Chapter 05 - Gases, Liquids, and Solids

Introduction to General Organic and

Biochemistry 11th Edition Bettelheim Test
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1. Which of the following is most important in determining if a material will be a solid, a liquid or a gas?
a. covalent bonds b. intermolecular forces
c. intramolecular forces d. nuclear forces
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.1 - WHAT ARE THE THREE STATES OF MATTER?

2. Which of the following increases as temperature increases?

a. kinetic energy b. nuclear forces
c. potential energy d. none of these
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.1 - WHAT ARE THE THREE STATES OF MATTER?

3. In which state of matter are the attractive forces between molecules the weakest?
a. solid
b. liquid
c. gaseous
d. None, the attractive forces are the same in all of them.
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.1 - WHAT ARE THE THREE STATES OF MATTER?

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Chapter 05 - Gases, Liquids, and Solids
4. Which of the following is true of the types attractive forces present in the three states of matter?
a. They are different in each of the three states.
b. They are the same in each of the three states.
c. They are the same in gases and liquids, but different in solids.
d. They are the same in liquids and solids, but different in gases.
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.1 - WHAT ARE THE THREE STATES OF MATTER?

5. Which physical state of matter could be represented by the following model?

a. solid
b. liquid
c. gas
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.1 - WHAT ARE THE THREE STATES OF MATTER?

6. If the change from A to B as represented by the models given below occurred,

AB
which of the following is correct?
a. The velocity of the particles increases. b. The strength of the intermolecular forces increases.
c. The kinetic energy of the particles decreases. d. both b and c
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.1 - WHAT ARE THE THREE STATES OF MATTER?

7. Consider a substance as represented by the following models. The temperature of the substance is decreased to a very
low value.

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Chapter 05 - Gases, Liquids, and Solids

ABC
Which of the following models would best represent this substance at the lowered temperature?
a. A
b. B
c. C
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.1 - WHAT ARE THE THREE STATES OF MATTER?

8. Consider a substance as represented by the following models.

ABC
When sugar is heated it forms a mass called caramel. Based on this information sugar does not normally exist as shown in
which model?
a. A
b. B
c. C
d. either A or C
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.1 - WHAT ARE THE THREE STATES OF MATTER?

9. Consider the following diagram. The liquid in the apparatus is mercury.

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Chapter 05 - Gases, Liquids, and Solids

If the pressure of the gas sample on arm B is 1.0 atm, what will be the difference in the heights of the mercury column in
arms A and B? This difference is represented in the diagram by the variable h?
a. 1.0 mm Hg
b. 760 mm Hg
c. 760 atm
d. It will be equal to the current atmospheric pressure.
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.2 - WHAT IS GAS PRESSURE AND HOW DO WE MEASURE IT?

10. Air pressure can be expressed in which of the following units?

a. atmospheres b. millimeters of Hg
c. torr d. any of these
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.2 - WHAT IS GAS PRESSURE AND HOW DO WE MEASURE IT?

11. Which of the following is a unit of pressure?

a. mm of Hg b. pascals
c. torr d. They are all units of pressure.
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.2 - WHAT IS GAS PRESSURE AND HOW DO WE MEASURE IT?

12. Which of the following instruments is used to measure the pressure of a gas sample?
a. an altimeter b. a barometer
c. a manometer d. an odometer
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.2 - WHAT IS GAS PRESSURE AND HOW DO WE MEASURE IT?

13. Which of the following instruments is used to measure atmospheric pressure?

a. an altimeter b. a barometer
c. a manometer d. an odometer

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Chapter 05 - Gases, Liquids, and Solids
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.2 - WHAT IS GAS PRESSURE AND HOW DO WE MEASURE IT?

14. Which of the following exerts the greatest pressure?

a. a 20 gram object on a surface of 0.50 cm2
b. a 40 gram object on a surface of 2.0 cm2
c. a 60 gram object on a surface of 3.0 cm2
d. None, they all exert the same pressure.
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.2 - WHAT IS GAS PRESSURE AND HOW DO WE MEASURE IT?

15. Which of the following exerts the greatest pressure?

a. a 40 gram object on a surface of 2.0 cm2
b. a 60 gram object on a surface of 3.0 cm2
c. a 80 gram object on a surface of 4.0 cm2
d. None, they all exert the same pressure.
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.2 - WHAT IS GAS PRESSURE AND HOW DO WE MEASURE IT?

16. Which law relates the volume and pressure of a gas under conditions of constant temperature?
a. Avogadro’s law b. Boyle’s law
c. Charles’s law d. Dalton’s law
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.3 - WHAT ARE THE LAWS WHICH GOVERN THE BEHAVIOR OF GASES?

17. Which law relates the volume and temperature of a gas under conditions of constant pressure?
a. Avogadro’s law b. Boyle’s law
c. Charles’s law d. Dalton’s law
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.3 - WHAT ARE THE LAWS WHICH GOVERN THE BEHAVIOR OF GASES?

18. Which law relates the pressure and temperature of a gas under conditions of constant volume?
a. Boyle’s law b. Charles’s law
c. Dalton’s law d. Gay-Lussac’s law
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: 5.3 - WHAT ARE THE LAWS WHICH GOVERN THE BEHAVIOR OF GASES?

19. Which gas law is most directly related to the process of inhaling and exhaling?
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 Slave Quarters.

The hearty burst of amens which followed from the hearers, indicated
that they were no less satisfied with his “gifts” than the leader himself,
whose serene and placid countenance was turned upon us in a most
knowing manner, as much as to say, “any white man beat that?”
 Contrabands near Acquia Creek.

Several now joined in singing a “hymn,” of which the chorus was—

 “Lord, we are flowin to de fountain,
And it is so sweet;
Didn’t my Jesus turn him in de coffin?
Didn’t my Jesus turn him in de coffin?
Sister Mary she loved Jesus,
And so do I.
Lord, we are flowin to de fountain,
Flowin to de fountain,
And it is so sweet.”

While this was being sung, a young member of the band, with sleeves
rolled up and a bandana wrapped about his head, stood in the centre of
the cabin, and kept time. He continued beating with the feet and patting
with the hands, at the same time twisting himself into every conceivable
shape the human body will admit of, until the perspiration rolled off in
large drops from his forehead. An exhortation was next listened to, after
which they sang a variety of tunes, the following being a sample—

Jesus ’ll git us out o’ dis,

Jesus ’ll git us out o’ dis,
An’ will go home to Canean,
An’ will go home to Canean.

