A grammar of

Yauyos Quechua
Aviva Shimelman

language
Studies in Diversity Linguistics 9 science
press
Studies in Diversity Linguistics

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ISSN: 2363-5568
A grammar of
Yauyos Quechua
Aviva Shimelman

language
science
press
Aviva Shimelman. 2017. A grammar of Yauyos Quechua (Studies in Diversity
Linguistics 9). Berlin: Language Science Press.

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For my father
Contents
Acknowledgments ix

Notational conventions xi

1 Introduction 1
1.1 Location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.2 Endangerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.3 Existing documentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.4 The dialects of Yauyos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.5 Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.6 Presentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
1.7 Fieldwork . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
1.8 A note to Quechuanists and typologists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
1.9 Broader interest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
1.9.1 Semantics – evidentials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
1.9.2 Language contact – Aymara . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

2 Phonology and morphophonemics 21

2.1 Introduction and summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2.2 Syllable structure and stress pattern . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2.3 Phonemic inventory and morphophonemics . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2.4 Spanish loan words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.4.1 Spanish loan word restructuring . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.4.2 Loan word orthography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

3 Substantives 31
3.1 Parts of speech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
3.2 Substantive classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3.2.1 Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3.2.2 Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
3.2.3 Interrogative-indefinites pi, ima, imay, imayna, mayqin,
imapaq, ayka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Contents

3.2.4 Adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
3.2.5 Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
3.2.6 Multiple-class substantives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
3.2.7 Dummy na . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
3.3 Substantive inflection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
3.3.1 Possessive (person) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
3.3.2 Number -kuna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
3.3.3 Case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
3.4 Substantive derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
3.4.1 Substantive derived from verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
3.4.2 Substantives derived from substantives . . . . . . . . . . 112

4 Verbs 121
4.1 Verb stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
4.2 Types of verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
4.2.1 Transitive verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
4.2.2 Intransitive verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
4.2.3 Copulative/equational verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
4.2.4 Onomatopoetic verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
4.3 Verb inflection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
4.3.1 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
4.3.2 Person and number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
4.3.3 Tense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
4.3.4 Conditional . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
4.3.5 Imperative and injunctive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
4.3.6 Aspect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
4.3.7 Subordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
4.4 Verb derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
4.4.1 Suffixes deriving verbs from substantives . . . . . . . . . 202
4.4.2 Verbs derived from verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209

5 Particles 241
5.1 Interjections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
5.2 Assenters and greetings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
5.3 Prepositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244
5.4 Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
5.5 Particles covered elsewhere . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248

vi
 Contents

6 Enclitics 249
6.1 Sequence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250
6.2 Individual enclitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250
6.2.1 Emphatic -Yá . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252
6.2.2 Interrogation, negation, disjunction -chu . . . . . . . . . 253
6.2.3 Restrictive, limitative -lla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257
6.2.4 Discontinuative -ña . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259
6.2.5 Inclusion -pis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260
6.2.6 Precision, certainty -puni . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
6.2.7 Topic-marking -qa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264
6.2.8 Continuative -Raq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
6.2.9 Sequential -taq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267
6.2.10 Emotive -ya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269
6.2.11 Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270

7 Syntax 283
7.1 Constituent order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
7.2 Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284
7.3 Coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284
7.4 Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
7.5 Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
7.6 Interrogation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291
7.7 Reflexives and reciprocals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294
7.8 Equatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 296
7.9 Possession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297
7.10 Topic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
7.11 Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300
7.12 Complementation (infinitive, agentive, indicative and subjunc-
tive clauses) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300
7.13 Relativization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302
7.14 Subordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305

Appendix A: Analysis of the Southern Yauyos Quechua lexicon 309

Appendix B: Further analysis of evidential modifiers 317

B.1 The EM’s and the interpretation of propositions under direct -mI 317
B.2 The EM’s and the interpretation of propositions under conjec-
tural -trI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319
B.3 A sociolinguistic note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323

vii
Contents

References 325

Index 329
Name index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Language index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331
Subject index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333

viii
Acknowledgments
It is a joy for me to be able to acknowledge all the people and institutions who
have helped me in the course of this project. I owe thanks, first, to Willem Ade-
laar, who read the manuscript with extraordinary care and offered me invaluable
comments which saved me from numerous, numerous errors. Many thanks are
due, too, to Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino for comments and advice, as well as to
Andrés Chirinos Rivera for orientation. Also offering orientation as well as gen-
erous and very enjoyable hospitality were Carmen Escalante Gutiérrez and Ri-
cardo Valderrama Fernández. Paul Heggarty – an intrepid Andean hiker – joined
me in the field in the course of his own research; he also found me much-needed
support to complete this grammar as well as its accompanying lexicon. Three
anonymous reviewers offered extensive, wise comments. Limitations on my time
and abilities kept me from incorporating all the changes they suggested. Selfless
proofreaders also offered advice for which I am very grateful. Teachers and con-
sultants in Yauyos number more than one hundred; they are acknowledged –
insufficiently – in §1.7. In addition to these, there are many, many people in
Yauyos and especially in Viñac who are owed thanks for all manner of help and,
above all, for friendship. Requiring special mention among these are my prin-
cipal teacher, Delfina Chullukuy, my principal translator, Esther Madueño, and
my ñaña and turi Hilda Quispe and Ramón Alvarado.
Thanks go, too, to Elio A. Farina for help with LATEX.
Finally, I honestly don’t know how to express my gratitude to Sebastian Nord-
hoff and Martin Haspelmath, above all for their wisdom and patience.
The fieldwork upon which the grammar and dictionary are based enjoyed the
support of several institutions. I am grateful to San Jose State University which of-
fered support in the form of a faculty development that enabled me to initiate the
project. Support at the conclusion came from the Max Planck Institute for Evo-
lutionary Anthropology; it is thanks to the MPI that I was able to turn a ragged
draft into a publishable manuscript. Finally, I benefited extensively from two Doc-
umenting Endangered Languages fellowships from the National Endowment for
the Humanities and National Science Foundation (FN-50099-11 and FN-501009-
12). Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed here do
Acknowledgments

not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for the Humanities or
the National Science Foundation.
Errors remain, of course, for which I am entirely responsible.

x
Notational conventions
Table 1 lists the gloss abbreviations employed and the morphemes to which they
correspond. Unless otherwise noted, all morphemes are common to all dialects.
Throughout, Á indicates alternation between [á] and an accent shift to the fi-
nal syllable. H, I, N, R, and S indicate alternations between [ø] and [h], [i], [n],
[r], and [s], respectively. U indicates alternation between [u] and [a]. Y indi-
cates alternation between [y], [i] and [ø]. PI indicates an alternation between
[pi] and [ø] (unique to the additive enclitic -pis). The first five alternations are
conditioned by environment in all dialects. R indicates alternative realizations of
*/r/ – realized as [r] in all dialects except that of ch, where it is predominantly
realized as [l]. Where two morphemes share the same code (as occurs, for ex-
ample in the case of -pa and -pi, which both indicate both genitive and locative
case) the code is subscripted with a number (i.e., gen1 , gen2 ; loc1 , loc2 ). Where
the same morpheme has two or more functions (as is the case, for example, with
-paq, which indicates ablative, benefactive and purposive cases) the morpheme is
subscripted (i.e., -paq1 , -paq2 , -paq3 ). In the body of the text, I do not make use of
thse subscripts. Unless otherwise noted, a morpheme occurs in all five dialects.
Where a morpheme is exclusive to one or more dialects, that is indicated in small
caps in parentheses. Tables 1 and 2 list morpheme codes and their corresponding
morphemes. The former is sorted by morpheme code; the latter, by morpheme.

Table 1: Morpheme codes (sorted by code)

ø [none] zero morpheme nominal or verbal

11 -y first person (amv, lt) nominal inflection, possession
12 -ni first person (amv, lt) verbal inflection
13 -:1 first person (ach, ch, sp) nominal inflection, possession
14 -: 2 first person (ach, ch, sp) verbal inflection
1.fut -shaq first person singular future verbal inflection
1.obj -wa 1p object (amv, lt) verbal inflection
1.obj -ma 1p object (ach, ch, sp) verbal inflection
1>2 -yki2 1p subject 2p object verbal inflection
1>2.fut -sHQayki 1p subject 2p object future verbal inflection
Continued on next page…
Notational conventions

Table 1: Continued from previous page.

1pl1 -nchik first person plural nominal inflection, possession
1pl2 -nchik first person plural verbal inflection
1pl.cond -chuwan first person plural conditional verbal inflection
1pl.fut -shun first person plural future verbal inflection
21 -yki1 second person nominal inflection, possession
22 -nki second person verbal inflection
2.cond -waq second person conditional verbal inflection
2.obj -sHu second person object verbal inflection
2>1 -wa-nki 2p subject 1p object verbal inflection
31 -n1 third person nominal inflection, possession
32 -N2 third person verbal inflection
3.fut -nqa third person future verbal inflection
3>11 -wan1 3p subject 1p object (amv, lt) verbal inflection
3>12 -man 3p subject 1p obj (ach, ch, sp) verbal inflection
3>1pl1 -wa-nchik 3p subject 1pl. obj (amv, lt) verbal inflection
3>1pl2 -ma-nchik 3p subject 1pl. obj (ach, ch, sp) verbal inflection
3>2 -shunki 3p subject 2p object verbal inflection
abl -paq3 ablative nominal inflection, case
acc1 -ta accusative (ach, amv, lt, sp) nominal inflection, case
acc2 -Kta accusative (ch) nominal inflection, case
acmp -sHi accompaniment verbal derivation, vv
add -PIs additive enclitic
ag -q agentive nominal derivation, vn
all -man1 allative, dative nominal inflection, case
ben1 -paq2 benefactive nominal inflection, case
ben2 -pU benefactive, translocative verbal derivation, vv
caus2 -chi causative verbal derivation, vv
cert -puni certainty, precision enclitic
cisl -mu cislocative, translocative verbal derivation, vv
comp -hina comparative nominal inflection, case
cond -man2 conditional verbal inflection
cont -Raq continuative enclitic
dem.d1 chay demonstrative, distal demonstrative (pron. & det.)
dem.d2 wak demonstrative, distal removed demonstrative (pron. & det.)
dem.p kay demonstrative, proximal demonstrative (pron. & det.)
desr1 -naya desirative verbal derivation, vv
desr2 -naya- desirative verbal derivation, nv
dim1 -cha1 diminutive restrictive nominal suffix
dim2 -cha2 diminutive verbal derivation, vv
disc -ña discontinuative enclitic
disj -chu3 disjunctive enclitic
Continued on next page…

xii
 Table 1: Continued from previous page.
dmy1 na dummy noun noun
dmy2 na- dummy verb verb
dur -chka durative-simultaneative verbal inflection
emph1 -Yá emphatic enclitic
emph2 -ARi emphatic enclitic
evc -trI evidential - conjectural enclitic
evd -mI evidential - direct enclitic
evr -shI evidential - reportative enclitic
excep -YkU exceptional verbal derivation, vv
excl -pura exclusive nominal inflection, case
f -a feminine nominal, adjectival inflection
fact -cha3 factive verbal derivation, nv
freq -katra frequentive verbal derivation, vv
gen1 -pa1 genitive nominal inflection, case
gen2 -pi1 genitive nominal inflection, case
ik -ik evidential modifier (strong) enclitic
iki -iki evidential modifier (strongest) enclitic
incep -ri inceptive verbal derivation, vv
inch -ya3 inchoative verbal derivation, sv
incl -ntin inclusive nominal derivation, nn
inf -y2 infinitive nominal derivation, vs
injunc -chun injunctive verbal inflection
imp -y3 imperative verbal inflection
instr -wan2 instrumental - comitative nominal inflection, case
intens -ya2 intensifier verbal derivation, vv
irrev -tamu irreversible change verbal derivation, vv
jtact -pa(:)ku joint action verbal derivation, vv
lim1 -kama1 limitative nominal inflection, case
lim2 -kama2 limitative verbal derivation, vv
loc1 -pa2 locative nominal inflection, case
loc2 -pi2 locative nominal inflection, case
loc3 -traw locative (ch) nominal inflection, case
m -u masculine nominal, adjectival inflection
mult.all -sapa multiple possessive nominal derivation, nn
mutben -puku mutual benefit verbal derivation, vv
neg -chu1 negation enclitic
nonexhst -kuna2 non-exhaustive nominal derivation, nn
nmlz -na1 nominalizer nominal derivation, vn
npst -sHa1 perfect verbal inflection
part -masi partnership nominal derivation, nn
pass -raya passive verbal derivation, vv
Continued on next page…

xiii
Notational conventions

Table 1: Continued from previous page.

passacc -ka passive, accidental verbal derivation, vv
pl1 -kuna plural nominal inflection
poss -yuq possessive nominal derivation, nn
perf -sHa2 perfectivizer nominal derivation, vs
prog -ya1 progressive verbal inflection
proh ama prohibitive particle
pst -RQa past tense verbal inflection
purp -paq3 purposive nominal inflection, case
q -chu2 question marker enclitic
reasn -rayku reason nominal inflection, case
recp -nakU reciprocal verbal derivation, vv
refl -kU reflexive-middle-med.passive verbal derivation, vv
repet -pa3 repetitive verbal derivation, vv
rpst -sHQa reportative past tense verbal inflection
rstr -lla restrictive enclitic
seq -taq sequential enclitic
simul -tuku simulative verbal derivation, vv
subadv -shtin subordinator - adverbial nominal derivation, vn
subds -pti subordinator different subjects nominal derivation, vn
subis -shpa subordinator identical subjects nominal derivation, vn
top -qa topic enclitic
unint -Ra uninterrupted action verbal derivation, vv
urgt -RU urgent, personal interest verbal derivation, vv
vrbz -na2 verbalizer verbal derivation, nv

Table 2: Morphemes codes (sorted by morpheme)

-: 14 first person (ach, ch, sp) verbal inflection

-: 13 first person (ach, ch, sp) nominal inflection, possession
-a f feminine nominal, adjectival inflection
-aRi emph2 emphatic enclitic
-cha1 dim1 diminutive restrictive nominal suffix
-cha2 dim2 diminutive verbal derivation, vv
-cha3 fact factive verbal derivation, nv
-traw loc3 locative (ch) nominal inflection, case
-chi caus causative verbal derivation, vv
-chka dur durative-simultaneative verbal inflection
-chu1 neg negation enclitic
-chu2 q question marker enclitic
-chu3 disj disjunctive enclitic
Continued on next page…

xiv
 Table 2: Continued from previous page.
-chun injunc injunctive verbal inflection
-chuwan 1pl.cond first person plural conditional verbal inflection
-hina comp comparative nominal inflection, case
-ik ik evidential modifier (strong) enclitic
-iki iki evidential modifier (strongest) enclitic
-ka passacc passive, accidental verbal derivation, vv
-kama1 lim1 limitative nominal inflection, case
-kama2 lim2 limitative verbal derivation, vv
-katra iter frequentive verbal derivation, vv
-kta acc2 accusative (ch) nominal inflection, case
-kU refl reflexive-middle-med.passive verbal derivation, vv
-kuna1 pl1 plural nominal inflection
-kuna2 nonexhst non-exhaustive nominal derivation, nn
-lla rstr restrictive enclitic
-ma 1.obj 1p object (ach, ch, sp) verbal inflection
-man1 all allative, dative nominal inflection, case
-man2 cond conditional verbal inflection
-ma-nchik 3>1pl2 3p subject 1pl obj (ach, ch, sp) verbal inflection
-masi part partnership nominal derivation, nn
-mI evd evidential - direct enclitic
-mu cisl cislocative, translocative verbal derivation, vv
-n 31 third person nominal inflection, possession
-N 32 third person verbal inflection
-ña disc discontinuative enclitic
-na1 nmlz nominalizer nominal derivation, vn
-na2 vrbz verbalizer verbal derivation, nv
-nakU recp reciprocal verbal derivation, vv
-naya1 desr1 desiderative verbal derivation, vv
-naya-2 desr2 desiderative verbal derivation, nv
-nchik1 1pl1 first person plural nominal inflection, possession
-nchik2 1pl2 first person plural verbal inflection
-ni1 12 first person (amv, lt) verbal inflection
-ni2 euph euphonic nominal inflection
-nki 22 second person verbal inflection
-nqa 3.fut third person future verbal inflection
-ntin incl1 inclusive nominal derivation, nn
-pa(:)kU jtact joint action verbal derivation/inflection, vv
-pakU mutben mutual benefit verbal derivation/inflection, vv
-pa1 gen1 genitive nominal inflection, case
-pa2 loc1 locative nominal inflection, case
-pa3 repet repetitive verbal derivation, vv
Continued on next page…

xv
Notational conventions

Table 2: Continued from previous page.

-paq1 abl ablative nominal inflection, case
-paq2 ben benefactive nominal inflection, case
-paq3 purp purposive nominal inflection, case
-pi1 gen2 genitive nominal inflection, case
-pi2 loc2 locative nominal inflection, case
-PIs add additive enclitic
-pti subds subordinator different subjects nominal derivation, vn
-pU ben2 benefactive, translocative verbal derivation, vv
-puni cert certainty, precision enclitic
-pura excl exclusive nominal inflection, case
-q ag agentive nominal derivation, vn
-qa top topic enclitic
-Ra unint uninterrupted action verbal derivation, vv
-Raq cont continuative enclitic
-Raya pass passive verbal drivation, vv
-rayku reasn1 causal nominal inflection, case
-ri1 incep1 inceptive verbal derivation, vv
-RQa pst past tense verbal inflection
-RU urgt urgent, personal interest verbal derivation, vv (inflective)
-sapa mult.all multiple possessive nominal derivation, nn
-sHa1 npst1 narrative past verbal inflection
-sHa2 perf2 perfectivizer nominal derivation, vn
-shaq 1.fut first person singular future verbal inflection
-shI evr evidential - reportative enclitic
-sHi acmp accompaniment verbal derivation, vv
-shpa subis subordinator - identical subjects nominal derivation, vn
-sHQa rpst reportative past tense verbal inflection
-sHQayki 1>2.fut 1p subject 2p object future verbal inflection
-shtin subadv subordinator - adverbial nominal derivation, vn
-sHu 2.obj second person object verbal inflection
-shun 1pl.fut first person plural future verbal inflection
-shunki 3>2 3p subject 2p object verbal inflection
-ta acc1 accusative (ach, amv, lt, sp) nominal inflection, case
-tamu irrev irreversible change verbal derivation, vv
-taq seq sequential enclitic
-trI evc evidential - conjectural enclitic
-tuku simul simulative verbal derivation, nv
-u m masculine nominal, adjectival inflection
-wa 1.obj 1p object (amv, lt) verbal inflection
-wan1 3>11 3p subject 1p object (amv, lt) verbal inflection
-wan2 instr instrumental - comitative nominal inflection, case
Continued on next page…

xvi
 Table 2: Continued from previous page.
-wa-nchik 3>1PL1 3p subject 1pL obj (amv, lt) verbal inflection
-wa-nki 2>1 2p subject 1p object verbal inflection
-waq 2.cond second person conditional verbal inflection
-y1 11 first person (amv, lt) nominal inflection, possession
-y2 inf infinitive nominal derivation, vs
-y3 imp imperative verbal inflection
-Yá emph1 emphatic enclitic
-ya1 prog progressive verbal inflection
-ya2 intens intensifier verbal derivation, vv
-ya3 inch inchoative verbal derivation, sv
-yki1 21 second person nominal inflection, possession
-yki2 1>2 1p subject 2p object verbal inflection
-YkU excep exceptional verbal derivation, vv
-yuq poss possessive nominal derivation, nn
[none] ø zero morpheme nominal or verbal
ama proh prohibitive particle
chay dem.d demonstrative, distal demonstrative (pron. & det.)
kay dem.p demonstrative, proximal demonstrative (pron. & det.)
na dmy1 dummy noun noun
na- dmy2 dummy verb verb
wak dem.d demonstrative, distal removed demonstrative (pron. & det.)

Further abbreviations:
C consonant
lit. literally
Sp Spanish
Spkr Speaker
syq Southern Yauyos Quechua
V vowel
Notation:
{·} set
[·] phonetic form or, in case it appears inside single quotations
marks, translator’s insertion
/·/ phoneme or phonemic form
∼ alternation
→ transformation
* illicit form or, in case it appears before slashes, a proto-form

xvii
1 Introduction
Yauyos is a critically endangered Quechuan language spoken in the Peruvian
Andes, in the Province of Yauyos, Department of Lima. The language counts
eight dialects. These are listed below in Table 1.1. At the time I undertook my
research in the area, three of these had already become extinct. The missing di-
alects are those formerly spoken in the north of the province: Alis-Tomas (at),
Huancaya-Vitis (hv) and Laraos (l).1 This grammar, therefore, unfortunately,
covers only the five southern dialects: Apurí-Madeán-Viñac (amv), Azángaro-
Chocos-Huangáscar (ach), Cacra-Hongos (ch), Lincha-Tana (lt) and Liscay-San
Pedro (sp).
Table 1.1: The dialects of Yauyos Quechua

Region Dialect Abbreviation

South
Apurí-Madeán-Viñac amv
Azángaro-Chocos-Huangáscar ach
Cacra-Hongos ch
Lincha-Tana lt
Liscay-San Pedro sp
North
Alis-Tomas at
Huancaya-Vitis hv
Laraos l

The lacuna is highly relevant to any conclusions that might be drawn from this
study and, in particular, to any conclusions that might be drawn with regard to
its significance for the classification of the Quechuan languages, as two of the

1
A ten-day town-to-town search undertaken in the north of the province in January 2010 failed
to turn up any speakers of Yauyos Quechua. Some speakers of the Quechua of neighboring
Huancayo, however, could be found yet.
1 Introduction

missing three – Alis-Tomas (at), Huancaya-Vitis (hv) – were those that, accord-
ing to previous work (Taylor 1994; 2000), most resembled the QII languages of
Central Peru.
The remainder of this introduction begins with a section describing the loca-
tion of the various towns where syq is spoken and the geography of the region
(§1.1). The endangerment of the language is the topic of §1.2. §1.3 catalogs the
previous research on the language. Sections §1.4 and §1.5 follow with a brief dis-
cussion of the internal divisions among the various dialects of Yauyos and then a
slightly longer discussion of the classification of the language. The conventions
employed in this volume are detailed in §1.6. §1.7 supplies information about the
fieldwork on which this study is based. Finally, (§1.8) lists the tables and sections
likely to be of particular interest to students of Andean languages, while §1.9
points to topics where the Yauyos data are potentially relevant to linguists from
other subfields.

1.1 Location
The five dialects of syq are spoken in the ten disctricts: Apurí, Madeán, and
Viñac; Azángaro, Chocos, and Huangáscar; Lincha and Tana; Cacra and Hon-
gos; and San Pedro. The first two sets are located in the valley created by the
Huangáscar River and its principal tributary, the Viñac River, as can be seen on
Map 1.1. The second two are located in the valley created by the Cacra River and
its principal tributaries, the Lincha and Paluche Rivers. The two valleys are sepa-
rated by a chain of rather high and rocky hills. Running from east to west, these
are the cerros Pishqullay, Tinco, Punta Tacana, Ranraorqo, Pishunco, Cochapata,
Yanaorqo, and Shallalli.
No district except San Pedro is located more than one day’s walk from any
other; in the case of San Pedro, it is two.2 The four districts that lie within the
province of Yauyos center at 12°62′S and 75°7′W. The principal towns of all the
districts except Chocos, Huangáscar, and Tana sit at altitudes around 3300 meters,
while those of Chocos, Huangáscar, and Tana sit at just under 3000 meters. The
relevant region can be contained within an area of 40 m2 ; its highest peak reaches
5055 m.3

2
It is not irrelevant to the explanation of the dialect cleavages that this mountain range seems
to block the movement of brides from one set of districts to another. Until very recently, new-
lywed women generally only moved from one town to another within the same valley.
3
There exists a series of topographical maps prepared and published in 1996 by the U.S. Defense
Mapping Agency. Southern Yauyos is covered on the section labeled Tupe and identified Series
1745, Sheet J632, Edition -1 DMA.

