Solution Manual for Introduction to Process Technology 4th

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CHAPTER 2:
INTRODUCTION TO PROCESS TECHNOLOGY

OBJECTIVES
• Describe the process technology curriculum and Associate of Applied Science degree plan.
• List the key principles of safety, health, and environment
• Explain the principles of instrumentation and modern process control.
• Identify the different types of process equipment and the technology associated with
operating them.
• Solve math and science problems associated with the chemical processing industry.
• List the basic principles of quality control.
• Describe how the principles of chemistry and physics are applied in the chemical processing
industry.
• Describe the various systems found in the chemical processing industry.
• Explain how process operations is used to prepare a student for employment in the CPI.
• Solve simple process technology troubleshooting scenarios.

REVIEW QUESTIONS
1. List the basic concepts of statistical quality control.
Study of the background and application of quality concepts. Topics include team skills,
quality tools, statistics, economics and continuous improvement. The focus of the course
is on the application of statistics, statistical process control, math, and quality tools to
process systems and operations
2. List the basic concepts taught in safety, health, and environment.

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 Knowledge and skills to reinforce the attitudes and behaviors required for safe and
environmentally sound work habits. Emphasis on safety, health, and environmental
issues in the performance of all job tasks and regulatory compliance issues.
3. List three basic systems found in the chemical processing industry.
Pump and compressor systems, heat exchangers and cooling tower systems, boilers and
furnace systems, distillation systems, reaction systems, utility system, separation systems,
plastics systems, instrument systems, water treatment, and extraction systems.

4. List the basic concepts taught in process operations.

PT-3 Operations combines process systems into operational processes with emphasis on
operations under various conditions. Topics include typical duties off an operator.
Instruction in the principles of modern manufacturing technology and process equipment.
Emphasis on scale-up from laboratory bench to pilot unit. Describe unit operation
concepts; solve elementary chemical mass/energy balance; interpret analytical data; and
apply distillation and fluid flow principles. The purpose for this class is to provide an
adult learner with the opportunity to work in a self-directed work team, operate a
complex operational system, collect and analyze data, start-stop process equipment,
follow and write operational procedures. The course is advanced and requires the learner
to apply classroom skills to real life operational activities. Students will be required to
qualify and operate a process unit.
5. List the basic concepts taught in process instrumentation.
Study of the instruments and instrument systems used in the chemical processing industry
including terminology, primary variables, symbology, control loops, and basic
troubleshooting. The class discusses basic instrumentation, and modern process control
used in the chemical processing industry.
6. List the basic concepts taught in process troubleshooting.
Instruction in the different types of troubleshooting techniques, methods, and models
used to solve process problems. Topics include: application of data collection and
analysis, cause-effect relationships, and reasoning. Emphasis on application of
troubleshooting methods to scale-up from laboratory bench to pilot unit. Describe unit
operation concepts; solve elementary chemical mass/energy balance; interpret analytical
data; and apply distillation and fluid flow principles.

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7. Describe how science and chemistry are related to the other process classes.
Governmental guidelines require process technicians to understand the science and
chemistry of the processes they are operating, a solid foundation is required in applied
math, physics, and chemistry. Calculating product transfers, mixing raw materials to form
new products, and dealing with compositional, analytical, pressure, level, flow, and
temperature problems are all common areas to which the math/science foundation is
applied.

8. Explain why a good mathematical foundation is important to a process technician.

College mathematics for process technicians typically focuses on applied operations that
are commonly performed on-the-job. Variations on basic math, algebra, trigonometry,
physics, chemistry and statistics are woven into the daily technician routines.
9. List the basic concepts taught in introduction to process technology.
Introduction to Process Technology is a survey of all the courses found in the process
technology curriculum.
10. List the basic concepts taught in the process equipment course.
Process training for operators includes an in-depth study of the basic equipment found in
the chemical processing industry. Equipment training focuses on five basic skills: (1)
familiarity with the equipment and basic components, (2) understanding the operation of
the device (scientific principles and technology), (3) equipment relationships within a
system, (4) preventive maintenance and troubleshooting, and (5) operating the equipment.
PT-1 Equipment is a foundational course that covers the following types of equipment:
• Valves, piping, and vessels
• Pumps, compressors, fans, and blowers
• Steam turbines, gas turbines and motors
• Heat exchangers and cooling towers
• Boilers and furnaces
• Reactors and distillation columns
• Instrumentation
• Basic hand tools
• Lubrication, bearings, and seals
• Flares, mixers, and steam traps

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11. Describe the process technology curriculum and Associate of Applied Science degree
plan at your school.
See your college catalog.
12. Describe the primary purpose of the process instrumentation course.
The purpose of the process instrumentation course varies greatly from a traditional
instrumentation course. Process technicians are required to safely operate and
troubleshoot a vast array of pipes, pumps, valves, compressors, heat exchangers, cooling
towers, industrial drivers, boilers, furnaces, reactors, strippers, distillation columns,
plastics plant equipment, instruments, and control systems. The design of each process
system includes simple process flow diagrams (PFD’s) and complex piping and
instrumentation drawings (P&ID’s). The dictionary of equipment, control
instrumentation, and piping symbols associated with these processes are foundational in
the initial training of process technicians. Operators spend many hours tracing lines and
locating specific equipment. A process instrumentation class is designed to prepare
students to pick up existing drawings and quickly assimilate the information while
learning how to operate their process units. The purpose of a process instrumentation
course is to: (1) qualify students on a wide variety of process symbols and diagrams, (2)
draw process flow diagrams, (3)study the process variables and instruments used to
control; temperature, flow, level, pressure, analytical or composition, time, speed, etc.,
(4) draw the control loops used to control these variables including cascaded control, and
(5) draw a piping and instrumentation drawing (P&ID) that includes all of the above
mentioned items. In advanced courses technicians connect the concepts associated with
drawing a P & ID’s to operational set-points and conditions that exist with the equipment,
like tank levels, flow rates, temperatures, etc. Connecting the dots is a critical part of the
training process for any process technician.

13. List the key elements found in the definition of process technology.

Process technology, as defined in the regionally accredited process curriculum, is a field

of study offered at community colleges or universities that prepares students to take
entrylevel positions as technicians in the chemical processing industry. The curriculum
can be categorized as the study and application of the scientific principles (math, physics,
and chemistry) associated with the operation and maintenance (safety, quality,
instruments, equipment, systems, operations, unit operations, troubleshooting) of the

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 chemical processing industry. The term process technology was first created in the
community college environment to describe a new program being designed to train
process technicians.

