material and three sites identified as “Hellenistic”). The 78

sites of first century BC/AD date therefore dwarfed all earlier occupation and the settlements

along this mountain declined steadily from the Late Roman to Medieval Islamic Periods.46

Moving west from here to the northwest escarpment leading into Petra is Bayda. The site

lies in the next valley only a few kilometers north of the capital, with a large structure (of

possible religious significance) and associated vineyards dated to the late first century BC.

45
Alcock, S.E. and Knodell, A.R., “Landscapes North of Petra,” 2012: 10.
46
Tholbecq, L., “The Hinterland of Petra (Jordan) and the Jabal Shara,” 2013: 299.
 43

Interestingly the structure was dismantled in the following century when the Nabataeans filled

the structure and removed a few architectural pieces for unknown reuse.47 This provides a rare

example of Nabataean settlement which appears to grow in the early BC/AD transition but then

was abandoned in the first century AD.

Petra itself is nestled in the mountains east of the deep valley running between the Dead

and Red Seas, roughly midway between the two bodies of water. Petra emerged in historical

sources as a sometime meeting place and defensive bastion for the early Nabataean Arabs, who

used the refuge to ward off Hellenistic invaders. Violence along the edges of the Nabataean

world—a domain which can be a nebulous concept in its own right48—drove the Nabataeans to

hunker within the defensible natural formations at Petra. This well-watered and naturally

fortified gathering place made an ideal choice for the seat of Nabataean power as the kingdom

became increasingly sedentarized and gained more formal organization. The Nabataeans also

constructed their most monumental structures at this site, showcasing its prominence in the lives

of elite Nabataeans.49 Finally, Petra’s obvious prominence and its spectacular tombs have drawn

more concentrated archaeological attention than any other location in the Nabataean kingdom.

Entering the city of Petra, the monumental rock-cut tomb façades are today the most striking

feature. The earliest tombs in Nabataea appeared around and just before the first century BC.50

The Nabataeans may also have built other important but somewhat mysterious monuments in

this period, such as the prominent but enigmatic snake monument overlooking the southern route

47
Bikai, P.M., et al., “Gods and Vineyards at Beidha,” 2007: 373-374.
48
Tews, S., “Understanding the Nabataean House,” 2014: 7-8.
49
Nabataean elites also built many such tombs at the site of Meda’in Saleh to the south, but these were fewer and
generally smaller in scale.
50
Sachet, I., “Libations Funéraires aux Frontières de l’Orient Romain: le Cas de la Nabatène,” 2010: 157-174. See
also McKenzie, J. The Architecture of Petra, Oxford: Oxford University, 2005.
 44

into Petra, but its association with the early funerary monuments is tenuous at best.51

Additionally, of the 628 façade tombs at Petra, the current understanding of their chronology

places the date of construction for most of these prominent monuments between the first century

BC and AD. This expansion of the various funerary monuments of Petra occurred alongside

domestic growth, and with literal and figurative overlap, a first century AD house was built over

a tomb constructed in the preceding century. Also, the reuse of tomb spaces, even monumental

ones, illustrates an interesting phenomenon: Over the course the first century AD, particularly

approaching AD 100, some tombs received a monumental expansion, attesting that reuse of

tombs did not reflect economic constraint, but topographic concerns. That is, rather than build

additional tombs in less prominent positions, first-century Nabataean elites chose to invest

resources into further aggrandizing Petra’s more conspicuous tombs.52

The earliest stratified remains at Petra come from layers underneath the impressive mid-

first century BC temple known as Qasr al-Bint, as well as underneath the paving of the city’s

central colonnade. According to numismatic evidence, this early phase of occupation must have

occurred before the reign of Aretas III (ca. 86-62 BC), probably during the reigns of either

Aretas II (ca. 100-96/92 BC) or Obodas I (ca. 96/92-86 BC).53 Further work on the earlier strata

below this context may also provide evidence for the occupation of this central location in Petra

as early as the third century BC.54 This date is contemporaneous with the earliest Nabataean

51
Wenning, R., “Snakes in Petra,” 2012: 238.
52
Wadeson, L., “The Funerary Landscape of Petra,” 2012a: for the general dating of Petra’s tomb complexes, see
99; for the discussion of the building overlying a tomb, see 114; for the discussion of upgrading Petra’s monumental
tombs, see 117.
53
Parr, P.J., “The Urban Development of Petra,” 2007: 275-277.
54
Graf, D.F., “Petra and the Nabataeans in the Early Hellenistic Period,” 2013: 38.
 45

structures found in stratified contexts under Qasr al-Bint, where these complexes were leveled to

make room for the temple in the first century BC.55

Moving into the first century BC at Petra, a structure identified as a domestic building

rests atop a terrace overlooking Wadi Musa, the water source which runs east to west through

Petra, yielded evidence of relatively early occupation. Pottery (including early but unspecified

forms of Terra Sigillata and Nabataean wares), as well as a coin of Obodas the II or III (ca. 30-9

BC) in an early context, dates this structure to the first century BC.56

A domestic area on the ridge between the ez-Zantur complex and the colonnaded street

has also yielded evidence of early occupation. Interestingly, sparse remains of early structures in

this area provided dates around the turn of the first century AD, but many soundings around the

ridge also turned up first century BC ceramics without associated architecture. The paucity of

early structures to coincide with the first century BC pottery has led to an important, but

somewhat controversial, theory: Perhaps up to the late first century BC, the occupation of this

portion of Petra consisted of nomadic tent camps. The reinterpretation of some cuts into bedrock

(presumably for tent pegs) uncovered in these early strata, as well as the possible discovery of

some occupation antedating the late first century BC occupation at ez-Zantur itself, suggest a

mixture of built structures and tent dwellings in the first century BC.57 If correctly interpreted,

this evidence is significant, for it suggests that the transition from nomadic tent-dwellers to

sedentary folk was still underway in this period, even in the Nabataean capital.

55
Renel, F. and Mouton, M., “The Architectural Remains and Pottery Assemblages from the Early Phases at the
Qasr al-Bint,” 2013: 72-75.
56
Parr, P.J., “The Urban Development of Petra,” 2007: 281.
57
Stucky, R.A., “The Nabataean House,” 1995: 189.
 46

In central Petra, a garden and pool complex occupies conspicuous real estate on the main

thoroughfare. Skilled Nabataean masons hewed the pool itself out of the bedrock and then built a

pavilion in the center of the pool. A coin of Aretas IV found underneath the pavilion provides a

terminus post quem for construction around the turn of the first century AD. The associated

garden terrace contained Nabataean pottery from the late first century BC through the reign of

Aretas IV, suggesting a foundation roughly contemporary with the rest of the pool complex.58

An enormous monumental structure of first century AD, but of uncertain function, rests

next to the garden and pool complex. Traditionally referred to as the “Great Temple” of Petra,

recent discoveries and reinterpretations have complicated our understanding of its function.

Importantly, its columns ran inside the structure rather than forming an exterior portico typical of

other large temples. Additionally, the temple features a possible early second century AD

expansion of its main complex: a semicircular theatron inserted into its central space (perhaps

serving a political function). Finally, the temple has no obvious parallel to any other monumental

cult structure in the region.59 Regardless, its late first century BC date of construction and first

century AD expansion are significant.

At Jabal Numayr in southern Petra the Nabataeans built a temple with an inscription

dated to AD 20, but contexts beneath the temple show that there was an earlier Nabataean

presence, dated by some as early as the third century BC. While the assemblage of ceramics from

this context is similar to those of the same period under Qasr al-Bint, Schmid has argued that

58
Bedal, L.A., and Schryver, J.G., “Nabataean Landscape and Power,” 2007: 377-378.
59
Butcher, K., Roman Syria and the Near East, 2003: 357.
 47

these should date no earlier than the second century BC.60 In either case, there was Hellenistic-

era occupation of this site before the construction of the Obodas temple in AD 20.

The monumental landscape of Petra continued to expand in the mid-to-late first century

AD, when the Nabataeans carved a series of conspicuous monuments near the siq featuring

obelisks. This series comprised a tomb and a monument of three spires incorporating an

inscription indicating construction under Malichus, though it is not clear to which of these two

kings the inscription referred, either Malichus I (62-30 BC) or Maichus II (AD 40-70).