In describing this strange scene, we have no intention of throwing

ridicule upon these unfortunates, or their devotions, but merely to give
the reader an idea of the manner in which slave worship is frequently
conducted.
The health of the troops continued to be remarkably good, only five
per cent. of the entire army being on the sick list. Indeed, when we
compare the sanitary condition of the Army of the Potomac from its
origin up to the present time with that of other military organizations,
there is abundant occasion for thanksgiving. Nearly one half of our entire
forces of the Revolution, forty-seven per cent., were at one time unfit for
duty. Of thirty thousand troops that composed the English Army under
Wellington in 1809, six thousand were sick in the hospitals. In 1811, the
Portuguese Army, numbering forty-four thousand, had nine thousand on
the sick list. The terrible sickness during the late Crimean struggle is
fresh in the memory of every one. Thirty thousand Russian soldiers
perished in a few weeks’ time from camp diseases, and thirty-five per
cent., if we mistake not, of the allied troops were prostrated with
sickness when Florence Nightingale entered upon her mission of mercy.
At the commencement of the war, the enemy calculated largely on
Cholera, Yellow Jack, and other maladies, as allies in decimating our
ranks; but the health of the troops thus far has been unparalleled in the
history of modern warfare. This has been mainly due to the lavish
amount of supplies—at least one third greater than those furnished to any
European Army—and to the skillful management of the medical
Department.
What is known as the Regimental fund comprises the proceeds from
the sale of the excess rations furnished to the various Regiments. This
sum amounts to several thousand dollars annually, thus indicating the
liberality of government in the matter of food. The Medical Department
characterized at the commencement of the war, by little order or
efficiency, is now completely systematized and placed on a servicable
footing. Immediately on the resumption of active operations, the
Surgeons are assigned to the duty for which they are best qualified; some
to the care of the sick, others to the amputating table, and others to the
field.
 “Poor white trash.”

The encampment was frequently visited during the winter by those

stigmatized among the wealthier Virginians, as “poor white trash.” They
generally came to crave “a little flour,” “a few potatoes,” anything to
keep body and soul together. Deprived of their sons by a contest in which
they took no interest, stripped of their little all by both parties, reduced to
absolute penury, theirs was a hopeless lot indeed.
 CHAPTER XXX.
Splendid Condition of the Army.—Gen. Hooker’s Programme.—A Forward Movement.—Battles
of Chancellorsville and Vicinity.—Jackson turns Hooker’s Right Wing.—Operations below
Fredericksburg.—Strategy.—Address from the Commanding General.—The Washington
Estate.—Crossing the Rappahannock.