14. Draw a flow control loop.

15. Draw a simple sketch of a shell and tube exchanger. Show all flows: tube-in, tube-out,
shell in, shell out, shell, channel-head, pass partition, tube-sheet, and all associated
valves. Explain principles of heat transfer, flow rate, and pressure and illustrate on your
drawing how they work.

page 22
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reference to this article our papers should observe: “Up to the present the
French have played the part of masters to the whole world, and Belgium,
Spain, and the King of Prussia have in turn experienced their arrogance.
Their behaviour was somewhat like that of the Sultan towards his
Khedive, it was a kind of megalomania based upon the bayonet. Their
presumption is now beginning to waver, so they court the assistance of
those good friends whom they pretend to have placed under obligations
to them.”
The Minister subsequently dictated the following, to be worked up
for the German newspapers outside Berlin, such as the Kölnische
Zeitung, and for the English and Belgium journals: “According to
confidential communications from loyal Hanoverian circles, amongst
other decisive factors which led the French to the declaration of war,
were the reports sent to Paris by Colonel Stoffel, the Military
Plenipotentiary in Berlin. Stoffel’s information was, it appears, less
accurate than abundant, as none of those who supplied him with it being
prepared to forego the payments they received from him merely because
they had nothing to say, they occasionally invented the news of which
they warranted the correctness. The Plenipotentiary had, it is said, been
informed that the arming of the Prussian infantry, both as regards rifles
and ammunition, was at present undergoing a thorough transformation,
and that consequently a moment so favourable as the present for
attacking Prussia would hardly occur again, inasmuch as on the
completion of this change the Prussian armaments would have been
unassailable.”[4]
2. “It now appears to be beyond all doubt that the French
Government was aware of the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern
for months past, that they carefully promoted it and foolishly imagined it
would serve as a means of isolating Prussia and creating a division in
Germany. No trustworthy information has been received as yet as to
whether and how far Marshal Prim had prepared the way for this
intrigue, in agreement with the Emperor Napoleon. But doubtless that
point will ultimately be cleared up by history. The sudden disappearance
of Spain from the political field as soon as the differences between
France and Prussia broke out gives matter for reflection and suspicion. It
cannot but be regarded as strange that after the zeal shown by the
Spanish Government in the matter of the Hohenzollern candidature had
been raised to boiling point it should have suddenly fallen below zero,
and that the relations of Marshal Prim to the French Cabinet should now
appear to be of the most friendly character, while the Spaniards seem no
longer to feel any irritation at the interference of France in their internal
affairs.”
3. “Rumours were circulated this afternoon to the effect that the
former French Military Plenipotentiary, Baron Stoffel, had been insulted
in the street. On closer inquiry it was ascertained that some individuals
who knew Stoffel followed him in the street, and on his reaching his
house struck the door with their sticks. The police intervened
energetically on the first report of this matter and have taken measures to
prevent a repetition of such conduct and to provide that Baron Stoffel
shall not be interfered with on his departure this evening. Excesses of
this description are, however, highly reprehensible, even when they are
confined to words. The former representatives of France are under the
protection of international law and of the honour of Germany until they
have crossed the frontier.”
July 21st.—Keudell asked me this morning if I knew Rasch, the
journalist, and if I could say where he was now to be found, in Berlin or
elsewhere. I replied that I had seen him in Schleswig in 1864, afterwards
at a table d’hôte at the Hotel Weissberg, in the Dessauer Strasse, where
he lodged at the end of February. I knew nothing more about him, but
had heard that he was extremely conceited, almost to the point of
madness—a political visionary who desired to convert the whole world
to republicanism. I was not aware of his whereabouts in Berlin, but
would make inquiries at Weissberg’s. Keudell told me to hunt him up
and ask him whether he would go to Garibaldi and urge him to undertake
an expedition against Rome, at the same time carrying him money from
us. I pointed out that Rasch was perhaps too vain to keep his own
counsel. Keudell consoled himself with the idea that he would doubtless
prove a good patriot. I declined to treat with Rasch in the matter, as I
could not speak to him in my own name but in that of the Foreign Office,
and that could be better done by some official of higher rank, who would
make a greater impression upon Rasch. Keudell seemed to recognise the
justice of this view. I made inquiries and was able to report on the same
evening that Rasch was staying at Weissberg’s.
Called to the Minister in the evening. He showed me an extract from
the National Zeitung, and observed: “They say here that the English
would not allow the French to attack Belgium. Well and good, but how
does that help the Belgians if the protection comes too late? If Germany
were once defeated (which God forbid!) the English would not be able to
assist the Belgians in the least, but might, on the contrary, be thankful if
they themselves remained safe in London.”
I am further to call attention to the “manner in which France is
begging for help on all sides—that great warlike nation which makes so
much parade of its victories, representing them as having always been
won solely by the force of its own arms. They go begging (use that
expression) to Italy, to Denmark, to Sweden, and above all to the
German States, to whom they promise the same brilliant destiny which
they have already prepared for Italy—political independence and
financial ruin.”
Called up to the Minister again later. I am to secure the insertion of
the following in the non-official German papers and in the Belgian and
English press: “The English Government observe their neutrality in
connection with the war that has now broken out in a liberal and
conscientious spirit. They impartially permit both sides to purchase
horses and munitions of war in England. It is unfortunate, however, that
France alone can avail herself of this liberality, as will appear from a
glance at the geographical position of the two countries and from the
superiority of the French at sea. Then quote what Heffter (the book must
be in the library) has to say on this kind of neutrality, and observe that
the English jurists describe it more tersely as ‘fraudulent neutrality.’”
July 23rd.—Called to the Minister five times to-day. The press
should urge the prosecution and seizure of Rothan, an Alsacian who
speaks German, hitherto French Chargé d’Affaires at Hamburg, who has
been a zealous spy and instrument of French intrigue in North Germany,
and who is now understood to be wandering along the coast between the
Elbe and Ems, as also that of the ex-Hanoverian officer, Adolf von
Kielmansegg, respecting whom further particulars are to be obtained
from the Ministry of the Interior. The Count further wants the press to
