Dynamic Monetary Theory and The Phillips Curve With A Positive Slope
Dynamic Monetary Theory and The Phillips Curve With A Positive Slope
165
166 The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 16, No. 2 (2013)
INTRODUCTION
Figure 1. T
he Keynesian Phillips Curve
Unemployment
0
UL U0 UH
1
I t was generally inferred that the work on the North American economy by Paul
Samuelson and Robert Solow (1960) gave credence to a Phillips curve with a
negative slope. However, their own work supported criticism of this inference:
they acknowledged that the Phillips curve trade-off in the U.S. economy offered
only short-run benefits at best, exhibited instability over many periods they
examined, and was frequently upward-sloping (i.e., for many periods higher
inflation appeared to cause higher unemployment rather than lowering it).
(Samuelson and Solow, 1960, pp. 188–190)
Ravier1
Figure 2. E
xpectations-Adjusted Phillips Curve
Rate of Inflation
1 dp
P dt
H I
B
A
F G ( 1P dp
dt )
**
=B
UL
E
UN
( 1P dp
dt )
*
=A
Unemployment ( 1P dp
dt )
=0
Adrián O. Ravier: Dynamic Monetary Theory and the Phillips Curve… 169
2
See Chapter XXI, in Studies of Philosophy, Politics and Economics (1978). However,
Hayek questioned the practical validity of the acceleration hypothesis. “First, such
inflation, in order to achieve the goal aimed at, would have to accelerate constantly,
and accelerating inflation would sooner or later reach a degree that makes all
effective order of a market economy impossible. Second, and more important, in
the long run such inflation inevitably creates much more unemployment than the
amount it was originally designed to prevent.” Elsewhere he wrote: “The chief
conclusion I want to demonstrate is that the longer the inflation lasts, the larger will
be the number of workers whose jobs depend on a continuation of the inflation, often
even on a continuing acceleration of the rate of inflation—not because they would not
have found employment without the inflation, but because they were drawn by the
inflation into temporarily attractive jobs, which after a slowing down or cessation of
the inflation, will again disappear.” (Hayek, 1979, pp. 11–13) The latter quotation is
also relevant in the context of the argument presented in Part III.
170 The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 16, No. 2 (2013)
If John Bates Clark (1924) and Frank Knight (1934, 1944) provided
the Chicago School with its theory of homogeneous capital, it was
in the work of Carl Menger (1871) and Eugen von Böhm Bawerk
(1889) that the implications of a theory of heterogeneous capital
originated. Austrian capital theory highlights the fundamental
differences between the two approaches (Garrison, 1990).
It is true that coincidental similarities arise between Hayek and
Friedman. The most obvious is recognition that rigidities in labor
markets prevent perfect and instantaneous market adjustments to
monetary distortions. Both also reject the presumption of rational
expectations, which would otherwise allow agents to anticipate
monetary policy and avoid the “surprise” effect in both the short
and long terms. But these similarities only serve to highlight the
differences that arise from the distinct capital theories the Austrian
and Chicago schools use to explain the process that ultimately
produces a “neutral” impact.
Bellante and Garrison (1988, p. 219) enumerate the similarities
as follows:
Bellante and Garrison (1988) also point out that the “long term”
in the Hayekian approach needs to involve a lapse of time sufficient
for the relationship between capital and labor to be realigned after
mal-investments of capital have been liquidated.
More fundamentally, Bellante and Garrison (1988) explain that
in the last phase of the adjustment process, the economy enters a
period of crisis and depression. But over time, only a portion of the
capital stock can be reallocated to satisfy demand consistent with
172 The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 16, No. 2 (2013)
Abstracting from the capital that is lost forever as a result of the credit
expansion and from possible long-run effects on the distribution of
income, the rate of interest and the corresponding structure of production
will return to the level and configuration that characterized the economy
before the credit expansion.
In recent years, higher inflation has often been accompanied by higher not
lower unemployment, especially for periods of several years in length.