2
 1.2 Endangerment

Cachuy
Chavín Tupe

Hongos Lincha
Cacra
Tana

Huangáscar
Viñac
Madeán

Azángaro

San Pedro de
Huarcapana

Liscay

Figure 1.1: Map of Andean municipalities of southern Yauyos, Peru

1.2 Endangerment
At the date of this writing, the UNESCO classifies Yauyos as critically endangered.
The 18th edition of Ethnologue (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2015), however, tags it
as “moribund.” Although, as I see it, there is no real likelihood that any dialect of
Yauyos will ever be revived, it is early yet to declare it moribund. I estimate that
there are about twenty teens who understand the Viñac and San Pedro dialects,
as well as many as 80 adults in their forties and fifties who can still speak it
relatively fluently. Moreover, although its use is now generally restricted to the
discussion of every-day and ritual activities, it is still used frequently among the
oldest speakers.
The 1993 Peru census counted 1,600 speakers, 25% of them over 65 (Chirinos-
Rivera 2001: 121). That census, however, did not distinguish between speak-
ers of Yauyos and speakers of other Quechuan languages who resided in the
province (Chirinos-Rivera, p.c.). This is crucial to the assessment of the data on
the Quechua-speaking population of the north of the province. Although there
are many Quechua-speaking migrants there – principally from Huancayo, the
town with which the north has the most commercial contact – I was unable to
locate any speakers of the dialects indigenous to the area. Further, population

3
1 Introduction

data in the province tend to be exaggerated for several reasons. First, people
who emigrated from the region years or even decades ago remain, nevertheless,
officially resident there for reasons of convenience. Second, death certificates are
often not issued for the deceased. Less than ten years before that survey – still, to
my knowledge, the most recent – electricity had yet to come to the Andean towns
of southern Yauyos and the only physical connections between those towns to
the rest of the world were three 40-kilometer dirt paths that wound their perilous
way 2,000 meters down the canyon. Since that time, the Peruvian government
has installed electricity in the region and widened the perilous dirt paths into per-
ilous dirt roads.4 TelMex and Claro now offer cable television, and buses come
and go on alternate days. In short, the isolation that had previously preserved
the Quechua spoken in the region has been broken and the language now counts,
according to my estimates, fewer than 450 speakers, most over 65, and all but the
most elderly fully bilingual in Spanish.
The drastic reduction in the number of speakers can also be attributed to the
Shining Path. During the 1980’s and early 1990’s, the period during which the
Maoist army terrorized the region, there was a large-scale exodus, particularly
of young people, who ran to escape forced conscription. Many never returned,
remaining principally in the coastal cities of Cañete and Lima. Theirs was the
last generation to learn Quechua to any degree. Currently, there are a few chil-
dren – those who live with their grandmothers or great-grandmothers in the
most isolated hamlets – with a passive knowledge of the language. The youngest
speakers, however, are in their late thirties.
Quechuan as a language family is not currently endangered, and other Que-
chuan languages are well-documented. Estimates of the numbers of Quechuan
speakers range between 8.5 and 10 million, and, although Quechua is being pu-
shed back by Spanish in many areas, the majority dialects of its major varieties
– Ancash, Ayacucho, Bolivian, Cuzco, Ecuadorian5 – are quite viable (Adelaar &
Muysken 2004: 168). Paradoxically, however, the viability of the major varieties
is coming at the expense of the viability of the minor varieties. Adelaar (2008:
14) writes: “If Quechua will survive, its speakers will probably be users of four
of five of the most successful dialects, most of which belong to Quechua IIB and
IIC.” The dialects of southern Yauyos, classified as either qi or qiia, and other
minor Quechuan languages are rapidly disappearing.

4
In the space of just one year, spanning 2012 and 2013, fourteen people died in six separate
accidents in the region when their vehicles fell from the road down the canyon.
5
It is worth noting that much of the diversity internal to these languages is being lost, as one
anonymous reviewer points out.

4
 1.3 Existing documentation

1.3 Existing documentation

Echerd (1974) and Brougère (1992) supply some socio-linguistic data on Yauyos.
There is also a book of folktales, in Spanish, collected in the region in the 1930’s
and 1940’s: Apuntes para el folklor de Yauyos (Varilla Gallardo 1965). Yauyos is
mentioned in the context of two dialectological studies of Quechua by Torero
(1968; 1974).
With these exceptions, all that is known about Yauyos we owe to the French
researcher Gerald Taylor. Taylor’s PhD dissertation describes the morphology
of Laraos, a northern dialect of Yauyos. This work was republished or excerpted,
sometimes with revisions, in Taylor (1984; 1990; 1994; 1994b). Taylor (1987a) sup-
plements the data on Laraos with data on Huancaya, and Taylor (1990; 2000)
provides a comparison of all seven dialects on the basis of eight grammatical
elements and fifty lexical items. Finally, Taylor (1987b,c; 1991) transcribes and
translates several folktales into Spanish and French.

1.4 The dialects of Yauyos

Yauyos groups together various dialects that, although mutually intelligible, dif-
fer in ways that are relevant both to the classification of Yauyos as well as to
the current paradigm for the classification of the Quechuan languages generally.
That classification is highly contested, and, indeed, has been since the first pro-
posals were suggested in the 1960s (See in particular Landerman 1991).
The Province is located on the border between the two large, contiguous zones
where languages belonging to the two great branches of the Quechua language
family are spoken: the “Quechua I” (Torero) or “Quechua B” (Parker) languages
are spoken to its north; the “Quechua II” or “Quechua A” languages, to its south,
as the map in Figure 1.3 shows.
For reasons detailed in §1.5, the model that divides the Quechuan family tree
into two principal branches doesn’t apply very well to Yauyos, as its different di-
alects manifest different characteristics of both of branches. Yauyos is, of course,
not alone in this, not in the least because the division of the languages into two
branches was, arguably, based on rather arbitrary criteria in the first place (See in
particular Landerman 1991). The significance of Yauyos lies in the fact that it may
represent the “missing link” between the two (See in particular Heggarty 2007).
There exist three proposals in the literature – Taylor (2000); Torero (1974); Lewis,
Simons & Fennig (2015) – with regard to the grouping of the province’s fifteen
districts into dialect bundles. Taylor (2000: 105) counts seven varieties of Yauyos

5
1 Introduction

PROTO-QUECHUA

HUAIHUASH (QI) HUAMPUY (QII)

CENTRAL PACARAOS QIIA (‘YUNGAY’) QIIB-C (‘CHINCHAY’)

Huailay Ap-am-ah Huancay Central Northern Northern Southern

Huailas Alto Pativilca Yaru Pacaraos Laraos Cañaris & Amazonas Ayacucho
Incahuasi

Conchucos Alto Jauja & Lincha San Martín Cuzco, Puno

Cajamarca
Marañón Huanca & Bolivia
Apurí Loreto
Alto Huangáscar Argentina
Huallaga & Topará
Chocos Ecuador:
Highland
& Lowland
Madeán
Colombia

Figure 1.2: Quechuan languages family tree

Quechua, dividing these into two groups along a north-south axis. In the north
are the dialects of Alis/Tomas, Huancaya/Vitis, and Laraos; in the south, those
of Apurí/Chocos/Madeán/Viñac, Azángaro/Huangáscar, Cacra/Hongos, and Lin-
cha/Tana. Taylor classes four of these dialects – the northern dialects of Alis/-
Tomas and Huancaya/Vitis and the southern dialects of Azángaro/Huangáscar
and Cacra/Hongos – as belonging to the qi branch; he classes the remaining
three – Laraos in the north as well as Apurí/Chocos/Madeán/Víñac and Lincha/-
Tana in the south – as belonging to qii. Torero (1974) counted only six dialects,
excluding Azángaro/Huangáscar from the catalogue, classing it independently
among the qi dialects along with with Chincha’s Topará. Ethnologue, like Tay-
lor, includes Azángaro/Huangascar and adds, even, an eighth dialect, that of San
Pedro de Huacarpana, spoken on the Chincha side of the Yauyos-Chincha border.
Ethnologue further differs from Taylor in putting Apurí in a group by itself; and it
differs from both Taylor and Torero in grouping Chocos with Azángaro/Huangás-
car. My research supports Taylor’s grouping of Apurí with Madeán and Viñac;
it also supports Ethnologue’s inclusion of San Pedro de Huacarpana among the
dialects of Yauyos. San Pedro is located immediately to the north-east of Madeán
and Azángaro, at less than a days’ walk’s distance. Although formerly counted
a part of the Department of Lima and the Province of Yauyos, a redrawing of

6
 1.5 Classification

Pacaraos
North Junín
Junín

Tarma

Jauja Wanca
Jauja

Huaylla Wanca
Nor Yauyos-Cochas Huancayo
Lima Landscape Reserve

Yauyos
Jaqaru
Huancavelica
Chincha
San Vicente Ayacucho
de Cañete

Chincha Ayacucho

Pisco

Figure 1.3: Peruvian languages map

political boundaries placed San Pedro on the Ica side of the contemporary Ica-
Lima border. During the colonial period, the Province of Yauyos was larger
and included parts of what are now the Provinces of Chincha and Castrovir-
reyna (Huancavelica) Landerman (1991: 1.1.3.2.7). Apurí, like its neighbors Viñac
and Madeán, uses -ni and -y to indicate the first-person singular in the verbal
and substantive paradigms; they also use -rqa and -sa to indicate the past tense
and perfect. The first pair of characteristics set the Madeán/Viñac and Lincha/-
Tana dialects apart from the other three; the second pair of characteristics sets
Madeán/Viñac apart from Lincha/Tana. Chocos, like its neighbors Huangáscar
and Azángaro, uses vowel length to indicate the first-person singular in the ver-
bal and substantive paradigms.

1.5 Classification
Yauyos Quechua was dubbed by Alfredo Torero (1974) a “supralect” and its most
careful student, Gerald Taylor, referred to it as a “mixed” language (Taylor 1990:

7
1 Introduction

2, Taylor 2000: 105). Indeed, the designation of Yauyos as a language may seem,
at first, to be no more than a relic of the first classifications of the Quechuan
languages not by strictly linguistic criteria but, rather, by geographic criteria.
Yauyos is located on the border between the two large, contiguous zones where
the languages of the two different branches of the Quechuan language family
are spoken. qi is spoken immediately to the north, in the Department of Junín
and the north of the Department of Lima; qii, immediately to the south, in the
Departments of Huancavelica and Ayacucho. Yauyos manifests characteristics
of both branches. Take first-person marking. Three dialects, Azángaro-Chocos6 -
Huangáscar (ach), Cacra-Hongos (ch), and San Pedro (sp), use the same mark-
ing (vowel length) for the first person in both nominal and verbal paradigms7
and mark the first-person object with -ma. These are the two characteristics
that define a Quechuan language as belonging to the qi (also called Quechua B
or Huaihuash) branch. The other two dialects, Apurí-Madeán-Viñac (amv) and
Lincha-Tana (lt), mark the first person differently in the nominal and verbal
paradigms (with -y and -ni, respectively) and mark first-person object with -wa.
These two dialects, then, sort with the qii (A/Huampuy) languages. Indeed, the
first three are classed as qi (specifically, Central-Huancay) and the other two,
qii (specifically Yunagay-Central) (Cerrón-Palomino 1987: 247). Nevertheless,
the “qi” dialects, ach, ch, and sp, manifest few of the other traits that set the
qi languages apart from the qii languages. They do use ñuqakuna in place of
ñuqayku to form the first person plural exclusive as well as -pa(:)ku to indicate
the plural. Crucially, however, so do both the “qii” syq dialects.8 And none of
the five manifest any other of the principal traits that generally set the qi lan-
guages apart from the rest. None use -naw in place of -Sina to form the com-
parative, -piqta in place of -manta to form the ablative, or -naq in place of -shqa
to form the narrative past; and none except for Cacra uses -r (realized [l]) in
place of -shpa to form same-subject subordinate clauses. Now, the two “qii” syq
dialects manifest several of the traits that set the qiic (Chínchay Meridional) lan-
guages apart from the rest. Like the qiic languages, the amv and lt dialects
use the diminutive -cha, the emphatic -ari, the assertive -puni, and the alterna-
tive conditional -chuwan; the amv dialect additionally uses the alternative con-
6
I am very grateful to Peter Landerman for correcting me with regard to the classification of
Chocos, which I had originally misclassified with Madeán and Viñac.
7
Crucially, though, vowel length is not distinctive anywhere else in the grammar or lexicon
of these dialects. For example, these dialects use the qii -naya, -raya, and -paya, not the
qi -na:, -ra:, and -pa: to mark the desiderative, passive, and continuative, respectively. And
all districts but Cacra use tiya-, not ta:- ‘sit’, again sorting with the qii languages.
8
The ch dialect is unique in using -traw in alternation with both -pi and -pa for the locative.

8
 1.5 Classification

ditional -waq. Crucially, however, the three “qi” syq dialects, too, use three of
these: -cha, -ari and -chuwan. Further, all five share with Ayacucho Q the unique
use of the evidential modifier -ki. None of the five manifest any of the other
defining traits of the qiic languages: none uses -ku to indicate the first-person
plural exclusive or the third-person plural; nor does any use -chka9 to form the
progressive or -nka to form the distributive. Further, none suffered the fusion of
*/tr/ with */ch/ or */sh/ with */s/. (See Cerrón-Palomino (1987: 226–248) on the
defining characteristics of the various Quechuan languages) Rather, the dialects
of Southern Yauyos are mutually intelligible, and they together share character-
istics that set them apart from all the other Quechuan languages. With the single
exception that ch uses the accusative form -Kta in place of -ta, all five dialects
employ the same case system, which includes the unique ablative form -paq and
unique locative -pi. All dialects use the progressive form -ya;10 all employ the
plural -kuna with non-exhaustive meaning; and all employ the same unique sys-
tem of evidential modification (see §6.2.11.4). Further, with a single exception,11
the five dialects are uniform phonologically, all employing a highly conservative
system12 that retains all those phonemes hypothesized by Parker and Cerrón-
Palomino to have been included in the Proto-Quechua (see §2.3). Table 1.2, below,
summarizes this information. Please note that the table presents a somewhat ide-
alized portrait and that the characteristics it posits as belonging exclusively to
qii may sometimes be found in qi languages as well. Exceptions of which I am
aware are signaled in notes to the table.
The case of Azángaro-Chocos-Huangáscar requires particular attention in this
context. Torero (1968: 293, 1974: 28–29) classified Azángaro and Huangáscar as
forming an independent group with Topará (Chavín), placing it among the qi
Huancay languages. Cerrón-Palomino (1987: 236), following Torero, cites five cri-
9
Although all use -chka, unproductively except in sp, to indicate simultaneous action that per-
sists in time.
10
One of many attested reductions from *-yka: (-yka:, -yka, -yga, -ycha:, -yya:, -yya-, -ya:, and
-ya) (Hintz 2011: 213–219, 260–268, 290). I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for pointing
this out to me.
11
In the ch dialect, as in neighboring Junín, the protomorphemes */r/, */s/, and */h/ are sometimes
realized as [l], [h], and [sh], respectively. I have no explanation for why these alternations
occur in some cases but not in others. Indeed, it may be the case that where ch differs from
the rest of the dialects in that it employs */sh/where they employ */h/, it is the former that
preserves the oriɡinal form.
12
An anonymous reviewer points out that other Quechuan languages, Corongo among them,
for example, are more conservative than Yauyos with respect to some features, including the
preservation of the protoform *ñ in *ñi- ‘say’ and ña:-ña ‘right now’. Sihuas, too, preserves
elements of proto Quechua not found in Yauyos. In contrast, while Yauyos preserves a few
proto-Quechua features not found in either Corongo or Sihuas, it also manifests others that
reflect innovations likely adopted from neighboring QII languages.

9
1 Introduction

Table 1.2: Use of qi, qii and local structures in the five syq dialects

ch ach sp amv lt
1Singular nominal inflection -: -: -: -y -y
1Singular verbal inflection -: -: -: -ni -ni
1Singular object inflection -ma -ma -ma -wa -wa
1Plural exclusive pronoun ñuqakuna yes yes yes yes yes
Fusion of */ch/ and */tr/(a) no no no no no
Fusion of */s/ and */sh/ no no no no no
s>o inflection order num-o-tns-s yes yes yes yes yes
Vowel length distinctive elsewhere(b) no no no no no
Same-subject subordinator -shpa(c) yes yes(d) yes yes yes
Narrative past inflection -sHQa yes yes yes yes yes
Comparative -hina yes yes yes yes yes
Diminutive -cha(e) yes yes yes yes yes
Emphatic -ari yes yes yes yes yes
1Plural Altern. Conditional -chuwan yes yes yes yes yes
2Singular Altern. Conditional -waq no no no yes no
Assertive -puni no no no yes no
Evidential modifier -ki(f) yes yes yes yes yes
Locative -pa yes(g) yes yes yes yes
Ablative -paq(h) yes yes yes yes yes
Non-exhaustive -kuna yes yes yes yes yes
Lateralization of */r/ yes(j) no no no no

Note:
(a)
An anonymous reviewer points out that this is not exclusively a feature of qii languages
in that the fusion of */ch/ and */tr/ is attested in Huallaga, a qi variety.
(b)
With the exception of -pa(:)ku, where the long vowel distinguishes jtacc from ben-refl.
(c)
An anonymous reviewer points out that, although this may originally have been posited to
be a defining characteristic of qii languages, it is, in fact, far from such: -shpa is common
in several QI dialects: in Ancash, it attested in Huaylas; it is attested, also in Pachitea in
Huanuco.
(d)
Cacra but not Hongos also uses -r (realized [l]).
(e)
An anonymous reviewer points out that while diminutive -cha is less productive in qi than
in qii, it is still is common throughout qi, e. g. Victoria-Vitucha, Cabrito-Kapcha.
(f)
Also used in Ayacucho (qii).
(g)
Also uses -traw (qi).
(h)
An anonymous reviewer points out that ablative -paq is almost certainly derived from
*/-piq/ / */-pik/ via vowel harmony. The former is attested in Huaylas and the latter in
Corongo. The other -pi-initial forms in qi (-pita, -pi:ta, -pikta, -piqta, among others) would
have developed later via suffix amalgamation, similar to the formation of bipartite -manta
in qii (see, e. g. , Hintz & Dávila 2000).
(j)
Also occurs in Junín (qi).
Key: *: qi trait; †: qii/qiic trait; ‡: trait shared by all syq dilects not characteristic of either qi or
qii/qiic.

10
 1.5 Classification

teria for grouping Huangáscar with Topará. Both dialects, he writes, use -pa:ku
and -:ri to indicate the plural; both use -shpa in place of -r to form same-subject
subordinate clauses; and both use -tamu to indicate completed action; the two
dialects, further, are alike in using unusual locative and ablative case-marking.
Only three of these claims are accurate. First, Huangáscar, as Taylor (1984) al-
ready indicated, does not use -:ri. Second, Huangáscar and Topará may indeed
both use unusual locative and ablative case marking, but, crucially, they do not
use the same unusual case marking: Huangáscar uses -pa to indicate the locative
while Topará uses -man; Huangáscar uses -paq to indicate the ablative while
Topará uses -pa (C.-P. himself points out these last two facts). Huangáscar does
indeed use -shpa to form subordinate clauses and -tamu to indicate irreversible
change. Crucially, however, so do all the dialects of southern Yauyos. In sum,
there is no basis for grouping Huangáscar with Topará and not with the other
dialects of syq. Torero’s data were never corroborated; indeed, the findings of
Taylor and Landerman, the scholars who have most thoroughly studied Yauyos
before now,13 contradict those of Torero.
syq is not a jumble of dialects that, were it not for geographical accident, would
not be classed together; it is, rather, a unique, largely uniform language. Al-
though I myself do not believe that the current paradigm can be maintained, I
have tried to present the data in a way that remains as neutral as possible with
regard to the question of how the internal diversity within the Quechuan lan-
guage family is best characterized, and, in particular, with regard to the question
of whether or not the various Quechuan languages are helpfully construed as
belonging to one or the other of two branches of a family tree (See in particular
Adelaar 2008). I leave it to other scholars to interpret the data as they see fit.
That said, as long as it is maintained, the current paradigm should be revised to
more accurately reflect the relationships of syq with/to the languages currently
named on the Quechuan family tree as it is currently drawn. That tree groups
nine of the eleven districts of southern Yauyos into five sets, assigning each of
these sets the status of an independent language. Moreover, two of these sets are
actually singletons, as Chocos is listed independent of (Azángaro-)Huangáscar,
to which it is identical, and Apurí is listed independent of Madeán(-Viñac), to
which it is identical. (Cacra-Hongos, the set that would deserve independent
placement, if any did, appears nowhere at all). The fact that all these “languages”
are completely mutually intelligible does not justify this. It further seems un-

13
An anonymous reviewer points out that Martha Hardman, Steve Echerd, Rick Floyd, Conrad
Phelps – in addition to several students from Universidad San Marcos – have given Yauyos ex-
tensive attention, although they may not have added to the storehouse of data on the language.

11
1 Introduction

justified to place the Quechua of single villages on the level of that of whole
nations – Bolivia and Ecuador. I suggest, therefore, that Chocos be joined with
(Azángaro-)Huangáscar, and Apurí with Madeán(-Viñac). The first of these new
triplets, Azángaro-Chocos-Hunagáscar, should be mutated to join the other “lan-
guages” of southern Yauyos, under the category Central Yungay. The four sets
should, further, be collapsed and the resulting set called Southern Yauyos. The
revised (pruned) tree would then be as in Figure 1.4. In the event that it be nec-
essary to honor the internal diversity that would be obscured by this move, note
may simply be made to the fact that this “new” language counts multiple dialects.
In this case, Cacra-Hongos and San Pedro de Huacarpana would have to be listed
among these.14

PROTO-QUECHUA

HUAIHUASH (QI) HUAMPUY (QII)

CENTRAL PACARAOS QIIA (‘YUNGAY’) QIIB-C (‘CHINCHAY’)

Huailay Ap-am-ah Huancay Central Northern Northern Southern

Huailas Alto Pativilca Yaru Pacaraos Laraos Cañaris & Amazonas Ayacucho
Incahuasi

Conchucos Alto Jauja & Southern San Martín Cuzco, Puno

Cajamarca
Marañón Huanca Yauyos & Bolivia
Loreto
Alto Argentina
Huallaga
Ecuador:
Highland
& Lowland
Colombia

Adapted from source:

http://lingweb.eva.mpg.de/quechua/Eng/Cpv/Locations.htm#TheTraditionalQuechuaFamilyTree

Figure 1.4: Quechuan languages family tree revised

14
I regret having to list Laraos independently here, as I believe it is possible to make a convincing
argument for its inclusion as a dialect of Southern Yauyos. Nothing in this volume, however,
directly speaks to that question. I plan to address it explicitly in a future paper.

12
 1.6 Presentation

1.6 Presentation
To facilitate comparison with other Quechuan languages, the presentation here
follows the structure of the six Quechua grammars published by the Peruvian
government in 1976. Readers familiar with those grammars will note the obvi-
ous debt this one owes to those: it follows not just their format, but also, in
large part, their analysis. The six 1976 grammars cover the Quechuas of An-
cash, Ayacucho, Cajamarca, Cuzco, Huanca and San Martín. (Parker 1976; Soto
Ruiz 1976a; Quesada Castillo 1976; Cusihuamán Gutiérrez 1976; Cerrón-Palomino
1976a; Coombs, Coombs & Weber 1976). Other published grammars of Que-
chuan languages include Herrero & Lozada (1978) on Bolivian Quechua; Catta
(1994) on Ecuadorian Quechua; Taylor (1994) on Ferreñafe; Weber (1989) on Hual-
laga (Huanuco);15 Cole (1982) on Imbabura; Adelaar (1977) description of Tarma
Quechua and his (1986) morphology of Pacaraos; as well as the surveys and com-
pilations of Cerrón-Palomino (1987); Cerrón-Palomino & Solís-Fonesca (1990),
and Cole, Hermon & Martín (1994).
Words and phrases appearing in italics – like this – are in Quechua. English
and Spanish interpretations appear in single quotation marks – ‘like this’. Inter-
pretations are sometimes given in Spanish – the language I used with my consul-
tants16 – as well as English. Transformations (illustrations of changes indicated
as a result of morphological processes referenced) are indicated with arrows –
like → like_this. Quechua words are broken into component morphemes, like
this: warmi-kuna. It is the morpheme relevant to the topic in focus that is in
bold.
Each section and major subsection begins with an account of the topic under
consideration. Terminal subsections supply more extended discussion and fur-
ther examples, generally about 10, often as many as 30 or even 40. All examples
except those indicated with a dagger are taken from the corpus of recordings
collected during the course of the documentation of the language. Those with a
dagger were elicited. Transcriptions can be checked against the original recor-
dings by downloading the compilation of recordings archived with the corpus,

15
Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out. Hintz (2011) supplies a grammar of
aspect and related categories in Quechua, especially South Conchucos Quechua (Ancash).
16
Indeed, all English glosses are my translations from the Spanish glosses my consultants orig-
inally supplied. In most cases, the Spanish translations reflected the syntax and semantics of
the original Quechua. I sacrificed this in preparing the the English glosses that appear here. I
made this choice because the more literal glosses are standard in Andean Spanish – in struc-
tures like the possessive ‘su n de a’ (‘his n of a’) – they would not be standard in any English
dialect of which I am aware.

13
1 Introduction

typing a couple of words from either the example or its gloss into the search bar
and following the recording title and time signature back to the original record-
ing. I am also happy to supply this information. Source titles refer to .eaf files
archived with DoBeS and AILLA. File names include three elements: the place
in which the recording was made, the initials of the principal participant, and
a word or two recalling the principal topic(s). For example, the file Vinac_JC_-
Cure was made in Viñac, has for its principal participant Jesús Centeno and for
its principal topic a curing ceremony. Because of restrictions on file names, no
accents are used. So, Azángaro is rendered “Azangaro” and so on.
Glosses were prepared in accord with the Leipzig glossing rules. For reasons
of space, two deviations from the standard abbreviations were made: “proximal
demonstrative” is not rendered “dem.prox” but “dem.p”; and “distal demonstra-
tive” is not rendered “dem.dist” but “dem.d”. Gloss codes are listed with the
notational conventions at page xi, in the section with that name.