Nevertheless, parallels with other architecturally similar tombs from al-Khubthah with more

secure dating evidence suggests that the Nabataeans carved the obelisk tomb as well as the

obelisk triclinium during the reign of the latter king.61

One of the most important points about Nabataean monumental architecture of this period

is their implication for the overall prosperity of the Nabataean economy: The fact that

agricultural expansion throughout the kingdom coincides with monumental construction—most

readily visible at Petra, strongly suggests that the transformation of the Nabataean world was not

merely a desperate adaptation to Roman seizure of Red Sea trade, rather Nabataea changed and

flourished along with rest of the classical world after the establishment of the Pax Romana.

Turning back to domestic architecture, Parr has observed an important change in the late-

first century BC, when ashlar masonry first appears in domestic structures.62 This change in

construction style is likely related to the broader BC/AD transformation of Nabataea. It remains

important to remember that the excavated domestic structures of Petra provide only a few

60
Tholbecq, L. and Durand, C., “A Late Second Century BC Nabataean Occupation at Jabal Numayr,” 2013: 205,
220.
61
Wadeson, L. “The Obelisk Tomb at Petra,” 2012b: 224-226.
62
Parr, P.J., “The Urban Development of Petra,” 2007: 282-284.
 48

glimpses into a much larger developmental process in the evolution of Nabataean lifeways.

Furthermore, despite the paucity of early evidence, it is reasonable to assume some early

occupation of the site extending at least as far back as the mid-third century BC, where products

such as Hellenistic amphorae made their way to the Petra vicinity. In addition, the lack of

reliable population estimates for Petra’s history further complicates the contextualization of the

city’s domestic occupation through time.

In the region southwest of the city lies the imposing summit of Umm al-Biyara (Figure

8), a steep-sided mesa which looms over above the city center. Here the Nabataeans constructed

a series of structures around the first century BC. The most prominent of these structures is an

apparent royal palace. Floored with limestone slabs and walled with decorative marble paneling,

this structure clearly served the Nabataean elite—likely the kings. The earliest pottery at the site

provides a late first century BC date for the structure’s foundation, suggesting that it may have

been erected by Obodas III.63 From this vantage point, a Nabataean king would have a

panoramic view of the capital below from a religiously significant “high place.”

Before venturing into the southern hinterland of Petra, it is important to note

archaeological evidence for important changes in the capital beyond architecture: industrial

expansion. David Johnson has demonstrated that Petra was home to a perfume industry which

began in the late 1st century BC.64 More recent examination of ceramic perfume-flasks from Aila

shows that Petra’s perfume industry expanded around the first century AD.65 The perfume

63
Schmid, S.G., “Nabataean Structures on top of Umm-al-Biyara,” 2011: 131.
64
Johnson, D.J. “Nabataean Piriform Unguentaria,” 1990, correcting the earlier date proposed by Khairy, N.
“Nabataean Piriform Unguentaria,” 1980: 85.
65
Koulianos, P., “A Closer Look at Nabataean Piriform Unguentaria,” 2012.
 49

industry’s appearance in the late first century BC and its growth in the following century fits

neatly into the general picture of the transformation of the Nabataean economy in this period and

suggests that, despite growing maritime traffic on the Red Sea, incense imports continued to flow

through Petra, likely increasing in quantity, through the BC/AD transition.

Outside the city, portions of Petra’s eastern, southern, and western hinterlands have been

surveyed and these projects offer further evidence for first century AD intensification of rural

settlement in the Nabataean kingdom. The publication of these surveys includes a combined tally

of sites, dated by pottery, from surveys around Wadi Musa (flowing through Petra from the east),

Udhruh (further east of Petra), and areas to the south and west, around Jebel Haroun and Wadi

Sabra. It is of the greatest significance that all these surveys identified only one settlement dating

to the second century BC and just eight in the first century BC. The number of settlements then

increases dramatically to 119 in the first century AD, rising slightly to 127 in the second century

before dropping to 59 during the third century. Most of the sites are interpreted as “small”

settlements (though this designation is not entirely clear) and appear largely concentrated in the

vicinity of Udhruh (67 out of 119 or 56.3%). It is not surprising to find more sites in this

relatively flat and well-water highland region just east of Petra compared to the far more rugged

areas around Jebel Haroun and Sabra. What is significant is how relatively late this settlement

appears, i.e., primarily in the 1st century AD. Furthermore, it is difficult to assess to what degree

a survey may reflect an accurate sample size of settlement in a given area, especially when there

are significant gaps in the survey coverage which may have hosted hinterland populations at

varying times.66 Nevertheless, this apparently dramatic increase in settlement in the first century

66
Kouki, P., The Hinterland of a City, 2012: 80.
 50

AD strongly suggests considerable intensification in Petra’s hinterland in this period, even if

some earlier sites were overlooked by possible regional sampling biases.

One more key aspect of Petra’s hinterland remains: agricultural development.

Radiocarbon dates suggest that the Nabataeans around the capital began to intensify their

farming activity around the final decades of the first century BC and that there was an “almost

explosive increase of rural settlement” and agricultural intensification in the first century AD.67

The fact that Nabataean agricultural terraces seemingly only appear in the first century AD is

also striking, for it shows that the Nabataeans were not just farming the hinterland, but they were

altering the landscape to suit their changing economy.68

From Petra were routes leading west into Wadi Araba to reach the Negev or south to the

port at Aila. Other passages south from Petra included a route through the highlands (the later via

nova Traiana) and a passage directly south from Petra between the highlands to the east and the

valley to the west. One of the only settlements along this latter route is the site of Sabra, ca. nine

kilometers south of Petra. Survey of the Wadi Sabra region, discussed above, suggested an

increase in population in the first century AD, but relatively little is known about the settlement

itself, which included two monumental structures of unknown function (possibly temples) and a

small theater. A complicated water catchment system, mapped by M. Lindner, served the site,69

Interestingly, although the site appears to have been relatively prosperous during the first

century AD, its location seems somewhat odd. In order to reach the site from Petra, camel and

donkey caravans would have encountered a steep, narrow decent into Wadi Sabra. Furthermore,

67
Kouki, P. “The Intensification of Nabataean Agriculture,” 2013: 329-330.
68
Beckers, B., and Schuett, B. “The Chronology of Ancient Agricultural Terraces in the Environs of Petra,” 2013:
321.
69
Linder, M., “Water Supply and Water Management at Ancient Sabra,” 2005: 33.
 51

from there the only options to travel farther south included an even steeper ascent up to the

highlands or a passage through the desert between the highlands and Wadi Araba, likely

descending into the Araba at Wadi Gharandal. In the absence of further investigation at this site,

one can offer only preliminary explanations of this puzzling location.

Perhaps the settlement in Wadi Sabra functioned as a waystation for merchants who had

originally traveled from the south through the Araba and liquidated their bulk commodities in

Petra. These merchants may have then sought a return itinerary through the well-developed site

at Sabra with their lighter burden. It is also likely that moving directly from the Wadi Sabra to

Wadi Gharandal would have provided a faster, entirely down-hill route to Aila; however, passing

through the desert between Sabra and Gharandal could have been untenable for larger, slower

caravans absent further waystations in this desert region—perhaps further survey of this area will

reveal new information about this route connecting Petra to the south.

Looking at the Nabataean heartland as a whole, it is clear that Petra formed the core of

the Nabataean kingdom. Some of the earliest Nabataean sedentarization occurred here, which

was likely the most significant place in the Nabataean world from the kingdom’s earliest days,

even before Petra’s references in Hellenistic sources. Nevertheless, Petra did not transform ahead

of the rest of the kingdom during the first centuries BC and AD: The capital was the throne of

the Nabataean kingdom but it appears to have developed more or less contemporaneously and in

tandem with the rest of Nabataea, as reflected by its monumental architecture and rural

settlement. Had Petra clearly developed ahead of the rest of the Nabataean realm, then one might

expect a pattern of radial transformation spreading from the core to the periphery of the

kingdom. But the rapidity with which the entire kingdom changed suggests a different kind of
 52

transformation. No doubt the Nabataean kings, probably beginning in the mid- to late first

century BC during the reign of Malichus I, had a significant influence in changing the

socioeconomic structure of Nabataea. But perhaps other Nabataean elites—acting either as part

of a royal bureaucracy or privately as a wealthy merchant class—took part in this kingdom-wide

transformation as well.