Winter had now passed, and the warm, genial days of April were fast
drying up the roads, and rendering the resumption of operations
practicable. Four months had rolled away since the bloody struggle
under Burnside, during which the army had recuperated its energies,
recovered its morale, and been reinforced by numerous accessions of
troops. Believing, with Frederick the Great, that a soldier’s pluck lies in
his stomach, Gen. Hooker had added fresh bread, potatoes and other
esculents to the already substantial bill of fare, thereby putting his men in
the best of fighting trim; and they, in turn, had come to cherish a certain
regard for and confidence in him, shouting like the Portuguese under
Crawford, “Long live the General who takes care of our bellies.”
The army was ripe for offensive movements. The long weeks of
inactivity had afforded the General commanding ample time for
reviewing the situation, deciding upon a plan of attack, and completing
the necessary preparations.
About the middle of the month marching orders were issued to the
troops, but were immediately rescinded, owing to a furious storm which
arose and prevailed for two days. The elements again becoming
propitious, on Monday and Tuesday, April 27th and 28th, the various
Army Corps left their snug winter quarters and moved towards the
Rappahannock. The programme decided upon was this: while a portion
of the army crossed below Fredericksburg, and diverted the attention of
the enemy, the remainder were to proceed up the river, and turning their
left wing, occupy a position directly in the rear of the rebel works. At the
same time Gen. Stoneman, taking nearly the entire body of our cavalry,
was to make his way down through the State by the Culpepper route, and
circling round to the railroad, destroy the bridges over the North and
South Anna rivers, less than twenty miles from Richmond.
After the seventy-five thousand men thrown in the rear had attacked
and defeated the enemy, the fifty thousand at Fredericksburg were to
press forward likewise, engage them, and cut off the way of retreat
towards Richmond. This comprehensive and masterly plan—
substantially the same as Gen. Burnside’s last—must, if it had proven
successful, have accomplished no less than its author intended, the total
destruction of Gen. Lee’s army; but, alas! Jackson had not then received
his death wound.
The Second Corps, Couch’s; Fifth, Meade’s; Eleventh, Howard’s; and
Twelfth, Slocum’s; marched to the upper fords of the Rappahannock, and
meeting with but little opposition, most of the force moved forward, and
by Thursday night were massed in the vicinity of Chancellorsville, after
having travelled a distance of thirty-six miles. On Friday, Gen. Hooker,
who accompanied this wing of the army, formed the troops in a line of
battle, of a triangular or Redan shape, resting with its wings respectively
on the Rappahannock, between Banks’ and United States Fords and
Hunting Creek—an affluent of the Rappahannock—and having its apex
at Chancellorsville, in the rear of Fredericksburg. The events which
followed we shall allude to briefly, reserving our main description for
those operations in which the Thirty-third were concerned.
During the day reconnoitring forces were sent on the roads leading to
Fredericksburg, to “feel” the enemy, and likewise learn the topography
of the region. All night Friday, parties were engaged in felling trees,
clearing away the tangled thickets, and constructing abatis. Saturday,
Howard’s Corps was posted on the extreme right; then a Division of
Sickles’ Corps (3), which had come up; then Slocum; then Couch; then
Meade on the left; Humphrey’s Division of Meade’s Corps holding the
extreme left. Several unsuccessful attempts were made by the enemy
during the day to pierce the lines, but about four o’clock in the afternoon,
Jackson suddenly hurled forty thousand men upon Howard’s Corps,
which fell back in confusion. The Second Division of the Third Corps
was immediately wheeled around to the rescue, and succeeded in
recovering some of the lost ground, but the right of the line was
completely turned. This success of the enemy placed Gen. Sickles, who
had pushed forward in front with the remaining two Divisions of the
Third Corps, in a very precarious condition, nearly severing his
connection with the remainder of the army. Gen. Hooker now decided
upon a night attack, which, though terrible and bloody, as the
engagement through the afternoon had been, resulted in victory. The
enemy were driven full half a mile, and the lines re-formed on the left,
much in the same manner as they had been before.
 The First Army Corps, which had arrived from Falmouth, and the
Fifth, were posted as a new line, while the disorganized Eleventh was
transferred to the left. About 5½ o’clock Sunday morning, the enemy
came down the plank road leading from Chancellorsville, and made a
furious onslaught. The engagement soon became general, and for five
hours the roar of artillery and sharp rattle of musketry resounded through
the forest. Our batteries were posted on commanding positions, and
made great havoc among the enemy as they advanced to the conflict.
About ten o’clock the lines were contracted and re-formed in the
vicinity of the clearing, which, together with a single house, constituted
all of Chancellorsville. During the remainder of the day the enemy made
several attempts to break them, but were each time repulsed. Here the
army remained on the defensive, in a strongly entrenched position, until
the following Tuesday evening, when it retreated, and safely re-crossed
the Rappahannock.
Returning now to the other wing of the army, the First Corps, Gen.
Reynolds, Third, Gen. Sickles, and Sixth, Gen. Sedgwick, proceeded, on
the afternoon of the 28th, to the dense woods back of the point where
Gen. Franklin crossed the river in December, and bivouacked for the
night. The Thirty-third, which was on picket Tuesday, when the Sixth
Corps broke camp, having gone out the day previous, was ordered in at
two o’clock P. M., and in a half hour’s time completed their preparations
for departure. The sick had previously been sent to the Corps Hospital,
which had been established at Potomac Creek Bridge, and placed in
charge of Surgeon Dickinson. All clothing and camp equipage, not
absolutely necessary, were sent to Belle Plain, in charge of
Quartermaster Alexander, and the haversacks and knapsacks, loaded
down with rations, of which the troops were ordered to have eight days’
supply. The time for their departure northward was drawing rapidly near,
and for days the men had been making themselves merry over the
prospect of soon being with the loved ones at home, after two long years
absence. Under such circumstances they could hardly have been
expected to enter upon the new movement with much heart or spirit.
Instead, however, of flinching from the fresh duties imposed upon them,
they stepped with alacrity to their places when Col. Taylor, who had now
resumed command of his Regiment, gave the order to “fall in,” eager to
strike one more blow for their country—add one more laurel to the
wreath of honor which encircled the name of the gallant Thirty-third.
 Leaving the now grass-green crest, where so many pleasant weeks had
been spent, the Regiment wended its way down the sloping sides,
through the fields on the left, and crossing the main thoroughfare near
White-Oak Church, entered the forest. An hour’s march brought them to
a small clearing, where a halt for a few moments was ordered, and the
men stretched themselves out on the green turf. Again entering the
woods, they pursued a circuitous course, through dense thickets, across
deep ravines and over treacherous bogs, until the Division was overtaken
at dusk, close to the spot where the Regiment had encamped after re-
crossing the river in the winter. Fires not being permitted, the men were
obliged to dispense with coffee, and sup as best they could on “hard
tack” and ham, after which the light shelter tents were spread and, they
betook themselves to rest. The “Light Brigade” of the same Division was
employed during the night in getting the pontoons down near to the river.
Instead of being drawn on noisy, rumbling trucks, as heretofore, they
were quietly conveyed on the men’s shoulders, who tugged away lustily
at them until between three and four o’clock in the morning, Wednesday,
when they were launched in the river. So stealthily had the operations
been conducted, that the enemy’s pickets did not sound the alarm, until
they saw boat loads of armed men approaching. They had time to fire
only two or three volleys, and then fled. Russell’s Brigade was the first
to reach the opposite bank, and rapidly clambering up its sides, started in
pursuit of the astonished rebels. The officer of the picket line was found
fast asleep in bed, and on being brought over, entreated us not to
exchange him, “for if you do,” he said, “I shall surely be shot for having
been caught napping.” Col. Irwin, of the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, and
some eight or ten others, were wounded in the crossing. Two bridges
were lain, in the identical positions occupied last year, and Brooks’
Division of the Sixth Corps thrown over.
Later in the morning, five companies of the Fiftieth New York,
Engineers, proceeded one mile and a quarter below, and commenced
throwing two other bridges. Troops from Meredith’s (Iron) Brigade of
Gen. Wads worth’s Division, First Corps, dashed over in boats, and
charging up the bank, took nearly all of the enemy prisoners, who were
firing from behind earthworks and rifle-pits. The Twenty-fourth
Michigan, Col. Marrow, led this gallant charge, followed by the Sixth
Wisconsin. Some of the rebels who escaped took refuge in a house close
by, but our guns immediately being turned upon it, they scampered from
the building as fast as their legs could carry them, provoking round after
round of laughter from our boys. The whole of Wadsworth’s Division
crossed, the General not waiting for the bridges to be completed, but
fearlessly swimming his horse over. Troops now began to debouch at
various points from the forest, and reaching the flats along the river,
halted and stacked arms. The Thirty-third, together with the other
Regiments of Howe’s Division, breakfasted early, and descending to the
plain about nine o’clock, halted at the same spot where it had lain during
the day preceding the crossing last year under Burnside. The sky was of
a leaden, wintry gray, and a stiff breeze was blowing.

CROSSING THE RAPPAHANNOCK.

The Advance of the Sixth Corps.