1.7 Fieldwork
The fieldwork upon which this document is based was conducted in June and
July of 2010; January through April 2011; August through December 2011; April
through September 2012; and for a total of 10 months between October 2012 and
July 2014. The second of these trips was funded by a faculty development grant
from San José State University; the third through sixth, by two National Endow-
ment for the Humanities-National Science Foundation Documenting Endangered
Languages fellowships (FN-50099-11 and FN-50109-12).
The corpus counts 206 distinct audio and audio-video recordings. The recor-
dings, totaling over 71 hours, were made in the seven districts of Southern Yauyos
– Apurí, Azángaro, Cacra, Chocos, Hongos, Huangáscar, Lincha, Madeán, and
Viñac – as well as in the district of San Pedro de Huacarpana in Chincha. Recor-
dings include stories, songs, riddles, spontaneous dialogue, personal narrative,
and descriptions of traditional activities, crafts and healing practices. Over 28
hours of recordings were transcribed, translated and glossed. The recordings
as well as the ELAN time-aligned transcriptions and accompanying videos are
archived both at The DoBeS project, housed at the Max Planck Institute in Ni-
jmegen, The Netherlands, and at the Archive of the Indigenous Languages of
Latin America at the University of Texas, Austin, USA. All materials can be ac-
cessed via those institutions’ websites, http://www.mpi.nl/DOBES/ and http://
www.ailla.utexas.org/. The more popular video recordings – many transcribed –
can also be easily accessed via endangeredlanguages.com. All examples that fol-

14
 1.7 Fieldwork

low except those noted † were taken from this corpus. It is my hope that these
examples will give the reader a sense of the life that supported and was supported
by the language.
Unicode was used for character encoding; audio and video recordings were
saved in the standard formats – PCM wav 44.1/32 bits, .mpg, and .mpeg; unstruc-
tured texts were saved as plain text; structured texts have XML-based underlying
schemas. Recording equipment includes a Marantz PMD 660 solid state digital
audio recorder (pre-January 2013 recordings); a Roland R-26 solid state audio
recorder; an AudioTechnica 831b cardioid condenser microphone (pre-May 2012
recordings); a Sennheiser MKH 8060 cardioid condenser microphone; and a Ca-
non Vixia HF S100 HD flash memory camcorder. Transcriptions, translations
and glosses were prepared with ELAN; Audacity was used for editing audio re-
cordings; iMovie for video recordings. All work was done on a MacBook Pro (pre-
July 2011 recordings) or MacBook Air (post-July 2011 recordings).
Exactly one hundred participants contributed recordings: AA, DO, Pedro Car-
rún (Apurí); Victoria Díaz, Gabino Huari, Ernestina Huari, Efrén Yauri (Madeán);
Isabel Chávez (Tayamarka); Dona Alvarado, Eudosia Alvarado, Pripodina Auris,
Jesus Centeno, Meli Chávez, Delfina Chullukuy, Martina Guerra, Victoria Guerra,
Carmen Huari, Aleka Madueño, Acención Madueño, Melania Madueño, Hilda
Quispe, Angélica Romero, Saturnina Utcañe (Viñac);Margarita Madueño (Casa
Blanca); Floriana Centeno, Emilia Guerra (Esmeralda); Juana Huari, Leonarda
Huari, Neri Huari, Corsinia Javier, Cecilia Quispe (Florida); AB (Ortigal); Octavia
Arco, Bautista Cárdenas (Llanka); Octavio Sulluchuco (Qanta); Cecilia Guerra,
Emiliano Rojas (Qunyari); María Guerra, Teresa Guerra, Alejandra Quispe (Shut-
co); Alejandrina Centeno, Macedonia Centeno, Soylita Chullunkuy, Hida Evan-
gelista, Soylita Huari (Tambopata); Urbana Yauri (Yuracsayhua); Anselma Caja,
Filipa Postillón (Azángaro); Genoveva Rodríguez, Lucía Rodríguez (Colca); For-
tunato Gutiérrez, Isak Gutiérrez (Marcalla); Alcibiada Rodríguez (Puka Rumi);
Victorina Aguado, Senovia Gutiérrez (Villaflor); Honorato B., Bonifacia de la
Cruz, Julia Mayta (Chocos); Benedicta Lázaro, CW, Luisa Gutiérez, PP, Victo-
ria Quispe, Teódolo Rodríguez, Natividad Saldaña (Huangáscar); Grutilda Sal-
daño; Eudisia Vicente (Tapalla); Iris Barrosa, Maximina Barrosa, Regina Huamán
(Cacra); Archi V., Eduardo Centeno, Dina Huamán, Leona Huamán, SA, Sabina
Huamán, Senaida Oré, Hipólita Santos, Maximina Tupac, Erlinda Vicente (Hon-
gos); Ninfa Flores, Anselma Vicente, Sofía Vicente (Lincha); Amador Flores, Gabi-
na Flores, Lucio Flores, Dina Lázaro, Elisa Mancha, Isabel Mancha (Tana); Santa
Ayllu, Edwin Fuentes, Neli Fuentes, Elvira Huamán, Sofía Huamán, Lucía Mar-
tinez, RF, Rosa O., Maximina Paloma, Juan Páucar (Liscay).

15
1 Introduction

For help with transcription and the lexicon, unending thanks to Benedicta Lá-
zaro and Martina Reynoso (ach); Mila Chávez, Delfina Chullunkuy, Esther Ma-
dueño, Hilda Quispe, and Celia Rojas (amv); Iris Barrosa, Gloria Cuevas, Senaida
Oré, Hipólita Santos, and Erlinda Vicente, (ch); Ninfa Flores and Sofía Vicente
(lt); and Santa Ayllu, Elvira Huamán, Sofía Huamán, and Maximina Paloma (sp).

1.8 A note to Quechuanists and typologists

Those already familiar with Quechuan languages will likely be interested in the
tables and sections listed in Tables 1.3 and 1.4 immediately below. These indicate
differences between Southern Yauyos Quechua and other Quechuan languages
as well as differences among the various dialects of syq. The footnotes appearing
in these sections may be of interest as well. Those familiar with the literature on
Quechuan languages will immediately recognize the presentation and analysis
here as very much derivative of much previous work on those languages.

Table 1.3: Tables of more interest to Quechuanists

1.2 Use of qi, qii and local structures in the five syq dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.1 Vowel inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2.2 Consonant inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
3.5 Case suffixes with examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
4.5 Verbal inflectional suffixes with different realizations in syq dialects . . . . . 132
4.6 Verbal inflection paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
4.7 Verbal inflection paradigm – subject-object suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
4.9 Actor-object inflectional suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
4.29 “Modal” (verb-verb derivational) suffixes, with examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
6.1 Enclitics, with examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
6.2 Evidential schema: “evidence from” by “evidence for” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

16
 1.8 A note to Quechuanists and typologists

Table 1.4: Sections of more interest to Quechuanists

1.5 Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.9 Broader interest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
1.2 Endangerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
2.3 Phonemic inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
3.2.2.1 Personal pronouns ñuqa, qam, pay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
3.3.1 Allocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
3.3.3 Case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
3.3.3.4 Genitive, locative -pa1 , -pa2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
3.3.3.5 Ablative, benefactive, purposive -paq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
3.3.3.6 Genitive, locative -pi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
3.4.1.4 Infinitive -y . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
3.4.2.2 Accompaniment -nti(n), -kuna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
4.2.4 Onomatopoetic verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
4.3.2.1 Subject and allocation suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
4.3.2.2 Actor and object reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
4.3.3.3.1 Simple past -RQa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
4.3.3.3.2 Quotative simple past tense -sHQa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
4.3.4.1 Regular conditional -man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
4.3.4.2 Excursis: Modality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
4.3.4.3 Alternative conditional -waq and -chuwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
4.3.6.1 Progressive -ya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
4.3.6.2 Durative, simultaneous -chka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
4.3.6.3 Perfective -ku . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
4.4.2.3.4 Frequentive -katra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
4.4.2.3.16 Urgency/personal interest -RU . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
5.1 Interjections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
6.2.11 Evidence (entire subsection) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270

17
1 Introduction

1.9 Broader interest

Yauyos should be of particular interest to semanticists as well as to students of
language contact. Semanticists may find the language’s unusual evidential sys-
tem of interest, while students of language contact may want to look for evidence
of contact between the districts where Yauyos is spoken – that of Cacra-Hongos
in particular – with the three Aymara-speaking districts in the same region of
the province.

1.9.1 Semantics – evidentials

For typologists and semanticists, Yauyos’ evidential system should be of inter-
est. Evidentials, broadly speaking, are generally said to indicate the type of
the speaker’s source of information. syq, like most other Quechuan languages,
employs a three-term system,17 indicating direct, reportative, and inferred evi-
dence (i.e. the speaker has personal-experience evidence for P, the speaker has
non-personal-experience evidence for P, or the speaker infers P based on either
personal- or non-personal-experience evidence). In syq, the three evidentials are
realized -mI , -shI , and -trI (See Floyd (1999) on Wanka Quechua; Faller (2003) on
Cuzco Quechua). The evidential system of syq is of particular interest because it
employs a second three-term system of evidential modifiers. The evidential sys-
tem of syq thus counts nine members: -mI , -mik, and -miki; -shI , -shik, and -shiki;
and -trI , -trik, and -triki. The -I -ik, and -iki forms are not allomorphs: they re-
ceive different interpretations. §6.2.11 describes this system in detail. (For further
formal analysis, see Shimelman 2012 and Shimelman 2014).

1.9.2 Language contact – Aymara

For students of language contact, it is the contact of Yauyos with Aymara that
should be of particular interest.18 The northern branch of the Aymara family is
situated entirely in the province of Yauyos (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 173): the
Aymaran languages Kawki and Jaqaru are spoken in the central Yauyos munic-
ipalities of Cachuy, Aysa and Tupe. There are, further, reports dating from the
beginning of the 20th century of other Aymaran-speaking communities in the

17
An anonymous reviewer points out that South Conchucos has a 5-choice evidential system,
and Sihuas a 6-choice system (Hintz & Hintz 2017), while Huallaga has a 4-choice system
(Weber 1989).
18
Contact of Quechuan languages with Spanish, of course, is of interest here, as it is in all Que-
chuan languages.

18
 1.9 Broader interest

province (174).19 I was unable to find evidence of any unusual lexical borrowing
in Yauyos, i.e., of words – like (pampa- ‘bury’) – not also attested in other Qu-
echuan languages. That said, the lexicon I assembled includes only 2000 words,
in large part because the vocabulary of the language has been much-reduced, as
is to be expected, given that such reduction is one of the symptoms of extreme
language endangerment. Those more familiar with the Aymaran languages may,
however, still be able to find evidence of calquing or structural influence.

19
On Aymara and the relationship of Quechua and Aymara see, among others, Adelaar with
Muysken (2004: 259–317) and Cerrón-Palomino (1994; 2000). On Jaqaru, see, among others,
Hardman (1966; 1983; 2000).

19
2 Phonology and morphophonemics
This chapter covers the syllable structure, stress pattern, phonemic inventory,
and morphophonemics of Southern Yauyos Quechua.

2.1 Introduction and summary

The syllable structure, stress pattern, phonemic inventory, and morphophone-
mics of syq are not extraordinary. Indeed, what is most extraordinary about them
is precisely how unextraordinary they are: syq is, phonologically, extraordinarily
conservative,1 with four of its five dialects essentially instantiating the systems
proposed for Proto-Quechua in Landerman (1991), Cerrón-Palomino (1987: ch.4).
All syq dialects retain contrasts between (1) [č] and [ĉ]; (2) [k], [q] and [h]; (3)
[l] and [λ]; (4) [n] and [ň]; and (5) [s] and [š].
(1) While in Ecuador, Columbia, Bolivia, Argentina, the east and south of Peru,
as well as in Sihuas, Ambo-Pasco, Tarma, Wanka, Lambayeque, Chachapoyas and
Cajamarca,2 */ĉ/ underwent deretroflection, syq retains Proto-Quechua forms
like trina ‘female’, trupa ‘tail’, katrka- ‘gnaw’, and qutra ‘lagoon’. In syq, traki
‘foot’ contrasts with chaki ‘dry’.
(2) */q/ was neither velarized nor glottalized in syq (which is not to say that
these processes are the norm). The language retains, for example, the pq forms
qusa ‘husband’, qasa- ‘freeze’, waqa- ‘cry’, aqu ‘sand’, uqu- ‘wet’, wiqaw ‘waist’,
waqra ‘horn’, and atuq ‘fox’. syq thus retains contrasts like those between qiru
‘stick’ and kiru ‘tooth’; qilla ‘lazy’ and killa ‘moon’. */h/ appears in syq, as in pq,
principally word-initially, as in hapi- ‘grab’, hampi- ‘cure’, and haya- ‘be bitter’.
(4) In syq, [ň] did not undergo depalatalization as it did in the Quechuas of Cen-
tral Peru. [ň] figures in the first-person personal pronoun ñuqa as well as in lex-
emes such as ñaka-ri- ‘suffer’, ñaña ‘sister’, ñiti- ‘crush’, ñawsa ‘blind’, and ñañu

1
Other phonologically conservative Quechuan languages include Sihuas, which, like Yauyos,
retains contrasts between */ch/ and */tr/, */ll/ and */l/, as well as */sh/ and */s/. Thanks to an
anonymous reviewer for pointing this out.
2
Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for calling my attention to the final examples here.
2 Phonology and morphophonemics

‘thin’. Examples of [n]/[ň] minimal pairs include ana ‘mole’ and aña- ‘scold’;
and na dmy and ña disc.
(5) [š] suffered depalatalization throughout the south. syq, however, retains
Proto-Quechua forms such as shimi ‘mouth’, shunqu ‘heart’, shipash ‘maiden’,
washa ‘back’, ishkay, ‘two’, and mishki ‘sweet’. [s]/[š] minimal pairs include
suqu ‘gray hair’ and shuqu- ‘sip’. One also finds contrasts between the native-
borrowed pairs ashta- ‘move’ and asta ‘until’; and asha- ‘yawn’ and asa- ‘anger’.
None of the dialects includes ejectives or aspirates in its phonemic inventory.
Vowel length is contrastive in the grammars but not the lexicons of the dialects
of Azángaro-Chocos-Huangáscar, Cacra-Hongos and San Pedro. In these dialects,
as in all the qi (qb) languages with the exception of Pacaraos, vowel length marks
the first person in both the nominal (possessive) and verbal paradigms (wasi-: ‘my
house’ and puri-: ‘I walk’). The Cacra-Hongos dialect is unique among the five
in that, there, the protomorpheme */r/ is generally but not uniformly realized
as [l], and word-initial */s/ and */h/ are generally but not uniformly realized as
[h], and [š], respectively.3 The first of these mutations it has in common with
neighboring Junín.
A note on */l/ Cerrón-Palomino – like (Torero 1964), but unlike Parker (1969) –
does not include */l/ in his catalogue of proto-phonemes. He admits, however,
that the status of */l/ is controversial. While it does occur in a small number of
proto-morphemes, and, indeed, both /l/ and /ll/ occur in all of the qi contempo-
rary varieties in Ancash and Huanuco, except for Humalies and Margos (thanks
to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out), he calls it “Un elemento mar-
ginal y parasitario” (“a marginal and parasitic element”). He admits, however,
that the hypothesis that pq included palatal lateral (/ll/) but not a alveolar lat-
eral (/l/) runs into the problem that the universal tendency is that the presence
of /ll/ depends on the presence of /l/, but not vice versa Cerrón-Palomino (1987:
123). W. Adelaar (p.c.) writes, “In support of the controversial status of */l/ which
runs against the universal tendency that /λ/ presupposes /l/, there is the case of
Amuesha (Yanesha’). This language has a generalized palatal vs. non-palatal op-
position in its consonant inventory, but precisely */l/ is missing (apparently an
areal feature shared with Quechua).” I have postulated an /l/ for syq, as both [λ]
3
W. Adelaar (p.c.) writes that, at least with regard to the examples given here and below, the
“Cacra-Hongos development of */s/ to /h/ is found throughout Junín (with the exception of
Jauja). These dialects also use shamu-, instead of hamu-. The first form […] is typical for
Quechua I, and also for Ecuador and San Martín. shamu- may be older than hamu-,” he writes,
“but the correspondence is largely unpredictable according to dialects.” An anonymous re-
viewer adds that Sihuas retains */s/ in sama- ‘rest’, saru- ‘step on’, sayta- ‘kick’, and sita- ‘hit’,
among others.

22
 2.2 Syllable structure and stress pattern

and [l] appear in more than just a few marginal lexemes. [λ] appears in syq lex-
emes like llaki ‘sadness’, lluqsi- ‘exit’, allin ‘good’, allqu ‘dog’, tullu ‘bone’, ayllu
‘family’, wallqa ‘garland’, and kallpa ‘strength’, among many others. As for [l],
as noted in §2.3, it appears, first, as an allomorph of /r/ in the ch dialect. It also
appears in exclamations like ¡alaláw! ‘how cold!’ and ¡añaláw! ‘how beautiful!’
(which occur in Jaqaru, a neighboring Aymara language, as well Castro 1995),
as well as in onomatopoetic terms like luqluqluqya- ‘make the sound of boiling’.
Finally, crucially, [l] also appears in a non-negligible number of semantically
contentful lexemes, including lapu- ‘slap’, lapcha- ‘touch’, laqatu ‘slug’, lashta
‘snow’, lawka- ‘feed a fire’, layqa- ‘bewitch’, lani ‘penis’, lumba ‘without horns’,
alpaka ‘alpaca’, almi- ‘forge a river’, and alqalli ‘testicle’. [l]/[λ] minimal pairs
can be found in contemporary syq in the ch dialect where [l] is an allomorph
of /r/. These pairs include laki- ‘separate’ and llaki- ‘grieve’; tali- ‘find’ and talli-
‘pour’; lunku ‘sack’ and llunku ‘picky’; and lulu ‘kidney’ and llullu ‘unripe’.
§2.2 treats syllable structure and stress pattern; §2.3, phonemic inventory and
morphophonemics; §2.4, Spanish loan words.

2.2 Syllable structure and stress pattern

Syllable structure in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, is (C)V(C) except in
borrowed words. That is, syllables of the form CCV and VCC are prohibited. One
vowel does not follow another without an intervening consonant, i.e., sequences
of the form VV are prohibited. Only the first syllable of a word may begin with
a vowel (a.pa- ‘bring’; ach.ka ‘a lot’).
As in the overwhelming majority of Quechuan languages, primary stress falls
on the penultimate syllable of a word (compare yanápa-n ‘he helps’ and yanapá-
ya-n ‘he is helping’; awá-rqa ‘he wove’ and awa-rqá-ni ‘I wove’). The first syllable
of a word with more than four syllables generally receives weak stress. There
are two exceptions to this rule. First, in all dialects, exclamations often receive
stress on the ultimate syllable (¡Achachák! ‘What a fright!’ ¡Achachalláw! ‘How
awful!’). Second, in those dialects where vowel length indicates the first person,
stress falls on the ultimate syllable just in case person marking is not followed
by any other suffix (uyari-yá-: ‘I am listening’, ri-rá-: ‘I went’).4

4
It is worth noting that this is phenomenon is far from universal: as an anonymous reviewer
points out, “all of the Ancash Quechua varieties mark first person with vowel length, but stress
never falls on the lengthened syllable in word-final position. The same is true for Huamalies
in western Huanuco. The phenomenon [described here for Yauyos] does hold for Huallaga in
central Huanuco, as described by Weber (1989)”.

23
2 Phonology and morphophonemics

2.3 Phonemic inventory and morphophonemics

syq counts three native vowel phonemes: /a/, /i/, and /u/. In words native to syq,
the closed vowels /i/ and /u/ have mid and lax allomorphs [e], [ɪ] and [o], [υ],
respectively. That is, in words native to syq, no member of either of the triples {[i],
[e], [ɪ]} or {[u], [o], [υ]}, is contrastive with any other member of the same triple.
The alternations [i] ~ [e] and [u] ~ [o] are conditioned by environment: the second
member of each pair appears in a syllable including /q/ (/qilla/ ‘lazy’ → [qeλa],
/atuq/ ‘fox’ → [atoq]).5
Vowel length is contrastive in the morphologies but not the lexicons of the
dialects of ach, ch and sp. In these dialects – as in all the qi (qb) languages
with the exception of Pacaraos – vowel length marks the first person in both the
substantive (possessive) and verbal paradigms (wawa-: ‘my house’ and puri-: ‘I
walk’ (rendered ‘wawa-y’ and puri-ni in the amv and lt dialects))6 .
In all dialects, the consonant inventory counts seventeen native and six bor-
rowed phonemes. The native phonemes include voiceless plosives /p/, /t/, /ch/,
/tr/, /k/ and /q/; voiceless fricatives /s/, /sh/ and /h/; nasals /m/, /n/ and /ñ/; lat-
erals /l/ and /ll/; tap /r/; and approximants /w/ and /y/. Borrowed from Span-
ish are voiced plosives /b/, /d/ and /ɡ/;7 voiceless fricative /f/; voiced fricative
/v/; and trill /rr/. In the Cacra-Hongos dialect, the protomorpheme */r/ is gen-
erally but not uniformly realized as [l] (*runa > luna ‘person’, *ri-y > li-y ‘go!’,
*harka- > halka- ‘herd’), and word-initial */s/ and */h/ are generally but not uni-
formly realized as [h]8 and [ʃ] (*sapa > hapa ‘alone’, *surqu- > hurqu- ‘take out’,

5
An anonymous reviewer points out that “the most complete grammars of Quechuan languages
show several lexemes with mid vowels that are not conditioned by /q/. See, for example, the
discussions in Cusihuamán Gutiérrez (1976: 46–51) on Cuzco and in Swisshelm (1972: xiv–xv)
on Ancash. Similar mid vowel data are found in Ayacucho, Santiago del Estero, Cajamarca,
San Martin, Huallaga, and Corongo, among others. It would be surprising (and noteworthy!) if
SYQ has no such lexemes, in contrast to other Quechuan languages across the family.” I cannot
at this point confirm either that Yauyos does or does not have such lexemes.
6
It is worth noting that in some qi varieties – Huaylas, South Conchucos and Huamalies among
them – lengthened high vowels lower to mid vowels, e. g. , /wayi-:/ [waye:], /puri-:/ [pure:].
Thanks to an anonymous reviwer for pointing this out.
7
In syq, */p/ */t/ and */k/ were not sonorized. syq retains pq forms like wampu ‘boat’ and shimpa
‘braid’; inti ‘sun’ and anta ‘copper-colored’; and punki ‘swell’ and punku ‘door, entryway’.
8
This is hardly unique to Yauyos, occurring in notably in the lects of Yauyos’ immediate neigh-
bor to the north, Junín. In ch, as in the qb lects generally, many stems retain initial /s/: supay
‘phantom’, sipi ‘root’, siki ‘behind’, supi ‘fart’, suwa- ‘to rob’, sinqa ‘nose’, sasa ‘hard’, and siqna
‘wrinkle’. ch also shares with Junín the mutation of r to l. ch patterns with Huanca with regard
to all but one of the phonological innovations common to the lects of other qb regions. For
example, ch and Huanca retain ñ and ll, ch and tr.

24
 2.3 Phonemic inventory and morphophonemics

*hamu- > shamu- ‘come’, *hampatu > shampatu ‘frog’). Further examples in-
clude: saru- > haru- ‘trample’, sara > hara ‘corn’, siqa- > hiqa- ‘go up’, sira- > hila-
‘sew’, sama > hama ‘rest’. Examples of native and borrowed lexemes that resist
these mutations include riqsi- ‘become acquainted’ and riga- ‘irrigate’; siki ‘be-
hind’ and sapu ‘frog’; and hapi- ‘grab’). In Lincha and Tana – Cacra and Hongos’
immediate neighbors to the north-east and south-west, respectively – speakers
may realize word-initial */r/ and */s/ as [l] and [h], respectively, in a few cases
(*runku- > lunku- ‘bag’, *sapa > hapa ‘alone’). These substitutions are not sys-
tematic, however, and remain exceptions.
Tables 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3 give the vowel inventory, consonant inventory, and
morphophonemics of syq. If the orthographic form differs either from the usual
orthographic symbol among Andean linguists or from the IPA symbol, these are
noted in square brackets. Parentheses indicate a non-indigenous phoneme.
Table 2.1: Vowel inventory

Front Central Back

Closed (High) i u
Open (Low) a

Table 2.2: Consonant inventory

lar
tal

eo
en

x
lar

alv

fle
-d
l
bia

lar
al
o
bio

tro

r
st-

lat
ve

la

u
la

Uv
Ve
Po

Re

Pa
La

Al
Bi

Voiceless plosive p t tr [ĉ][ʈ] ch [č][c] k q

Voiced plosive (b) (d) (ɡ)
Nasal m n ñ [ň][ɲ]
Trill (rr)[r]
Tap or Flap r [ɾ]
Voiceless fricative (f) s sh [š][ʃ] h
Voiced fricative (v)
Approximant w y [j]
Lateral approximant l ll [λ][ʎ]

25
2 Phonology and morphophonemics

Table 2.3: Morphophonemics

/n/ realized as [m] before /p/; in free alternation with nasalization of the
preceeding vowel before /m/; (i.e., rinanpaq → [rinam̱ paq])
/m/ [m] is in free alternation with [n] before /w/ and /m/
(i.e., qamman → [qaṉman])
/k/ [k] is in free alternation with [ø] before /k/ and /q/
(i.e., wakqa → [waqa])
/q/ [q] is in free alternation with [ø] before /q/ (i.e., ruwaqqa → [ruwaqa])
/q/ [q] is in free alternation with [ɡ] after /n/ (i.e., rinqa → [rinɡ̱a])
/-qa/ top [qa] is in free alternation with [aq] after [aj] (i.e., chay-qa → [tʃajaq])
/u/ realized as [o] or [υ] when it figures in a syllable that either includes /q/
or precedes one that does (i.e., urqu → [o̱rqo̱])
/i/ realized as [e] or [ɛ] when it figures in a syllable that either includes /q/
or precedes one that does (i.e., qillu → [qe̱ʎu])

2.4 Spanish loan words

As detailed in §1.2, syq is extremely endangered: all but the most elderly speak-
ers are bilingual and, indeed, Spanish-dominant. As a result, individual speakers
are not limited by the constraints of Quechuan phonology and generally pro-
nounce loan words with something very close to their original syllable structure
and phonemes, even where these do not conform to the constraints of Quechuan
phonology. With that said, where restructuring does take place, it does so accord-
ing to the rules detailed in §2.4.1.