Figure 5: Map of Petra (Hoffman, 2012)

 53

Figure 6: Plan of the Garden and Pool Complex with the Great Temple (Dumbarton Oaks).70

Figure 7: The Wadi Silaysil Survey (Alcock, 2012).

70
https://www.doaks.org/research/garden-landscape/resources/petra-garden-feasibility-study/petras7
 54

Figure 8: plan of Umm al-Biyara (Bienkowski 2011)

 55

Chapter 7

Wadi Araba, the Hisma, Hejaz, and Southern Nabataea

“From [Gaza], a route of 1,260 stadia is attested [leading] to Aila, a polis lying
on the innermost part of the Arabian Gulf (ἐντεῦθεν δ᾽ ὑπέρβασις λέγεται χιλίων
διακοσίων ἑξήκοντα σταδίων εἰς Αἴλανα πόλιν ἐπὶ τῷ μυχῷ τοῦ Ἀραβίου κόλπου
κειμένην).”
–Strabo, Geography, 16.4.4

The investigation of the region and the routes south of Petra, which connected the capital

to Aila and the southern portion of the kingdom, includes evidence from surveys of Wadi Araba

as well as the eastern highlands as far as Ras an-Naqb and the descent into the Hisma to

Humayma and Aila. The ‘Ayl to Ras an-Naqab survey (Figure 9) covered the highland plateau

between Udhruh and Ras an-Naqab, whose steep cliffs mark the descent into the Hisma desert.

South of Ras an-Naqab the route (later the via nova Traiana) continues to Humayma, a

substantial village and the largest settlement in the Hisma, and thence to Aila. Wadi Araba will

be considered in light of two surveys, Umm Rattam in the north, and the area between Aila and

Gharandal to the south. The vicinity of Umm Rattam is included in this chapter in order to treat

the Wadi Araba surveys together.

Although the evidence from this area of Nabataea broadly reflects the pattern of first

century expansion and intensification seen elsewhere in the kingdom, there is an important point

of contrast: Apart from Aila, this region lacks urban centers. Humayma expanded from an

apparent campsite (Figure 10) to a substantial village with complex water management systems,

but it lacks the monumental tombs and temples seen elsewhere around the kingdom.

Furthermore, in the northern Wadi Araba, the site of Qasr Umm Rattam appears to have been

little more than a caravanserai.

 56

The ‘Ayl to Ras an-Naqab survey covered the region south of Udhruh, encompassing a

rural Nabataean landscape which experienced an increase in settlement that fits the general

pattern throughout the kingdom. Unfortunately, the dated evidence retrieved by the survey

includes some overlap for the “Nabataean” versus “Early Roman” periods, but it is clear that

these two designations indicate a time between ca. 63 BC and ca. AD 135. Furthermore, the

survey team noted an expansion in rural settlement in these periods compared to the preceding

Hellenistic period.71 Finally, B. MacDonald, the director of this survey, concluded that, “when

the direction of the incense trade shifted to Egypt (first century BC – early first century AD), the

Nabataeans lost their monopoly on trade and became agriculturalists.72 This is probably correct

but may be an oversimplification. The intensification of rural settlement, particularly in fertile

areas throughout the kingdom, does indeed suggest a considerable increase in agricultural

activity from the first century BC into the first century AD, but this is only part of the story. The

expansion of Nabataean settlement in this period also included construction and renovation of

monumental structures and expansion and establishment of new settlements with elite

populations as well, such as those at Oboda in the Negev, Khirbet edh-Dharih in the north, and

Wadi Sabra as a suburb of Petra. Furthermore, the southern Syrian site of Bostra expanded into

an urban center of some size with monumental structures (possibly to accommodate Nabataean

elites) during the first century AD. This strongly suggests that expansion of Nabataean economic

activities was not limited to the rural hinterland.

Humayma, 50 km south of Petra and just below the steep descent of Ras an-Naqab, is the

most extensively excavated site in the Hisma, although the early Nabataean occupation is

71
MacDonald, B., et al., The Ayl to Ras an-Naqab Archaeological Survey, 2012: 421, 431.
72
MacDonald, B., “Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusions,” 2012: 475.
 57

somewhat obscured by later Roman, Byzantine, and Umayyad occupation. Excavators identified

a “Nabataean campground,” which may represent the earliest occupation at the site in the

beginning in the first century AD. This interpretation of an early campsite is based on the

presence of a cistern fed by a small drainage system, as well as the lack of any associated

structures other than small stone piles paralleled by roughly contemporary campsites in the

Negev. The excavators suggest that these early inhabitants of the campsite farmed nearby fields

and supplied provisions and water to travelers along this major caravan route.73

Additionally, the excavators identified a necropolis on the western margins of the site.

These were mostly simple shaft tombs, unlike the monumental rock-cut façades of Petra or

Hegra, but two chamber tombs at Humayma may have had similar monumental features.

Unfortunately, their façades were disturbed by modern reuse. The associated ceramic evidence

suggests that the tombs came into use in the first century AD and were periodically reused

through the medieval Islamic period.74

The earliest closely datable sherds recovered from the site date to the late first century

BC.75 Moreover, the aqueduct and reservoir—key features of Humayma’s water management

system—dated to the turn of the first century AD. The excavators suggest that these features may

have been prestige projects by Aretas IV, paralleled by the Petra Pool and Garden complex

discussed above.76 Any conspicuous display of water in the desert environment surely impressed

travelers in the Nabataean kingdom and the reservoir surely also served an economic purpose.

73
Oleson, J.P., “Nabataean Campground,” 2013: 50.
74
Oleson, J.P. and Somogyi-Csizmazia, J., “The Necropolis,” 2013: for a discussion of the façades, see 51; for
dating see the individual tomb descriptions 55-90.
75
Oleson, J.P. et al., “Ceramic Analysis,” 2013: 30-32.
76
Oleson, J.P., Humayma Excavation Project, v. 1, 2010: 398.
 58

Travelers between Petra and Aila obviously required water and other services in these arid

lowlands. The lack of monumental structures at Humayma during the first century AD contrasts

other developing sites such as Khirbet ed-Darih and Meda’in Saleh and may suggest a

comparatively less elite population. Perhaps Humayma’s location discouraged elites who might

have otherwise developed the site: Humayma was close to Petra, but too distant to be a “suburb,”

so perhaps elite families living along this portion of the incense route chose to move to the

capital as they became successful.

Southwest of Petra, the Araba valley constituted the other key north-south route to

southern Nabataea. Furthermore, this route intersected the Petra-Gaza road at Umm Rattam, in

the Araba west of Petra. The evidence from the Umm Rattam survey also fits broadly within the

pattern of first century BC/AD expansion and intensification. Nabataean Fine Ware pottery dated

by the Schmid typology suggests the beginning of Nabataean settlement of this region during the

late first century BC with continued expansion through the first century AD. Qasr Umm Rattam

was a caravanserai, probably built during the first century; however, while this structure has

several construction phases, none are closely dated.77 The surveyors attribute the success of

intensified settlement to improvements in water management techniques as well as growing

traffic along the Petra-Gaza trade route around the BC/AD transition.78

The Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey (SAAS) covered the portion of the valley

extending from the port at Aila for ca. 70 km northwards to ‘Ayn Gharandal. Its recent

publication includes extensive quantified evidence which allows for a more in-depth analysis of

77
Lindner, M., et al., “Umm Rattam Survey,” 2007: for a discussion of the early Nabataean fine ware found at Umm
Rattam, see 247; for the preliminary synthesis of the material from Umm Rattam, see 255.
78
Lindner, M. et al., “Umm Rattam Survey,” 2007: 255.
 59

this region (Figure 11). The report incorporates 23 discrete survey areas and includes evidence

from the Paleolithic through modern periods; this analysis will only examine evidence from the

Nabataean/Early Roman period. In total, 88 sites dated to Nabataean/Early Roman period versus

only 77 sites for all other earlier periods combined. Following the Iron Age, it appears that there

was a virtual abandonment of sedentary settlement in the southern Araba. It is noteworthy that

only one site dated to the Persian/Hellenistic period.79 But suddenly, around the BC/AD

transition, the area witnessed greater levels of settlement than at any previous point in history.