The whole of the Sixth Corps, with the exception of Brooks’ Division,
now over the river, were massed here, and the First Corps, with the
exception of Wadsworth’s Division, near the two lower bridges, while
the Third, Gen. Sickles, remained back on the hills and in the woods in
the rear.
Can it be? was the question which trembled on every lip, that we are
again to be recklessly hurled against that amphitheatre of hills, before
which five thousand of our number fell last year? So it seemed. The three
entire Corps could not be designed for a mere feint movement? But when
no more troops were crossed over, and on the following day a series of
marches and countermarches were ordered, all gloomy forebodings were
dispelled, for we then knew that the appearance of the three Corps here
was for a ruse, though on a large scale, to attract the attention of the
enemy, while the force above moved to their rear. The appearance by
noon of two heavy lines of the enemy on the old battle-field, now a
beautiful carpet of green, proved that the strategy had been successful.
As fast as their numerous regiments arrived from above or below, they
descended the hills and formed in line at the foot to receive us. There
they remained in position for hours; but seeing no disposition to advance
on our part, large numbers, dropping back in the woods, swarmed like
bees in the tree-tops to scrutinize our movements, and ascertain, if
possible, “what we were about that we did not come on.” Gen.
Sedgwick, who had charge of this wing of the army, continued to march
and counter-march the troops in view of the enemy. Forming on the crest
of the hills, they would move down in solid columns to the bridges, as if
to cross, but instead of crossing, quietly draw back through a gully, and
in a half hour’s time be descending the hill again. This series of
manœuvres led the enemy to suppose that our entire army was here. The
disappearance, however, of most of the rebel infantry from our front, on
Friday morning, indicated that they had divined our strategy—not,
however, until it had accomplished the purpose intended, as the reading
of the following order showed:

H A P ,N F ,
A 30, 1863.
It is with heartfelt satisfaction that the General Commanding
announces to the army that the operations of the last three days
have determined that our enemy must ingloriously fly, or come
out from behind their defences and give us battle on our own
ground, where certain destruction awaits them. The operations of
the Fifth, Eleventh and Twelfth Corps have been a series of
splendid successes.
By command of
MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER.
S. W , Adjutant-General.
 While the enemy had delayed in our front, our right wing had reached
Chancellorsville.
The reading of these brief lines to the various Regiments occasioned
the wildest enthusiasm, and cheer after cheer was given for “Fighting
Joe.” While waiting orders on the flats, elegant swords were presented to
Captains Cole and Gifford by their respective Companies. The Colonel
made a brief address, urging them to wield these new weapons manfully
in the coming strife.
Just at nightfall the enemy opened a heavy fire on the lower bridges
and the infantry on the opposite bank, killing and wounding some thirty
of them. Our guns replied with much spirit, until darkness put an end to
the conflict. The rebels used one heavy Whitworth gun, which was
planted four miles away, and fired with a most uncomfortable precision.
Friday was a day of comparative quiet, there being no infantry and but
very little artillery firing. The enemy’s pickets were posted along the
Bowling Green road, while heavy reinforcements from Richmond could
be seen moving over the hills towards Chancellorsville. Gen. Sickles’
Corps moved up the river to reinforce Hooker.
During the afternoon, members of the Regiment improved the
inactivity to visit the old Washington Estate, situated down the river,
about a mile in the rear of the lower bridges. The story of little George
cutting down his father’s apple tree with his new hatchet, is familiar to
every one. The exact spot where the tree stood is pointed out, and the
green on which the Father of his Country played and wantoned in his
childhood. The Estate has descended to the Fitzhughs, who abandoned it
on our appearance here last fall. Their son, a Captain in the Confederate
service, was killed on Wednesday, when the Iron Brigade crossed the
river.
Saturday morning found our troops posted in about the same position
as the day previous, the Thirty-third still remaining encamped on the
flats. About half-past seven a rebel battery, planted during the night in
front of the ruins of the Bernard House, tossed a couple of shells among
the pickets, who were playing ball. This was immediately followed by
their ten-pound Parrots, planted on the crest, three-quarters of a mile
below, which again concentrated a rapid fire on the lower bridges and
Wadsworth’s Division. They were, however, soon silenced by our heavy
guns. Occasional skirmishing continued through the day. Towards
evening, Gen. Brooks discovered bodies of the enemy moving along the
hills, as if to fall upon our right. When, however, he perceived, a few
moments later, that the head of the column was directed towards
Chancellorsville, he became satisfied that Gen. Lee was withdrawing all
his infantry from our front, and immediately ordered the skirmish line
forward. The “Light Brigade,” which was then in front, advanced,
flanked the enemy’s pickets and drove them in fine style half a mile
beyond the Bowling Green road. Scattered along the turnpike were found
knapsacks, canteens and several “dummeys,” or pickets of straw.
The lower crossing had now been abandoned, and Gen. Sedgwick sent
the First Corps likewise up the river to reinforce Hooker, leaving only
the Sixth Corps below Fredericksburg. Immediately on our obtaining
possession of the Bowling Green turnpike, Howe’s and Newton’s, the
two remaining Divisions of the Corps, passed over the bridges.
 CHAPTER XXXI.
THE STORMING OF FREDERICKSBURG HEIGHTS.
SUNDAY, MAY 3, 1863.

Sunday, May 3d, was a proud day for the Union arms—the boasted
Heights of Fredericksburg were stormed by our brave boys, and the Stars
and Stripes planted triumphantly over that “Gibraltar of America.”
Whatever the result of the fighting in the rear, that in front crowned our
arms with imperishable renown. “This crest of hills,” wrote the London
Times’ correspondent, after the battle under Burnside, “constitute one of
the strongest positions in the world—impregnable to any attack from the
front.” The achievements of that memorable day again demonstrated that
what is impossible with John Bull becomes possible with Jonathan. The
members of the Thirty-third can ever point with pride to the conspicuous
part which they bore in this brilliant achievement—the crowning glory of
their two years’ career.

FREDERICKSBURG HEIGHTS.
 Stormed by the Sixth Army Corps.