give a list of the names of the Bavarian members of Parliament who
voted for the neutrality of that State in the national war, mentioning their
professions but without any further remarks. “Give it first in Brass,” (i.e.,
Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung,) he added. “You will find such a list
amongst the documents. The complaints as to the manner in which
England understands neutrality must be continually renewed. The
English Government does not forbid the export of horses, though only
France can avail herself of that facility. Colliers are allowed to load at
Newcastle and to supply fuel for the French men-of-war cruising in the
North Sea. English cartridge factories are working for the French army
under the eyes of the Government. In Germany the painful feeling has
become more and more widespread that, under Lord Granville, England,
while nominally maintaining neutrality, favours France in the manner in
which it is really observed.”
About 11 . . I was again called to the Minister. The reports
respecting the English coal ships to be at once sent by a Chancery
attendant to Wolf’s Telegraphic Agency for circulation to the
newspapers.
In this connection may be mentioned an Embassy report from
London, dated the 30th of July, to the following effect: Lord Granville
had asked the Ambassador if he had not stirred up the authorities in
Berlin against the English Government. The reply was in the negative.
The Ambassador had only carried out his instructions. Public opinion in
Germany influenced the Government, just as the German press
influenced public opinion. The manner in which neutrality was observed
on the part of England had excited the greatest indignation in Germany.
The action of the English Government, which indeed recognised that
France was in the wrong, but failed to give expression to that conviction,
was also bitterly resented there. Granville replied that once it had been
decided to remain neutral that neutrality must be maintained in every
respect. If the export of contraband of war were forbidden, the French
would regard it as an act of one-sided hostility, while at the same time it
would ruin English trade in the branches affected by such prohibition,
and favour American manufacturers. For the present, every one in
England approved of the maintenance of neutrality, and therefore in a
general way no change was possible in these matters. At the same time,
the English Government was ready, in case of complaints reaching them
in an official way respecting any acts of illegality, to institute an inquiry
into the facts and secure the punishment of the guilty parties. It did not
seem impossible to prevent the supply of English coal to French men-of-
war. Next Monday a Bill was to be submitted to Parliament for the
amendment of the laws regulating neutrality. The report concluded as
follows: “England is in many respects well disposed towards us, but will
for the present remain neutral. If we make further attacks upon English
public opinion through our official press in connection with these
grievances, it will serve no purpose but to conjure up future difficulties.
Granville is not what we might desire, but he is not prejudiced against
us. He may become so, however, if he is further provoked by us. We can
hardly succeed in overthrowing him, and if we did his probable
successor would in all likelihood be much worse than himself.”
July 24th.—I am instructed by the Count to send an article to the
Kölnische Zeitung respecting the Dutch coal question. He gave me the
following information on this subject: “Holland asked us to again permit
the passage of Prussian coal down the Rhine, and requested that a large
transport of Rhenish coal intended for Holland should be allowed to pass
the frontier. It was only to be used in factories, and the Government of
the Netherlands would prohibit its re-exportation. Prussia willingly
agreed to this, but shortly afterwards it was ascertained that foreign
vessels were being loaded with coal in Dutch ports, and the Government
of the Netherlands subsequently informed us that in promising to prevent
the re-exportation they had overlooked the circumstance that their treaty
with France did not permit this. Thereupon as a matter of course the
export of Prussian coal to Holland was prohibited. In the interval,
however, they seem to have secured a sufficient supply in Holland to
provide the French fleet for a considerable time. That is a very
suspicious method of observing the neutrality promised by the gentlemen
at the Hague.”
Bucher brings me the following paragraph from the Chief, which is
to be inserted in the Spenersche Zeitung, or some other non-official
organ, and afterwards in the North German Correspondence: “In 1851 a
literary gamin in Paris was commissioned to conjure up the Red Terror in
a pamphlet, which proved very useful to the President Louis Napoleon,
enabling him to escape from a debtors’ prison and ascend the Imperial
throne. The Duc de Grammont now tries to raise the Spanish Terror in
order to save the Emperor from the necessity of accounting for the
hundred millions which he diverted from the State Treasury into his
private purse. The literary gentleman in question was made a Prefect.
What reward can Grammont have had in view?”
Evening.—The Minister wishes an article to be prepared for
circulation in the German press describing the French and French policy
under the Emperor Napoleon. This is to be first sent to the Spenersche
Zeitung, while the Literary Bureau is to secure the insertion of the
principal points in a condensed form in the Magdeburg papers and a
number of the smaller journals to-morrow. The Count said (literally):
“The French are not so astute as people generally think. As a nation they
resemble certain individuals amongst our lower classes. They are
narrow-minded and brutal,—great physical force, boastful and insolent,
winning the admiration of men of their own stamp through their audacity
and violence. Here in Germany the French are also considered clever by
persons who do not think deeply, and their Ministers are regarded as
great statesmen because of their insolent interference in the affairs of the
whole world, and their desire to rule everywhere. Audacity is always
impressive. People think their success is due to shrewd political
calculation, but it is actually due to nothing else than the fact that they
always keep 300,000 soldiers ready to back up their policy. That alone,
and not their political intelligence, has enabled them to carry things with
such a high hand. We must get rid of this fiction.... In political affairs the
French are in the fullest sense of the word a narrow-minded nation. They
have no idea how things look outside of France, and learn nothing about
it in their schools. The French educational establishments, for the greater
glory of France, leave their pupils in the crassest ignorance as to
everything beyond her frontiers, and so they have not the slightest
knowledge of their neighbours; that is the case with the Emperor, or at
least he is not much better, to say nothing of Grammont, who is an ass
(Rindvieh). Napoleon is ignorant at bottom, although he has been
educated in German schools. His ‘Cæsar’ was intended to conceal that
fact. He has forgotten everything. His policy was always stupid. The
Crimean War was against the interests of France, which demanded an
alliance or at least a good understanding with Russia. It was the same