2.4.1 Spanish loan word restructuring

Syllable structure violations – vowel sequences. In cases where the loaned word
includes the prohibited sequence *VV, syq, like other Quechuan languages, gen-
erally applies one of three strategies: (a) the elimination of one or the other of the
two vowels (aceite → asiti ‘oil’); (b) the replacement of one of the two vowels by
a semiconsonant (cuerpo → kwirpu ‘body’, sueño → suyñu ‘dream’); or (c) the in-
sertion of a semiconsonant between the two vowels (cualquiera → kuwalkiyera
‘any’).

26
 2.4 Spanish loan words

Syllable structure violations – consonant sequences. In case the loaned word in-
cludes a syllable of the prohibited form *CCV or *VCC, syq, again, like other Qu-
echuan languages, employs one of two strategies: (a) the elimination of one of the
two consonants (gringo → ringu ‘gringo’) or (b) the insertion of an epenthetic
vowel (groche → guruchi ‘hook’, ‘crochet’).

Stress pattern violations. Speakers vary in the extent to which they restructure
borrowed Spanish terms to conform to Quechua stress pattern. Plentiful are ex-
amples of both practices:
Table 2.4: Loan word restructuring

No restructuring Restructuring
kanásta-wan Sp canásta ‘basket’ tirruristá-wan Sp terrorísta ‘terrorist’
fwíra-ta Sp fuéra ‘outside’ Kañití-ta Sp Cañéte ‘Cañete’
mútu-qa Sp móto ‘motorcycle’ vaká-qa Sp váca ‘cow’

Words of five or more syllables permit the preservation of the original Spanish
stress pattern in the interior of a word that still adheres to the Quechua pattern of
assigning stress to the penultimate syllable (timblúr-wan-ráq-tri ‘with an earth-
quake, still, for sure’ (Sp temblór ‘earthquake’)).

Phonemic inventory – consonants. Spanish loan words often feature consonants

foreign to the syq inventory: voiced plosives /b/, /d/ and /ɡ/; voiceless frica-
tive /f/; voiced fricative /v/; and trill /rr/. It might be expected that [b] and
[d] would be systematically replaced with their voiceless counterparts, [p] and
[t], and that trill [r] would, similarly, be replaced by tap/flap [ɾ]. Speakers of
syq, even the oldest, do not in fact regularly replace these or other non-native
phonemes (balde → baldi ‘bucket’; doctor → duktur ‘doctor’; carro → karru
‘car’; fiesta → fiysta ‘festival’; velar → vilaku- ‘watch’, ‘hold vigil’).

Phonemic inventory – vowels. The inventory of Spanish vowels includes two for-
eign to syq: /o/ and /e/ (Dios ‘God’; leche ‘milk’). As detailed in §2.3, in words
native to syq, [o] and [e] are allophones of /u/ and /i/, respectively. It is to be
expected, then, that speakers would systematically replace the [o] and [e] of
Spanish loan words with native correlates [u] and [i], respectively (sapo → sapu
‘frog’; cerveza → sirbisa ‘beer’). This does indeed occur. More commonly, how-
ever, [o] and [e] are either replaced by the /u/ and /i/ allophones [υ] and [ɪ]

27
2 Phonology and morphophonemics

(cosa → [kυsa] ‘thing’, tele → [tɪlɪ] ‘TV’) or, even, not replaced at all. The real-
ization of non-native vowels varies both among speakers and also among words:
different speakers render the same word differently and individual speakers ren-
der the same phoneme differently in different words.

Special case: ado. Spanish loan words ending in -ado – with the non-native
/d/ and /o/ – present a special case. -ado is generally rendered [aw] in syq
(apurado → apuraw ‘quick’; lado → law ‘place’). 9

Finally, restructuring to accommodate any of the three – stress pattern, syl-

lable structure or phonemic inventory – does not depend on restructuring to
accommodate any of the others. That is, stress pattern can be restructured to
eliminate violations of syq constraints, while violations of constraints on sylla-
ble structure or phonemic inventory are left unrestructured, and similarly for
any of the six possible permutations of the three.

2.4.2 Loan word orthography

I have chosen an orthography that makes use of all and only the letters appearing
in Tables 2 and 2.1, above. Orthography rather strictly follows pronunciation in
the case of consonants in both indigenous and borrowed words; in the case of
vowels in borrowed words, it is something of an idealization (i.e., it should not
in these cases be mistaken for phonetic transcription).
This alphabet does not include the letters c, j, z, e or o, all of which occur in
the original Spanish spelling of many borrowed words. Spanish c, j and z have
been replaced with their syq phonetic equivalents: “hard” c is replaced with k;
“soft” c with s; j with h; and z with s. Thus, the borrowed Spanish words caja
(‘box’, ‘coffin’) and cerveza (‘beer’) are rendered kaha and sirbisa, with no change
in the pronunciation of the relevant consonants in either case. Spanish e and o,
appearing simply, are replaced with i and u (compadre → kumpadri). Spanish
vowel sequences including e and o are replaced as shown in Table 2.5.
In the special case where the sequence ue or ua is preceded by h – generally
not not necessarily silent in Spanish – h and u together are replaced by the semi-
consonant [w] (huérfano → wirfanu ‘orphan’).

9
An anonymous reviewer has brought it to my attention that “in many qi languages, such as
several varieties in Ancash,-ado → /a:/, e.g, apura:. In fact, -la: has become a case suffix ‘at,
near’ that competes with the semantic territory of the native locative.”

28
 2.4 Spanish loan words

I have deviated from these practices only in the case of proper names, spelling
these as they are standardly spelled in Spanish. Thus, Cañete and San Jerónimo,
for example, are not rendered, as they would be under the above conventions,
Kañiti and San Hirunimu. ‘Dios’ (‘God’) is treated as a proper name.
Table 2.5: Loan word orthography

ea → iya solea → suliya- ‘sun’

au → aw autoridad → awturidad ‘official’
ía → iya policía → pulisiya ‘police’
ia → ya familia → familya ‘family’
ie → iy siempre → siympri ‘always’
io → yu invidioso → inbidyusu ‘jealous’
ío → iyu tío → tiyu ‘uncle’
ua → wa guardia → gwardya ‘guard’
ue → wi cuento → kwintu ‘story’
ue → uy sueño → suyñu ‘dream’

29
3 Substantives
This chapter covers the various substantives in Southern Yauyos Quechua. It sur-
veys their different classes and describes the patterns of inflection and derivation
in the various dialects of the language.

3.1 Parts of speech

The parts of speech in Southern Yauyos Quechua, as in other Quechuan lan-
guages, are substantives (warmi ‘woman’), verbs (hamu- ‘come’), ambivalents
(para ‘rain, to rain’), and particles (mana ‘no, not’). Substantives and verbs are
subject to different patterns of inflection; ambivalents may inflect either as sub-
stantives or verbs; particles do not inflect.
The class of substantives in Quechuan languages is usually defined as includ-
ing nouns (wasi ‘house’); pronouns (ñuqanchik ‘we’); interrogative-indefinites
(may ‘where’); adjectives (sumaq ‘pretty’); pre-adjectives (dimas ‘too’); and nu-
merals (kimsa ‘three’). All substantives with the exception of dependent pro-
nouns (Sapa ‘alone’) may occur as free forms.
The class of verbs in Quechuan languages is usually defined to include tran-
sitive (qawa- ‘see’), intransitive (tushu- ‘dance’), and copulative (ka- ‘be’) stems.
A fourth class can be set apart: onomatopoetic verbs (chuqchuqya- ‘nurse, make
the sound of a calf nursing’). All verbs, with the exception of haku! ‘let’s go!’,
occur only as bound forms.
Ambivalents form a single class.
The class of particles is usually defined to include interjections (¡Alaláw! ‘How
cold!’); prepositions (asta ‘until’); coordinators (icha ‘or’); pre-numerals (la, las,
occurring with expressions of time); negators (mana ‘no, not’); assenters and
greetings (aw ‘yes’); adverbs (ayvis ‘sometimes’).
The remainder of this section covers substantives; verbs are covered in Chap-
ter 4 and particles in Chapter 5.
3 Substantives

3.2 Substantive classes

In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, the class of substantives comprises six
subclasses: nouns, pronouns, interrogative-indefinites, adjectives, pre-adjectives,
and numerals. §3.2.1–3.2.5 cover each of these in turn. Multiple-class substan-
tives and the dummy noun na are covered in §3.2.6 and 3.2.7, respectively.

3.2.1 Nouns
The class of nouns may be divided into four sub-classes: regular nouns (wayta
‘flower’), time nouns (kanan ‘now’), gender nouns (tiya ‘aunt’), and locative
nouns (qipa ‘behind’). §3.2.1.1–3.2.1.4 cover each of these in turn.

3.2.1.1 Regular nouns

The class of regular nouns includes all nouns not included in the other three
classes. Although in this sense it is defined negatively, as a kind of default class,
it includes by far more members than any of the others. (1–5) give examples.

(1) Warminpis qatiparun urquta. amv

warmi-n-pis qati-pa-ru-n urqu-ta
woman-3-acc follow-repet-urgt-3 hill-acc
‘His wife herded him back to the hills.’

(2) Qarintash wañurachin, mashantash wañurachin. amv

qari-n-ta-sh wañu-ra-chi-n masha-n-ta-sh
man-3-acc-evr die-urgt-caus-3 son.in.law-3-acc-evr
wañu-ra-chi-n
die-urgt-caus-3
‘She killed her husband, they say; she killed her son-in-law, they
say.’

(3) Latawan yanushpataqshi runatapis mikurura. ach

lata-wan yanu-shpa-taq-shi runa-ta-pis miku-ru-ra
tin.pot-instr cook-subis-seq-evr person-acc-add eat-urgt-pst
‘They even cooked people in metal pots, they say, and ate them.’

32
 3.2 Substantive classes

(4) Unaykunaqa watuta ruwaq kayanchik llamapaqpis alpakapaqpis. amv

unay-kuna-qa watu-ta ruwa-q ka-ya-nchik llama-paq-pis
before-pl-top rope-acc make-ag be-prg-1pl llama-abl-add
alpaka-paq-pis
alpaca-abl-add
‘In the old days, we used to make rope from [the wool of] llamas
and alpacas.’

(5) Ukuchapa trupallanta palumaqa quykun. ach

ukucha-pa trupa-lla-n-ta paluma-qa qu-yku-n
mouse-gen tail-rstr-3-acc dove-top give-excep-3
‘The dove gave them the tail of a mouse.’

3.2.1.2 Time nouns

Nouns referring to time (kanan ‘now’, wata ‘year’) form a unique class in that
they may occur adverbally without inflection, as in (1–5).

(1) Tukuy puntraw yatramunanchikpaq. amv

tukuy puntraw yatra-mu-na-nchik-paq
all day know-cisl-nmlz-1pl-purp
‘So we can learn all day.’

(2) Kanan vakata pusillaman chawayanchik kabratahina. amv

kanan vaka-ta pusilla-man chawa-ya-nchik kabra-ta-hina
now cow-acc cup-all milk-prog-1pl goat-acc-comp
‘These days we milk a cow into just a cup, like a goat.’

(3) Pishiparullaniñam. Kutimunki paqarin. amv

pishipa-ru-lla-ni-ña-m kuti-mu-nki paqarin
tire-urgt-rstr-1-disc-evd return-cisl-2 tomorrow
‘I’m tired already. You’ll come back tomorrow.’

(4) Rinrilla:pis uparura qayna wataqa. ach

rinri-lla-:-pis upa-ru-ra qayna wata-qa
ear-rstr-1-add deaf-urgt-pst previous year-top
‘My ears went deaf last year.’

33
3 Substantives

(5) Qayna huk watahina timblur yapa kaypa kaptinqa. amv

qayna huk wata-hina timblur yapa kay-pa
previous one year-comp earthquake again dem.p-loc
ka-pti-n-qa
be-subds-3-top
‘About a year ago, when there was an earthquake here again.’

3.2.1.3 Gender nouns

Nouns indigenous to syq do not inflect for gender. syq indicates biological gen-
der either with distinct noun roots (maqta ‘young man’, pashña ‘young woman’)
or by modification with qari ‘man’ or warmi ‘woman’ in the case of people
(qari wawa ‘boy child’, warmi wawa ‘girl child’) or urqu ‘male’ or trina ‘female’
in the case of animals. A few nouns, all borrowed from Spanish, are inflected for
gender (masculine /u/ and feminine /a/). (1–4) give examples.

(1) ¿Kayllata nisitanki, aw, tiyu, llama wirata? amv

kay-lla-ta nisita-nki aw tiyu llama wira-ta
dem.p-rstr-acc need-2 yes uncle llama fat-acc
‘You need only this, uncle, llama fat?’

(2) Chaytri Tiya Alejandraqa Shutcollapa yatrarqa. amv

chay-tri Tiya Alejandra-qa Shutco-lla-pa yatra-rqa
dem.d-evc Aunt Alejandra-top Shutco-rstr-loc reside-pst
‘That must be why Aunt Alexandra lived just in Shutco.’

(3) Wak karu purikushayta ansyanaña kashayta. lt

wak karu puri-ku-sha-y-ta ansyana-ña ka-sha-y-ta
dem.d far walk-refl-prf-1-acc old.lady-disc be-prf-1-acc
‘There where I’ve walked far, an old lady already.’

(4) Unay unay blusataraqchu hinam ushturayachinpis awilitaqa. ¡Ve! amv

unay unay blusa-ta-raq-chu hina-m
before before blouse-acc-cont-q thus-evd
ushtu-ra-ya-chi-n-pis awilita-qa ve
dress-unint-intens-caus-3-add grandmother-top look
‘The old lady is dressed in a blouse like the olden ones. Look!’

34
 3.2 Substantive classes

3.2.1.4 Locative nouns

Locative nouns indicate relative position (chimpa ‘front’, hawa ‘top’). They are
inflected with the suffixes of the substantive (possessive) paradigm which indi-
cate the person – and, in the case of the first person, also the number – of the
complement noun. (1–5) give examples.

(1) Hinashpaqa hatariru:. Allqukuna yatanpa kara. ach

hinashpa-qa hatari-ru-: allqu-kuna yata-n-pa ka-ra
then-top get.up-urgt-1 dog-pl side-3-loc be-pst
‘Then I got up. Dogs were at his side.’

(2) Kalamina hawanta pasarachisa ukunman saqakuykusa. amv

kalamina hawa-n-ta pasa-ra-chi-sa uku-n-man
corrugated.iron above-3-acc pass-urgt-caus-npst inside-3-all
saqa-ku-yku-sa
go.down-refl-excep-npst
‘He made him go on top of the tin roof and he fell inside.’

(3) Plantachaqa alfapa trawpinpa wiñan. amv

planta-cha-qa alfa-pa trawpi-n-pa wiña-n
tree-dim-top alfalfa-loc middle-3-loc grow-3
‘The little plant grows in the middle of alfalfa [fields].’

(4) Kalabira, tullu, wama-wamaq chay ukupaq kakuyan. ach

kalabira, tullu, wama-wamaq chay uku-paq ka-ku-ya-n
skeleton bone a.lot-a.lot dem.d inside-loc be-refl-prog-3
‘Skeletons, bones – there are a lot there inside.’

(5) Uma nanaypaq … trurarunchik huk limuntam trawpipaq

partirunchik. amv
uma nana-y-paq trura-ru-nchik huk limun-ta-m trawpi-paq
head hurt-inf-purp put-urgt-1pl one lime-acc-evd middle-loc
parti-ru-nchik
split-urgt-1pl
‘For headaches … we put a lime – we cut it in the center.’

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3 Substantives

3.2.2 Pronouns
In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, pronouns may be sorted into four classes:
personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, dependent pronouns and interroga-
tive-indefinite pronouns.
The personal pronouns in syq are ñuqa ‘I’; qam ‘you’; pay ‘she/he’; ñuqa-nchik
‘we’; qam-kuna ‘you.pl’; and pay-kuna ‘they’. syq makes no distinction between
subject, object, and possessive pronouns. With all three, case marking attaches
to the same stem: ñuqa (1) ‘I’; ñuqa-ta (1-acc) ‘me’; ñuqa-pa (1-gen) ‘my’ (nomi-
native being zero-marked). Table 3.1 summarizes this information.
The demonstrative pronouns are kay ‘this’, chay ‘that’, and wak ‘that (other)’.
The dependent pronouns are kiki ‘oneself’, Sapa ‘only, alone’, llapa ‘all’, and
kuska ‘together’. These occur only with substantive person inflection, which indi-
cates the person and, in the case of the first person plural, number of the referent
of the pronoun (kiki-y/-: ‘I myself’; sapa-yki ‘you alone’). One additional pronoun
may appear suffixed with substantive person inflection: wakin ‘some …’, ‘the rest
of …’
§3.2.2.1–3.2.2.3 cover the personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, and de-
pendent pronouns. Interrogative-indefinite pronouns are covered in §3.2.3.

3.2.2.1 Personal pronouns ñuqa, qam, pay

syq has three pronominal stems – ñuqa, qam, and pay, as in (1), (2) and (3). These
correspond to the first, second and third persons. Table 3.1 lists the personal
pronouns.
Table 3.1: Personal pronouns

Person Singular Plural

ñuqa ñuqa-nchik (dual)
1 ñuqa-nchik-kuna (inclusive)
ñuqa-kuna (exclusive)
2 qam qam-kuna
3 pay pay-kuna

(1) Kala: Cañetepi chaypim uyarila: ñuqapis. ch

ka-la-: Cañete-pi chay-pi-m uyari-la-: ñuqa-pis
be-pst-1 Cañete-loc dem.d-loc-evd hear-pst-1 I-add
‘I was in Cañete. I, too, heard it there.’

36
 3.2 Substantive classes

(2) Manam ñuqaqa Viñaqta riqsi:chu. ¿Qam riqsinkichu, Min? ch

mana-m ñuqa-qa Viñaq-ta riqsi-:-chu qam
no-evd I-top Viñac-acc be.acquainted.with-1-neg you
riqsi-nki-chu Min
be.acquainted.with-2-q Min
‘I don’t know Viñac. Do you know it, Min?’

(3) Payqa hatarirushañam rikaq. lt

pay-qa hatari-ru-sha-ña-m rika-q
3-top get.up-urgt-npst-disc-evd see-ag
‘He had already gotten up to see.’

These may but need not inflect for number as ñuqa-kuna, qam-kuna, and pay-
kuna (4), (5) and (6).

(4) Unay ñuqakunaqa manam qawarqanichu, paykunaqa alminus manam

qawarqapischu. amv
unay ñuqa-kuna-qa mana-m qawa-rqa-ni-chu, pay-kuna-qa
before I-pl-top no-evd see-pst-1-neg 3pl-top
alminus mana-m qawa-rqa-pis-chu
at.least no-evd see-pst-add-neg
‘Before, we didn’t see, but they, at least, didn’t see either.’

(5) “Qamkuna ashiptikim chinkakun”, ni:. amv

qam-kuna ashi-pti-ki-m chinka-ku-n ni-:
you-pl look.for-subds-2-evd lose-refl-3 say-1
‘“When you looked for him, he got lost,” I said.’

(6) ¿Manachu paykuna wakpa wasinpi mikun uqata? amv

mana-chu pay-kuna wak-pa wasi-n-pi miku-n uqa-ta
no-q he-pl dem.d-loc house-3-loc eat-3 oca-acc
‘There in her house, don’t they eat oca?’

syq makes available a three-way distinction in the first person plural among
ñuqa-nchik (dual), ñuqa-nchik-kuna (inclusive), and ñuqa-kuna (exclusive) (7),
(8), (4).

37
3 Substantives

(7) Ishkay kashpallam, “ñuqanchik” nin. amv

ishkay ka-shpa-lla-m ñuqa-nchik ni-n
two be-subis-rstr-evd I-1pl say-3
‘If there are only two people, they say ñuqanchik.’

(8) Kaypi ñuqanchikkunaqa kustumbrawmi kanchik. amv

kay-pi ñuqa-nchik-kuna-qa kustumbraw-mi ka-nchik
dem.p-loc we-1pl-pl-top accustomed-evd be-1pl
‘Around here, we’re used to it.’

ñuqa-kuna is employed in all five dialects (9–11).

(9) Manam ñuqakunaqa talpula:chu paypa wawinmi talpula. ch

mana-m ñuqa-kuna-qa talpu-la-:-chu pay-pa wawi-n-mi
no-evd 1-pl-top plant-pst-1-neg he-3 baby-3-evd
talpu-la
plant-pst
‘We haven’t planted. Her children have planted.’

(10) Chaynakunam ñuqakuna kwintu: kara. sp

chayna-kuna-m ñuqa-kuna kwintu-: ka-ra
thus-pl-evd I-pl story-1 be-pst
‘That’s how our stories were.’

(11) Linchapi ñuqakunapa kanchu. lt

Lincha-pi ñuqa-kuna-pa ka-n-chu
Lincha-loc 1-pl-gen be-3-neg
‘We don’t have any in Lincha.’

In practice, except in ch, ñuqa-nchik is employed with dual, inclusive and ex-
clusive interpretations to the virtual complete exclusion of the other two forms.
Verbs and substantives appearing with the inclusive ñuqa-nchik-kuna inflect in
the same manner as verbs do and substantives appearing with the dual/default
ñuqa-nchik (12); verbs and substantives appearing with the exclusive ñuqa-kuna
inflect in the manner as those appearing with the singular ñuqa (13), (14).

38
 3.2 Substantive classes

(12) Kriyinchik ñuqanchikkuna. amv

kriyi-nchik ñuqa-nchik-kuna
believe-1pl I-1pl-pl
‘We believe.’

(13) Familyallan ñuqakuna suya: ch

familya-lla-n ñuqa-kuna suya-:
family-rstr-3 I-pl wait-1
‘Only we, their relatives, wait.’

(14) Puntrawyayanñam ñuqakunaqa lluqsiniñam. amv

puntraw-ya-ya-n-ña-m ñuqa-kuna-qa lluqsi-ni-ña-m
day-inch-prog-3-disc-evd I-pl-top go.out-1-disc-evd
‘It’s getting to be daytime – we leave already.’

In the verbal and nominal paradigm tables, for reasons of space, I generally do not
list ñuqa-nchik-kuna and ñuqa-kuna with the other first person pronouns in the
headings; it can be assumed that the first patterns with ñuqa-nchik, the second
with ñuqa. In practice, where context does not adequately specify the referent,
speakers of syq make distinctions between the dual, inclusive and exclusive first-
person plural exactly like speakers of English and Spanish do, indicating the dual,
for example, with ishkay-ni-nchik ‘the two of us’; the inclusive with llapa-nchik
‘all of us’; and the exclusive with modifying phrases, as in ñuqa-nchik Viñac-pa
‘we in Viñac’. syq makes no distinction between subject, object (15) and pos-
sessive (16) pronouns. With all three, case marking attaches to the same stem;
nominative case is zero-marked.

(15) Ñuqata mikumuwananpaq kutimushpa traqnaruwan. amv

ñuqa-ta miku-mu-wa-na-n-paq kuti-mu-shpa
I-acc eat-cisl-1.obj-nmlz-3-purp return-cisl-subis
traqna-ru-wa-n
bind.limbs-urgt-1.obj-3
‘In order to me able to eat me when he got back, he tied me up.’

(16) Manam kanchu. Ñuqapaq puchukarun. amv

mana-m ka-n-chu ñuqa-paq puchuka-ru-n
no-evd be-3-neg I-gen finish-urgt-3
‘There aren’t any. Mine finished off.’