Though Gen. Lee had withdrawn his infantry from the ridge below the
city, he left, as he supposed, a sufficient force to hold the hills
immediately in the rear. Here was planted the best of his artillery,
supported by the flower of his infantry, under command of the haughty
and supercilious Barksdale, who a few weeks later breathed his life away
on the crimson fields of Gettysburg—abandoned by his own men,
without a slave even to bring him a cup of cold water.
About one o’clock Sunday morning, a courier arrived at Gen.
Sedgwick’s headquarters, with orders from Gen. Hooker to storm the
Heights, and pushing on beyond, join him at Chancellorsville. After
crossing below Fredericksburg Saturday evening, Howe’s Division had
advanced up towards the city on the Bowling Green road, as far as Hazel
Creek, the Thirty-third and Forty-ninth New York being deployed as
skirmishers. When Hooker’s orders arrived, Gen. Newton’s Division
passed to the right, and later, Howe’s also moved further on, connecting
with him. Brooks likewise came up from below, and formed on to
Howe’s left. The positions of the various Divisions became then as
follows: Gen. Brooks, extreme left; Gen. Howe, centre; and Gen.
Newton, right; connecting on with Newton’s was Gibbon’s Division of
the Second Corps, extending above the city.
The Regiments for the assault were selected from Howe’s, Newton’s
and Gibbon’s commands. The following comprised all, or nearly all, the
number: 31st, 33d, 36th, 43d, 49th, 59th, 61st and 77th New York; 23d,
61st, 82d, 93d, 98th, 122d, 127th and 139th Pennsylvania; 7th, 19th and
20th Massachusetts; 5th Wisconsin, 6th and 7th Maine, 21st New Jersey
and 1st Long Island.
To Gen. Neill’s Brigade was assigned the honor of leading the left one
of the storming columns, and to the Thirty-third the honor of leading the
Brigade. The reader will remember that the line of works to be taken was
about one third of a mile in the rear of Fredericksburg, constructed on a
natural bluff, extending above and below the city for some distance, and
known as “Marye’s Heights.” Beneath ran the famous stone-wall,
forming the western boundary of the plain over which the charging
columns must pass. Along the lower edge of this plateau, close by the
reservoir, which separates it from the city, the troops were massed, lying
on the ground to avoid the enemy’s fire. The diagram on the opposite
page represents the scene of action, with the relative positions occupied
by the advance Regiments of the assaulting columns.
Heavy artillery firing was kept up during the morning, between the
rebel batteries and our own, planted along the edge of the river. The
siege guns posted on Stafford Heights fired repeatedly on the enemy’s
works, doing good execution. One of the shells exploded a rebel caisson
at the redoubt near the stone-wall, and killed ten horses. After blowing
up the caisson it struck two directly behind, and hurled eight others down
the steep precipice in the rear into the yawning chasm beneath. They
presented a hideous spectacle as they lay at the bottom, dead and dying.

Diagram Showing Position of the Storming Column.

At length, as the City Hall clock struck eleven, came the order for the
charge, and the lion-hearted men rose to their feet. The hundreds of
spectators in the rear held their breath in terrible suspense, expecting to
see them the next moment prostrate in the dust. “Forward!” cries Gen.
Sedgwick, and they echelon up the open plain, regardless of the
frowning batteries which vomit grape and cannister upon them. Col.
Spear drops dead from his horse, and the Sixty-first Penn., at the right of
the Chancellorsville road, momentarily recoils; but the Forty-third New
York comes rapidly to the rescue, and the columns again press forward,
delivering the battle cheer, which is heard above the roar of artillery and
fierce roll of musketry. Three hundred yards are passed, one hundred
more will bring them to the stone-wall. All the guns along the crest now
concentrate their fire on the plain. Col. Johns falls, Col. Newman falls,
Major Wheeler falls; Captains Gray, Ballinger, Irwin, Burke and
Knickerbocker are dead; the ground comprised within the focus is strewn
with the bodies of the slain. But there is no wavering, and in a moment
more the “Slaughter-Pen” is ours. The Sixth Maine and Thirty-first New
York scale the wall, bayonet the defenders, dash up the crest, and amid
long continued shouts and cheers, turn their own guns upon the fleeing
enemy. “What men are these,” inquires a terrified gunner, as our brave
boys appear upon the ramparts. “We are Yankees, ——; do you think we
will fight now?” is the response.
Neill’s Brigade, further to the left, has likewise swarmed over the wall,
and now unfurls its banners on the Heights.
Only part of the work is, however, done. The guns on the right and left
of the Chancellorsville road have been stormed, but there yet remains a
heavy battery further to the left, which is now turned upon the portion of
the works occupied by us. The Thirty-third tarries but a moment, and
then starts for these guns, followed by the remaining Regiments of the
Brigade. Quickly descending to the ravine at the left, they double-quick
through underbrush and obstructions of every description, cheered on
and led forward by the Colonel, Lieut.-Colonel, Major and Adjutant. The
rebel gunners see them coming through the thicket, and depressing their
guns, rain down a tempest of cannister. Captain Root falls, pierced
through the thigh; Capt. Cole is prostrated by a minie; Lieut. Byrne lies
by his side; seventy men are wounded or dead. The old flag, which
waved in triumph at Williamsburg, Golden’s Farm and Antietam, goes
down. A second color-bearer seizes the banner and raises it on high, but
a bullet quickly lays him low. Another and another grasps the standard,
until six have been shot down, when Sergeant Vandecar rushes forward,
hoists the tattered banner on his musket, and the Regiment presses
forward. As they emerge from the wood to the opening, they are saluted
with a rapid fire from the rebel infantry supports, but unmindful of the
deluge of iron hail, they push on, clamber up the green glacis, sweep
over the parapet, and capture a thirty-two pounder at a bound. Oh! it was
a splendid sight to see those gallant fellows rush boldly up to the
cannon’s mouth, and snatch victory from the jaws of death.
The artillerists, with the exception of a few who fled, were captured or
killed. The supports fell back and formed in line of battle. A squad of
them, who lagged behind, were ordered to surrender. They refused to do
so, when a ball from the musket of Sergeant Proudfoot brought one of
them to the ground. Again they were ordered to halt, and again refusing,
Sergeant Kane killed a second. A third and fourth were likewise shot
down. Having formed in line, the infantry opened a heavy fire on the
Thirty-third, also drawn up in line. The Seventh Maine soon came up to
its support, being received with loud cheers, and formed on the left. The
Twenty-first New Jersey not long after followed, and the rebels were put
to flight.
It was with the greatest difficulty that Col. Taylor could restrain his
men from following. Many of them, unmindful of the orders of their
Captains, did push forward in the pursuit, killing and wounding several
of the fugitives. The Thirty-third’s banner was unfurled over the captured
redoubt, and the men lay down to rest after their arduous labors. Two
more guns were taken by the Regiments of the Brigade further to the left.
 MARYES HEIGHTS.