with the war in Italy. There he created a rival in the Mediterranean,
North Africa, Tunis, &c., who may one day prove dangerous. The Italian
people are much more gifted than the French, only less numerous. The
war in Mexico and the attitude adopted in 1866 were blunders, and
doubtless in storming about as they do at present the French feel
conscious that they have committed another blunder.”
July 25th.—At 11 o’clock this morning Count Bismarck and his
family took the Holy Communion at their residence. He asked whether
any one in our bureau desired to join them, but no one offered to do so. I
was for a moment tempted, but reconsidered the matter. It might look as
if I wished to recommend myself.
Copies of the Benedetti draft treaty are sent to Auber (the French
Press Agency) and Heide.
July 27th.—It is to be stated either in the Norddeutsche or the
Spenersche Zeitung that secrecy respecting confidential communications
between great States is, as a rule, more carefully observed and
maintained than the public imagines. Nevertheless, the French
misrepresentation of Prussia’s attitude in the affair of the candidature for
the Spanish throne (in Grammont’s despatch of the 21st of July) obliged
the authorities here to disregard these considerations of discretion.
Benedetti’s proposal has therefore been published and it may be followed
by other documents of the same description. The Count concluded his
directions as follows: “We are at least entitled to tell the truth with
discretion in presence of such indiscreet lies.”
Bucher brings me from the Minister the following sketch of a
paragraph for the press: “The despatch of the Duc de Grammont, the full
text of which now lies before us, is a desperate attempt to prove that the
origin of the situation which they have themselves created was the
Hohenzollern candidature, and to conceal the motive which they
confessed on many other occasions—namely, the conquest by France of
the left bank of the Rhine and of Belgium. The inconsistency of the
whole assertion is made clear by the circumstance that the offer of the
Spanish throne to the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern was first made
in a letter dated the 14th of February of the present year. Therefore, there
can be no connection between this offer and the conversations in March,
1869, between Benedetti and Von Thile, which were the outcome of
aspirations or proposals frequently ventilated in the press (also with
reference to Prince Frederick Charles). In 1851 the President Louis
Napoleon succeeded in obtaining credence both at home and abroad for
certain fictions, so long as that was necessary for the attainment of his
object. The fiction which is now circulated, at a somewhat late hour, to
the effect that the Prince of Hohenzollern was the candidate of Prussia is
refuted in advance by the fact, which has been well known for a long
time, that the Prussian Government as well as the officials of the
Confederation, had absolutely no knowledge of, or connection with, the
Spanish proposal. It was resolutely opposed by his Majesty the King, as
the head of the Hohenzollern family, until last June, when at Ems he
reluctantly withdrew his opposition when it was represented to him that
otherwise Spain would fall into the hands of the Republicans. We find it
difficult to understand what interest the French Government can have in
circulating such lies now that war has actually broken out. The attempt
of the Duc de Grammont to conjure up the spectre of a restoration of
Charles V.’s monarchy can only be explained by the complete isolation
of the French mind. That apparition had no sooner manifested itself than
it vanished before the angry contempt of public opinion, which resented
being supposed capable of such credulity.”
 The Chancellor desires to see the following considerations
reproduced in the evening papers: “The Benedetti document is by no
means the only one dealing with the matter in question. Negotiations
were also carried on by others, as, for instance, by Prince Napoleon
during his stay in Berlin. Since French diplomacy was ignorant enough
to believe that a German Minister who followed a national policy could
for a moment think of entertaining such proposals, it had only itself to
thank if it was befooled with its own schemes so long as such fooling
appeared calculated to promote the maintenance of peace. Even those
who pursue the most ignorant and narrow-minded policy must ultimately
come to recognise that they have hoped for and demanded
impossibilities. The bellicose temper which now prevails in Paris dates
from such recognition. The hopes of German statesmen that they would
be able to befool the French until a peaceful régime was established in
France by some transformation of her despotic constitution have
unfortunately not been realised. Providence willed it otherwise. Since we
can no longer maintain peace it is not necessary now to preserve silence.
For we preserved silence solely in order to promote the continuance, and,
if possible, the permanency, of peaceful relations.”... The Minister
concluded: “You can add, too, that the question of French Switzerland
was also mentioned in the negotiations, and that it was hinted that in
Piedmont they knew quite well where the French districts begin and the
Italian districts leave off.”
July 28th.—I see the original of Benedetti’s draft treaty, and I am to
receive a photographic copy of it similar to that which has been prepared
for distribution amongst foreign Governments.
Bucher handed me the following sketch of an article, received by him
from the Minister, which is to be inserted in some organ not apparently
connected with the Government: “Those who now hold power in Spain
declare that they do not wish to interfere in the conflict between
Germany and France, because the latter might create internal difficulties
for them. They allow Bonaparte to prohibit their election of the King of
their own choice. They look on calmly with folded arms while other
nations go to war over a difference that has arisen out of a question of
Spanish domestic interest. We had formed quite another opinion of the
Castilian gentilhomme. The Spanish temper seems to resemble that of
Gil Blas, who wanted to fight a duel with the army surgeon but observed
that the latter had an unusually long rapier.”
July 30th, 10 p.m.—The Minister desires that attention should be
again called to the manner in which the French are looking about for
foreign assistance, and he once more gives a few points: “France is
begging in all directions, and wants in particular to take Italy into her
pay. Here, as everywhere, she speculates upon the worst elements, while
the better elements will have nothing to do with her. How does that
harmonise with the greatness of the nation which ‘stands at the head of
civilisation,’ and whose historians always point out that it was only
defeated at Leipzig because its opponents were four to one? At that time
they had half Germany, Italy, Holland, and the present Belgium on their
side. To-day, when they stand alone, they go round hat in hand to every
door, and seek mercenaries to reinforce their own army, in which they
can therefore have but very little confidence.”
July 31st.—This morning received from Roland one of the
photographic copies of the Benedetti draft.
 CHAPTER II
DEPARTURE OF THE CHANCELLOR FOR THE SEAT OF WAR—I FOLLOW HIM, AT
FIRST TO SAARBRÜCKEN—JOURNEY FROM THERE TO THE FRENCH
FRONTIER—THE FOREIGN OFFICE FLYING COLUMN