39
3 Substantives

(17) Huk qawaptinqa, ñuqanchik qawanchikchu. Almanchik puriyanshi. amv

huk qawa-pti-n-qa ñuqa-nchik qawa-nchik-chu alma-nchik
one see-subds-3-top I-1pl see-1pl-neg soul-1pl
puri-ya-n-shi
walk-prog-3-evr
‘“Although others see them, we don’t see them. Our souls wander
around,” they say.’

3.2.2.2 Demonstrative pronouns kay, chay, wak

syq has three demonstrative pronouns: kay ‘this’, chay ‘that’, and wak ‘that
(other)’ (1–3).

(1) “Kayqa manam balinchu mikunanchikpaq”, [nishpa] allquman

qaraykurqani. amv
kay-qa mana-m bali-n-chu miku-na-nchik-paq allqu-man
dem.p-top no-evd be.worth-3-neg eat-nmlz-1pl-purp dog-all
qara-yku-rqa-ni
serve-excep-pst-1
‘“This is not good for us to eat,” I said and I served it to the dog.’

(2) Ollanta Humala, “Kanan chaykunakta wañuchishaq”, niyan. ch

Ollanta Humala kanan chay-kuna-kta wañu-chi-shaq ni-ya-n
Ollanta Humala now dem.d-pl-acc die-caus-1.fut say-prog-3
‘[President] Ollanta Humala is saying, “Now I’ll kill those.”’

(3) Wak mulaqa manam mansuchu. Runatam wak wañuchin. amv

wak mula-qa mana-m mansu-chu runa-ta-m wak
dem.d mule-top no-evd tame-neg person-acc-evd dem.d
wañu-chi-n
die-caus-3
‘That mule is not tame. That kills people.’
chay may have both proximate and distal referents. wak is consistently trans-
lated in Spanish as ‘ese’ (‘that’), not, perhaps contrary to expectation, as ‘aquel’.
The demonstrative pronouns may substitute for any phrase or clause (4). They
can but need not inflect for number (2).

40
 3.2 Substantive classes

(4) Hinashpa achkaña wawan kayan. Chaypaq ñakanñataqtri

mikuypaq. ach
hinashpa achka-ña wawa-n ka-ya-n chay-paq
then a.lot-disc baby-3 be-prog-3 dem.d-abl
ñaka-n-ña-taq-tri miku-y-paq
suffer-3-disc-seq-evc eat-inf-abl
‘Then she has a lot of babies. She’ll suffer, too, a lot from that, from
hunger.’
They can appear simultaneously with possessive inflection (5).

(5) Kayninchik. amv

kay-ni-nchik
dem.p-euph-1pl
‘These of ours.’
In complex phrases with demonstrative pronouns, case marking attaches to the
final word in the phrase (6).

(6) Kay llañutapis puchkani kikiymi. amv

kay llañu-ta-pis puchka-ni kiki-y-mi
dem.p thin-acc-add spin-1 self-1-evd
‘I spin this thin one, too, myself.’
chay may be employed without deictic meaning, in particular when it figures in
sentence-initial position (7).

(7) Chaymi hampichira: hukwan, hukwan. ach

chay-mi hampi-chi-ra-: huk-wan, huk-wan
dem.d-evd heal-caus-pst-1 one-instr one-instr
‘So I had him cured with one and with another.’
In this case, it is generally suffixed with one of the evidentials -mi or -shi and
indicates that the sentence it heads is closely related to the sentence that pre-
cedes it.1 syq demonstrative pronouns are identical in form to the demonstrative
determiners (8–10).

1
As an anonymous reviewer points out, forms such as chay-mi and chay-shi are lexicalized
discourse markers, and, as such “they do not take productive affixes such as -kuna, -pi, or
-man” among others.

41
3 Substantives

(8) Kay millwapaqmi imapis lluqsimun. ach

kay millwa-paq-mi ima-pis lluqsi-mu-n
dem.p wool-abl-evd what-add come.out-cisl-3
‘Anything comes out of this wool.’

(9) ¿Manachu chay qatra wambrayki rikarinraq? amv

mana-chu chay qatra wambra-yki rikari-n-raq
no-q dem.d dirty child-2 appear-3-cont
‘Didn’t that dirty kid of yours appear yet?’

(10) Wak trakrayqa hunta hunta kakuyan. amv

wak trakra-y-qa hunta hunta ka-ku-ya-n
dem.d field-1-top full full be-refl-prog-3
‘That field of mine is really full.’

3.2.2.2.1 Determiners syq does not have an independent class of determiners.

huk ‘one’, ‘once’, ‘other’ can be used to introduce new referents; in this capacity,
it can be translated ‘a’ (1).

(1) Huk pashñash karqa ubihira. Chaymanshi trayarushqa huk qari yuraq
kurbatayuq. amv
huk pashña-sh ka-rqa ubihira chay-man-shi
one girl-evr be-pst shepherdess dem.d-all-evr
traya-ru-shqa huk qari
arrive-urgt-subis one man
‘A girl was a shepherdess. Then, they say, a man with a white tie
arrived.’

kay ‘this’, chay ‘that’, and wak ‘that (other)’ can be used to refer to established
referents; in this capacity, they can be translated ‘the’ (2).

(2) Yuraq kurbata-yuq yana tirnuyuq chay pashñawan purirqa. amv

yuraq kurbata-yuq yana tirnu-yuq chay pashña-wan puri-rqa
white tie-poss black suit-poss dem.d girl-instr walk-pst
‘With a white tie and a black suit, he walked about with the girl.’

42
 3.2 Substantive classes

(3) Runa chay maqtata wañurachin hanay urqupa. amv

runa chay maqta-ta wañu-ra-chi-n hanay urqu-pa
person dem.d young.man-acc die-urgt-caus-3 above hill-loc
‘People killed the boy up in the hills.’

3.2.2.3 Dependent pronouns kiki-, Sapa-, llapa-, kuska-

syq has four dependent pronouns: kiki- ‘oneself’ (1), Sapa- ‘alone’ (2), llapa-
‘all’ (3), and kuska- ‘together’ (4).

(1) Kikiypaq ruwani hukkunapaq ruwani. amv

kiki-y-paq ruwa-ni huk-kuna-paq ruwa-ni
self-1-ben make-1 one-pl-ben make-1
‘I make them for myself and I make them for others.’

(2) Yatrarqani sapallay. amv

yatra-rqa-ni sapa-lla-y
reside-pst-1 alone-rstr-1
‘I lived all alone.’

(3) Llapanta apakunki. ch

llapa-n-ta apa-ku-nki
all-3-acc bring-refl-2
‘You’re going to take along them all.’

(4) Mikuypaqpis wañuyanki kuskayki wawantin. amv

miku-y-paq-pis wañu-ya-nki kuska-yki wawa-ntin
eat-inf-abl-add die-prog-2 together-2 baby-incl
‘You’re going to be dying of hunger – you together with your
children.’
These pronouns are dependent in the sense that they cannot occur uninflected:
the suffixes of the nominal (possessive) paradigm attach to dependent pronouns
indicating the person and – in the case of the first person – sometimes the num-
ber of the referent of the pronoun (llapa-nchik ‘all of us’). Dependent pronouns
function in the manner as personal pronouns do: they may refer to any of the par-
ticipants in an event, subject (5) or object (6); they inflect obligatorily for case (7)
and optionally for number; and they may be followed by enclitics (8).

43
3 Substantives

(5) Sikya fayna kaptinmi liya: llapa:. amv

sikya fayna ka-pti-n-mi li-ya-: llapa-:
canal work.day be-subis-3-evd go-prog-1 all-1
‘When there’s a community work day on the canal, we all go.’

(6) Chay kuskanta wañurachisa chaypa. ach

chay kuska-n-ta wañu-ra-chi-sa chay-pa
dem.d together-3-acc die-urgt-caus-npst dem.d-loc
‘They killed those together there.’

(7) Huk runata kaballun kikinpi kaballun trakinta pakirusa. amv

huk runa-ta kaballu-n kiki-n-pi kaballu-n traki-n-ta
one person-acc horse-3 self-3-gen horse-3 foot-3acc
paki-ru-sa
break-urgt-npst
‘A man’s horse – his own horse – broke his foot.’

(8) Kikinkamatr wañuchinakura. ach

kiki-n-kama-tr wañu-chi-naku-ra
self-3-lim-evc die-lim-recp-pst
‘They must have killed each other themselves.’
All except kiki may occur as free forms as well; it is, however, only as adjectives
that they may occur uninflected; as pronouns (9) or adverbs (10) all still demand
inflection.

(9) Hinashpa pantyunman apawanchik llapa familyanchik

kumpañawanchik. amv
hinashpa pantyun-man apa-wanchik llapa familya-nchik
then cemetery-all bring-3>1pl all family-1pl
kumpaña-wanchik
accompany-3>1pl
‘Then they take us to the cemetery. Our whole family accompanies
us.’

(10) ¿Imayna chay lluqsilushpaqa mana kuska lilachu? ch

imayna chay lluqsi-lu-shpa-qa mana kuska li-la-chu
why dem.d go.out-urgt-subis-top no together go-pst-neg
‘Why didn’t they go together when they went out?’

44
 3.2 Substantive classes

Sapa is realized hapa in the ch and lt dialects (11), (12); sapa in all others (13).

(11) ¿Imayna trankilu pulin hapallan? ch

imayna trankilu puli-n hapa-lla-n
how tranquil walk-3 alone-rstr-3
‘How does she walk about calmly all alone?’

(12) Pitaq atindinqa hapallay kayaptiyqa. lt

pi-taq atindi-nqa hapa-lla-y ka-ya-pti-y-qa
who-seq attend.to-3.fut alone-rstr-1 be-prog-subds-1-top
‘Who’s going to take care of him if I’m all alone?’

(13) Pampawanchik tardiqa diharamuwanchik sapallanchikta. amv

pampa-wanchik tardi-qa diha-ra-mu-wanchik
bury-3>1pl afternoon-top leave-urgt-cisl-3>1pl
sapa-lla-nchik-ta
alone-rstr-1pl-acc
‘They bury us in the afternoon and then they leave us alone.’

One additional pronoun may appear inflected with possessive suffixes: wakin
‘some, the rest of’ (14), (15) (not attested in ch).

(14) Wakintaq intindiya:. Piru wakintaq manam. sp

wakin-taq intindi-ya-: piru wakin-taq mana-m
some-seq understand-prog-1 but some-seq no-evd
‘I’m catching [lit. understanding] some of them. But the rest, no.’

(15) Mamanqa kawsakunmi wakinninpaqqa. ach

mama-n-qa kawsa-ku-n-mi wakin-ni-n-paq-qa
mother-3-top live-refl-3evd some-euph-3-abl-top
‘His mother lived thanks to [lit. from] another [man].’

3.2.3 Interrogative-indefinites
pi, ima, imay, imayna, mayqin, imapaq, ayka
syq has seven interrogative-indefinite stems: pi ‘who’, ima ‘what’, imay ‘when’,
may ‘where’, imayna ‘how’, mayqin ‘which’, imapaq ‘why’, and ayka ‘how much

45
3 Substantives

or how many’, as shown in Table 3.2. These form interrogative (1–12), indefi-
nite (13–21), and negative indefinite pronouns (22–29). Interrogative pronouns
are formed by suffixing the stem – generally but not obligatorily – with any of
the enclitics -taq, -raq, -mI , -shI or -trI (pi-taq ‘who’, ima-raq ‘what’); indefi-
nite pronouns are formed by attaching -pis to the stem (pi-pis ‘someone’, ima-pis
‘something’); negative indefinite pronouns, by preceding the indefinite pronoun
with mana ‘no’ (mana pi-pis ‘no one’, mana ima-pis ‘nothing’).
Table 3.2: Interrogative-indefinites

Stem Translation (Negative) indefinite Translation

pi who (mana) pipis some/anyone (no one)
ima what (mana) imapis some/anything (nothing)
imay when (mana) imaypis some/anytime (never)
may where (mana) maypis some/anywhere (nowhere)
imapaq why (mana) imapaqpis some/any reason (no reason)
imayna how (mana) imaynapis some/anyhow (no how)
mayqin which (mana) mayqinpis which ever (none)
ayka how many (mana) aykapis some/any amount (none)

(1) ¿Pitaq willamanchik? ach

pi-taq willa-ma-nchik
who-seq tell-1.obj-1pl
‘Who’s going tell us?’

(2) “¿Imatam maskakuyanki?” “Antaylumata maskakuya:”. sp

ima-ta-m maska-ku-ya-nki antayluma-ta
what-acc-evd look.for-refl-prog-2 antayluma.berries-acc
maska-ku-ya-:
look.for-prog-1
‘“What are you looking for?” “I’m looking for antayluma berries.”’

(3) ¿Imayshi riyan Huancayota? amv

imay-shi ri-ya-n Huancayo-ta
when-evr go-prog-3 Huancayo-acc
‘When is he going to Huancayo, did he say?’

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 3.2 Substantive classes

(4) ¿Maypayá Hildapa wakchan kayan? amv

may-pa-yá Hilda-pa wakcha-n ka-ya-n
where-loc-emph Hilda-gen sheep-3 be-prog-3
‘Where is Hilda’s sheep?’

(5) Chay mutuqa, ¿maypitaq kayan? ach

chay mutu-qa, may-pi-taq ka-ya-n?
demd motorcycle-top where-loc-top be-prog-3
‘Where is that motorbike?’

(6) ¿Imapaq … papata apamuwarqanki? amv

ima-paq papa-ta apa-mu-wa-rqa-nki
what-purp potato-acc bring-cisl-1.obj-pst-2
‘Why … have you brought me potatoes?’

(7) ¿Imapaqtaq chayna walmilla kidalun? ch

ima-paq-taq chayna walmi-lla kida-lu-n
what-purp-seq thus woman-rstr stay-urgt-3
‘Why did just the woman stay like that?’

(8) Llakikuyan atuqqa. “Diharuwan kumpadriy. ¿Kanan imaynataq

kutishaq?” amv
llaki-ku-ya-n atuq-qa diha-ru-wa-n kumpadri-y kanan
be.sad-refl-prog-3 fox-top leave-urgt-1.obj-3 compadre-1 now
imayna-taq kuti-shaq
how-seq return-1.fut
‘The fox was sad. “My compadre left me. Now how am I going to get
back?”’

(9) ¿Mayqinnin tunirun? ¿Kusinan? amv

mayqin-ni-n tuni-ru-n kusina-n
which-euph-3 crumble-urgt-3 kitchen-3
‘Which of them crumbled? Her kitchen?’

47
3 Substantives

(10) Lutuyuqmi kayan wak runakuna. ¿Mamanchutr ñañanchutr? ¿Maqinraq

wañukun? lt
lutu-yuq-mi ka-ya-n wak runa-kuna mama-n-chu-tr
mourning-pos-evd be-prog-evd dem.d person-pl mother-3-q-evc
ñaña-n-chu-tr maqin-raq wañu-ku-n
sister-3-q-evc which-cont die-refl-3
‘Those people are wearing mourning. Would it be their mother or
their sister? Which died?’

(11) ¿Aykañatr awmintarun kabranqa? amv

ayka-ña-tr awminta-ru-n kabra-n-qa
how.many-disc-evc increase-urgt-3 goat-3-top
‘How much have her goats increased?’

(12) Chaypaqa ¿Aykaktataq pagaya:? ch

chay-pa-qa ayka-kta-taq paga-ya-:
dem.d-loc-top how.much-acc-seq pay-prog-1
‘How much am I paying there?’

(13) Pipis fakultaykuwananpaq. lt

pi-pis fakulta-yku-wa-na-n-paq
pi-add faciliate-excep-1.obj-nmlz-3-purp
‘So someone will help me out.’

(14) Wak chimpata pasashpaqa imallatapis. sp

wak chimpa-ta pasa-shpa-qa ima-lla-ta-pis
dem.d opposite.side-acc pass-subis-top what-rstr-acc-add
‘When you go by there on the opposite side – [it could do] anything.’

(15) Chay muquykuna imaypis nanaptin. amv

chay muqu-y-kuna imay-pis nana-pti-n
dem.d knee-1-pl when-add hurt-subds-3
‘Any time my knees hurt.’

(16) Kay qullqita qushqayki. ¡Ripukuy maytapis! amv

kay qullqi-ta qu-shqayki ripu-ku-y may-ta-pis
dem.p money-acc give-3>1pl.fut go-refl-imp where-acc-add
‘I’m going to give you this money. Get going whereever!’

48
 3.2 Substantive classes

(17) Kitrarun imaynapis yaykurun Lluqi-Makiqa. amv

kitra-ru-n imayna-pis yayku-ru-n Lluqi-Maki-qa
open-urgt-3 how-add enter-urgt-3 Lluqi-Maki-top
‘Strong Arm opened it any way [he could] and entered.’

(18) Manam kaytaqa dihayta muna:chu. Imaynapaqpis hinatam

ruwakulla:. ach
mana-m kay-ta-qa diha-y-ta muna-:-chu imayna-paq-pis
no-evd dem.p-acc-top leave-inf-acc want-1-neg how-abl-add
hina-ta-m ruwa-ku-lla-:
thus-acc-evd make-refl-rstr-1
‘I don’t want to leave this. Like this, I just make whichever way.’

(19) Imaynapis yatrashaqmi. Limapaqa buskaq kanmiki. lt

imayna-pis yatra-shaq-mi Lima-pa-qa buska-q ka-n-mi-ki
how-add know-1.fut-evd Lima-loc-top look.for-ag be-3-evd-ki
‘Any way about it, I’m going to find out. In Lima, there are people
who read cards.’

(20) Chay wambra imapaqpis rabyarirun. amv

chay wambra ima-paq-pis rabya-ri-ru-n
dem.d child what-purp-add be.mad-incep-urgt-3
‘That child gets mad for any reason.’

(21) Ayvis dimandakurun tiyrayuqkuna trakrakunapaq imapaqpis. sp

ayvis dimanda-ku-ru-n tiyra-yuq-kuna trakra-kuna-paq
sometimes denounce-refl-urgt-3 land-poss-pl field-pl-abl
ima-paq-pis
what-abl-add
‘Sometimes they denounced landholders for their fields, for any
thing at all.’

(22) Mana pipis yachanchu. amv

mana pi-pis yatra-n-chu
no who-add know–3-neg
‘No one lives here.’

49
3 Substantives

(23) Puntrawqa manam imapis kanchu. sp

puntraw-qa mana-m ima-pis ka-n-chu
day-top no-evd what-add be-3-neg
‘In the day, there’s nothing.’

(24) Piru mana imaypis kaynaqa. amv

piru mana imay-pis kayna-qa
but no when-add thus-top
‘But never like that.’

(25) Kasarakura: kayllapam hinallam kay lawpa kawsaku: tukuy watan

watan manam maytapis lluqsi:chu. ach
kasara-ku-ra-: kay-lla-pa-m hina-lla-m kay
marry-refl-pst-1 dem.p-rstr-loc-evd thus-rstr-evd dem.p
law-pa kawsa-ku-: tukuy wata-n wata-n mana-m
side-loc live-refl-1 all year-3 year-3 no-evd
may-ta-pis lluqsi-:-chu
where-acc-add go.out-1-neg
‘I got married right here. Just like that, here I live, year in, year out, I
don’t go anywhere.’

(26) Mana talilachu maytrawpis. ch

mana tali-la-chu may-traw-pis
no find-pst-neg where-loc-add
‘They haven’t found him anywhere.’

(27) Ñakarinchikmi sapallanchikqa manam imaynapis. sp

ñaka-ri-nchik-mi sapa-lla-nchik-qa mana-m imayna-pis
suffer-unint-1pl-evd alone-rstr-1pl-top no-evd how-add
‘We suffer alone without any way [to make money].’

(28) Mayqinnikipis mana yuyachiwarqankichu. amv

mayqin-ni-ki-pis mana yuya-chi-wa-rqa-nki-chu
which-euph-2-add no remember-caus-1.obj-pst-2-neg
‘Neither of you reminded me.’

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 3.2 Substantive classes

(29) Rayaqa manam aykas kanchu. ach

raya-qa mana-m ayka-s ka-n-chu
row-top no-evd how.many-add be-3-neg
‘There isn’t even a small number of rows.’
Indefinite pronouns may figure in exclamations (30).

(30) ¡Ima maldisyaw chay Dimunyu! ¡Pudirniyuq! amv

ima maldisyaw chay dimunyu pudir-ni-yuq
what damned dem.d devil power-euph-pos
‘How damned is the Devil! He’s powerful!’
Interrogative pronouns are suffixed with the case markers corresponding to the
questioned element (31).

(31) ¿Runkuwanchu qaqurushaq? ¿Imawantaq qaquruyman? amv

runku-wan-chu qaqu-ru-shaq ima-wan-taq qaqu-ru-y-man
sack-instr-q rub-urgt-1.fut what-instr-seq rub-urgt-1-cond
‘Should I rub it with a sack? With what can I rub it?’
Enclitics generally attach to the final word in the interrogative phrase: where
the interrogative pronoun completes the phrase, the enclitic attaches directly to
the interrogative (plus case suffixes, if any) (32); where the phrase includes an
np, the enclitic attaches to the np (pi-paq-taq ‘for whom’ ima qullqi-tr ‘what
money’) (33), (34).

(32) “¿Imapaqmi qam puka traki kanki?” nishpa. sp

ima-paq-mi qam puka traki ka-nki ni-shpa
what-purp-evd you red foot be-2 say-subis
‘“Why are your feet red?” he said, they say.’

(33) ¿Ukaliptuta pitaq simbranqa? ¿Pipaqñataq? amv

ukaliptu-ta pi-taq simbra-nqa pi-paq-ña-taq
eucaplyptus-acc who-seq plant-3.fut who-ben-disc-seq
‘Who’s going to plant eucalyptus trees? For whom?’

(34) ¿Ayka watañataq kanan nubinta i trispaq? amv

ayka wata-ña-taq kanan nubinta i tris-paq
how.many year-disc-seq now ninety and three-abl
‘How many years is it already since ninety-three?’

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3 Substantives

The interrogative enclitic is not employed in the interior of a subordinate clause

but may attach to the final word in the clause (¿Pi mishi-ta saru-ri-sa-n-ta qawa-
rqa-nki? ‘Who did you see trample the cat?’ ¿Pi mishi-ta saru-ri-sa-n-ta-ta qawa-
rqa-nki? ‘Who did you see trample the cat?’).
Interrogative phrases generally raise to sentence-initial position (35); they may,
however, sometimes remain in-situ, even in non-echo questions (36).

(35) ¿Piwan tumashpatr pay hamun? amv

pi-wan tuma-shpa-tr pay hamu-n
who-instr take-subis-evc he come-3
‘Who did he come drinking with?’

(36) ¿Qaliqa likun maytataq? ch

qali-qa li-ku-n may-ta-taq
man-top come-refl-3 where-acc-seq
‘The man went where?’
Interrogative indefinites are sometimes employed as relative pronouns (37), (38).

(37) Pashñaqa piwan trayaramun † amv

pashña-qa pi-wan traya-ra-mu-n
girl-top who-instr arrive-urgt-cisl-3
‘The girl with whom she came’

(38) Familyanqa qawarun imayna wañukusam pustapa. amv

familya-n-qa qawa-ru-n imayna wañu-ku-sa-m pusta-pa
family-3-top see-urgt-3 how die-refl-npst-evd clinic-loc
‘Her family saw how she had died in the clinic.’
Speakers use both ima ura and imay ura ‘what hour’ and ‘when hour’ to ask the
time (39).

(39) ¿Imay urataq huntanqa kay yakuqa? lt

imay ura-taq hunta-nqa kay yaku-qa
when hour-seq fill-3.fut dem.p water-top
‘What time will this water fill up?’
Interrogative pronouns may be stressed with diyablu ‘devil’ and like terms (40).

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 3.2 Substantive classes

(40) ¿Ima diyabluyá ñuqanchik kanchik? amv

ima diyablu-yá ñuqa-nchik ka-nchik
what devil-emph I-1pl be-1pl
‘What the hell are we?’

Possessive suffixes attach to indefinites to yield phrases like ‘your things’ and
‘my people’ (41–43); attaching to mayqin ‘which’, they yield ‘which of pron’ (44).

(41) Mana imaykipis kaptin ach

mana ima-yki-pis ka-pti-n
no what-2-add be-subds-3
‘If you don’t have anything’

(42) Yasqayaruptiki mana pinikipis kanqachu. ach

yasqa-ya-ru-pti-ki mana pi-ni-ki-pis ka-nqa-chu
old-inch-urgt-subds-2 no who-euph-2-add be-3.fut-neg
‘When you’re old, you won’t have anyone.’

(43) Mana vakanchik imanchik kaptin hawkatr tiyakuchuwan. amv

mana vaka-nchik ima-nchik ka-pti-n hawka-tr
no cow-1pl what-1pl be-subds-3 tranquil-evc
tiya-ku-chuwan
sit-refl-1pl.cond
‘Without our cows and our stuff, we could sit [live/be] in peace.’

(44) “¿Mayqinninchik pirdirishun? Kusisam kayhina silbaku:” nin. sp

mayqin-ni-nchik pirdi-ri-shun kusi-sa-m kay-hina
which-euph-1pl lose-incep-1pl.fut sew-prf-evd dem.p-comp
silba-ku-: ni-n
whistle-refl-1 say-3
‘“Which of us will lose? Sewed up like this, I whistle,” he said.’