Showing the Redoubt captured by the Thirty-third.

This part of the enemy’s line of fortifications consisted of four

detached earthworks, very strong and inaccessible to infantry, as they
supposed, on account of the steepness of the hill and dense underbrush,
which intervened between it and the city. Lieut. Col. Corning’s horse—a
magnificent animal—was shot from under him, as he was fearlessly
charging up the hill with the Regiment. While passing through the woods
below, Capt. Draime discovered a party of rebels a short way off, and
taking a few of his men started after them. He returned after the redoubt
was taken, bringing with him Col. Luce of the Eighteenth Mississippi,
and one Captain, four Lieutenants and thirty-eight privates, belonging to
the same regiment. Capt. Tyler narrowly escaped, having his clothing
perforated eleven different times with bullets. It seemed almost a miracle
that any of the officers or men could have passed through such a fiery
ordeal unscathed.
 CHAPTER XXXII.
BATTLES OF SALEM HEIGHTS.

After resting for a brief period on the summit of the Heights, the Corps
pushed rapidly up the turnpike leading to Chancellorsville, no effort
being made to take possession of the still higher ridge at the left, to
which a portion of the enemy had retreated, and were now tossing an
occasional shell at us. The country presented a beautiful appearance,
with its green meadows and vast fields of cereals stretching out in every
direction. Gen. Brooks’ Division, which now took the advance, moved
rapidly forward, but instead of meeting with Hooker’s pickets,
encountered a heavy force of the enemy, about four miles ahead, near
Salem. They were concealed in a forest, into which our infantry were
imprudently advanced before it was shelled. The rebels immediately rose
from their masked position, and delivered a murderous fire. Gen. Brooks
quickly formed his men in line, and soon became hotly engaged. While
the conflict was at its height, a body of the enemy suddenly opened upon
him from the left, and he changed front to meet them. The battle now
became very sanguinary, the rebels rapidly thinning our ranks with their
cross fire. Darkness came to our relief and the fighting ceased, not,
however, before we had lost twelve hundred men. Seven hundred of this
number belonged to Bartlett’s Brigade—consisting of the Twenty-
seventh New York, among other Regiments,—who fell in twenty
minutes time. The woods afterwards took fire from our shells, and many
of the wounded belonging to both parties perished in the flames.
The little army slept soundly that night after the arduous duties of the
day. But there were many officers as well as men who lay down to rest
with serious apprehensions of the morrow. No troops had been thrown
forward to occupy the higher ridge at our left. What should prevent the
enemy from circling round under cover of night to this crest, and
descending get between us and the captured but now abandoned Heights
in the rear?
The dawn of Monday proved how well grounded had been these fears.
At eight o’clock a heavy rebel column was observed streaming down the
mountain side, and pushing rapidly for Marye’s Heights. Not a picket
had been thrown out to give warning of their approach, or a single gun to
sweep the gully through which they had to pass. A scene of utmost
confusion now ensued. The road leading from the city out to the army
was crowded with straggling soldiers, going on to rejoin their Regiments,
supply wagons, ammunition trains and ambulances filled with wounded
from the previous evening’s fight. The soldiers scattered through the
fields in all directions. The teamsters and ambulance drivers dashed
furiously into the city, or turned back to the army, thereby escaping. A
few, losing presence of mind, cut their horses loose from the wagons,
and, mounting them, rode away, in hot haste. Gen. Gibbon, in charge of
the city, sent up one or two Regiments left with him as a patrol, to check
the enemy. But it was useless for them to attempt doing so, and after
firing three or four rounds, they fled out to the army. The rebels now
pressed forward and re-occupied the Heights, delivering as they did so,
one of their characteristic yells, so much resembling a wolf howl.
After resting for a moment they were deployed out to the right of the
Heights, and forming an extended line, swept rapidly up after the Sixth
Corps. A Union battery, planted on a bluff up the river, one mile from the
city, immediately opened a hot fire on their backs, and so interfered with
his plans that the commanding officer was content to draw in his forces
and mass them around the Heights.
Fredericksburg, as well as Falmouth, was now perfectly defenceless,
all the troops not with Sedgwick having been sent up to the support of
Hooker, and a few siege guns planted on Stafford Heights, comprising
almost our only artillery. The enemy, had they known it, could have
passed down into the city with impunity, paroled our fifteen hundred
wounded, and then, seizing our pontoon-boats, pushed over the river and
captured Gen. Hooker’s headquarters and the immense supplies at the
Falmouth depot. Why they did not at least descend to the city still
remains a mystery. Perhaps they were intimidated by the show of
resistance made by a few stragglers, whom some wounded officers
collected about the streets and posted along the edge of the city. Capts.
Root and Cole, and other officers in the hospital, sent their swords and
equipments over the river, expecting to be made prisoners. As the day
advanced, however, and the enemy did not come down, preparations
were made for transferring the wounded to the opposite bank, and before
night they were all taken over, together with the materiel of war, which
had collected there.
The Sixth Corps was now placed in a most critical position by this
coup-de-main of Gen. Lee, having the enemy in front, left and rear, and
an unfordable river on the right. No wonder that Gen. Butterfield, Chief-
of-Staff, when he rode down to the Falmouth side of the river and
comprehended the situation, remarked to Gen. Fogliardi, the Swiss
General who accompanied him, “Sedgwick has gone up.” That
indomitable hero, however, had no idea of “going up,” but immediately
set about rescuing his command from the dilemma in which Hooker and
his Chief-of-Staff had placed it. Hooker and his Chief-of-Staff, we say,
for it was in accordance with their orders that the Sixth Corps had been
pushed on, regardless of the higher ridge at the left.
The diagram on the opposite page represents the positions of the
different forces of both armies as they then were.
 First on the west our main army, then Lee’s main army, then the Sixth
Corps, then a rebel Corps, and then our siege guns, planted on the east
side of the river—a most extraordinary sandwiching of opposing forces
together.
 Instead of attempting to cut his way through to Hooker in front, or
Fredericksburg in the rear, Gen. Sedgwick drew back Brook’s Division,
still in the advance, and arranging his army in the form of an arc,
fronting towards the enemy, gradually contracted the lines until the
wings extended nearly to the river. By this movement the rebels were
thrown out of the rear to his left front. The lines continued to stretch out
towards the river, until they enclosed Banks’ Ford, six miles above the
city, over which communication was immediately established with
Falmouth, and Gen. Sedgwick sent for supplies. The announcement of
this fact dispelled much of the gloom prevailing at headquarters, for it
was then known that if the Corps could hold out until night it would be
able to draw back to the ford, under cover of darkness, and escape.
At daybreak, the Thirty-third, together with three other Regiments of
Gen. Neill’s Brigade, had been sent out to attack a body of rebels who
appeared on the higher ridge, some distance further on from the point
where they finally descended. After a spirited fight, the enemy were put
to flight. The Regiment had now returned, and was posted on the left
curvature of the arc formed by Sedgwick, about one mile from the
Heights, and near the road leading from the city. Occupying a
commanding position, and being so near, they could perceive all the
operations of the flanking force, which numbered twenty-five thousand.
The reader can imagine their feelings at seeing the Heights which they
had so gallantly stormed on the day previous, now reöccupied by the
enemy. After being arranged in line of battle, the men amused
themselves by firing at the rebel skirmishers, who crept up behind the
trees and fences to reconnoitre our position. Several were killed in this
manner. Lieutenant Carter, seizing a musket from the hands of one of his
men, brought down a general officer, who persisted in recklessly riding
out in front of the line.
As the morning advanced, members of the Regiment proceeded out on
the road, and brought in one of the wagons abandoned by the teamsters,
which proved to be well stocked with delicacies for a General and his
Staff. This was a rich prize for the men, who, now having subsisted for
six days on the scanty contents of their haversacks, were as eager for
food as the famished Arab in the desert, who, discovering a bag of gold,
mourned that it did not contain dates.
Towards noon a Brigade of rebels charged upon the earthworks
thrown up in front of the Brigade, but were handsomely repulsed, and
two hundred of them made prisoners, by a counter charge.
 Our forces remained in two lines of battle, expecting every moment a
fierce onslaught from various points. But the day wore away without an
attack, and the men were beginning to think that none would be made,
when suddenly, about four o’clock, a heavy column of reinforcements
for the enemy were observed descending the upper ridge. This meant
battle. Imagine a semi-circle within a semi-circle, and you have the
relative positions of the opposing forces at that time.
An hour later, the rebel hordes rose quickly from the Heights where
they had lain all day, and rushing forward with cheers and yells,
precipitated themselves upon our line. At the same moment the siege
guns at Falmouth opened a fire on their rear. Gen. Neill’s Brigade, being
the nearest to them, bore the brunt of the attack, and though assaulted by
overpowering numbers, maintained its position and repulsed the enemy.
One Regiment, the same which broke at White-Oak Swamp, gave way,
thereby bringing a destructive cross fire upon the Thirty-third. As the
rebels fell back in disorder through the fields, it was only by the greatest
exertions that Col. Taylor could restrain his men from following. A few
squads did rush forward and secured several prisoners.
But unmindful of the havoc made in their ranks, the enemy again
pressed on, determined to crush the Brigade. At the same time they
attacked other points in the extended arc, and Gen. Neill, seeing that
there was imminent danger of his position being turned, fell back, not,
however, before having incurred a loss of one thousand men. Gen.
Sedgwick now gave instructions for the entire lines to recede, in
accordance with the plan which he had previously decided upon, viz: to
slowly fall back fighting to the river, until darkness should come on. As
the lines drew back, the enemy steadily pursued, a vigorous fire of
musketry and artillery being kept up on both sides. Our batteries literally
mowed the pursuers down, as they repeatedly charged upon them in solid
columns. The gunners reserved their fire until the charging forces came
within a few rods, and then poured the grape and cannister into them at a
fearful rate. Having broken the columns, they would fall back to new
positions, and again resist their approach.
In this manner the retreat was conducted most successfully, though not
without great loss. The Thirty-third, which suffered severely at the
outset, likewise lost many men in falling back, including Lieuts. Porter
and Rossiter. While scaling a fence at one time, which through some
culpable negligence had been left standing, several were killed and
wounded. Gen. Neill being stunned by the falling of his wounded horse,
Col. Taylor temporarily took command of the Brigade.
To assume command of a Brigade in the confusion of a retreat, when
the enemy was pressing on all sides, was a most hazardous undertaking.
Col. Taylor, however, did not shrink from the responsibility, and with the
assistance of the Major of the Seventh Maine, who stepped forward
when he called for volunteer Aids, soon arranged the Regiments in
proper line.