On the 31st of July, 1870, at 5.30 . ., the Chancellor, accompanied by

his wife and his daughter, the Countess Marie, left his residence in the
Wilhelmstrasse to take the train for Mainz, on his way to join King
William at the seat of war. He was to be followed by some Councillors of
the Foreign Office, a Secretary of the Central Bureau, two deciphering
clerks and three or four Chancery attendants. The remainder of us only
accompanied him with our good wishes, as, with his helmet on his head,
he passed out between the two sphinxes that guard the door steps, and
entered his carriage. I also had resigned myself to the idea of following
the course of the army on the map and in the newspapers. A few days
after the declaration of war, on my begging the Minister to take me with
him in case I could be of use, he replied that that depended on the
arrangements at headquarters. At the moment there was no room for me.
My luck, however, soon improved.
On the evening of the 6th of August a telegram was received at the
Ministry giving news of the victory at Wörth. Half an hour later I took
the good tidings still fresh and warm to a group of acquaintances who
waited in a restaurant to hear how things were going. Everybody knows
how willingly Germans celebrate the receipt of good news. My tidings
were very good indeed, and many (perhaps most) of my friends
celebrated them too long. The result was that next morning I was still in
bed when the Foreign Office messenger Lorenz brought me a copy of a
telegraphic despatch, according to which I was to start for headquarters
immediately. Privy Councillor Hepke wrote: “Dear Doctor,—Get ready
to leave for headquarters in the course of the day.” The telegram ran as
follows: “Mainz, 6th of August, 7.36 . . Let Dr. Busch come here and
bring with him a Correspondent for the National Zeitung and one for the
Kreuzzeitung. Bismarck.” Hepke allowed me to select these
correspondents.
I had therefore after all attained to the very height of good fortune. In
a short time I had provided for all essentials, and by midday I had
received my pass legitimation, and free ticket for all military trains. That
evening a little after 8 o’clock I left Berlin together with the two
correspondents whom the Minister wished to accompany me, namely,
Herr von Ungarn-Sternberg, for the Kreuzzeitung, and Professor
Constantine Roeszler for the National Zeitung. In the beginning we
travelled first class, afterwards third, and finally in a freight car. There
were numerous long halts, which in our impatience seemed still longer. It
was only at 6 o’clock on the morning of the 9th of August that we
reached Frankfurt. As we had to wait here for some hours we had time to
inquire where the headquarters were now established. The local
Commandant was unable to inform us, nor could the Telegraph Director
say anything positive on the subject. He thought they might be still in
Homburg, but more probably they had moved on to Saarbrücken.
It was midday before we again started, in a goods train, by way of
Darmstadt, past the Odenwald, whose peaks were covered with heavy
white fog, by Mannheim and towards Neustadt. As we proceeded our
pace became gradually slower, and the stoppages, which were
occasioned by seemingly endless lines of carriages transporting troops,
became more and more frequent. Wherever a pause occurred in the rush
of this onward wave of modern national migration, crowds hurried to the
train, cheering and flourishing their hats and handkerchiefs. Food and
drink were brought to the soldiers by people of all sorts and conditions,
including poor old women—needy but good-hearted creatures whose
poverty only allowed them to offer coffee and dry black bread.
We crossed the Rhine during the night. As day began to break we
noticed a well-dressed gentleman lying near us on the floor who was
speaking English to a man whom we took to be his servant. We
discovered that he was a London banker named Deichmann. He also was
anxious to get to headquarters in order to beg Roon’s permission to serve
as a volunteer in a cavalry regiment, for which purpose he had brought
his horses with him. The line being blocked near Hosbach, on
Deichmann’s advice we took a country cart to Neustadt, a little town
which was swarming with soldiers—Bavarian riflemen, Prussian Red
Hussars, Saxon and other troops.
It was here that we took our first warm meal since our departure from
Berlin. Hitherto we had had to content ourselves with cold meat, while at
night our attempts to sleep on the bare wooden benches with a
portmanteau for a pillow were not particularly successful. However, we
were proceeding to the seat of war, and I had experienced still greater
discomforts on a tour of far less importance.
After a halt of one hour at Neustadt, the train crossed the Hardt
through narrow valleys and a number of tunnels, passing the defile in
which Kaiserslautern lies. From this point until we reached Homburg it
poured in torrents almost without cessation, so that when we arrived at
that station at 10 o’clock the little place seemed to be merely a picture of
night and water. As we stepped out of the train and waded through
swamp and pool with our luggage on our shoulders, we stumbled over
the rails and rather felt than saw our way to the inn “Zur Post.” There we
found every bed occupied and not a mouthful left to eat. We ascertained
however, that had even the conditions been more favourable we could
not have availed ourselves of them, as we were informed that the Count
had gone on with the King, and was at that moment probably in
Saarbrücken. There was no time to be lost if we were to overtake him
before he left Germany.
It was far from pleasant to have to turn out once more into the
deluge, but we were encouraged to take our fate philosophically by
considering the still worse fate of others. In the tap-room of the “Post”
the guests slept on chairs enveloped in a thick steam redolent of tobacco,
beer, and smoking lamps and the still more pungent odour of damp
clothes and leather. In a hollow near the station we saw the watchfire of a
large camp half quenched by the rain—Saxon countrymen of ours, if we
were rightly informed. While wading our way back to the train we
caught the gleam of the helmets and arms of a Prussian battalion which
stood in the pouring rain opposite the railway hotel. Thoroughly
drenched and not a little tired, we at length found shelter in a waggon,
where Deichmann cleared a corner of the floor on which we too could
lie, and found a few handfuls of straw to serve us as a pillow. My other
two companions were not so fortunate. They had to manage as best they
could on the top of boxes and packages with the postmen and transport
soldiers. It was evident that the poor Professor, who had grown very
quiet, was considerably affected by these hardships.
About 1 o’clock the train set itself slowly in motion. By daybreak,
after several stoppages, we reached the outskirts of a small town with a
beautiful old church. A mill lay in the valley through which we could
also see the windings of the road that led to Saarbrücken. We were told
that this town was only two or three miles off, so that we were near our
journey’s end. Our locomotive, however, seemed to be quite out of
breath, and as the headquarters might at any moment leave Saarbrücken
and cross the frontier, where we could get no railway transport and in all
probability no other means of conveyance, our impatience and anxiety
increased, and our tempers were not improved by a clouded sky and
drizzling rain. Having waited in vain nearly two hours for the train to
start, Deichmann again came to our rescue. After a short disappearance
he returned with a miller who had arranged to carry us to the town in his
own trap. The prudent fellow, however, made Deichmann promise that
the soldiers should not take his horses from him.
During the drive the miller told us that the Prussians were understood
to have already pushed on their outposts as far as the neighbourhood of
Metz. Between 9 and 10 o’clock we reached Sanct Johann, a suburb of
Saarbrücken, where we noticed very few signs of the French cannonade
a few days ago, although it otherwise presented a lively and varied
picture of war times. A huddled and confused mass of canteen carts,
baggage waggons, soldiers on horse and foot, and ambulance attendants
with their red crosses, &c., filled the streets. Some Hessian dragoon and
artillery regiments marched through, the cavalrymen singing,
“Morgenroth leuchtest mir zum fruehen Tod!” (Dawn, thou lightest me to
an early grave).
 At the hotel where we put up I heard that the Chancellor was still in
the town, and lodged at the house of a merchant and manufacturer named
Haldy. I had therefore missed nothing by all our delays, and had
fortunately at length reached harbour. Not a minute too soon, however,
as on going to report my arrival I was informed by Count Bismarck-
Bohlen, the Minister’s cousin, that they intended to move on shortly after
midday. I bade good-bye to my companions from Berlin, as there was no
room for them in the Chancellor’s suite, and also to our London friend,
whose patriotic offer General Roon was regretfully obliged to decline.
After providing for the safety of my luggage, I presented myself to the
Count, who was just leaving to call upon the King. I then went to the
Bureau to ascertain if I could be of any assistance. There was plenty to
do. Every one had his hands full, and I was immediately told off to make
a translation for the King of Queen Victoria’s Speech from the Throne,
which had just arrived. I was highly interested by a declaration contained