Imapaq ‘why’ is also sometimes realized as imapa in ach (45).

(45) ¿Imapam chayta ruwara paytaq? ¿Imaparaq? ach

ima-pa-m chay-ta ruwa-ra pay-taq ima-pa-raq
what-purp-evd dem.dacc make-pst he-seq what-purp-cont
‘Why did they do that to him? Why ever?’

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3 Substantives

Negative indefinites may be formed with ni ‘nor’ as well as mana (46); they may
sometimes be formed with no negator at all (47), (48).

(46) Manañam kanan chay llamatapis qawanchikchu ni imaypis kanan

unayñam. ach
mana-ña-m kanan chay llama-ta-pis qawa-nchik-chu ni
no-disc-evd now dem.d llama-acc-add see-1pl-neg nor
imay-pis kanan unay-ña-m
when-add now before-disc-evd
‘Now we don’t see llamas any more ever. For a long time now.’

(47) Katraykurun. ¡Imapis kanchu! “¡Ñuqata ingañamara!” nishpa. sp

katra-yku-ru-n ima-pis ka-n-chu! ñuqa-ta ingaña-ma-ra
release-excep-urgt-3 what-add be-3-neg I-acc trick-1.obj-pst
ni-shpa
say-subis
‘[The fox just] let it go and – nothing! “He tricked me!” said [the
fox].’

(48) Wakhina inutilisadu kakuyan imapaqpis balinchu. lt

wak-hina inutilisadu ka-ku-ya-n ima-paq-pis
dem.d-comp unused be-refl-prog-3 what-purp-add
bali-n-chu
be.worth-3-neg
‘It’s unused like that. It’s not good for anything.’
Suffixed with the combining verb na-, ima ‘what’ forms a verb meaning ‘do what’
or ‘what happen’ (49–51).

(49) Wañuq runalla hukvidata llakikuyan. “Kananqa prisutriki ñuqaqa

rikushaq. ¿Imanashaq?” sp
wañu-q runa-lla huk-vida-ta llaki-ku-ya-n kanan-qa
die-ag person-rstr one-life-acc sorrow-refl-prog-3 now-top
prisu-tri-ki ñuqa-qa riku-shaq ima-na-shaq
imprisoned-evc-ki I-top go-1.fut what-vrbz-1.fut
‘She was very sorry for the deceased person. “Now I’m going to go to
jail. What will I do?”’

54
 3.2 Substantive classes

(50) “¿Karahu-ta-taq imanaruntaq?” qawaykushpaqa huk utrpata

qapikushpa kay kunkanman pasaykurun. amv
karahu-ta-taq ima-na-ru-n-taq qawa-yku-shpa-qa huk
jerk-acc-seq what-vrbz-urgt-3-seq look-excep-subis-top one
utrpa-ta qapi-ku-shpa kay kunka-n-man pasa-yku-ru-n
ash-acc grab-refl-subis kay throat-3-all pass-excep-urgt-3
‘She watched him then she said, “What happened to that bastard?”
and grabbed some ashes and stuffed them down his throat.’

(51) Wañukunmantriki.¿Imananmantaq? ¿Imayna mana

kutikamunmanchu? ach
wañu-ku-n-man-tri-ki ima-na-n-man-taq imayna mana
die-refl-3-comp-evc-ki what-vrbz-3-cond-seq why no
kuti-ka-mu-n-man-chu
return-refl-cisl-3-cond-neg
‘He could die, of course. What could happen? Why can’t he come
back?’
In the ch dialect, imayna alternates with imamish (52).

(52) Quni qunim ñuqa kaya:, kumadri. ¿Qam imamish kayanki? ch

quni quni-m ñuqa ka-ya-: kumadri qam imamish
warm warm-evd I be-prog-1 comadre you how
ka-ya-nki
be-prog-2
‘I’m really warm, comadre. How are you?’

3.2.4 Adjectives
I follow the general practice in the treatment of adjectives in Quechuan lan-
guages and sort syq adjectives into two classes: regular adjectives (puka ‘red’)
and adverbial adjectives (sumaq-ta ‘nicely’). An additional class – not native to
syq nor Quechua generally – may be distinguished: gender adjectives (kuntinta
‘happy’). All three classes figure towards the end of the stack of potential noun
modifiers, all of which precede the noun. Nouns may be modified by demonstra-
tives (chay trakra ‘that field’), quantifiers (ashlla trakra ‘few fields’), numerals
(trunka trakra ‘ten fields’), negators (mana trakra-yuq ‘person without fields’),
pre-adjectives (dimas karu trakra ‘field too far away’), adjectives (chaki trakra

55
3 Substantives

‘dry field’) and other nouns (sara trakra ‘corn field’). Where modifiers appear in
series, they appear in the order dem-qant-num-neg-preadj-adj-atr-nucleus
(chay trunka mana dimas chaki sara trakra ‘these ten not-too-dry corn fields’).2 .
§§3.2.4.1–3.2.4.4 cover regular adjectives, adverbial adjectives, gender adjectives,
and preadjectives. Numeral adjectives are covered in §3.2.5

3.2.4.1 Regular adjectives

The class of regular adjectives includes all adjectives not included in the other
two classes (trawa ‘raw’, putka ‘turbid’). (1–2) give examples. Adjectives are of-
ten repeated. The effect is augmentative (uchuk ‘small’ → uchuk-uchuk ‘very
small’). When adjectives are repeated, the last consonant or the last syllable of
the first instance is generally elided (alli-allin ‘very good’, hat-hatun ‘very big’).

(1) Wak pishqu mikukuyan mikunayta – ¡qatra pishqu! amv

wak pishqu miku-ku-ya-n miku-na-y-ta qatra pishqu
dem.d bird eat-refl-prog-3 eat-nmlz-1-acc dirty bird
‘That bird is eating my food – dirty bird!’

(2) Wak umbruyanñatr mamanta. Hat hatun kayan. amv

wak umbru-ya-n-ña-tr mama-n-ta hat-hatun
dem.d carry.on.shoulder-prog-3-disc-evc mother-3-acc big-big
ka-ya-n
be-prog-3
‘That one would be carrying his mother on his shoulders already –
he’s really big!’

3.2.4.2 Adverbial adjectives

Adjectives may occur adverbally, in which case they are generally but not nec-
essarily inflected with -ta (quyu ‘ugly’ → quyu-ta ‘awfully’). (1–2) give examples.

2
Analysis and example taken from Parker (1976), confirmed in elicitation

56
 3.2 Substantive classes

(1) Aburikurun sakristanqa wama-wamaqta kampanata suynachiptin amv

aburi-ku-ru-n sakristan-qa wama-wamaq-ta kampana-ta
annoy-refl-urgt-3 deacon-top a.lot-a.lot-acc bell-acc
suyna-chi-pti-n
sound-caus-subds-3
‘The deacon got annoyed that [Lluqi Maki] rang the bell so much.’

(2) Rupanchikta trurakunchik qilluta. amv

rupa-nchik-ta trura-ku-nchik qillu-ta.
clothes-1pl-acc put-refl-1pl yellow-acc
‘We dress [in] yellow.’

3.2.4.3 Gender adjectives

A few adjectives, all borrowed from Spanish, may inflect for gender (masculine
/u/ or feminine /a/) (kuntintu ‘happy’, luka ‘crazy’) in case they modify nouns
referring to animate male or female individuals, respectively. Some nouns in-
digenous to syq specify the gender of the referent (masha ‘son-in-law’, llumchuy
‘daughter-in-law’) (1).

(1) masha:pis qalipis walmipis wawi:kunapaq ch

masha-:-pis qali-pis walmi-pis wawi-:-kuna-paq
son.in.law-1-add man-add woman-add baby-1-pl-gen
‘my son-in-law, too, my children’s sons and daughters’
Indeed, some names of family relations specify the gender of both members of
the relationship (wawqi ‘brother of a male’, ñaña ‘sister of a female’) (2–4).

(2) Wañurachin wawqinñataqa, “¡Ama wawqi:ta!” niptin. ach

wañu-ra-chi-n wawqi-n-ña-ta-qa ama wawqi-:-ta
die-urgt-caus-3 brother-3-disc-acc-top proh brother-1-acc
ni-pti-n
say-subds-3
‘They killed his brother when he said, “Don’t [kill] my brother!”’

(3) Ñañaypis turiypis karqam piru wañukunña. amv

ñaña-y-pis turi-y-pis ka-rqa-m piru wañu-ku-n-ña
sister-1add brother-1-add be-pst-evd but die-refl-3-disc
‘I had a sister and a brother, but they died already.’

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3 Substantives

(4) chay ubihapa wawanta chay karnirupa churinta amv

chay ubiha-pa wawa-n-ta chay karniru-pa churi-n-ta
dem.d sheep-gen baby-3-acc dem.d ram-gen child-3-acc
‘the baby of that sheep, the baby of that ram’

Where it is necessary to specify the gender of the referent of a noun that does
not indicate gender, syq modifies that noun with qari ‘man’ or warmi ‘woman’
in the case of people (warmi wawa ‘daughter’ lit. ‘girl child’) and urqu ‘male’ or
trina ‘female’ in the case of animals (5), (6).

(5) “Pagashunñam rigarunanpaqmi. Balikurunki”, niwara ya chay wawi

warmi. lt
paga-shun-ña-m riga-ru-na-n-paq-mi
pay-1pl.fut-disc-evd irrigate-urgt-nmlz-3-purp-evd
bali-ku-ru-nki ni-wa-ra ya chay wawi
request.service-refl-urgt-2 say-1.obj-pst emph dem.d baby
warmi
woman
‘“We’re going to pay already to water. You’re going to request
someone,” my daughter said to me.’

(6) Wak vakanqa watrarusa. ¿Wak urquchu wawan, trinachu? amv

wak vaka-n-qa watra-ru-sa wak urqu-chu wawa-n
dem.d cow-3-top give.birth-urgt-npst dem.d male-q baby-3
trina-chu
female-q
‘His cow gave birth. Is it a male or a female?’

3.2.4.4 Preadjectives
Adjectives admit modification by adverbs (1) and nouns functioning adjectivally;
the latter are suffixed with -ta.

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 3.2 Substantive classes

(1) Pasaypaq chanchu sapatu pasaypaq lapi chuku pasaypaqshi ritamun

paypis. lt
pasaypaq chanchu sapatu pasaypaq lapi chuku pasaypaq-shi
completely old shoe completely old hat completely-evr
rita-mu-n pay-pis
go-cisl-3 he-add
‘He, too, went with totally old shoes and a completely worn hat,
they say.’

3.2.5 Numerals
syq employs two sets of cardinal numerals. The first is native to Quechua; the
second is borrowed from Spanish. The latter is always used for time and almost al-
ways for money. Also borrowed from Spanish are the ordinal numerals, primiru
‘first’, sigundu ‘second’, and so on. There is no set of ordinal numerals native to
syq. §§3.2.5.1–3.2.5.3 cover general numerals, ordinal numerals, and time numer-
als in turn. §3.2.5.4 and 3.2.5.5 cover numerals inflected for possessive and the
special case of huk ‘one’, respectively.

3.2.5.1 General numerals

The set of cardinal numerals native to syq includes twelve members: huk ‘one’;
ishkay ‘two’; kimsa ‘three’; tawa ‘four’; pichqa ‘five’; suqta ‘six’; qanchis ‘seven’;
pusaq ‘eight’; isqun ‘nine’; trunka ‘ten’; patrak ‘hundred’; and waranqa ‘thou-
sand’ (1–3).

(1) Ishkay Wanka samakushqa huk matraypi. amv

ishkay Wanka sama-ku-shqa huk matray-pi
two Huancayoan rest-refl-npst one cave-loc
‘Two Huancayoans rested in a cave.’

(2) Kimsa killam kaypaq paranqa. amv

kimsa killa-m kay-paq para-nqa
three month-evd dem.p-loc rain-3.fut
‘It’s going to rain for three months here.’

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3 Substantives

(3) Ingañaykun. Chay waranqa kwistasantam … ach

ingaña-yku-n chay waranqa kwista-sa-n-ta-m
cheat-excep-3 dem.d thousand cost-prf-3-acc-evd
‘They cheat them. That which cost one thousand …’
‘Twenty’, ‘thirty’ and so on are formed by placing a unit numeral – ishkay ‘two’,
kimsa ‘three’, and so on – in attributive construction with trunka ‘ten’ (4).

(4) Riganchik chay sarataqa ishkay trunka kimsa trunka

puntrawniyuqtamá. amv
riga-nchik chay sara-ta-qa ishkay trunka kimsa trunka
irrigate-1pl dem.d corn-acc-top two ten three ten
puntraw-ni-yuq-ta-m-á
day-euph-poss-acc-evd-emph
‘We water the corn that’s twenty or thirty days old.’
‘Forty-one’ and ‘forty-two’ and so on are formed by adding another unit numeral
– huk ‘one’, ishkay ‘two’, and so on – using -yuq or, following a consonant, its
allomorph, -ni-yuq (ishkay trunka pusaq-ni-yuq ‘twenty-eight’) (5).

(5) Trunka ishkayniyuqpaqpis ruwanchik. amv

trunka ishkay-ni-yuq-paq-pis ruwa-nchik
ten two-euph-poss-abl-add make-1pl
‘We make them out of twelve [strands], too.’
General numerals are ambivalent, and may function as modifiers and as pro-
nouns (6).

(6) Ishkayllata apikunaypaq. Shantipa mana kashachu. lt

ishkay-lla-ta api-ku-na-y-paq Shanti-pa mana
two-rstr-acc pudding-refl-nmlz-1-purp Shanti-gen no
ka-sha-chu
be-npst-neg
‘Just two so I can make pudding. Shanti didn’t have any.’

3.2.5.2 Ordinal numerals

syq has no native system of ordinal numerals. It borrows the Spanish primero
segundo and so on (1), (2).

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 3.2 Substantive classes

(1) “Chay mamakuqta siqachinki primiru yatrachishunaykipaq”, nin. ach

chay mamakuq-ta siqa-chi-nki primiru
dem.d old.lady-acc go.up-caus-2 first
yatra-chi-shu-na-yki-paq ni-n
know-caus-3>2-nmlz-3>2-purp say-3
‘“Make the old woman go up first in order to teach you,” they said.’

(2) Kwartulla kintulla manam puchukachiwarqapischu. amv

kwartu-lla kintu-lla mana-m puchuka-chi-wa-rqa-pis-chu
fourth-rstr fifth-rstr no-evd finish-caus-1.obj-pst-add-neg
‘They had me finish fourth [grade], no more, fifth [grade], no more.’
The expression punta-taq is sometimes employed for ‘first’ (3).3

(3) Qarinman sirvirun puntataq hinashpa kikinpis mikuruntriki. amv

qari-n-man sirvi-ru-n punta-taq hinashpa kiki-n-pis
man-3-all serve-urgt-3 point-seq then self-3-add
miku-ru-n-tri-ki
eat-urgt-3-evc-ki
‘She served her husband [the poisoned tuna] first then she herself
must have eaten it.’

3.2.5.3 Time numerals and pre-numerals

syq makes use of the full set of Spanish cardinal numerals: unu ‘one’, dus ‘two’,
tris ‘three’, kwatru ‘four’, sinku ‘five’, sis ‘six’, siyti ‘seven’, uchu ‘eight’, nuybi
‘nine’, dis ‘ten’, and so on. It is this set that is used in telling time. As in Spanish,
time numerals are preceded by the pre-numerals la or las (1).

(1) Puñukun tuta a las tris di la mañanataqa. amv

puñu-ku-n tuta a las tris di la mañana-ta-qa
sleep-refl-3 night at the three of the morning-acc-top
‘He went to sleep at night – at three in the morning.’

3
An anonymous reviewer points out that “most Quechuan languages express ordinals by at-
taching the enclitic -kaq to the numeral,” as in ishkay-kaq ‘second’, literally ‘that which is
number two’. “The -kaq enclitic derives historically from the copula *ka- plus agentive *-q.”
This structure is not attested in Yauyos.

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3 Substantives

Time expressions are usually suffixed with -ta (a las dusi-ta ‘at twelve o’clock’):
(2) Las tris i midyata qaykuruni. amv
las tris i midya-ta qayku-ru-ni
the three and middle-acc corral-urgt-1
‘I threw him in the corral at three thirty.’

3.2.5.4 Numerals with possessive suffixes

Any numeral, num, may be suffixed with any plural possessive suffix – -nchik,
-Yki, or -n. These constructions translate ‘we/you/they num’ or ‘the num of us/y-
ou/them’ (kimsanchik ‘we three’, ‘the three of us’) (1).

(1) Ishkaynin, kimsan kashpaqa mikunyá. amv

ishkay-ni-n kimsa-n ka-shpa-qa miku-n-yá
two-euph-3 three-3 be-subis-top eat-3-emph
‘If there are two of them or three of them, they eat.’

In the case of ishkay this translates ‘both of’ (2).

(2) Ishkayninchik ripukushun. amv

ishkay-ni-nchik ripu-ku-shun
two-euph-1pl leave-refl-1pl.fut
‘Let’s go both of us.’

huknin translates both ‘one of’ and ‘the other of’ (3).

(3) Hukninpis hukninpis hinaptin sapalla: witrqarayachin. ach

huk-ni-n-pis huk-ni-n-pis hinaptin sapa-lla-:
one-euph-3-add one-euph-3-add then alone-rstr-1
witrqa-ra-ya-chi-n
close-unint-intens-caus-3
‘One of them then the other of them [leaves] and I’m closed in all
alone.’

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 3.2 Substantive classes

3.2.5.5 huk
huk ‘one’ has several functions in addition to its function as a numeral (1) and
numeral adjective (2).

(1) Pichqa mulla. Huk, ishkay, kimsa, tawa, pichqa. ch

pichqa mulla huk ishkay kimsa tawa pichqa
five quota one two three four five
‘Five quotas [of water]. One, two, three, four, five.’

(2) Achka … lluqsin huk pakayllapaq. amv

achka lluqsi-n huk pakay-lla-paq
a.lot come.out-3 one pacay-rstr-abl
‘A lot [of seeds] come out of just one pacay.’

It may serve both as an indefinite determiner, as in (3) and (4), and as a pronoun,
as in (5) and (6).

(3) Huk inhiniyrush rikura. Chay ubsirvaq hinashpash … ach

huk inhiniyru-sh riku-ra chay ubsirva-q hinashpa-sh
one engineer-evr go-pst dem.d observe-ag then-evr
‘An engineer went. That observer, then, they say …’

(4) Hinaptinña huk atrqay pasan, ismu atrqay. “Huk turutam pagasayki”. sp
hinaptin-ña huk atrqay pasa-n, ismu atrqay huk turu-ta-m
then-disc one eagle pass-3 grey eagle one bull-acc-evd
paga-sayki
pay-1>2.fut
‘Then an eagle passed by, a gray eagle. “I’ll pay you a bull,” [said the
girl].’

(5) Puchka: paqarinninta hukta ruwa: minchanta hukta. ach

puchka-: paqarin-ni-n-ta huk-ta ruwa-:
spin-1 tomorrow-euph-3-acc one-acc make-1
mincha-n-ta huk-ta
day.after.tomorrow-3-acc one-acc
‘I’ll spin tomorrow and make one; the day after tomorrow, another.’

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3 Substantives

(6) Ayvis lliw chinkarun ayvis huklla ishkayllata tariru:. ach

ayvis lliw chinka-ru-n ayvis huk-lla ishkay-lla-ta
sometimes all lose-urgt-3 sometimes one-rstr two-rstr-acc
tari-ru-:
find-urgt-1
‘Sometimes all get lost; sometimes I find just one or two.’

With ‘another’ interpretation, huk may be inflected with plural -kuna (7).

(7) Kikiypaq ruwani hukkunapaq ruwani. amv

kiki-y-paq ruwa-ni huk-kuna-paq ruwa-ni
self-1-ben make-1 one-pl-ben make-1
‘I make them for myself and I make them for others.’

Suffixed with allative/dative -man, it may be interpreted ‘different’ or ‘differ-

ently’ (8).

(8) Waytachaypis hukman lluqsiruwan ishkay trakiyuqhina lluqsirun. amv

wayta-cha-y-pis huk-man lluqsi-ru-wa-n ishkay
flower-dim-1-add one-all come.out-urgt-1.obj-3 two
traki-yuq-hina lluqsi-ru-n
foot-poss-comp come.out-urgt-3
‘My flower came out differently on me. It came out like with two
feet.’

3.2.6 Multiple-class substantives

Some substantives are ambivalent. Regular nouns may appear as regular mod-
ifiers (1) and adverbial adjectives (2); interrogative pronouns as indefinite and
relative pronouns (3); dependent pronouns as unit numerals (4); unit numerals
as pronouns (5), (6); and dependent pronouns as adverbs (7) and quantitative (8)
adjectives. Table 3.3 gives some examples.

3.2.7 Dummy na
na is a dummy noun, standing in for any substantive that doesn’t make it off the
tip of the speaker’s tongue (1), (2).

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 3.2 Substantive classes

Table 3.3: Multiple-class substantives

(1) mishki ‘a sweet’, ‘sweet’

(2) tardi ‘afternoon’, ‘late’
(3) ima ‘thing’, ‘what’, ‘that’
(4) sapa ‘each’ ‘one alone’
(5) huk ‘one’, ‘I’
(6) ishkay ‘two[stones]’ ‘two[came]’
(7) kuska ‘we/you/they together’ ‘together’
(8) llapa ‘all of us/you/them’ ‘all’

(1) Wak na lawkunapa Wañupisa. Yanak lawkunapatr. ach

wak na law-kuna-pa Wañupisa Yanak law-kuna-pa-tr
dem.d dmy side-pl-loc Wañupisa Yanak side-pl-loc-evc
‘Around that what-is-it – Wañupisa. Around Yanak, for sure.’

(2) Wanqakunchik nakta papaktapis uqaktapis. Walmi. ch

wanqa-ku-nchik na-kta papa-kta-pis uqa-kta-pis walmi
turn-refl-1pl dmy-acc potato-acc-add oca-acc-add woman
‘We turn the what-do-you-call-them – the potatoes, the oca. [We]
women.’
na inflects as does any other substantive – for case (3), number, and posses-
sion (4).

(3) Wak natatr qawanqa hinashpatr rimanqa. amv

wak na-ta-tr qawa-nqa hinashpa-tr rima-nqa
dem.d dmy-acc-evc see-3.fut then-evc talk-3.fut
‘She’s going to look at that thingamajig, then she’ll talk.’

(4) Waqayan. Uray lawpa apamunki chay nanta. amv

waqa-ya-n uray law-pa apa-mu-nki chay na-n-ta
cry-prog-3 down.hill side-loc bring-cisl-2 dem.d dmy-3-acc
‘He’s crying. Bring his thingy down there!’

na is ambivalent, serving also as a dummy verb (5).

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3 Substantives

(5) Chaykuna rimanqaña narushpaqa. amv

chay-kuna rima-nqa-ña na-ru-shpa-qa
dem.d-pl talk-3.fut-disc dmy-urgt-subis-top
‘They’ll talk after doing that.’

3.3 Substantive inflection

Substantives in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, inflect for person, number
and case. This introduction summarizes the more extended discussion to follow.
The substantive (“possessive”) person suffixes of syq are -y (amv, lt) or -: (ach,
ch, sp) (1p), -Yki (2p), -n (3p), and -nchik (1pl) (mishi-y, mishi-: ‘my cat’; asnu-yki
‘your donkey’). Table 3.4 below displays this paradigm.
The plural suffix of syq is -kuna (urqu-kuna ‘hills’).
syq has ten case suffixes: comparative -hina (María-hina ‘like María’); limi-
tative -kama (marsu-kama ‘until March’); allative, dative -man (Cañete-man ‘to
Cañete’); genitive and locative -pa (María-pa ‘María’s’ Lima-pa ‘in Lima’); ab-
lative, benefactive, and purposive -paq (Viñac-paq ‘from Viñac’, María-paq ‘for
María,’ qawa-na-n-paq ‘in order for her to see’); locative -pi (Lima-pi ‘in Lima’);
exclusive -puRa (amiga-pura ‘among friends’); causative -rayku (María-rayku ‘on
account of María’); accusative -ta (María-ta ‘María’ (direct object)), and comita-
tive and instrumental -wan (María-wan ‘with María’, acha-wan ‘with an axe’).
Table 3.5 below displays this paradigm.
All case marking attaches to the last word in the nominal phrase. When a stem
bears suffixes of two or three classes, these appear in the order person-number-
case (1), (2).

(1) ¡Blusallaykunata kayllaman warkurapuway! amv

blusa-lla-y-kuna-ta kay-lla-man warku-ra-pu-wa-y
blusa-rstr-1-pl-acc dem.p-rstr-all hang-urgt-ben-1.obj-imp
‘Hang just my blouses up just over there for me!’