This of course coincides with the foundation of the port at Aila—dated to the late first century

BC.80

Various lines of evidence suggest that the city of Aila was founded in the late first

century BC.81 There is copious evidence thereafter for Aila’s prominent position in regional and

international trade networks: Eastern Sigillata A from the northern Levant, glass from Egypt and

the Levantine coast, incense burners for aromatics from South Arabia, as well as a variety of

amphorae, including some from the Aegean. There is also stratified evidence for industrial

activity at Aila as early as the 1st century AD in the form of ceramic and metal slag. The ceramic

industry at Aila produced its own amphorae (so-called “ribbed neck jars”), which were

distributed as far north as the Negev and Dead Sea littoral.82 It is not clear what these vessels

contained, but one possibility is garum, a kind of fish sauce possibly produced at Aila itself in

79
Smith II, A.M., “The Southeast ‘Araba Archaeological Survey,” 2014: 118-154.
80
Parker, S.T., and Smith III, A.M., “The Hinterland of Roman Aila,” 2014: 365.
81
Parker, S. T. “The Foundation of Aila: A Nabataean Port on the Red Sea”, Pp. 685-690 in SHAJ X: Crossing
Jordan. Amman: Department of Antiquities of Jordan, 2009.
82
Parker, S. T., “Coarse Ware Pottery of the First through Third Centuries at Roman Aila (Aqaba, Jordan)”, pp.
205-215 in Roman Pottery in the Near East: Local Production and Regional Trade. Proceedings of the Round Table
held in Berlin, 19-20 February, 2010. B. Fischer-Genz, Y. Gerber, and H. Hamel (eds.). Roman and Late Antique
Mediterranean Pottery 3. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2014.
 60

the 1st century AD.83 Excavation has revealed several domestic complexes and other structures of

the Nabataean period. Unfortunately, extensive modern development of Aqaba masks much of

the ancient site, so only small portions of Nabataean Aila were revealed by the Roman Aqaba

Project. This makes it difficult to compare Aila to other cities with more visible architecture, but

it is likely that Aila was home to at least some relatively elite Nabataeans, based on the fact that

Strabo already refers to the site as a “polis” in the early 1st century AD (Strabo Geography

16.2.30), and its prominent position along the caravan route and on the Red Sea via the Gulf of

Aqaba.

The ‘Ayl to Ras an-Naqab survey, the Southeast Araba Survey, and the extensive

excavations of Humayma and Aila all suggest that settlement of the rural landscape of southern

Nabataea intensified along with the rest of the kingdom in the first century. Nevertheless, with

the notable exception of Aila, the Nabataeans did not develop large urban centers along the

caravan routes leading south from Petra. Humayma expanded from a campsite to a sizeable

village dependent on mixed agro-pastoralism and servicing caravans rather than as an urban

center with an elite population. This relative lack of elite settlement is paralleled in the Wadi

Araba, although the port and caravan city of Aila likely received further development than can be

readily observed because excavation of this city was limited to pockets within the modern city of

Aqaba. Although these trade routes must have been extremely active well before the first century

AD, it appears that Nabataean elites focused their attention either on the capital at Petra or more

distant cities of the kingdom such as Bostra.

83
Parker, S. T.. “Beyond Frankincense and Myrrh,” 2007: For the discussion of Aila’s early history, see 361; for a
discussion of the industries at Aila, see 361-363. Van Neer, W. and Parker, S.T., “The First Archaeological
Evidence for Haimation, the Invisible Garum”, JAS. 35 (2008) 1821-1827.
 61

Most problematic is the extreme southeastern portion of the Nabataean Kingdom, now in

northwestern Saudi Arabia. Unfortunately, the evidence from this area is sparse largely due to

the region’s broad stretches of uninhabitable desert and lack of systematic investigation. This

region does contain a disproportionately large number of Nabataean inscriptions, especially at

Meda’in Saleh and at the Dumat al-Jandal oasis in al-Jawf.

East of Aqaba, in the beautiful sandstone landscape of Wadi Rum, the Nabataeans

constructed a temple with some sort of associated structure as well as a structure interpreted as a

“villa.” Sadly, the evidence from early excavations of these structures has disappeared, but new

excavations offer a more detailed look at the history of these buildings. The villa, located west of

the temple complex, featured plastered ashlar construction, two courtyards, and a small bath with

a hypocaust system. Pottery from probes under various rooms of the palatial complex indicates a

mid-to late first century AD date for the structure, which is also consistent with the style of the

hypocaust system. Earlier, unstratified pottery around the complex suggests some kind of

occupation as early as the first century BC.84 Based on the current evidence, Wadi Rum did not

host a large Nabataean settlement; therefore, the structures possibly belonged to a small elite

community. The villa and temple may have served as a kind of “retreat” for wealthy Nabataean

merchants and/or served as a cultic center for the Thamudic tribes of nomads who have left large

numbers of inscriptions in this isolated area.

Moving much farther northeast, a settlement at the Dumat al-Jandal oasis at the

southeastern end of Wadi Sirhan, near modern al-Jawf, likely marks the eastern edge of the

Nabataean kingdom. The long, shallow Wadi Sirhan has long served as a natural migration route

84
Dudley, D. and Reeves, B.M., “Luxury in the Desert,” 2007: 406.
 62

between southern Syria and the interior of the Arabian Peninsula. Recent excavation and

reexamination of existing evidence from this oasis have revealed fewer finds traditionally

identified as “Nabataean,” such as the distinctive painted fine ware. Nevertheless, epigraphic

evidence strongly points to Nabataean governance at least by the first century AD. Nabataean

inscriptions from the al-Jawf region attest the presence of a temple and some kind of Nabataean

garrison early in the reign of Malichus II (AD 45). Furthermore, the earliest examples Nabataean

graffiti in the vicinity of al-Jawf date to Aretas IV (9 BC-AD 40) although these texts do not

specify exact regnal years. Most of the recent re-examination of the Dumat al-Jandal settlement

focuses on the necropolis and its associated grave goods. The excavator concluded that its tombs

were in use from the first century BC until at least the second century AD. Although the

heterogeneous mix of tomb styles and grave goods suggest some cultural diversity, the use of

Nabataean language, Nabataean regnal years for dating, and a mid-first century Nabataean

garrison virtually proves that the Nabataeans controlled al-Jawf around this time. Furthermore,

the region experienced architectural expansion at this point, largely in the form of monuments

and possibly an (undated) triclinium. Finally, the graffiti from the reign of Aretas IV in the rural

hinterland around al-Jawf may suggest increased activity in the late first century BC—though

these Nabataean graffiti are a poor substitute for proper archaeological surveys.85 This settlement

is therefore similar to Bostra in the north, in that it appears to have had a non-Nabataean

indigenous population which fell under Nabataean control around the BC/AD transition. The

presence of a Nabataean garrison suggests that this area was economically important. Perhaps

85
Charloux, G., et al., “Nabataean or not: the Ancient Necropolis of Dumat,” 2014: for a discussion of the finds
dissimilar to those of typical Nabataean site, see 205; 186; for the dating of the inscriptions and graffiti around the
al-Jawf region, see 186-187; for the dating of the necropolis, see 202; for a discussion of the cultural heterogeneity
of the finds at this site, see 204.
 63

there was conflict with the non-Nabataean Arabs who had already settled al-Jawf and/or threats

posed by the nomadic tribes of the region.

Far to the south, somewhere on the Red Sea coast, was Leuke Kome (“White Village”)—

the port where Aelius Gallus landed his ill-fated expedition. Nevertheless, archaeological

evidence around modern Wadi Aynunah in northwestern Saudi Arabia, just east of the mouth of

the Gulf of Aqaba, suggests that this was the site of Leuke Kome. Unfortunately, no excavations

have been conducted, though a regional survey yielded some evidence for occupation in the early

first century AD and possibly the late first century BC. These conclusions are based solely on

surface collections of pottery from a series of buildings and a necropolis at the settlement, which

included no façade tombs but boasted at least one monumental structure (presumably based on

the size and quality of the masonry). Nevertheless, it is significant that the intensification of

regional settlement around Wadi Aynunah occurred around the time of the founding of Aila to

the north and the general transformation of the rest of the Nabataean kingdom.86 Thus, if this was

Leuke Kome, its history began during the BC/AD transition. Further evidence for its importance

as early as the reign of Obodas III (30-9 BC) comes from Strabo, who describes Leuke Kome in

26 BC as “a large trading center (ἐμπόριον μέγα)” (16.4.23). If so, the “large market” must have

cropped up quickly under Obodas III.