in a despatch to St. Petersburg, which I had to dictate to one of our
deciphering clerks, although at the time I could not quite understand it. It
was to the effect that we should not be satisfied with the mere fall of
Napoleon.
That looked like a foreshadowing of some miracle.
Strassburg! and perhaps the Vosges as our frontier! Who could have
dreamed of it three weeks before?
In the meantime the weather had cleared up. Shortly before one
o’clock, under a broiling sun, three four-horse carriages drew up before
our door, with soldiers riding as postilions. One was for the Chancellor,
another for the Councillors and Count Bismarck-Bohlen, and the third
for the Secretaries and Decipherers. The two Councillors and the Count
having decided to ride, I took a place in their carriage, as I also did
subsequently whenever they went on horseback. Five minutes later we
crossed the stream and entered the Saarbrücken high road, which led past
the battle-field of the 6th of August. Within half an hour of our departure
from Sanct Johann we were on French soil. There were still many traces
of the sanguinary struggle that had raged there five days ago—branches
torn from the trees by artillery fire, fragments of accoutrements and
uniforms, the crops trampled into the earth, broken wheels, pits dug in
the ground by exploding shells, and small wooden crosses roughly tied
together, probably marking the graves of officers and others. So far as
one could observe all the dead had been already buried.
Here at the commencement of our journey through France I will
break off my narrative for a while in order to say a few words about the
Foreign Office Field Bureau and the way in which the Chancellor and his
people travelled, lodged, worked and lived. The Minister had selected to
accompany him Herr Abeken and Herr von Keudell, Count Hatzfeldt,
who had previously spent several years at the Embassy in Paris, and
Count Bismarck-Bohlen, all four Privy Councillors of Legation. After
these came the Geheim-Sekretär, Bölsing, of the Centralbureau, the two
deciphering clerks, Willisch and St. Blanquart, and finally myself. At
Ferrières our list of Councillors was completed by Lothar Bucher, and a
new deciphering clerk, Herr Wiehr, also joined us. At Versailles the
number was further increased by Herr von Holstein, subsequently
Councillor of Embassy, the young Count Wartensleben, and Privy
Councillor Wagner, the latter, however, not being employed on Foreign
Office work. Herr Bölsing who had fallen ill, was replaced by Geheim-
Sekretär Wollmann, and the accumulation of work afterwards required a
fourth deciphering clerk. Our “Chief,” as the Chancellor was usually
called by the staff, had kindly arranged that all his fellow-workers,
Secretaries as well as Councillors, should in a certain sense be members
of his household. When circumstances permitted we lodged in the same
house, and had the honour of dining at his table.
Throughout the whole war the Chancellor wore uniform. It was
generally the well-known undress of the yellow regiment of heavy
Landwehr cavalry. During the early months of the campaign he as a rule
only wore the Commander’s Cross of the Order of the Red Eagle, to
which he afterwards added the Iron Cross. I only saw him a couple of
times in a dressing gown. That was at Versailles, when he was unwell,
the only time, as far as I know, that anything ailed him throughout the
whole war. When travelling he was usually accompanied in the carriage
by Herr Abeken, but on some occasions he took me with him for several
days in succession. He was very easy to please in the matter of his
quarters, and was willing to put up with the most modest shelter when
better was not to be had. Indeed, it once happened that there was no
bedstead and that his bed had to be made upon the floor.
Our carriages usually followed immediately after those of the King’s
suite. We started generally about 10 o’clock in the morning, and
sometimes covered as much as sixty kilometres in the day. On reaching
our quarters for the night our first duty was to set about preparing an
office, in which there was seldom any lack of work, especially when we
had the Field Telegraph at our disposal. When communications were
thus established, the Chancellor again became what, with short intervals,
he had been throughout this entire period, namely, the central figure of
the whole civilised European world. Even in those places where we only
stayed for one night he, incessantly active himself, kept his assistants
almost continuously engaged until a late hour. Messengers were
constantly going and coming with telegrams and letters. Councillors
were drawing up notes, orders and directions under instructions from
their chief, and these were being copied, registered, ciphered and
deciphered in the Chancellerie. Reports, questions, newspaper articles,
&c., streamed in from every direction, most of them requiring instant
attention.
Never, perhaps, was the well nigh superhuman power of work shown
by the Chancellor, his creative, receptive and critical activity, his ability
to deal with the most difficult problems, always finding the right and the
only solution, more strikingly evident than during this period. The
inexhaustible nature of his powers was all the more astounding, as he
took but little sleep. Except when a battle was expected and he rose at
daybreak to join the King and the army, the Chancellor rose rather late,
as had been his custom at home, usually about 10 o’clock. On the other
hand, he spent the night at work, and only fell asleep as daylight began to
appear. He was often hardly out of bed and dressed before he
commenced work again, reading despatches and making notes upon
them, looking through newspapers, giving instructions to his Councillors
and others, and setting them their various tasks, or even writing or
dictating. Later on there were visits to be received, audiences to be
granted, explanations to be given to the King. Then followed a further
study of despatches and maps, the correction of articles, drafts hurriedly
prepared with his well-known big pencil, letters to be written,
information to be telegraphed, or published in the newspapers, and in the
midst of it all the reception of visitors who could not be refused a hearing
yet must occasionally have been unwelcome. It was only after 2, or even
3 o’clock, in places where we made a longer stay, that the Chancellor
allowed himself a little recreation by taking a ride in the neighbourhood.
On his return he set to work again, continuing until dinner time, between
5.30 and 6 . . In an hour and a half at latest, he went back to his
writing-desk, where he frequently remained till midnight.
In his manner of taking his meals, as in his sleep, the Count differed
from the general run of mankind. Early in the day he took a cup of tea
and one or two eggs, and from that time until evening he, as a rule, tasted
nothing more. He seldom took any luncheon and rarely came to tea,
which was usually served between 10 and 11 at night. With some
exceptions, he therefore had practically but one meal in the twenty-four
hours, but, like Frederick the Great, he then ate with appetite. Diplomats
are proverbially fond of a good table, being scarcely surpassed in this
respect by the clergy. It is part of their business, as they often have
important guests who, for one reason or another, must be put in good
humour, and it is universally recognised that nothing is better calculated
to that end than a well-filled cellar and a dinner which shows the skill of
a highly trained chef. Count Bismarck also kept a good table, which,
when circumstances permitted, became quite excellent. That was the
case for instance at Reims, Meaux, Ferrières and Versailles, where the
genius of our cook in the Commissariat uniform created breakfasts and
dinners that made any one accustomed to a homely fare feel, as he did
justice to them, that he was at length resting in Abraham’s bosom,
particularly when some specially fine brand of champagne was added to
the other gracious gifts of Providence. During the last five months our
table was also enriched by presents from home where, as was only right
and proper, our people showed how fondly they remembered the
Chancellor, by sending him plentiful supplies of good things, both fluid
and solid, geese, venison, fish, pheasants, monumental pastry, excellent
beer, rare wines, and other acceptable delicacies.
At first only the Councillors wore uniform, Herr von Keudell that of
the Cuirassiers, and Count Bismarck-Bohlen that of the Dragoon Guards,
while Count Hatzfeldt and Herr Abeken wore the undress uniform of the
Foreign Office. It was afterwards suggested that the whole of the
Minister’s personnel, with the exception of the two gentlemen first
mentioned, who were also officers, should be allowed the same
privilege. The Chief gave his consent, so the people of Versailles had an
opportunity of seeing our Chancery attendants in a dark blue tunic with
two rows of buttons, black collar trimmed with velvet, and a cap of the
same colour, while our Councillors, Secretaries and Decipherers carried
swords with a gold sword-knot. The elderly Privy Councillor Abeken,
who could make his horse prance as proudly as any cavalry officer,
looked wonderfully warlike in this costume, in which, I fancy, he
delighted not a little. It was to him just as great a pleasure to show off in
all this military bravery as it had been to travel through the Holy Land
dressed up as an Oriental, although he did not understand a word of
Turkish or Arabic.
 CHAPTER III
FROM THE FRONTIER TO GRAVELOTTE