SALEM HEIGHTS.

Charge of the Thirty-third.

Darkness closed upon the combatants and prevented further pursuit by

the enemy, though skirmishing continued for hours afterwards. Never
had men watched more eagerly for the going down of the sun, and now
that night had spread her sable mantle over the scene, great was the sense
of relief experienced.
But the joy at their deliverance is suddenly dispelled by a report that
the bridges thrown over the river at Banks’ Ford have been destroyed,
and thus the way of retreat cut off. During the afternoon the enemy
between us and Hooker had succeeded in planting several guns near the
ford, and kept pounding away at the bridges for hours. One of them was
seriously injured, but before they could complete its destruction,
batteries were got into position on the opposite side of the river, and
drove them away. Happily, then, this rumor was without foundation.
The scenes of that night vividly recalled the memories of the seven
days’ retreat on the Peninsula. Though no panic prevailed, there was the
utmost confusion. Owing to the darkness and the large number of
wounded, and immense amount of war materiel which had to be
conveyed over, many of the wounded were left where they fell during the
battle, it being impossible to bring them away. This was the case with
most of those belonging to the Thirty-third. Lieut. Rossiter died in the
hands of the enemy. By morning the entire Corps was safely over, and
encamped along the flats on the opposite side. The Thirty-third crossed
the bridge about 8 o’clock, A. M.
The next morning the rebels commenced shelling the troops from the
west bank, which caused them to draw back immediately from the river.
Brooks’ and Newton’s Divisions moved a few miles to the northward,
Howe’s remaining in the vicinity. During the following night the main
army re-crossed above, under cover of a fierce storm. Wednesday and
Thursday were spent in getting back to Falmouth. Howe’s Division
returned to White-Oak Church during Friday, now for the third time.
The Thirty-third encamped in a field about three-quarters of a mile
from its former position. It was a sad sight, those thin and decimated
ranks; of five hundred and fifty brave men, who two weeks before
marched out to meet the enemy, less than three hundred now returned.
 CHAPTER XXXIII.
Gen. Stoneman’s Expedition Successful.—Reasons for the Campaign proving a Failure.—Death
of Jackson.—His Character.—Gen. Neill’s Report.