The last portion of Nabataea to be considered in this thesis is the southeastern region,

essentially the northern Hejaz, a sparsely occupied desert now within northwestern Saudi Arabia.

The main significance of this region to the Nabataeans was the Incense Road, which extended

through the plateau well east of the Red Sea coast, ultimately extending to South Arabia. Little is

86
Ingraham, M.L., et al., “Saudi Arabian Comprehensive Survey Program,” 1981: 76-78.
 64

known of the stations along this route. One of the more important seems to have been Tayma. A

late Nabataean inscription dating almost a century after the Roman annexation at least suggests a

Nabataean presence at this site.87

At the southeastern border of the Nabataean kingdom is Meda’in Saleh, a key oasis with

evidence of substantial ancient occupation. Recent French excavations of the site have revealed

many intriguing insights, both in terms of excavated structures as well as funerary inscriptions,

many which are closely datable. The following summary will focus on the Nabataean period

remains, first treating the excavation evidence, then the epigraphic corpus.

Excavation Area 1 revealed a large residential complex but constructed only in the

Byzantine period, without evidence of earlier occupation. Area 2, another residential area,

contained some Iron Age material but with a gap in occupation until the late first century BC.

Occupation continued in Area 2 until the fourth century AD. Areas 3 and 32 exposed segments

of the mud brick fortification wall surrounding the settlement, constructed in the first century

AD, maintained through the second century, and an inscription suggesting repairs around the end

of the second century. Area 5 was one of the many monumental tombs with an inscription which

dot the site, to be assessed in the following section. Some unidentified structures lie on a massif

which overlooks the settlement. But excavation (as Area 6) unfortunately did not yield stratified

evidence and thus the function of the structures remains obscure. Associated ceramics recovered

points to use from the late first century BC to the Byzantine Period. Area 7, another domestic

complex, was founded in the first century AD and remained in use through the “Roman Period”

(i.e., after AD 106). Area 8 revealed another complex, presumably residential. Most associated

87
Al-Najem, M., and Macdonald, M.C.A., “A New Nabataean Inscription form Tayma,” 2009: 208.
 65

ceramics (admittedly unstratified) dated to the first century AD with some later material through

the Byzantine Period. Area 9 was also identified as a residential complex that yielded some

second century BC artifacts, constituting the only finds from the site dating before the late first

century BC apart from the few Iron Age remains in Area 2. Finally, a small structure of obscure

function rested atop the nearby Jabal Ithlib, founded in the first century BC and occupied through

the following century. Therefore, of the ten published excavation areas, only two yielded

evidence of occupation before the late first century BC: Area 2, with Iron Age artifacts in

addition to Nabataean and Roman remains, and Area 9, with evidence from the second century

BC.88

The 38 datable Nabataean inscriptions, for which Meda’in Saleh is justifiably famous,

stand in stark contrast to the capital of Petra, which boasts only one of the first century AD,

although another, bilingual in Nabataean and Greek, dates to the same period just north of

Petra.89 These texts grace the rock-cut tomb facades at Meda’in Saleh. The 31 closely datable

inscriptions range from 1 BC to AD 75, with the remaining seven more broadly dated to the first

century AD. Of all these, 21 inscriptions date to the reign of Aretas IV (9 BC-AD 40), seven to

Malichus II (AD 40-70), and 5 to Rabbel II (AD 70-106).90 Note that none of the inscriptions

predate Aretas IV although ceramics from Area 6 suggest some first century BC occupation.

It seems clear from the evidence at Meda’in Saleh in the southern Nabataean kingdom

that this region developed along similar lines with the rest of Nabataea. Given the location of

88
For reports on Areas 1, 2, 5, 6, and 7, See Nehmé, L., et al., Report on the Second Season (2009) of the Madâ’in
Sâlih Archaeological Project, 2009; for further reports on Areas 1 and 2, and reports on 8, 9, 32, and Jabal Ithlib, see
Nehmé, L., et al., Report on the Third Excavation Season (2010) of the Madâ’in Sâlih Archaeological Project, 2010.
89
Nehmé, L., et al., Report on the Third Excavation Season (2010) of the Madâ’in Sâlih Archaeological Project,
2010: 238-239.
90
Healy, J.F., The Nabataean Tomb Inscriptions of Meda’in Salih, 1993: 65-236.
 66

Meda’in Saleh on the main Incense Road, one might expect more early evidence and would

certainly account for the 2nd century BC occupation. Yet most evidence from the extensive

French excavations dates to the first century AD, including construction of its fortifications. This

aligns with the epigraphic evidence which suggests that the monumental tombs also date to this

century. Above all, this evidence from Meda’in Saleh clearly suggests that the overland route

from South Arabia witnessed continued intensive use, despite the foundation of Nabataean ports

of Aila and Leuke Kome, presumably around 30 BC, and additional competition from the

Egyptian Red Sea ports. This further emphasizes the key roles of Malichus I and Obodas III as

major agents of change within the kingdom.

Figure 9: The ‘Ayl to Ras an-Naqab survey (MacDonald, 2012)

 67

Figure 10: Planned remains of the Nabataean campground at Humayma (Olson, 2013).

Figure 11: Wadi Araba Survey (Smith, 2014).

 68

Chapter 8

The Plateau East of the Dead Sea

“We believe that sometime early in the first century BC, a temple with an inner
shrine was constructed at Khirbet Tannur, probably replacing a simple Nabataean
altar in an age old sacred clearing that existed on the unique mountain top, whose
sanctity probably went back to immemorial times.”91
–Nelson Glueck, The Other Side of the Jordan, 239

East of the Dead Sea is an elevated plateau that also formed an integral part of the

Nabataean kingdom. The Kerak Plateau is bounded on the north by Wadi Mujib and on the south

by Wadi al-Hasa. Both wadis have cut deeply into the plateau and drain into the Dead Sea. Two

major urban centers (Rabba/Areopolis and Kerak/Characmoba) lie on the fertile and well-

watered plateau. South of Wadi al-Hasa is another plateau that extends south towards Petra and

which is also cut by several wadis which ultimately drain into Wadi Araba to the west. The

plateau south of Wadi al-Hasa has been surveyed by MacDonald’s teams. Key excavations in

this region include Khirbet et-Tannur (a Nabataean temple) and Khirbet edh-Dharih (a

Nabataean village). Wadi Faynan, which was one of the major copper-producing regions of the

Mediterranean world, has also witnessed intensive survey and some excavation.

Continuing the pattern seen in the Negev and southern Nabataea, a survey of the Wadi al-

Hasa showed that, among the 1,074 sites identified by the project, the “Nabataean/Roman

Period” saw a significant increase in population from the Hellenistic and previous periods. The

survey also recorded 240 sites in the southern Ghors and northeast Wadi Araba, the mouth of

Wadi al-Hasa. Unfortunately, like many other publications of archaeological surveys, the report

lacks sufficient quantification and more nuanced analysis of the ceramics to illustrate more

91
Glueck, N., The Other Side of the Jordan, 1970: 239.
 69

discrete changes within the Nabataean through Roman periods. The author at least argues for the

significant expansion of several economic practices in the Nabataean/Roman period: the mining

of bitumen, more intensive exploitation of regional water sources, and increased copper mining

and smelting beginning in the first century AD. This research also provides quantification for

another area surveyed by MacDonald farther south from Tafila to Busayra, along the old King’s

Highway south of Wadi al Hasa. This survey revealed that among the 290 sites in this region,

Nabataean sites were much better represented than Hellenistic ones.92

Sometime following the Hellenistic era but probably during the second half of the first

century BC, the Nabataeans expanded their resource exploitation in the vicinity of Wadi al-Hasa.

Tapping additional water sources allowed the Nabataeans to expand rural settlement both for

agriculture (as elsewhere in the kingdom) and, in the case of this region, several industries. The

harvesting of bitumen from the Dead Sea is attested as early as 312 BC, when Antigonus I

attempted to seize control of this resource from the Nabataeans (Diodorus Siculus, 19.100.1-2).

Bitumen had many uses in the ancient world, primarily as an adhesive and sealant, and the

Nabataeans likely exported bitumen through their many expanding trade routes during the

BC/AD transition. The kingdom could have also used the bitumen in their industrial activities,

such as the perfume manufacturing at Petra in this period. Furthermore, evidence of a copper

industry in this region during the BC/AD transition is unsurprising, given its proximity to the

copper mines of the Wadi Faynan, which also expanded during this period.