In the preceding chapter I broke off my narrative at the French frontier.

We recognised that we had crossed it by the notices posted in the
villages, “Département de la Moselle.” The white roads were thronged
with conveyances, and in every hamlet troops were billeted. In these
hilly and partially wooded districts we saw small camps being pitched
here and there. After about two hours’ drive we reached Forbach, which
we passed through without stopping. In the streets through which we
drove the signboards were almost entirely French, although the names
were chiefly German. Some of the inhabitants who were standing at their
doors greeted us in passing. Most of them, however, looked sulky,
which, although it did not add to their beauty, was natural enough, as
they had evidently plenty of soldiers to provide quarters for. The
windows were all full of Prussians in blue uniforms. We thus jogged on,
up hill and down dale, reaching Saint Avold about half-past four. Here
we took up lodgings, Chancellor and all, with a M. Laity, at No. 301 Rue
des Charrons. It was a one-storey house, but rather roomy, with a well-
kept fruit and vegetable garden at the back. The proprietor, who was said
to be a retired officer, and appeared to be well to do, had gone away with
his wife the day before, leaving only a maid and an old woman, who
spoke nothing but French. In half an hour we had fixed up our office and
chosen our sleeping quarters. Work began without delay. As there was
nothing to be done in my department, I tried to assist in deciphering the
despatches, an operation which offers no particular difficulties.
At seven o’clock we dined with the Chancellor in a little room
looking out on a small courtyard with some flower beds. The
conversation at table was very lively, the Minister having most to say. He
did not consider a surprise impossible, as he had satisfied himself during
his walk that our outposts were only three-quarters of an hour from the
town and very wide apart. He had asked at one post where the next was
stationed, but the men did not know. He said: “While I was out I saw a
man with an axe on his shoulder following close at my heels. I kept my
hand on my sword, as one cannot tell in certain circumstances what may
happen; but in any case I should have been ready first.” He remarked
later on that our landlord had left all his cupboards full of underclothing,
adding: “If this house should be turned into an ambulance hospital, his
wife’s fine underlinen will be torn up for lint and bandages, and quite
properly. But then they will say that Count Bismarck took the things
away with him.”
We came to speak of the disposal of the troops in action. The
Minister said that General Steinmetz had shown himself on that occasion
to be self-willed and disobedient. “Like Vogel von Falkenstein, his habit
of taking the law into his own hands will do him harm in spite of the
laurels he won at Skalitz.”
There was cognac, red wine, and a sparkling Mainz wine on the
table. Somebody mentioned beer, saying that probably we should be
unable to obtain it. The Minister replied: “That is no loss! The excessive
consumption of beer is deplorable. It makes men stupid, lazy and useless.
It is responsible for the democratic nonsense spouted over the tavern
tables. A good rye whiskey is very much better.”
I cannot now remember how or in what connection we came to speak
about the Mormons. The Minister was surprised at their polygamy, “as
the German race is not equal to so much—Orientals seem to be more
potent.” He wondered how the United States could tolerate the existence
of such a polygamous sect. The Count took this opportunity of speaking
of religious liberty in general, declaring himself very strongly in favour
of it. But, he added, it must be exercised in an impartial spirit. “Every
one must be allowed to seek salvation in his own way. I shall propose
that one day, and Parliament will certainly approve. As a matter of
course, however, the property of the Church must remain with the old
churches that acquired it. Whoever retires must make a sacrifice for his
conviction, or rather his unbelief.” “People think little the worse of
Catholics for being orthodox, and have no objection whatever to Jews
being so. It is altogether different with Lutherans, however, and that
church is constantly charged with a spirit of persecution, if it rejects
unorthodox members. But it is considered quite in order that the
orthodox should be persecuted and scoffed at in the press and in daily
life.”
After dinner the Chancellor and Councillors took a walk in the
garden from which a large building distinguished by a flag with the
Geneva Cross was visible at a little distance to the right. We could see a
number of nuns at the windows who were watching us through opera
glasses. It was evidently a convent that had been turned into a hospital.
In the evening one of the deciphering clerks expressed great anxiety as to
the possibility of a surprise, and we discussed what should be done with
the portfolios containing State papers and ciphers in such circumstances.
I tried to reassure them, promising to do my utmost either to save or
destroy the papers, should necessity arise.
There was no occasion for anxiety. The night passed quietly. Next
morning as we were at lunch a green Feldjäger, or Royal Courier,
arrived with dispatches from Berlin. Although such messengers usually
make rapid progress, this one had not travelled any quicker than I had
done in my fear to arrive too late. He left on Monday, the 8th of August,
and had several times taken a special conveyance, yet he had spent
nearly four days on the way, as it was now the 12th. I again assisted the
Decipherers. Afterwards, while the Minister was with the King, I visited
the large and beautiful town church with the Councillors, the chaplain
showing us round. In the afternoon, while the Minister was out for a ride,
we inspected the Prussian artillery park on a neighbouring height.
We dined at four, on the Chancellor’s return. He had ridden a long
way in order to see his two sons, who were serving as privates in a
regiment of dragoon guards, but found that the German cavalry had
already pushed forward towards the upper reaches of the Moselle. He
was in excellent spirits, evidently owing to the good fortune which
continued to favour our cause. In the course of the conversation, which
turned on mythology, the Chief said he could never endure Apollo, who
flayed Marsyas out of conceit and envy, and slew the children of Niobe
for similar reasons. “He is the genuine type of a Frenchman, one who
cannot bear that another should play the flute better than, or as well as,
himself.” Nor was Apollo’s manner of dealing with the Trojans to the
Count’s taste. The straightforward Vulcan would have been his man, or,
better still, Neptune—perhaps because of the Quos ego!—but he did not
say.
After rising from table we had good news to telegraph to Berlin for
circulation throughout the whole country, namely, that there were ten
thousand prisoners in our hands on the 7th of August, and that a great
effect had been produced on the enemy by the victory at Saarbrücken.
Somewhat later we had further satisfactory particulars to send home. The
Minister of Finance in Paris, evidently in consequence of the rapid
advance of the German forces, had invited the French people to deposit
their gold in the Bank of France instead of keeping it in their houses.
There was also some talk of a proposed proclamation forbidding and
finally abolishing the conscription in the districts occupied by the
German troops. We also heard from Madrid that the Montpensier party,
some politicians belonging to the Liberal Union such as Rios Rosas and
Topete, as well as various other party leaders, were exerting every effort
to bring about the immediate convocation of the representative assembly
in order that the Provisional Government should be put an end to by the
election of a King. The Duc de Montpensier, whom they had in view as a
candidate, was already in the Spanish capital. The Government, however,
obstinately opposed this plan.
Early next morning we broke up our quarters and started for the
small town of Falquemont, which we now call Falkenberg. The road was
thronged with long lines of carts, artillery, ambulances, military police,
and couriers. While some detachments of infantry marched along the
highway, others crossed the stubble fields to the right, being guided by
wisps of straw tied to poles stuck in the ground. Now and then we saw
men fall out of the ranks and others lying in the furrows, fagged out,
while a pitiless August sun glared down from a cloudless sky. Thick
yellow clouds of dust raised by the marching of the troops followed us
into Falkenberg, a place of about two thousand inhabitants, where I put
up at the house of the baker, Schmidt. We lost sight of the Minister in the
crowd and dust, and I only afterwards ascertained that he had gone on to
see the King at the village of Herny. The march of the troops through the
town continued almost uninterruptedly the whole day. A Saxon regiment,
which was stationed quite near us, frequently sent their caterers to our
baker for bread, but the supply was soon exhausted owing to the
enormous demand.
In the afternoon some Prussian hussars brought in a number of
prisoners in a cart, including a Turco who had exchanged his fez for a
civilian’s hat. In another part of the town we witnessed a brawl between
a shopman and one of the female camp-followers who had stolen some
of his goods, which she was obliged to restore. So far as I could see, our
people always paid for what they asked, sometimes doing even more.
The people where I lodged were very polite and good humoured.
Both husband and wife spoke a German dialect, which was occasionally
helped out with French words. From the sacred pictures which were
hung on the walls they appeared to be Catholics. I had an opportunity
later on of doing them a small service, when some of our soldiers
insisted willy nilly upon a supply of bread, which the baker was unable
to give them, as there were only two or three loaves in the shop. But I
must do my countrymen the justice to say that they wanted the food