(2) Kusasninchikkunallatatr ñitinman. amv

kusas-ni-nchik-kuna-lla-ta-tr ñiti-n-man
things-euph-1pl-pl-rstr-acc-evc crush-3-cond
‘Just our things would crush.’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

Sections §3.3.1–3.3.3 cover inflection for possession, number and case, respec-
tively. Most case suffixes are mutually exclusive; §3.3.3.2 gives some possible
combinations.

3.3.1 Possessive (person)

The possessive suffixes of syq are the same in all dialects for all persons except
the first-person singular. Two of the five dialects – amv and lt – follow the qii
pattern, marking the first-person singular with -y; three dialects – ach, ch, and
sp – follow the qi pattern, marking it with -: (vowel length). The syq nominal
suffixes, then, are: -y or -: (1p), -Yki (2p), -n (3p), -nchik (1pl). Table 3.4 lists the
possessive suffixes.
Table 3.4: Possessive (substantive) suffixes

Person Singular Plural

-y (amv, lt) -nchik (dual, inclusive)
1 -: (ach, ch, sp) -y (exclusive amv, lt)
-: (exclusive ach, ch, sp)
2 -Yki -Yki
3 -n -n

Stems of the following substantive classes may be suffixed with person suffixes:
nouns (wambra-yki ‘your child’) (1), general numerals (kimsa-nchik ‘the three
of us’) (2), dependent pronouns (kiki-n ‘she herself’) (3), demonstrative pronouns
(chay-ni-y ‘this of mine’) (4) and interrogative-indefinites (5).

(1) Hinashpaqa pubriqa kutimusa llapa animalninwan wasinman. amv

hinashpa-qa pubri-qa kuti-mu-sa llapa animal-ni-n-wan
then-top poor-top return-cisl-npst all animal-euph-3-instr
wasi-n-man
house-3-acc
‘Then the poor man returned to his house with all his animals.’

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3 Substantives

(2) “Kananqa aysashun kay sugawan”, nishpa ishkaynin aysapa:kun

sanqaman. sp
kanan-qa aysa-shun kay suga-wan ni-shpa ishkay-ni-n
now-top pull-1pl dem.p rope-instr say-subis two-euph-3
aysa-pa:-ku-n sanqa-man
pull-jtacc-3 ravine-all
‘“Now we’ll pull with this rope,” he said and the two of them pulled
it toward the ravine.’

(3) Pay sapallan hamuyan kay llaqtataqa. amv

pay sapa-lla-n hamu-ya-n kay llaqta-ta-qa
she alone-rstr-3 come-prog-3 dem.p town-acc-top
‘She’s coming to this town all alone.’

(4) Chaynikita pristawanki. amv

chay-ni-ki-ta prista-wa-nki
dem.d-euph-2-acc lend-1.obj-2
‘Lend me that [thing] of yours.’

(5) Manam mayqinniypis wañuniraqchu. amv

mana-m mayqin-ni-y-pis wañu-ni-raq-chu
no-evd which-euph-1-add die-1-cont-neg
‘None of us has died yet.’

In the case of words ending in a consonant, -ni – semantically vacuous – pre-

cedes the person suffix (6).

(6) ¿Maynintapis ripunqañatr? Gallu Rumi altuntapis ripunqañatr. amv

may-ni-n-ta-pis ripu-nqa-ña-tr Gallu Rumi
where-euph-3-acc-add go-3.fut-disc-evc Cock Rock
altu-n-ta-pis ripu-nqa-ña-tr
high-3-acc-add go-3.fut-disc-evc
‘Where abouts will he go? He’ll go up above Gallu Rumi, for sure.’

The third person possessive suffix, -n, attaching to may ‘where’ and other expres-
sions of place, forms an idiomatic expression interpretable as ‘via’ or ‘around’ (7).

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

(7) Hamuyaq kayninta. amv

hamu-ya-q kay-ni-n-ta
come-prog-ag dem.p-euph-3-acc
‘He used to be coming around here.’

In the first person singular, the noun papa ‘father’ inflects papa-ni-y to refer to
one’s biological or social father , (8).4

(8) Vikuñachayta diharuni papaniywan. amv

vikuña-cha-y-ta diha-ru-ni papa-ni-y-wan
vicuña-dim-1-acc leave-urgt-1 father-euph-1-instr
‘I left my little vicuña with my father.’

syq possessive constructions are formed substantive-poss ka- (allqu-n ka-rqa

‘she had a dog’ (lit. ‘her dog was’)) (9)(10).

(9) Mana wambrayki kanchu mana qariyki kanchu. ach

mana wambra-yki ka-n-chu mana qari-yki ka-n-chu
no child-2 be-3-neg no man-2 be-3-neg
‘You don’t have children and you don’t have a husband.’

Finally, possessive suffixes attach to the subordinating suffix -pti as well as to the
nominalizing suffixes -na and -sa to form subordinate (10), purposive (11), com-
plement (12), and relative (13), (14) clauses.

(10) Yasqayaruptiki mana pinikipis kanqachu. ach

yasqa-ya-ru-pti-ki mana pi-ni-ki-pis ka-nqa-chu
old-inch-urgt-subds-2 no who-euph-2-add be-3.fut-neg
‘When you’re old, you won’t have anyone.’

(11) Hampikunaykipaq yatranki. amv

hampi-ku-na-yki-paq yatra-nki
cure-refl-nmlz-2-purp know-2
‘You’ll learn so that you can cure.’

4
An anonymous reviewer writes, “As a loan word, most Central Quechuan languages have
papa: with final vowel length (reinterpretation of final accent in Spanish ‘papá’). As such, -ni
is required before a syllable-closing suffix, such as -y. Though papa does not end in a long
vowel in SYQ, it probably did at one time, and the effect is retained.”

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3 Substantives

(12) Atipasantatriki ruwan. ach

atipa-sa-n-ta-tri-ki ruwa-n
be.able-prf-3-acc-evc-ki make-3
‘They do what they can.’

(13) Chay wawqin ama nisantas wañuchisataq. ach

chay wawqi-n ama ni-sa-n-ta-s wañu-chi-sa-taq
dem.d brother-3 proh say-prf-3-acc-add die-caus-npst-seq
‘They also killed his brother who said “No!”’

(14) Truraykun frutachankunata – llapa gustasan. amv

trura-yku-n fruta-cha-n-kuna-ta llapa gusta-sa-n
save-excep-3 fruit-dim-3-pl-acc all like-prf-3
‘They put out their fruit and all – everything they liked.’

3.3.2 Number -kuna

-kuna pluralizes regular nouns, as in (1), where it affixes to kabra ‘goat’ to form
kabra-kuna ‘goats’.
(1) Kabrakunata hapishpa mikukuyan. amv
kabra-kuna-ta hapi-shpa miku-ku-ya-n
goat-pl-acc grab-subis eat-refl-prog-3
‘Taking ahold of the goats, [the puma] is eating them.’

-kuna also pluralizes the personal pronouns ñuqa, qam, and pay (2), demonstra-
tive pronouns (3), and interrogative-indefinites (4).

(2) Awanmi paykunapisriki. amv

awa-n-mi pay-kuna-pis-r-iki
weave-3-evd he-pl-add-r-iki
‘They, too, weave.’

(3) Chaykunapa algunusqa pamparayan. amv

chay-kuna-pa algunus-qa pampa-ra-ya-n
dem.d-pl-loc some.people-top bury-unint-intens-3
‘Some people are buried in those.’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

(4) ¿Imakunam ubihaykipa sutin? amv

ima-kuna-m ubiha-yki-pa suti-n
what-pl-evd sheep-2-gen name-3
‘What are your sheep’s names?’

-kuna follows the stem and possessive suffix, if any, and precedes the case suffix,
if any (5).

(5) Chamisninkunata upyarin kukankunata akun. amv

chamis-ni-n-kuna-ta upya-ri-n kuka-n-kuna-ta aku-n
chamis-euph-3-pl-acc drink-incep-3 coca-3-pl-acc chew-3
‘They drink their chamis and they chew their coca.’

Number-marking in syq is optional. Noun phrases introduced by numerals or

quantifying adjectives generally are not inflected with -kuna (6).

(6) Ishkay yatrarqa, ishkay warmi. amv

ishkay yatra-rqa ishkay warmi
two live-pst two woman
‘Two lived [there], two women.’

-kuna may receive non-plural interpretations and, like -ntin, may indicate accom-
paniment or non-exhaustivity (7).5

(7) Chay kwirpuykikuna mal kanman umaykikuna nananman. amv

chay kwirpu-yki-kuna mal ka-n-man uma-yki-kuna nana-n-man
dem.d body-2-pl bad be-3-cond head-2-pl hurt-3-cond
‘Your whole body could be not well; your head and everything
could hurt.’
Finally, words borrowed from Spanish already inflected for plural – i.e., with
Spanish plural s – are generally still suffixed with -kuna (cosas → kusas-ni-nchik-
kuna) (8).

5
This example is, in fact, ambiguous between as reading in which -kuna receives a non-plural
interpretation and one in which it simply pluralizes the possessed item. Thus, kwirpu-y-kuna
could also refer to ‘your (plural) bodies’, as an anonymous reviewer points out.

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3 Substantives

(8) Qayashpa waqashpa purin animalisninchikunaqa. amv

qaya-shpa waqa-shpa-m puri-n animalis-ni-nchik-kuna-qa
scream-subis cry-subis-evd walk-3 animals-euph-1pl-pl-top
‘Our animals walk around screaming, crying.’

3.3.3 Case
A set of ten suffixes constitutes the case system of syq. Table 3.5 gives glossed
examples. These are: -hina (comparative), -kama (limitative), -man (allative, da-
tive), -pa/-pi (genitive, locative), -paq (ablative, benefactive, purposive), -puRa
(exclusive), -rayku (reason), -ta (accusative), and -wan (comitative, instrumental).
Genitive, instrumental and allative/dative may specify noun-verb in addition to
noun-noun relations. -pa is the default form for the locative, but -pi is often and
-paq is sometimes used. The ch dialect uses a fourth form, -traw, common to
the qi languages. The ch dialect is also unique among the five in its realization
of accusative -ta as -kta after a short vowel. -puRa – attested only in Viñac –
and -rayku are employed only rarely. The genitive and accusative may form ad-
verbs (tuta-pa ‘at night’, allin-ta ‘well’). Instrumental -wan may coordinate nps
(llama-wan alpaka-wan ‘the llama and the alpaca’). All case processes consist
in adding a suffix to the last word in the nominal group. Most case suffixes are
mutually exclusive. §3.3.3.1–3.3.3.12 cover each of the case suffixes in turn.

3.3.3.1 Simulative -hina

The simulative -hina generally indicates resemblance or comparison (yawar-hi-
na ‘like blood’) (1– 7).

(1) Ñawilla: pukayarura tutal puka. Yawarhina ñawi: kara. ach

ñawi-lla-: puka-ya-ru-ra total puka yawar-hina ñawi-:
eye-rstr-1 red-inch-urgt-pst completely red blood-comp eye-1
ka-ra
be-pst
‘My eyes turned red, totally red. My eyes were like blood.’

(2) Karsilpahinam. Witrqamara wambra:kuna istudyaq pasan. ach

karsil-pa-hina-m witrqa-ma-ra wambra-:-kuna istudya-q pasa-n
prison-loc-comp close.in-1.obj-pst child-1-pl study-ag pass-3
‘It was like in prison. When my children went to school, they closed
me in.’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

Table 3.5: Case suffixes with examples

-hina comparative Runa-hina, uyqa-hina ‘Like people, like sheep’

-kama limitative Fibriru marsu-kama-raq-tri ‘It will rain still until
para-nqa. February or march.’
-man allative, dative Lima runa-kuna ‘When people from Lima
traya-mu-pti-n siyra-n-man. return to their sierra.’
-pa1 genitive Algunus-pa puchka-n ‘Some people’s thread breaks
tipi-ku-ya-n-mi. on them.’
-pa2 locative Urqu-lla-pa-m chay-qa ‘It grows only in the
wiña-n. mountains.’
-pi locative Yana-ya-sa qutra-pa pata-n-pi
‘Blackened on the banks of
qutra-pa tuna-n-pi. the lake, in the corner of the
lake.’
-paq1 ablative Huangáscar-paq-mi hamu-ra ‘Lots of policemen came from
wama-wamaq polisiya-pis. Huangáscar.’
-paq2 benefactive Chay qari-kuna mana ‘This is for the men who can’t
ishpa-y-ta atipa-q-paq. urinate.’
-paq3 purposive Qawa-na-y-paq ima-wan ‘In order to see what he died
wañu-ru-n … kitra-ni. from … I opened him up.’
-puRa reciprocal Qam pay-wan wawqi ‘You and she are going to be
ñaña-pura ka-nki. true brothers and sisters.’
-rayku reason Chawa-shi-q lichi-lla-n-rayku ‘I might go help milk on
ri-y-man-tri. account of her milk.’
-ta accusative ¿Maqta-kuna-ta pusha-nki ‘Are you going to take the
icha pashña-ta? boys or the girl?’
-wan1 comitative ¿Imapaq-mi wak ‘Why are you walking around
kundinaw-wan puri-ya-nki? with that zombie?’
-wan2 instrumental Ichu-wan-mi chay-ta ‘We make this one with
ruwa-nchik. straw.’
in Cacra-Hongos dialect only:
-Kta replaces -ta to mark accusative
-traw alternates with -pa and -pi to mark the locative

(3) Trakin, ishkaynin trakin kayan maniyashahina. lt

traki-n, ishkay-ni-n traki-n ka-ya-n maniya-sha-hina
foot-3 two-euph-3 foot-3 be-prog-3 bind.feet-prf-comp
‘His feet, it’s like both are shackled.’

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3 Substantives

(4) Wakhinallam purikuni. ¿Imanashaqmi? lt

wak-hina-lla-m puri-ku-ni ima-na-shaq-mi
dem.d-comp-rstr-evd walk-refl-1 what-vrbz-1.fut-evd
‘Just like that I go about. What am I going to do?’

(5) Huk rumi kayan warmihina. Chaypish inkantara unay unay. sp

huk rumi ka-ya-n warmi-hina chay-pi-sh inkanta-ra
one stone be-prog-3 woman-comp dem.d-loc-evr enchant-pst
unay unay
before before
‘There’s a stone like [in the form of] a woman. A long, long time ago,
it bewitched [people] there, they say.’

(6) Tutakuna puriyan qarqaryahina. amv

tuta-kuna puri-ya-n qariya-hina
night-pl walk-prog-3 zombie-comp
‘At night, he walks around like a zombie.’

(7) Kayhinakunachatam (=kayhinachakunatam) ruwani. amv

kay-hina-kuna-cha-ta-m (=kay-hina-cha-kuna-ta-m) ruwa-ni
dem.p-comp-pl-dim-acc-evd dem.p-comp-dim-pl-acc-evd make-1
‘I make all of them just like this.’

It can generally be translated ‘like’. In Cacra and sometimes in Hongos, -mish is

employed in place of -hina (8), (9).

(8) Kilun paqwalun. Mikuyta atipanchu. Awilamish. ch

kilu-n paqwa-lu-n miku-y-ta atipa-n-chu
tooth-3 finish.off-urgt-3 eat-inf-acc be.able-3-neg
awila-mish
grandmother-comp
‘Her teeth finished off. He can’t eat. Like an old lady.’

(9) ¿Imamish wawipaq takin? ch

ima-mish wawi-paq taki-n
what-comp baby-gen song-3
‘What is a baby’s song like?’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

3.3.3.2 Limitative -kama

The limitative -kama – sometimes realized as kaman – generally indicates a limit
in space (1), (2) or time (3–5).

(1) Qatimushaq vakata kaykama. amv

qati-mu-shaq vaka-ta kay-kama
follow-cisl-1.fut cow-acc dem.p-lim
‘I’m going to drive the cows over here.’

(2) Chay wambraykita katrarunki mayurnikikama wawqikikamaqa. lt

chay wambra-yki-ta katra-ru-nki mayur-ni-ki-kama
dem.d child-2-acc release-urgt-2 eldest-euph-2-all
wawqi-ki-kama-qa
brother-2-all-top
‘You sent your children over to your older brother, over to your
brother.’

(3) Fibriru marsukamaraqtri paranqa. amv

fibriru marsu-kama-raq-tri para-nqa
February March-lim-cont-evc rain-3.fut
‘It will rain still until February or March.’

(4) ¿Imaykama kanki? amv

imay-kama ka-nki
when-lim be-2
‘Until when are you going to be (here)?’

(5) Kandawniypis warkurayan altupam. Manam kanankamapis

trurachinichu. lt
kandaw-ni-y-pis warku-raya-n altu-pa-m mana-m
padlock-euph-1-add hang-pass-3 high-loc-evd no-evd
kanan-kama-pis trura-chi-ni-chu
now-lim-add put-caus-1-neg
‘My padlock, too, is hung up there. Until now I haven’t had it put on.’
In case time is delimited by an event, the usual structure is stem-nmlz-poss-kama
(puri-na-yki-kama (‘so you can walk’) (6), (7).

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3 Substantives

(6) Traki paltanchikpis pushllunankama purinchik. Trakipis ampulla

hatarinankaman rirqani. amv
traki palta-nchik-pis pushllu-na-n-kama puri-nchik traki-pis
foot sole-1pl-add blister-nmlz-3-all walk-1pl foot-add
ampulla hatari-na-n-kaman ri-rqa-ni
blister get.up-nmlz-3-all go-pst-1
‘We walked while blisters formed on the souls of our feet. I went
while blisters came up on my feet.’

(7) Apuraw mikunankama turuqa kayna tuksirikusa. sp

apuraw miku-na-n-kama turu-qa kayna tuksi-ri-ku-sa
quickly eat-nmlz-3-all bull-top thus prick-incep-refl-npst
‘Until the bull ate quickly, she pricked him like this.’

-kama can appear simultaneously with asta (Sp. hasta ‘up to’, ‘until’) (8).

(8) San Jerónimopaq asta kaykama. amv

San Jerónimo-paq asta kay-kama
San Jerónimo-abl until dem.p-all
‘From San Jerónino to here.’

-kama can form distributive expressions: in this case, -kama attaches to the qual-
ity or characteristic that is distributed (9), (10). In case it indicates a limit, -kama
can usually be translated as ‘up to’ or ‘until’; in case it indicates distribution, it
can usually be translated as ‘each’.

(9) Uñachayuqkama kayan. amv

uña-cha-yuq-kama ka-ya-n
calf-dim-poss-all be-prog-3
‘They all [each] have their little young.’

(10) Trayaramun arman qipikusakama. Manchaku:. ach

traya-ra-mu-n arma-n qipi-ku-sa-kama mancha-ku-:
arrive-urgt-cisl-3 weapon-3 carry-refl-prf-all scare-refl-1
‘They arrived each carrying weapons. I got scared.’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

3.3.3.3 Allative, dative -man

The allative and dative (directional) -man generally indicates movement toward
a point (1), (2) or the end-point of movement or action more generally (3), (4).

(1) Qiñwalman trayarachiptiki wañukunman. amv

qiñwal-man traya-ra-chi-pti-ki wañu-ku-n-man
quingual.grove-all arrive-urgt-caus-subds-2 die-refl-3-cond
‘If you make her go to the quingual grove, she could die.’

(2) Hinashpa chaypaq wichayman pasachisa chay Amador

kaqmanñataq. ach
hinashpa chay-paq wichay-man pasa-chi-sa chay Amador
then dem.d-abl up.hill-all pass-caus-npst dem.d Amador
ka-q-man-ña-taq
be-ag-all-disc-seq
‘Then, from there they made them go up high to Don Amador’s
place.’

(3) Wak wasikunamanshi yaykurun kundinawqa. sp

wak wasi-kuna-man-shi yayku-ru-n kundinaw-qa
dem.d house-pl-all-evr enter-urgt-3 zombie-top
‘The zombie entered those houses, they say.’

(4) “¿Kabrata qaqaman imapaq qarquranki?” nishpa. sp

kabra-ta qaqa-man ima-paq qarqu-ra-nki ni-shpa
goat-acc cliff-all what-purp toss-pst-2 say-subis
‘“Why did you let the goats loose onto the cliff?” he said.’
It may function as a dative, indicating a non-geographical goal (5), (6).

(5) Pashñaqa quykurusa mushuqta watakurusa chumpita

wiqawninman. amv
pashña-qa qu-yku-ru-sa mushuq-ta wata-ku-ru-sa
girl-top give-excep-urgt-npst new-acc tie-refl-urgt-npst
chumpi-ta wiqaw-ni-n-man
sash-acc waist-euph-3-all
‘The girl gave [the young man] a sash, a new one, and she tied it
around his waist.’

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3 Substantives

(6) Chay lliw lliw listamanshi trurara. Chay listaman trurasan rikura. ach
chay lliw lliw lista-man-shi trura-ra chay lista-man trura-sa-n
dem.d all all list-all-evr put-pst dem.d list-all put-prf-3
riku-ra
go-pst
‘[The Shining Path] put everyone on the list. Those who were put on
the list left.’
With verbs of giving, it marks the recipient (7), (8); with verbs of communication,
the person receiving the communication (9), (10).

(7) ¿Imatataq qunki kay pubriman? amv

ima-ta-taq qu-nki kay pubri-man
what-acc-seq give-2 dem.p poor.person-all
‘What are you going to give to this poor man?’

(8) ¿Urquman qapishuptiki imatataq qaranki? amv

urqu-man qapi-shu-pti-ki ima-ta-taq qara-nki?
hill-all grab-3>1-subds-3>1 what-acc-seq serve-2
‘What are you going to serve to the hill when it grabs you?’

(9) Chayshi mamanman willakun. amv

chay-shi mama-n-man willa-ku-n
dem.d-evr mother-3-all tell-refl-3
‘With that, she told her mother.’

(10) Chayllapaq willakurusa tirruristaman hinaptin chayta wañurachin. ach

chay-lla-paq willa-ku-ru-sa tirrurista-man hinaptin
dem.d-rstr-abl tell-refl-urgt-npst terrorist-all then
chay-ta wañu-ra-chi-n
dem.d-acc die-urgt-caus-3
‘So they told it to the terrorists and then they killed him.’
It may indicate a very approximate time specification (11).

(11) Trayanqa sabaduman. amv

traya-nqa sabadu-man
arrive-3.fut Saturday-all
‘She’ll arrive on Saturday [or around there].’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

With verbs indicating change of state, quantity or number, it may indicate the
result or extent of change (12), (13).

(12) Pasaypaq runapaq kunvirtirun kabraman. lt

pasaypaq runa-paq kunvirti-ru-n kabra-man
completely person-abl convert-urgt-3 goat-all
‘Completely, from people they turned into goats.’

(13) Wiñarun hatunman. amv

wiña-ru-n hatun-man
grow-urgt-3 big-all
‘She grew tall.’

It may also indicate the goal in the sense of purpose of movement (14), (15). It
can usually be translated as ‘to’, ‘toward’.

(14) Karu karum. ¿Imaynataq, imamantaq hamuranki? amv

karu karu-m imayna-taq ima-man-taq hamu-ra-nki
far far-evd how-seq what-all-seq come-pst-2
‘Very far. How, for what did you come?’

(15) Chaypaq rishaq wak animalniyman wak infirmuykunaman. lt

chay-paq ri-shaq wak animal-ni-y-man wak
dem.d-abl go-1.fut dem.d animal-euph-y-all dem.d
infirmu-y-kuna-man
sick.person-1-pl-ll
‘I’m going to go to my animals and to my sick [husband] and all.’

3.3.3.4 Genitive, locative -pa1 , -pa2

As a genitive, -pa indicates possession (1), (2); it is often paired with possessive
inflection (3), (4).

(1) Runapa umallaña trakillaña kayashqa. amv

runa-pa uma-lla-ña traki-lla-ña ka-ya-shqa
person-gen head-rstr-disc leg-rstr-disc be-prog-npst
‘There was only the head and the hand of the person.’

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3 Substantives

(2) ¿Imaynataq qampa trakikiqa kayan qillu qillucha? sp

imayna-taq qam-pa traki-ki-qa ka-ya-n qillu qillu-cha
how-seq you-gen foot-2-top be-prog-3 yellow yellow-dim
‘How are your feet nice and yellow?’

(3) Manañam miranñachu ganawninqa paypaqa. amv

mana-ña-m mira-n-ña-chu ganaw-ni-n-qa pay-pa-qa
no-disc-evd reproduce-3-disc-neg cattle-euph-3-top he-gen-top
‘His animals no longer reproduce.’

(4) Puchkanchik. Vakata harkanchik vakapa qipanpa millwinchik. amv

puchka-nchik vaka-ta harka-nchik vaka-pa qipa-n-pa
spin-1pl cow-acc herd-1pl cow-gen behind-3-loc
millwi-nchik
wool-1pl
‘We spin. We herd the cows and behind the cows, we [twist] our
yarn.’
As a locative, -pa indicates temporal (5) and spatial location (6–9).

(5) Manam biranupahinachu. amv

mana-m biranu-pa-hina-chu
no-evd summer-loc-comp-neg
‘Not like in summer.’

(6) Trabahu: maypapis maypapis. ach

trabahu-: may-pa-pis may-pa-pis
work-1 where-loc-add where-loc-add
‘I work whereever, whereever.’