92
MacDonald, B., “Four Archaeological Surveys in Southern Jordan,” 2007: for the Wadi al-Hasa, see 162; for
Southern Ghors in the Nabataean and Roman period, see 164; for the Tafila to Busayra survey results, see 165; also
note that while four survey projects appear in this report, only three receive coverage here because the fourth is
focused on the environment with historical chronological information provided.
 70

The copper veins at Wadi Faynan were exploited as early as the Chalcolithic Period, but

the settlement of Wadi Faynan and its mining activity resumed during the Iron Age before

resurging in the Nabataean/Early Roman Period. Surveyors of Wadi Faynan found a few hints of

Hellenistic occupation, almost entirely concentrated around the settlement of Khirbet Faynan,

and they provide several helpful graphics to illustrate the change and expansion of settlement

from this period into the first centuries BC and AD. Interestingly, Strabo reported that the

Nabataeans imported copper and only worked with gold and silver in their industries, but the

archaeological evidence for extensive mining of copper as well as copper-working activity

sharply contradicts this claim (Geography, 16.4.26).93 Because Strabo’s information came from a

late first century BC informant, it is possible that Nabataean copper exploitation only reached

significant intensification after the turn of the first century AD. Without tighter dating of the

pottery of the Wadi Faynan Survey as well as Nabataean copper-working sites, the rate of

Nabataean expansion of this industry remains obscure. Nevertheless, although the surveys of

Wadi Faynan and Wadi al-Hasa attest some earlier Nabataean settlement—perhaps in the form

of camp sites like those suggested at Humayma— they also suggest that these regions fit into the

context of rural intensification and resource exploitation in the BC/AD transition.

Khirbet et-Tannur lies at the confluence of Wadi al-Hasa and Wadi La’aban. The site’s

main feature is a Nabataean temple atop the imposing Jabal et-Tannur, the highest point south of

the Wadi al-Hasa. This location is unsurprising given the apparent significance of “high places”

in Nabataean religion and other ancient Arabian cultures. Khirbet et-Tannur seemingly served as

a place of Nabataean religious significance as early as the late second century BC. A small

93
Mattingly, D., et al., “The Making of Early States: the Iron Age and Nabataean Periods,” 2007: 291-295.
 71

cistern on the northern slope serviced the site with a meager water supply but this was

insufficient to sustain a settled population. The closest Nabataean settlement was at Khirbet edh-

Dharih, about 7km south on the “King’s Highway,” which utilized tributaries of Wadi La‘aban.94

The Nabataean temple at Khirbet et-Tannur was built over an earlier structure that

included a rubble foundation and an altar dated to the second century BC. The temple

represented by the extant architectural remains was built in 8/7 BC, early in the reign of Aretas

IV, based on a dedicatory inscription found at the site, or at least a century after the original

structure. The temple at Khirbet et-Tannur included an impressive sculpted façade with a variety

of religious motifs (Figure 12). The temple expanded through the first century AD. Quantitative

analysis of closely dated Nabataean painted fine ware suggests an eight-fold increase in the first

century AD compared to the first century BC. The rate of expansion continued to increase

toward the turn of the second century, as the amount of Nabataean painted fine ware at the site

peaked in the final quarter of the first century AD. The site was damaged sometime in the early

second century AD, possibly in an altercation with Romans during the annexation and /or by a

seismic event, but the temple was rebuilt soon after. Unfortunately the pottery evidence for this

phase is incomplete, but the excavators could roughly date this restoration based on architectural

comparisons with Khirbet edh-Dharih roughly 7 km to the south.95

Recent research suggests something about the relationship between Khirbet edh-Dharih

and Khirbet et-Tannur. While Khirbet et-Tannur was only an isolated temple and lacked any

significant settled population, Khirbet edh-Dharih was a large village surrounded by smaller

94
McKenzie, J.S., “Architecture and Phases,” 2013: for general information about Khirbet et-Tannur, see 39; 47.
95
McKenzie, J.S., “Architecture and Phases,” 2013: for details on the Nabataean to late Roman history of the site,
see 39-164.
 72

villages exploiting the tributaries flowing from Wadi La’aban. It is therefore probable that many

Nabataeans who frequented and maintained the religious center at Khirbet et-Tannur actually

resided in Khirbet edh-Dharih. The site also boasted a villa and a monumental tomb, dated by

coins from the turn of the second century AD. Additionally, even with the site’s proximity to the

temple at Khirbet et-Tannur, Khirbet edh-Dharih had its own sanctuary. The Nabataeans

constructed the latter sanctuary sometime in the first century AD and, although it was not

destroyed, they expanded the sanctuary at roughly the same time as the Khirbet et-Tannur

refurbishment in the early second century AD. Finally, artifacts from Khirbet edh-Dharih,

including pottery, lamps, figurines, coins, and statuary, all suggest that occupation began in the

first century AD.

Unfortunately, the rural sites around Khirbet edh-Dharih remain relatively unexplored.

Nevertheless, it is interesting that, although there is some evidence of at least transient use of the

site in the late second century BC (perhaps explained by its location along the major route

through the region, later the via nova Traiana), the Nabataeans did not establish the settlement at

Khirbet edh-Dharih until roughly a century later. Its proximity to Khirbet et-Tannur as a “high

place” of religious significance likely drew the attention of nomadic Nabataeans by the second

century BC. Furthermore, in this period of relative instability, the hilltop and cistern at Khirbet

et-Tannur may have served as an emergency refuge. Finally, given increasing evidence for a

violent Roman annexation of Arabia, the Nabataeans of Khirbet edh-Dharih and neighboring

sites may have chosen to seek sanctuary at this site. This provides one possible explanation for

the early second century destruction of the temple at Khirbet et-Tannur. This relationship likely

tightened during the period of intensification and stability around the BC/AD transition, as the
 73

temples at both locations saw increased traffic along the roads and a larger agro-pastoral

population.

Excavations of Khirbet et-Tannur and Khirbet edh-Dharih, as well as archaeological

surveys of the Wadi al-Hasa and Wadi Faynan regions, have important implications for this

synthesis of the Nabataean transformation. Aside from fitting into the broader pattern of

kingdom-wide intensification around the BC/AD transition, this region also boasts two other

important elements: harvesting of key natural resources and the foundation of Nabataean

settlements with elite populations. Khirbet edh-Dharih suggests that Nabataeans, including some

elites, established themselves in new settlements in this period of transition in addition to well-

established cities. This fits patterns seen in the Negev as well as Meda’in Saleh, but the

differences in settlement types (relatively new settlements vs. well established urban centers)

may have reflected variation among elite sub-classes. A thorough comparison and contrast

between the monumental and elite structures at new Nabataean settlements versus those at pre-

existing Nabataean urban centers, such as Bostra or Petra, may reflect variation within the

Nabataean elite. Nevertheless, it appears that during the transformation of Nabataea, elite and

non-elite Nabataeans alike settled throughout the kingdom, reoccupying old settlements where

possible, but also establishing new settlements when necessary with the goal of bolstering trade

routes and maximizing resource exploitation. It is tempting to attribute the transformation of

Nabataea to the royal authorities, though the widespread settlement of relatively wealthy

Nabataeans, presumably merchants or aristocratic landowners, suggests that they may also have

had agency in the changing Nabataean landscape.

 74

Before moving on, it is important to consider the region of Hesban (the classical city of

Esbus), south of modern Amman (Philadelphia), because this represents a region and urban

center just beyond the Nabataean realm. A regional survey revealed 21 sites, roughly 14% of the

total, dated to the Hellenistic period. 93 sites (63% of all sites) dated broadly to the “Roman”

period, with 57 (39%) designated as Early Roman and 45 (30%) designated as Late Roman.96 In

terms of settlement patterns, the Hesban region reflects a broadly similar picture to the

Nabataean kingdom, the north in particular. While the Hauran—and many of the otherwise

marginal zones investigated in this analysis—show little Hellenistic or even pre-first century BC

Nabataean occupation, in the more fertile land just outside Nabataea, Hellenistic occupation is

better represented. An increase from 21 Hellenistic sites to 57 “Early Roman” sites is significant,

but less than the rate of contemporary settlement expansion in the Kerak plateau under

Nabataean control just south of Hesban. The evidence from the Hesban region suggests that,

while rural settlement expansion was a regional phenomenon extending beyond the borders of

the Nabataean realm, this perhaps was less dramatic outside the kingdom. Many regions of the

Nabataean kingdom appear to have witnessed a sudden “explosion” from a near total absence of

sedentary population in the Hellenistic Period to extensive and intensive permanent settlement

following the BC/AD transition. This contrast suggests that Nabataean expansion in this period

was exceptional and perhaps suggests that the Nabataean authorities were actively engaged in

this transformation.