badly, and were willing to pay for it. I proposed a compromise, which
was accepted; each soldier was at once to get a good slice and as much
as ever he required next morning.
On Sunday, the 14th of August, after luncheon, we followed the
Minister to Herny. He had taken up his quarters in a whitewashed
peasant’s house, a little off the High Street, where his window opened
upon a dung-hill. As the house was pretty large we all joined him there.
Count Hatzfeldt’s room also served as our office. The King had his
quarters at the parish priest’s, opposite the venerable old church. The
village consisted of one long wide street, with some good municipal
buildings. At the railway station we found everything in the wildest
confusion, the whole place littered with torn books, papers, &c. Some
soldiers kept watch over two French prisoners. For several hours after 4
. . we heard the heavy thunder of cannon in the direction of Metz. At
tea the Minister said: “I little thought a month ago that I should be taking
tea with you, gentlemen, to-day in a farmhouse at Herny.” Coming to
speak of the Duc de Grammont, the Count wondered that, on seeing the
failure of his stupid policy against us, he had not joined the army in order
to expiate his blunders. He was quite big and strong enough to serve as a
soldier. “I should have acted differently in 1866 if things had not gone so
well. I should have at once enlisted. Otherwise I could never have shown
myself to the world again.”
I was frequently called to the Minister’s room to receive instructions.
Our illustrated papers were to publish pictures of the charge at
Spichernberg, and also to deny the statement of the Constitutionnel that
the Prussians had burnt down everything on their march, leaving nothing
but ruins behind them. We could say with a clear conscience that we had
not observed the least sign of this. It was also thought well to reply to the
Neue Freie Presse, which had hitherto been well disposed towards us,
but had now adopted another policy, possibly because it had lost some
subscribers who objected to its Prussophile tone, or perhaps there was
something in the rumour that the Franco-Hungarian party intended to
purchase it. The Chancellor, in giving instructions respecting another
article of the Constitutionnel, concluded as follows: “Say that there never
was any question in the Cabinet Council of a cession of Saarbrücken to
France. The matter never went beyond the stage of confidential inquiries,
and it is self-evident that a national Minister, inspired by the national
spirit, could never have dreamt of such a course. There might, however,
have been some slight basis for the rumour. A misunderstanding or a
distortion of the fact that previous to 1864 the question was raised
whether it would not be desirable to sell the coal mines at Saarbrücken,
which are State property, to a company. I wanted to meet the expenses of
the Schleswig-Holstein war in this way. But the proposal came to
nothing, owing to the King’s objections to the transaction.”
On Monday, August 15th, about 6 . ., the Minister drove off in his
carriage, accompanied by Count Bismarck-Bohlen, and followed on
horseback by Herr Abeken, Herr von Keudell, and Count Hatzfeldt. The
rest of us remained behind, where we had plenty of work on hand, and
could make ourselves useful in other ways. Several detachments of
infantry passed through the village during the day, amongst them being
three Prussian regiments and a number of Pomeranians, for the most part
tall, handsome men. The bands played “Heil dir im Siegerkranz,” and
“Ich bin ein Preusse.” One could see in the men’s eyes the fearful thirst
from which they were suffering. We speedily organised a fire brigade
with pails and jugs and gave as many as possible a drink of water as they
marched by. They could not stop. Some took a mouthful in the palms of
their hands, whilst others filled the tin cans which they carried with
them, so that at least a few had some momentary relief.
Our landlord, Matthiote, knew a little German, but his wife only
spoke the somewhat unintelligible French dialect of this part of Lorraine.
They were thought not to be too friendly towards us, but the Minister had
not observed it. He had only seen the husband, and said he was not a bad
fellow. “He asked me as he brought in the dinner if I would try his wine.
I found it very tolerable, but on my offering to pay for it he declined, and
would only accept payment for the food. He inquired as to the future
frontier, and expected that they would be better off in the matter of
taxation.”
We saw little of the other inhabitants of the village. Those we met
were polite and communicative. An old peasant woman whom I asked
for a light for my cigar led me into her room and showed me a
photograph of her son in a French uniform. Bursting into tears she
reproached the Emperor with the war. Her pauvre garçon was certainly
dead, and she was inconsolable.
The Councillors returned after 3 o’clock, the Minister himself
coming in a little later. In the meantime we were joined by Count
Henckel, a portly gentleman with a dark beard, Herr Bamberger, a
member of the Reichstag whom Count Bohlen was accustomed to call
the “Red Jew,” and a Herr von Olberg, who was to be appointed to an
administrative position of some kind. We began to feel ourselves masters
of the conquered country and to make our arrangements accordingly. As
to the portion which we at that time proposed to retain permanently a
telegram to St. Petersburg which I helped to cipher said that if it were the
will of Providence we intended to annex Alsace.
 We heard at dinner that the King and the Chancellor, accompanied by
General Steinmetz, had made a reconnaissance which took them within
about three English miles of Metz. The French troops outside the fortress
had been driven into the city and forts on the previous day by
Steinmetz’s impetuous attack at Courcelles.
In the evening, as we sat on a bench outside the door, the Minister
joined us for a moment. He asked me for a cigar, but Councillor Taglioni,
the King’s decipherer, was quicker than I, which was a pity, as mine were
much better. At tea the Chancellor mentioned in the course of
conversation that on two occasions he had been in danger of being shot
by a sentry, once at San Sebastian and another time at Schluesselburg.
From this we learned that he also understood a little Spanish. Passing
from the Schluesselburg story, he came to relate the following anecdote,
which, however, I was unable to hear quite clearly, and so cannot vouch
whether it occurred to the Minister himself or to some one else. One day
the Count was walking in the Summer Garden at St. Petersburg, and met
the Emperor, with whom, as a Minister in high favour, his relations were
somewhat unreserved. The two, after strolling on together for awhile,
saw a sentry posted in the middle of a grass plot. Bismarck took the
liberty to ask what he was doing there. The Emperor did not know, and
questioned the aide-de-camp, who was also unable to explain. The aide-
de-camp was then sent to ask the sentry. His answer was, “It has been
ordered,” a reply which was repeated by every one of whom the aide-de-
camp inquired. The archives were searched in vain—a sentry had always
been posted there. At last an old footman remembered that his father had
told him that the Empress Catherine had once seen an early snowdrop on
that spot, and had given instructions that it should not be plucked. They
could find no better way of preserving it than by placing a sentry to
guard it, who was afterwards kept on as a matter of habit. The anti-
German feeling in Holland and its causes was then referred to. It was
thought to be partly due to the circumstance that Van Zuylen, when he
was Dutch Minister at Berlin, had made himself unpleasant, and
consequently did not receive as much consideration as he desired, so that
he possibly left us in ill-humour.
 On the 16th of August, at 9.30 . ., we started for Pont à Mousson.
On the excellent high road to that town we passed through several
villages with fine buildings, containing the public offices and schools.
The whole way was brightened by detachments of soldiers, horse and
foot, and a great variety of vehicles. Here and there we also saw small
encampments. A little after 3 o’clock we reached our destination, a town
of about eight thousand inhabitants. Passing the market-place, where a
regiment of Saxon infantry were bivouacked, some of them lying on the
ground on bundles of straw, we turned into the Rue St. Laurent. Here the
Chancellor, with three of the Councillors, took up their residence at the
corner of Rue Raugraf in a little château overgrown with red creepers.
The rest of the party lived a few doors off. I slept with Saint Blanquart in
a room which was a veritable museum of natural history and ethnology,
being filled with the most varied trophies from all parts of the world.
After a hasty toilette we returned to the office. On our way we
observed a number of notices posted on the walls, one announcing our
victory of the fourteenth, another respecting the abolition of the
conscription, and a third by the Mayor, apparently in connection with
some attacks by civilians on our troops, warning the inhabitants to
maintain a prudent attitude. There was also an order issued by our people
strictly enjoining the population to keep lights in their windows at night,
and to leave the doors of houses and shops open, and to deliver up all
arms at the Town Hall.
During the greater part of the afternoon we again heard the distant
roar of cannon, and ascertained at dinner that there had been renewed
fighting near Metz. Some one remarked that perhaps it would not be
possible to prevent the French retiring to Verdun. The Minister replied,
smiling, “That hardened reprobate Molk (Moltke) says it would be no
misfortune, as they would then be delivered all the more surely into our
hands”—which must mean that we could surround and annihilate them
while they were retreating. Of the other remarks made by the Chancellor
on this occasion I may mention his reference to the “small black Saxons,
who looked so intelligent” and who pleased him so much on his paying
them a visit the day before. These were either the dark green Chasseurs