A simple statistical Phillips curve for such periods seems to be positively
sloped, not vertical. The third stage is directed at accommodating this
apparent empirical phenomenon. To do so, I suspect that it will have
to include in the analysis the interdependence of economic experience
and political developments. It will have to treat at least some political
phenomena not as independent variables—as exogenous variables
in econometric jargon—but as themselves determined by economic
events—as endogenous variables [...]. The third stage will, I believe, be
greatly influenced by a third major development—the application of
economic analysis to political behavior, a field in which pioneering work
has also been done by Stigler and Becker as well as by Kenneth Arrow,
Duncan Black, Anthony Downs, James Buchanan, Gordon Tullock, and
others. (1977, p. 470)
3
“ William Niskanen (2002) estimated a Phillips curve for the United States using
annual 1960–2000 data. By adding one-year lagged terms in unemployment and
inflation, he was able to show that this familiar equation is mis-specified. In his
improved specification, Niskanen found that the immediate impact of inflation
is to reduce unemployment, confirming the traditional understanding of the
Phillips-curve relationship, but also finding that after an interval as short as one
year inflation has generally been followed by increased unemployment. Though
Niskanen was perhaps unaware of it, his results lend strong support to the Austrian
model of the business cycle. In that model, credit expansion results in a temporary
but unsustainable expansion. Unemployment is lowered in the short run, but once
the policy-induced mal-investment is recognized, total output and income will be
permanently reduced, and unemployment will increase.” (Mulligan, 2011, p. 87)
174 The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 16, No. 2 (2013)
The Keynesian dream is gone even if its ghost continues to plague politics for
decades. It were to be wished that the words “full employment” them-
selves, which have become so closely associated with the inflationist
policy, should be abandoned—or that we should at least remember the
sense in which this was the aim of classical economists long before Keynes:
John Stuart Mill reports in his autobiography how “full employment
with high wages” appeared to him in his youth as the chief desideratum
of economic policy. What we must now be clear about is that our aim
must not be that maximum of employment which can be achieved in
the short run, but a “high and stable level of employment,” as one of
the post-war British White Papers on employment policy still phrased
it. This, however, we can achieve only through the re-establishment of a
properly functioning market which, by the free play of prices and wages,
secures in each sector a correspondence of supply and demand. Though
it must remain one of the chief tasks of monetary policy to prevent great
fluctuations of the quantity of money or the volume of the income stream,
the effect on employment must not be the dominating consideration
guiding it. The primary aim must again become the stability of the
value of money and the currency authorities must again be effectively
protected against that political pressure which today forces them so often
to take measures which are politically advantageous in the short run but
harmful in the long run. (Hayek, 1978, pp. 207–208)
4
I n his Nobel Prize Lecture, Friedman explained: “The ‘natural rate of unem-
ployment,’ a term I introduced to parallel Knut Wicksell’s ‘natural rate of interest,’
is not a numerical constant but depends on ‘real’ as opposed to monetary factors—
the effectiveness of the labor market, the extent of competition or monopoly,
the barriers or encouragements to working in various occupations, and so on.”
(Friedman, 1977, p. 273)
5
“Efficiency-wage theories propose a third cause of wage rigidity in addition to
minimum-wage laws and unionization. These theories hold that high wages make
workers more productive. The influence of wages on worker efficiency may explain
the failure of firms to cut wages despite an excess supply of labor. Even though a
Adrián O. Ravier: Dynamic Monetary Theory and the Phillips Curve… 175
Figure 3. L
abor Market and “Natural” Unemployment
“Natural”
Unemployment S
W/P
Minimum
Wage
W/P*
Od Os
wage reduction would lower a firm’s wage bill, it would also—if these theories are
correct—lower worker productivity and the firm’s profits” (Mankiw, 2001, p. 166).
6
ome authors, such as Mankiw, prefer to show a vertically sloped curve of labor
S
supply, but this does not change the conclusion.
176 The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 16, No. 2 (2013)
Figure 4. M
onetary Policy and Less Unemployment in the
Short-Term
Less
Unemployment S
W/P
Minimum
Wage
W/P*
D’
D
Od Od’ Os
On the other hand, and this is the most relevant aspect, due to the mal-
investment process during the stimulus phase we also face a situation in
which the potential productive capacity of the economy (and thus the
real wages potentially earned once the economy returns to normal levels
of employment) is reduced as a consequence of the partial destruction
of capital. Many authors, including for example Huerta de Soto (1998,
pp. 413–415), focus attention on the “partial destruction of capital” that
inevitably occurs because there is a category of resources which are
lost when investment projects are abandoned. Stimulus significantly
Adrián O. Ravier: Dynamic Monetary Theory and the Phillips Curve… 177
increases the volume of resources that ultimately fall in the “sunk cost”
category: at the end of the stimulus phase, some resources have already
been committed to investment projects but are not yet productive; when
the stimulus phase ends and it turns out that these projects are not going
to be completed, these resources are “sunk” costs and not re-assignable
to new projects. (Ravier, 2011b, p. 369)
Figure 5. C
apital Destruction and More Unemployment in the
Long-Term
New Natural
Unemployment S
W/P
Minimum
W/P* Wage
W/P**
D
D’
Od’ Od Os
178 The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 16, No. 2 (2013)
Figure 6. A
Phillips Curve with a Positive Slope: A Possible
Solution to Friedman´s Dilemma
Inflation
Rate
�4
F G
�3
D E
�2
B C
�1 A
�0 B* U1 U2 U3 U4 Unemployment
U* Rate
Deflation
Rate Frictional Real Wage Rigidity and
Unemployment Structural Unemployment
7
ee also George Selgin (1997) and Lawrence H. White (2008). The latter offers the
S
following example: “Between 1880 and 1900 the United States experienced one of
Adrián O. Ravier: Dynamic Monetary Theory and the Phillips Curve… 179
the most prolonged periods of deflation on record. The price level trended more or
less steadily downward, beginning at 6.10 and ending at 5.49 (GDP deflator, base
year 2000 = 100). That works out to a total decline of 10 percent stretched over 20
years. The deflationary period was no disaster for the real economy. Real output
per capita began the period at $3,379 and ended it at $4,943 (both in 2000 dollars).
Total real per capita growth was thus a more than healthy 46 percent. (Real GDP
itself more than doubled.)” (White, 2008, p. 4)
180 The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 16, No. 2 (2013)
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