Moving even farther south, surveys of the Kerak Plateau provide additional evidence of

Nabataean intensification, in this case east of the Dead Sea. The Kerak Plateau Survey, by J. M.

96
Ibach, Jr., R.D., Archaeological Survey of the Hesban Region, 1987: 169-180.
 75

Miller, covered the land between Wadi Mujib and Wadi al Hasa which drains into the Dead Sea

to the west. The ceramics report by R. Brown distinguished between “Nabataean” and “Early

Roman” ceramics and this settlement, but the difference between the two is not entirely clear.

Regardless, both the Nabataean and Early Roman sites date to either the first century BC or the

first century AD; therefore, all sites of either category can provide at least a broad point of

contrast with Hellenistic occupation in the region.97 The Kerak Plateau recorded 67 sites dating

to the Hellenistic period. This number jumps to 284 for the period designated “Nabataean” with a

further 140 sites dated “Early Roman.” Thus it is worth noting that the sites from the first century

BC to first century AD represent a 632.8% increase from the Hellenistic period.98 This is

significantly higher than the 271.4% increase seen just outside the kingdom in the Hesban

region, further suggesting a phenomenal intensification of settlement in this portion of the

Nabataean Kingdom.

A more recently published survey of the Kerak Plateau comes from the final report of the

Limes Arabicus Project by S. Thomas Parker. The western margin of this survey overlapped

slightly with the eastern edge of the Kerak Plateau Survey discussed above, but basically covered

the eastern plateau up to and slightly beyond the desert fringe. Of 536 sites surveyed by this

project, none yielded any clear Hellenistic pottery, while Early Roman/Nabataean sites

accounted for 59.6% of the total (320 sites). This was the best-represented period by far of any

recorded by this survey and dramatically attests the exceptional rate of intensification of rural

settlement in this region of Nabataea following the Hellenistic Period.99

97
Brown, R.M., “Chapter III: Ceramics from the Kerak Plateau,” 1991: 276
98
Miller, J.M., Archaeological Survey of the Kerak Plateau, 1991: 310-314.
99
Clark, V.A., Koucky, F.L., and Parker, S.T., “Chapter 2: The Regional Survey,” 2006: 42-43.
 76

It is important to point out that the rate of rural intensification was not uniform for all

areas of the kingdom. For example, the area of the Dhiban Plateau, on the northwestern edge of

the Nabataean realm, exhibited intensification of settlement at a slower rate than the nearby

Kerak Plateau. A survey of the Dhiban Plateau reported 78 Hellenistic sites and 110 Roman sites

(it is not clear from the publication when in the “Roman Period” these sites were occupied).

Once again, this is a significant increase, but comparable evidence from the Kerak Plateau shows

a much higher rate of intensification than the Dhiban region.100 This slower rate of intensification

surely reflects the fact that the region already had significant Hellenistic settlement. It is also

important to point out that the Dhiban region lies on the very edge of Nabataean control.

Finally, moving southward toward Wadi al-Hasa along the road that would eventually

become the via nova Traiana, the site of Khirbet at-Tuwana also showed considerable expansion

in the first century AD, according to surface finds. A corpus of 1,200 sherds collected from at-

Tuwana’s surface yielded examples of Eastern Sigillata A (ESA) from the BC/AD transition as

well as copious Nabataean fine wares from the first through fourth centuries AD. Furthermore,

the site features architecture both monumental and mundane, and analysis of these features in

light of the surface ceramics has led to the suggestion that at-Tuwana began as a small village

around the first century AD and grew as its agriculture expanded.101 One key aspect of this site,

besides its obvious relation to the BC/AD expansion, is the apparent character of at-Tuwana’s

sedentary population. Nabataean fine and coarse wares were found all over the site, not just

among elite structures such as at Bostra, and there is an apparent absence of non-Nabataean

coarse ware. In other words, the village was likely “Nabataean” including an elite and non-elite

100
Ji, C.C., “The ‘Iraq Al-Amir and Dhiban Plateau Regional Surveys,” 2007: 141.
101
Fiema, Z.T., “At-Tuwana,” 1997: 314.
 77

population (in contrast to Bostra, in the Hauran to the north, in which a non-Nabataean

population predominated).

Figure 12: Sculpture of a possible Nabataean deity from Khirbet et-Tannur (Photo by Author).
 78

Chapter 9

Wadi Sirhan and the North

“In Damascus, King Aretas [IV]’s governor set up a guard in the city to imprison
me. (ἐν Δαμασκῷ ὁ ἐθνάρχης Ἁρέτα τοῦ βασιλέως ἐφρούρει τὴν πόλιν
Δαμασκηνῶν πιάσαι με)”
–Paul of Tarsus, 2 Corinthians 11:32

The northern portion of the Nabataean realm extended along the desert highlands east of

regions closer to the Jordan valley, such as Jewish Peraea and the Decapolis cities, which

remained outside Nabataean control. In order to explore the evidence for transformation under

Nabataean rule in this region, this chapter will cover survey and excavation evidence from the

following regions: the Hauran, which included the city of Bostra, and Wadi Sirhan. The evidence

from the Hauran does not lend itself to quantitative comparison in terms of intensification and

abatement of settlement, since this information is lacking from publications of this region.

Quantitative comparison of such evidence farther south suggests that settlement on the Kerak

plateau increased at roughly double the rate of the Hesban region. This is important because

Hesban lay just outside the Nabataean kingdom while the Kerak plateau was under Nabataean

control—implying that intensification of Nabataean settlement was exceptionally fast compared

to neighboring regions just beyond their borders during the BC/AD transition. It seems likely

that the Nabataean kings began a policy of intensified settlement in these northern hinterlands in

the late first century BC, which could have exploited the volcanic soil found in the Hauran

Plateau. The addition of greater food sources in the region would have supported the foundation

of new settlements as well as the expansion of pre-Nabataean settlements such as Bostra. The

analysis of these sites and surveys will proceed geographically from north to south, beginning

with the Hauran and the northernmost city of the Nabataean kingdom: Bostra.
 79

The fertile and well-watered volcanic plateau of the Hauran formed a peripheral part of

the Nabataean Kingdom. Archaeological surveys allow for a glimpse into the changing

landscape of the region around the turn of the first century AD. Surface collections of pottery at

the following settlements: Bostra, Suwaida, and Shahba—all clustered in southwestern Syria

near the modern Jordanian border—suggest that these Nabataean sites began to receive

permanent foundations in the late first century BC.102

Additionally, the settlement of Si’ in the Hauran highlands also witnessed increased

occupation during the BC/AD transition. A corpus of 293 coins from this site included only four

Hellenistic coins but 110 Nabataean coins. The largest and earliest group of closely datable

Nabataean coins (n=35) derived from Aretas IV, followed by ten of Malichus II and eleven of

Rabbel II.103 Thus, the numismatic evidence strongly suggests the foundation of this settlement

around the turn of the first century AD.104

An epigraphic survey from the same region reported that the two earliest inscriptions also

dated to the first century AD and included dedications to Dushara (head of the Nabataean

pantheon) upon construction of a theater and a temple. While the context of these texts remains

obscure, they do suggest the growth of Nabataean wealth and power in the Hauran in the first

century AD.105

Additional evidence for prosperity in the Hauran during this period comes from Bostra.