Gen. Stoneman fully accomplished the object of his expedition by

destroying the railroad bridge, but owing to the defeat of the army, no
material advantage resulted from his labors.
So terminated the second bloody campaign of the Rappahannock. The
reader who has followed us through the various operations, will readily
fix upon two main circumstances, as contributing to our defeat—the
breaking of the Eleventh Corps at Chancellorsville, and the failure to
take possession of the upper range of hills at the left of Fredericksburg.
Gen. Hooker had succeeded admirably in getting the main portion of the
army in the rear of the enemy. He had chosen a good position, and
skilfully posted his troops. All was going well until the giving away of
the Eleventh Corps let Jackson, with forty thousand men, upon his right
flank. He was thenceforward compelled to act upon the defensive.
Sedgwick was now brought forward upon the board, and assigned the
duty of restoring, at least, equilibrium to the contest, by a bold, fearless
move. If unsuccessful, the entire army must rapidly retreat across the
Rappahannock. If successful, the fortunes of the campaign would be
retrieved, and Lee ground to atoms between the upper and nether
millstone, or forced to “ingloriously fly” towards Richmond. The
Heights were victoriously stormed, and all was well with Sedgwick. But
now comes the terrible blunder which decides the contest, the neglect to
occupy the upper ridge.
If, says Victor Hugo, Bulow, Blucher’s Lieutenant, had debouched
from the forest above Freschemont, instead of pursuing the route he did,
the form of the nineteenth century would have been different. If
Sedgwick had debouched from the Heights above Fredericksburg to the
ridge at the left, instead of pushing on towards Chancellorsville, the
enemy would have been hemmed in, and the bloody battle of Gettysburg
never have been fought; or if a single battery of heavy guns had been left
to command the road leading down from the ridge and the ravine through
which the flanking force had to pass, in order to reach Marye’s Heights,
the tables would not have been turned, and Sedgwick instead of Lee
compelled to fight one way and face another.
Our losses during the seven days’ campaign were not far from sixteen
thousand, or four thousand more than those incurred in the December
struggle. Of this number, more than five thousand came from the Sixth
Army Corps.
The casualties of the enemy amounted to not far from twelve
thousand. In the death of Jackson they suffered an irreparable loss.
Better, said one of the Richmond papers soon afterwards, that a whole
Army Corps should have gone down than the brave Stonewall. The true
circumstances of his death have never been published. On Saturday
evening he proceeded out on the turnpike leading from Chancellorsville,
to examine his lines. Instead of riding alone, as was frequently his habit
on such occasions, he was accompanied by most of his staff and several
orderlies. A squad of the First North Carolina Regiment had, in the
meantime, been posted across the road by a Division General, to
intercept a body of our cavalry, which he learned was on a
reconnoissance. Mistaking Jackson and his aids in the dark for the Union
troopers, they all fired as he drew near, killing the aids, wounding two
orderlies and sending one bullet through Jackson’s right hand, and
another through his left arm. He died six days afterwards, from the
effects of these wounds.
The various statements which have appeared from time to time
concerning his piety have not been exaggerated. He was a decidedly
spiritual rebel. While located at Harper’s Ferry and Winchester, during
the earlier months of the war, he led the Union Prayer Meetings, and
those of the Presbyterian Church, of which he was a Deacon.
There is not wanting evidence to prove that he held, at the outset,
serious doubts as to the justice of the insurrection or rebellion. Some of
the readers may recall the following incident, given to the public last
August. It was related to us by a clergyman, who received it from the lips
of the divine referred to.
Dr. J——, a prominent Presbyterian divine of New York, who was
closely related to Stonewall, being in Central Virginia just prior to his
rapid march on Banks, spent the night with him and attempted to
convince him of his error in regard to the States-rights doctrine. At the
General’s request they devoted some two hours to prayer, Jackson
praying long and earnestly. When they rose from their knees his eyes
were suffused with tears, and in a repentant voice he remarked:
“Whatever Virginia decides to do, I will do. If to return to the Union, I
will fight for the Union.” Not a week elapsed before Dr. J—— heard of
his relative thundering up through the Shenandoah in hot pursuit of
Banks. The States-rights heresy has compassed the ruin of many gifted
and brave men.
The following is General Neill’s report of the part borne by his
Brigade in the campaign.

H T B ,N F , V .,
May 7th, 1863.
I have the honor to report, for the information of the General
Commanding the Division, that on the night of May 2nd, 1863, in
obedience to orders, I led my Brigade across the pontoon bridge
at Mansfield on the Rappahannock, about three-fourths of a mile
below Fredericksburg, posting two Regiments, the Thirty-third
and Forty-ninth New York, as pickets, in front of the enemy. At
12 o’clock, midnight, my Brigade was ordered to march along the
“Bowling Green” road towards Fredericksburg. Whilst waiting to
get the road, the enemy attacked the left of my picket line, held
by the Forty-ninth New York. The Forty-ninth repulsed them, and
held their ground.
On the morning of the third, Sunday, at about 10 o’clock, I was
ordered to form three Regiments as the advance of a column of
assault against the Heights on Marye’s Hill, back of
Fredericksburg. I led the Thirty-third New York, Twenty-first
New Jersey, and Seventh Maine Volunteers, preceded by the
Seventy-seventh New York, who were acting as skirmishers,
under a heavy fire of shot and shell. Before reaching the batteries
on the hill against which we were directed, I found they had
already been taken by our troops on our right, and I directed the
attack against the batteries on the hills to our left, along the
Richmond road. We took in succession four distinct detached
earthworks of strong profile. We captured three pieces of artillery
—two long brass guns and one short howitzer—and one stand of
colors, belonging to the Eighteenth Mississippi Regiment, after
which we marched to assist in repelling an attack of the enemy
along the Chancellorsville road.