At some point in the late first century AD the city expanded. This new quarter contained a palace

and temple and dates to the reign of Rabbel II (AD 70-106) based on Nabataean fine ware

102
Dentzer, J.-M. et al., “Formation et development des villes en Syrie,” 2010: 142-143.
103
Another 54 coins were broadly dated to the Nabataean period but could be assigned to a particular king.
104
Auge, C. “Les monnaies de fouilles de Si’,” 1985: 204-205.
105
Starcky, J., “Les inscriptions nabateennes et l’histoire de la Syrie du sud et du Nord de la Jordaine,” 1985: 175.
 80

pottery associated with the monumental structures. However, the project’s ceramologists arrived

at another important conclusion about the Nabataean pottery at Bostra.106 They observed a long

tradition of indigenous ceramics from the region, the production of which continued well into the

Nabataean period. Notably, Nabataean ceramics were generally associated with Nabataean

architecture at the site.107 This implies an indigenous non-Nabataean population who came into

contact with a growing immigrant Nabataean population in the first century but maintained

cultural continuity in their ceramic tradition. Some of the new Nabataean settlers were

presumably elites, given that the Nabataean artifacts were associated with monumental structures

during the late first century AD expansion of the city. Perhaps the indigenous population of

Bostra rejected Nabataean cultural influence since they continued to hold on to their local

ceramic traditions into the first century AD. Nevertheless, this site suggests the presence of an

elite Nabataean population in the first century AD. Unlike many settlements in other areas of the

kingdom, especially those closer to the Nabataean heartland which were founded or expanded

during this period, Bostra probably retained an indigenous population which was likely not

Nabataean, though they came under Nabataean rule. In fact Bostra may have even flourished as

the Nabataean capital, superseding Petra under Rabbel II.108

Looking at the region as a whole, it is unfortunate that the evidence from the Hauran does

not lend itself to quantitative comparison with the Hesban and Kerak Plateau surveys.

Nevertheless, it is clear that the Hauran underwent significant expansion of settlement during the

first centuries BC/AD. Surveys of Hesban and the Kerak Plateau, the former just outside

106
Dentzer, J.-M. et al., “Formation et development des villes en syrie,” 2010: 142-143.
107
Barret, M., and Orssaud, D., “La Ceramique: Conclusions,” 1985: 260.
108
Bowersock, G.W., Roman Arabia, 73.
 81

Nabataea, the latter inside its borders, also suggest expansion in the first centuries BC and AD,

but at different rates. The rate of settlement expansion in the Kerak Plateau around the turn of the

first century AD was more than double that of the Hesban region, perhaps suggesting that the

Nabataean authorities were more effective at encouraging rural settlement of their landscape.

Since surveys of these regions represent analyses compiled before advent of more nuanced

ceramic typologies, particularly of Nabataean Painted Fine Ware, a thorough reexamination of

this survey material may yield more detailed understanding of the region, possibly shedding

further light on rates of change through the first centuries BC/AD. Furthermore, it would be

especially significant to examine the rates of foundation between rural areas and settlements such

as Bostra, which appeared to expand the most in the late first century AD. Perhaps rural

intensification needed to occur first to support an expanded urban population. It is likely that the

Nabataean kings exploited the hitherto underused fertile soil of the Hauran. Finally, the larger

pre-existing settlements of the far north, such as Bostra, contained significant non-Nabataean

populations; these sites flourished and expanded under Nabataean rule around the BC/AD

transition.

The Nabataeans may have felt it unnecessary to establish their own urban centers in the

north because of the existence of such sites such as Bostra. Nevertheless, rural settlement of

Nabataea seems to have been relatively limited until the first centuries BC/AD when it is clear

that a tremendous amount of intensification occurred. After establishing a stronger rural

economy in their kingdom, Nabataean elites seemed to transplant elements of their culture onto

existing non-Nabataean urban centers— as at Bostra. One wonders about cities such as Rabba

(later Areopolis) and Kerak (later Characmoba) east of the Dead Sea, but there is simply no
 82

available evidence from such sites. By contrast, in other areas of the kingdom, such as the

Negev, the Nabataeans created entirely new and ultimately substantial villages in the first

century AD.
 83

Chapter 10

Historical Conclusion

Despite the fact that relatively little is known about the Nabataeans from documentary

sources—especially compared with the more prominent Jews in Palestine in this era—

archaeology can shed light into the dark corridors of their history. Various surveys and

excavations from across the Nabataean realm suggest a clear pattern of transformation beginning

in the late first century BC. This trend continued through the reign of Aretas IV into the first

century AD and transformed the nature of the connection between the Mediterranean world and

Arabia.

Once a loose band of nomadic tribes linking the Red Sea and the Roman world, by the

first century BC the Nabataeans inhabited a landscape much more similar to the rest of the

contemporary Levant, dotted with hundreds of villages based on agro-pastoralism interspersed

with some sizeable, if still relatively modest, urban centers. Scholars such as G. W. Bowersock

had long recognized the era of Aretas IV as the “flourishing” of Nabataea, but the extent of

explosive growth in Nabataean rural settlement beginning in the late first century BC was not

really understood until the work of Tali Erikson-Gini in the Negev. Using her analysis as a

model, this thesis has traced similar patterns of intensification in archaeological evidence from

throughout the Nabataean kingdom to show that dramatic change was already underway

somewhat prior to the reign of Aretas IV (9 BC- AD 40) and should be credited to Malichus II

(62-30 BC) and especially Obodas II (30-9 BC).

From the old nomadic tribal structure a new Nabataea came forth as a much more

sedentary and agricultural society, ruled by kings minting coinage and overseeing a bureaucratic
 84

administration and a professional standing army. The transformed Nabataea saw the foundation

of more urban settlements, such as the new port at Aila which functioned as an important hub for

both sea and land trade. Nabataea witnessed a veritable explosion of rural settlement in most

parts of the kingdom, even in more peripheral regions such as the Negev. The Nabataeans more

intensively exploited a wider range of natural resources throughout their kingdom, from the

copper mines in Wadi Faynan to the asphalt of the Dead Sea. They began to develop new

industries, such as fine ware ceramics and perfume production in Petra. Long reliant on

international luxury trade, evidence from the newly founded port of Aila and caravan stations

such as Meda’in Salih strongly suggest that the Nabataeans maintained significant levels of

international trade despite new competition from Egyptian ports on the Red Sea. In other words,

Nabataea began to appear much like other autonomous Hellenistic polities serving as Roman

client states in the Levant. This pattern of evidence for expansion and intensification is

characteristic of the Nabataean heartland and implies that, while Nabataean elites spread

throughout the kingdom during this period of transition, non-elite Nabataeans also settled in

large numbers in the heartland but perhaps less so in more peripheral regions such as the Hauran

in the far north. Further, the prosperity involved in the remaking of Nabataea in the first centuries

BC and AD seems to have extended, at least in some part, to lower class people who could

apparently afford Nabataean fine ware pottery imported from Petra.

What can explain this radical transformation? In order to understand the changes within

the Nabataean kingdom around the first century, it is necessary to recall the historical context.

The establishment of the Pax Romana inaugurated an extended era of peace, security, and

prosperity in the Mediterranean world. This likely increased demand for luxury products from
 85

the east, such as frankincense from South Arabia. The annexation of Egypt provided the Romans

with the opportunity to profit from this traffic. After a failed attempt to seize direct control of the

sources of frankincense, Augustus decided to establish or revitalize ports on the Egyptian Red

Sea ports to circumvent the overland caravan trade through the Arabian Peninsula, posing a

direct threat to Nabataean economic interests.

The Nabataean response to this threat was multi-faceted. The overland caravan traffic

was not abandoned but the Nabataeans quickly founded their own port, Aila (and possibly Leuke

Kome, if not already in existence) on the Arabian side of the Red Sea. The very fact of the Pax

Romana itself likely increased overall demand for such luxury imports at such a scale to incur

the wrath of contemporary commentators such as the Elder Pliny (Natural History 12.41). The

creation of entirely new industries, such as perfume, or intensification of existing ones, such as

fine ware ceramics, copper, salt, and bitumen, likely further spurred economic growth. But

perhaps most important was the explosive spread of rural settlement throughout Nabataea. It is

unclear to what degree this represented the sedentarization of nomads versus natural population

growth. The seemingly rapid appearance of hundreds of villages throughout the kingdom

perhaps suggests that the former was at least initially the more important factor. All this must

have resulted in significantly increased revenues for the Nabataean kings to support the increased

costs of their professional army, expanding royal bureaucracy, and the impressive program of

monumental building so visible today at Petra and elsewhere across the kingdom. In short, the

policies that transformed Nabataea, motivated largely by the threat posed by Rome, the new

intrusive imperial power in the region, were successful and insured the survival and prosperity of

the Nabataean state for over a century.

 86

In fact, the very success of these Nabataean policies, which continued for over a century,

might well have also spelled the eventual doom of the autonomous kingdom, since this economic

transformation eventually made the kingdom a tempting target for eventual Roman annexation as

their new province of Arabia in AD 106.

 87

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