(7) Filapa trurakurun mana hukllachu. amv

fila-pa trura-ku-ru-n mana huk-lla-chu
line-loc put-refl-urgt-3 no one-rstr-neg
‘They put themselves in a line – not just one.’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

(8) Iskwilapam niytu:kunaqa wawa:kunaqa rinmi. ñuqallam ka:

analfabitu. sp
iskwila-pa-m niytu-:-kuna-qa wawa-:-kuna-qa ri-n-mi
school-loc-evd nephew-1-pl-top baby-1-pl-top go-3-evd
ñuqa-lla-m ka-: analfabitu
I-rstr-evd be-1 illiterate
‘My grandchildren and my children are in school. Only I am
illiterate.’

(9) Takllawan haluyanchik chaypaqa. Uqa trakla. Yakuwan ichashpa

chaypaqa. ch
taklla-wan halu-ya-nchik chay-pa-qa uqa trakla yaku-wan
plow-instr plow-prog-1pl dem.d-loc-top oca field water-instr
icha-shpa chay-pa-qa
toss-subis dem.d-loc-top
‘We’re plowing with a [foot] plow in there. The oca fields. Adding
water in there.’
In all dialects, -paq is often used in place of -pa and -pi as both a locative (10) and
genitive (11); in the ch dialect, -traw is used in addition to -pa and -pi as a loca-
tive (12), (13). As a genitive, -pa can usually be translated ‘of’ or with a possessive
pronoun; as a locative, it can usually translated ‘in’ or ‘on’.

(10) Dimunyum chayqa. Chay … altu rumipaq ukunpaq yatran. ach

Dimunyu-m chay-qa chay altu rumi-paq uku-n-paq
Devil-evd dem.d-top dem.d high stone-loc inside-3-loc
yatra-n
live-3
‘It was a devil. It … lives in the stone up inside it.’

(11) ¿Ima paypaq huchan? Qaykuruptinqa hawkam sayakun uñankunata

fwiraman diharuptinchik. amv
ima pay-paq hucha-n qayku-ru-pti-n-qa hawka-m
what she-gen fault-3 corral-urgt-subds-3-top tranquil-evd
saya-ku-n uña-n-kuna-ta fwira-man diha-ru-pti-nchik
stand-refl-3 calf-3-pl-acc outside-all leave-urgt-subds-1pl
‘What fault is it of hers? When you toss her into the corral, she
stands there calmly when we leave her babies outside.’

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3 Substantives

(12) Pustatrawshi chay mutu. ch

pusta-traw-shi chay mutu
clinic-loc-evr dem.d motorcycle
‘That motorcycle is in the health clinic.’

(13) Ñuqakunaqa faynatrawmi kaya:. ch

ñuqa-kuna-qa fayna-traw-mi ka-ya-:
I-pl-top community.work.day-loc-evd be-prog-1
‘We’re in the middle of community work days.’

(14) Chaytam nin kichwapa: “Wichayman qatishaq”. amv

chay-ta-m ni-n kichwa-pa wichay-man qati-shaq
dem.d-acc-evd say-3 Quechua-loc up.hill-all follow-1.fut
‘They say that in Quechua: “I’ll herd it up hill.”’

3.3.3.5 Ablative, benefactive, purposive -paq

As an ablative, -paq indicates provenance in space (1–3) or time (4), (5); origin or
cause (6), (7); or the material of which an item is made (8), (9).

(1) ¿Imaytaq llaqtaykipaq lluqsimulanki? ch

imay-taq llaqta-yki-paq lluqsi-mu-la-nki
when-seq town-2-abl go.out-cisl-pst-2
‘When did you go out from your country?’

(2) Kustapaq altuta siqaptinchik umanchik nanan. amv

kusta-paq altu-ta siqa-pti-nchik uma-nchik nana-n
coast-abl high-acc go.up-subds-1pl head-1pl hurt-3
‘When we come up from the coast, our heads hurt.’

(3) “¿Maypaqtaqmi suwamuranki?” nishpa. lt

may-paq-taq-mi suwa-mu-ra-nki ni-shpa
where-abl-seq-evd steal-cisl-pst-2 say-subis
‘“Where did you steal it from?” he said.’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

(4) Uchuklla kasa:paq. ach

uchuk-lla ka-sa-:-paq
small-rstr be-prf-1-abl
‘From [the time when] I was little.’

(5) Kananpaq riqsinakushun. ch

kanan-paq riqsi-naku-shun
now-abl know-recip-1pl.fut
‘From now on, we’re going to get to know each other.’

(6) Chay huk walmitaqa talilushpaqa apalunñam uspitalman. Pasaypaq

mikuypaq alalaypaq, ¿aw? ch
chay huk walmi-ta-qa tali-lu-shpa-qa
dem.d one woman-acc-top find-urgt-subis-top
apa-lu-n-ña-m uspital-man pasaypaq miku-y-paq
bring-urgt-3-disc-evd hospital-all completely eat-inf-abl
alala-y-paq aw
cold-inf-abl yes
‘When they found the other woman they brought her to the hospital
– completely [sick] from hunger and cold, no?’

(7) Wambray lichipaq, kisupaq waqaptin ñuqa rikurani urquta. lt

wambra-y lichi-paq, kisu-paq waqa-pti-n ñuqa riku-ra-ni
child-acc milk-abl cheese-abl cry-subds-3 I go-pst-1
urqu-ta
hill-acc
‘When my children cried for [because they had no] milk or cheese, I
went to the hill.’

(8) Llikllakuna, punchukuna, puñunakuna, ruwa: lliw lliw imatapis ruwa:

kaypaqmi, kay millwapaqmi. ach
lliklla-kuna, punchu-kuna, puñu-na-kuna ruwa-: lliw lliw
shawl-pl poncho-pl sleep-nmlz-pl make-1 all all
ima-ta-pis ruwa-: kay-paq-mi kay millwa-paq-mi
what-acc-add make-1 dem.p-abl-evd dem.p wool-abl-evd
‘Shawls, ponchos, blankets – everything, everything I make from
this, from this yarn.’

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3 Substantives

(9) Ayvis ruwani wiqapaq uvihapaq. amv

ayvis ruwa-ni wiqa-paq uviha-paq
sometimes make-1 twisted.wool-abl sheep-abl
‘Sometimes I make them out of twisted wool, out of sheep’s wool.’
As a benefactive, -paq indicates the individual who benefits from – or suffers as
a result of – an event (10).

(10) Chay allin chay qarikuna mana ishpayta atipaqpaq. amv

chay allin chay qari-kuna mana ishpa-y-ta
dem.d good dem.d man-pl no urinate-inf-acc
atipa-q-paq
be.able-ag-ben
‘This is good for men who can’t urinate.’
As a purposive, -paq indicates the purpose of an event (11), (12).

(11) Quni quni plantam chayqa. Chiripaqmi allin. amv

quni quni planta-m chay-qa chiri-paq-mi allin
warm warm plant-evd dem.d-top cold-purp-evd good
‘This plant is really warm. It’s good for (fighting) the cold.’

(12) Qawanaypaq imawan wañurun nishpa kitrani. amv

qawa-na-y-paq ima-wan wañu-ru-n ni-shpa kitra-ni
see-nmlz-1-purp what-instr die-urgt-3 say-subis open-1
‘‘To see what he died from, I said, and I opened him up.’
-paq may also alternate with -pa and -pi to indicate the genitive (13) or loca-
tive (14), (15).

(13) Manam kanchu ñuqapaq puchukarun. amv

mana-m ka-n-chu ñuqa-paq puchuka-ru-n
no-evd be-3-neg I-gen finish-urgt-3
‘There aren’t any – mine are all finished up.’

(14) Asnu alla-allita atuq watakun kunkapaq trakipaq sugawan watarun. sp

asnu alla-alli-ta atuq wata-ku-n kunka-paq traki-paq
donkey a.lot-a.lot-acc fox tie-refl-3 throat-abl foot-abl
suga-wan wata-ru-n
rope-instr tie-urgt-3

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

‘The fox tied the donkey up really well. He tied him up with a rope
on his neck and on his foot.’

(15) Kay llaqtapaq kundinawmi lliw lliw runata puchukayan. amv

kay llaqta-paq kundinaw-mi lliw lliw runa-ta puchuka-ya-n
dem.d town-loc zombie-evd all all person-acc finish-prog-3
‘In this town, a zombie is finishing off all the people.’
-paq also figures in a number of fixed expressions (16), (17).

(16) Pasaypaq uyqaytapis puchukarun. ¿Imatataq mikushaq? amv

pasaypaq uyqa-y-ta-pis puchuka-ru-n ima-ta-taq
completely sheep-1-acc-add finish-urgt-3 what-acc-seq
miku-shaq
eat-1.fut
‘My sheep are completely finished. What will I eat?’

(17) Kuyayllapaq waqakuyan yutuqa, kuyakuyllapaq chay waychawwan

yutuqa. sp
kuya-y-lla-paq waqa-ku-ya-n yutu-qa kuya-ku-y-lla-paq
love-inf-rstr-abl cry-refl-prog-3 partridge-top love-refl-inf-abl
chay waychaw-wan yutu-qa
dem.d waychaw.bird-instr partridge-top
‘The partridge is singing beautifully. The waychaw and the partridge
[sing] beautifully.’
Suffixed to the distal demonstrative chay, -paq indicates a close temporal or
causal connection between two events, translating ‘then’ or ‘so’ (18).

(18) Balinaku:. “¡Paqarin yanapamay!” u “Paqarin ñuqakta chaypaq

talpushun qampaktañataq”, ninaku:mi. ch
bali-naku: paqarin yanapa-ma-y u paqarin
request.a.service-recip-1 tomorrow help-1.obj-imp or tomorrow
ñuqa-kta chay-paq talpu-shun qam-pa-kta-ña-taq
I-acc dem.d-abl plant-1pl.fut you-gen-acc-disc-seq
ni-naku-:-mi
say-recip-1-evd
‘We ask for each other’s services. “Help me tomorrow!” or,
“Tomorrow mine then we’ll plant yours,” we say to each other.’

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3 Substantives

In comparative expressions, -paq attaches to the base of comparison (19), (20); it

may be combined with the Spanish-origin comparatives mihur (mejor ‘better’)
and piyur (peor ‘worse’) (21). It can generally be translated ‘for’; in its capacity
as a purposive, it can generally be translated ‘in order to’.

(19) Qayna puntrawpaq masmi. amv

qayna puntraw-paq mas-mi
previous day-abl more-evd
‘It’s more than yesterday.’

(20) Celiapaqpis masta chawan. sp

Celia-paq-pis mas-ta chawa-n
Celia-abl-add more-acc milk-3
‘She milks more than Celia.’

(21) Pularpaqpis mas mihurtam chayqa allukun. ach

pular-paq-pis mas mihur-ta-m chay-qa allu-ku-n
fleece-abl-add more better-acc-evd dem.d-top wrap-refl-3
‘Better than fleece – this bundles you up.’

3.3.3.6 Locative -pi

As a locative, -pi indicates temporal (1), (2) and spatial location (3–5).

(1) Kanan puntrawpi rishaq. amv

kanan puntraw-pi ri-shaq
now day-loc go-1.fut
‘I’ll go today.’

(2) ¿Uktubri paqwaypiñachu hamunki? ch

uktubri paqwa-y-pi-ña-chu hamu-nki
October finish-inf-loc-disc-q come-2
‘Are you coming at the end of October?’

(3) Chaypi chakirusa walantin vistiduntinshi. ach

chay-pi chaki-ru-sa wala-ntin vistidu-ntin-shi
dem.d-loc dry-urgt-npst skirt-incl dress-incl-evr
‘There she dried out with her skirt and her dress.’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

(4) Chay lagunapi yatraqñataq nira, “¿Imaynam qam kayanki puka

traki?” sp
chay laguna-pi yatra-q-ña-taq ni-ra imayna-m qam
dem.d lake-loc live-ag-disc-seq say-pst how-evd you
ka-ya-nki puka traki
be-prog-2 red foot
‘The one that lives in the lake said, “How do you have red feet?”’

(5) Kundurñataq atuqta apustirun, “¿Mayqinninchik lastapi urqupi

wañurushun?” sp
kundur-ña-taq atuq-ta apusti-ru-n mayqin-ni-nchik lasta-pi
condor-disc-seq fox-acc bet-urgt-3 which-euph-1pl snow-loc
urqu-pi wañu-ru-shun
hill-loc die-urgt-1pl.fut
‘The condor bet the fox, “Which of us will die in the snow, in the
hills?”’
It is used in the expression to speak in a language (6).

(6) Kastillanupi rimaq chayllamanñam shimin riyan manayá kay

kichwa. amv
kastillanu-pi rima-q chay-lla-man-ña-m shimi-n ri-ya-n
Spanish-loc talk-ag dem.d-rstr-all-disc-evd mouth-3 go-prog-3
mana-yá kay kichwa
no-emph dem.p Quechua
‘Those who speak in Spanish, their mouths are running just there.
Not [those who speak in?] Quechua.’

It can be translated as ‘in’, ‘on’, or ‘at’. -pi has a marginal use as a genitive in-
dicating subordinative relations – including, prominently, relationships of pos-
session – between nouns referring to different items (7). In this capacity it is
translated as ‘of’ or with a possessive.

(7) Chay plantapi yatan. amv

chay planta-pi yata-n
dem.d tree-gen side-3
‘The side of that tree.’

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3 Substantives

3.3.3.7 Exclusive -puRa

-puRa – realized -pula in the ch dialect (1) and -pura in all others – indicates the
inclusion of the marked individual among other individuals of the same kind.
It can be translated as ‘among’ or ‘between’. -puRa is not commonly employed;
more commonly employed is the particle intri ‘between’, borrowed from Spanish
(entre ‘between’) (2).

(1) Walmipula qutunakulanchik. ch

walmi-pula qutu-naku-la-nchik
woman-excl gather-recip-pst-1pl
‘We women gathered amongst ourselves.’

(2) Intri warmiqa ¿Imatatr ruwanman hapinakushpa? amv

intri warmi-qa ima-ta-tr ruwa-n-man hapi-naku-shpa
between woman-top what-acc-evc make-3-cond grab-recip-subis
‘Between women, what are they going to do when they grab each
other?’

3.3.3.8 Reason -rayku

-rayku indicates motivation (1), (2) or reason (3), (4). It generally but not obliga-
torily follows possessive inflection (1–4).

(1) Chawashiq lichillanrayku riymantri. amv

chawa-shi-q lichi-lla-n-rayku ri-y-man-tri
milk-acmp-ag milk-rstr-3-reasn go-1-cond-evc
‘I could go help milk on account of her milk.’

(2) Papallaykiraykupis awapakuruyman. amv

papa-lla-yki-rayku-pis awa-paku-ru-y-man
potato-rstr-2-reasn-add weave-mutben-urgt-1-cond
‘Even for your potatoes, I’d weave.’

(3) Waynayki shamunanrayku. ch

wayna-yki shamu-na-n-rayku
lover-2 come-nmlz-3-reasn
‘On account of your lover’s coming.’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

(4) Mikunallanraykupis yanukunqatr. amv

miku-na-lla-n-rayku-pis yanu-ku-nqa-tr
eat-nmlz-rstr-3-reasn-add cook-refl-3.fut-evc
‘On account of her food, she’ll probably cook.’

It can generally be translated ‘because’, ‘because of’ or ‘on account of’. -rayku is
not frequently employed: ablative -paq is more frequently employed to indicate
motivation or reason (5), although this -paq does not, as an anonymous reviewer
points out, mark the same relation. -kawsu (Sp. causa ‘cause’) may be employed
in place of -rayku (6). Recognized but not attested spontaneously outside amv
and ch.

(5) Qatra vakaqa wanuyan qutranman. Sikintin qaykusanpaq. amv

qatra vaka-qa wanu-ya-n qutra-n-man siki-ntin
dirty cow-top excrete-prog-3 lake-3-all calf-incl
qayku-sa-n-paq
corral-prf-3-abl
‘That dirty cow is pissing in the reservoir! For having been let out
with her calf.’

(6) Manam lichi kanchu. Pastu kawsu. amv

mana-m lichi ka-n-chu pastu-kawsu
no-evd milk-3 be-3-neg pasture.grass-cause
‘There’s no milk. Because of the grass.’

3.3.3.9 Accusative -Kta and -ta

In the ch dialect, the accusative is realized -kta after a short vowel and -ta after
a long vowel or consonant (1), (2); in all other dialects it is realized as -ta in all
environments. -ta indicates the object or goal of a transitive verb (3), (4).

(1) Tilivisyunta likakuyan, piluta pukllaqkunaktam. ch

tilivisyun-ta lika-ku-ya-n piluta puklla-q-kuna-kta-m
television-acc look-refl-prog-3 ball play-ag-pl-acc-evd
‘They’re watching television, ball players.’

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3 Substantives

(2) “Suti:tam apakunki”, ¡niy! “Llapanta apakunki”. ch

suti-:-ta-m apa-ku-nki ni-y llapa-n-ta apa-ku-nki
name-1-acc-evd bring-refl-2 say -imp all-3-acc bring-refl-2
‘Say, “You’re going to take along my name. You’re going to take
along them all.”’

(3) Asñuqa nin, “Ñuqa tarisisayki sugaykitaqa”. sp

asnu-qa ni-n, ñuqa tari-si-sayki suga-yki-ta-qa
donkey-top say-3 I find-acmp-1>2.fut rope-2-acc-top
‘The mule said, “I’m going to help you find your rope.”’

(4) Wak Kashapatapiñam maqarura César Mullidata. lt

wak Kashapata-pi-ña-m maqa-ru-ra César Mullida-ta
dem.d Kashapata-loc-disc-evd beat-urgt-pst César Mullida-acc
‘They beat César Mullida there in Kashapata.’

-ta may occur more than once in a clause, marking multiple objects (5), (6) or
both object and goal. In case one noun modifies another, case-marking on the
head n is obligatory (7); on the modifying n, optional (3).

(5) ¿Maqtakunata pushanki icha pashñata? amv

maqta-kuna-ta pusha-nki icha pashña-ta
young.man-pl-acc bring.along-2 or girl-acc
‘Are you going to take the boys or the girl?’

(6) ¡Vakata lliwta qaquruy! Rikurushaq hanaypim. amv

vaka-ta lliw-ta qaqu-ru-y riku-ru-shaq hanay-pi-m
cow-acc all-acc toss.out-urgt-imp go-urgt-1.fut up.hill-loc-evd
‘Toss out the cows, all of them! I’m going to go up hill.’

(7) Sibadata trakrata kwidanchik. amv

sibada-ta trakra-ta kwida-nchik
barley-acc field-acc care.for-1pl
‘We take care of the barley field.’

Complement clauses are suffixed with -ta (8–10).

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

(8) Qaqapaq lluqsiyta atipanchu. Qayakun, “¿Imaynataq kanan

lluqsishaq?” sp
qaqa-paq lluqsi-y-ta atipa-n-chu qaya-ku-n imayna-taq
cliff-abl go.out-inf-acc be.able-3-neg shout-refl-3 how-seq
kanan lluqsi-shaq
now go.out-1.fut
‘She couldn’t get off the cliff. She shouted, “Now, how am I going to
get down?”’

(9) Chaypaq kabrata mikuyta qallakuykun. sp

chay-paq kabra-ta miku-y-ta qalla-ku-yku-n
dem.d-abl goat-acc eat-inf-acc begin-refl-excep-3
‘So, the fox started to eat the goat.’

(10) Wambra willasuptiki imayna kutirimusanta. lt

wambra willa-su-pti-ki imayna kuti-ri-mu-sa-n-ta
child tell-3>2-subds-3>2 how return-incep-urgt-prf-3-acc
‘When the children told you how they had returned.’

-ta always attaches to the last word in a multi-word phrase (11).

(11) Chayshi yatrarun kundur kashanta. amv

chay-shi yatra-ru-n kundur ka-sha-n-ta
dem.d-evr know-urgt-3 condor be-prf-3-acc
‘That’s how they found out he was a condor.’

With -na nominalizations, -ta may be omitted. In many instances, -ta does not
indicate accusative case. -ta may indicate the goal of movement of a person, as
in (12) and (13), -n-ta may indicate path (14) (see also §§3.3.3.1, ex.( 7)).6

(12) Siqashpaqa chuqaykaramun ukuta almataqa. amv

siqa-shpa-qa chuqa-yka-ra-mu-n uku-ta alma-ta-qa
ascend-subis-top throw-excep-urgt-cisl-3 inside-acc soul-acc-top
‘Going up, he threw the ghost inside.’

6
Thanks to Willem Adelaar for pointing this out to me.

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3 Substantives

(13) Qiñwaltam rirqani yanta qipikuq. amv

qiñwal-ta-m ri-rqa-ni yanta qipi-ku-q
quingual.grove-acc-evd go-pst-1 firewood carry-refl-ag
‘I went to the quingual grove to carry firewood.’

(14) Ukunta shamushpa. Qaqunanta shamushpapis. ch

uku-n-ta shamu-shpa Qaquna-n-ta shamu-shpa-pis
inside-3-acc come-subis Qaquna-3-acc come-subis-add
‘Coming via the interior. Coming via Qaquna.’
-ta marks substantives – nouns, adjectives, numerals, derived nouns – when they
function as adverbs (15–18).

(15) Kikinqa allintaraqtaq gusaq. sp

kiki-n-qa allin-ta-raq-taq gusa-q
self-3-top good-acc-cont-seq enjoy-ag
‘They themselves enjoyed them well still.’

(16) Rupanchikta trurakunchik qilluta. amv

rupa-nchik-ta trura-ku-nchik qillu-ta
clothes-1pl-acc put-refl-1pl yellow-acc
‘We dress ourselves in yellow.’

(17) Ishkay ishkaytam plantaramuni. amv

ishkay ishkay-ta-m planta-ra-mu-ni
two two-acc-evd plant-urgt-cisl-1
‘I planted them two by two.’

(18) “Kumpadri, ¿Imaynataq waqayanki qamqa? ¡Kuyayllata waqanki!”

nin. sp
kumpadri, imayna-taq waqa-ya-nki qam-qa kuya-y-lla-ta
compadre why-seq cry-prog-2 you-top love-inf-rstr-acc
waqa-nki ni-n
cry-2 say-3
‘“Compadre, why are you crying? How lovely you sing!” he said.’
It may also mark an item directly affected by an event or time period culminating
in an event (19).

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

(19) Chay huk madrugaw trinta i unu di abrilta lluqsirun waway. amv
chay huk madrugaw trinta i unu di abril-ta
dem.d one morning thirty and one of April-acc
lluqsi-ru-n wawa-y
go.out-urgt-3 baby-1
‘On that morning, the thirty-first of April, my son left the house
[and was kidnapped].’
With verbs referring to natural phenomena, -ta may mark a place affected by an
event (20), (21).

(20) Yakupis tukuy pampata rikullaq. amv

yaku-pis tukuy pampa-ta ri-ku-lla-q
water-add all ground-acc go-refl-rstr-ag
‘The water, too, would go all over the ground.’

(21) ¿Llaqtaykita paranchu? amv

llaqta-yki-ta para-n-chu?
town-2-acc rain-3-q
‘Does it rain on your town?’
With verbs of communication, it may mark the person receiving the communi-
cation (22), (23).

(22) “Kay swirupis allquypaqpis. Faltan”, nikurunshi subrinuntaqa. lt

kay swiru-pis allqu-y-paq-pis falta-n ni-ku-ru-n-shi
dem.d whey-add dog-1-ben-add lack-3 say-refl-urgt-3-evr
subrinu-n-ta-qa
nephew-3-acc-top
‘“This whey of mine, too, is for my dog. There isn’t enough,” he said
to his nephew.’

(23) Tarpuriptinchikpis mikunchu wak Shullita wak Erminiota nini. amv

tarpu-ri-pti-nchik-pis miku-n-chu wak Shulli-ta wak
plant-incep-subds-1pl-add eat-3-neg dem.d Shulli-acc dem.d
Erminio-ta ni-ni
Erminio-acc say-1
‘If we plant it, they won’t eat it, I said to my younger brother, to
Erminio.’

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3 Substantives

3.3.3.10 Instrumental, comitative -wan

-wan indicates means or company. -wan may mark an instrument or item which
is essential to the event (1), (2).

(1) Chaymi qalatuykushpa kuriyanwan alli-allita chikutita qura. lt

chay-mi qalatu-yku-shpa kuriya-n-wan alli-alli-ta
dem.d-evd strip.naked-excep-subis belt-3-instr good-good-acc
chikuti-ta qu-ra
whip-acc give-pst
‘Then they stripped him naked and gave him a whipping with his
belt.’

(2) Qaliqa takllawanmi halun. Qipantañataq kulpakta maqanchik

pikuwan. ch
qali-qa taklla-wan-mi halu-n qipa-n-ta-ña-taq
man-top plow-instr-evd turn.earth-3 behind-3-acc-disc-seq
kulpa-kta maqa-nchik piku-wan
clod-acc hit-1pl pick-instr
‘Men turn the earth with a [foot] plow. Behind them, we break up
the clods with a pick.’
-wan marks all means of transportation (3).

(3) Karruwantri kapas trayamunña. Mutuwanshi hamula. ch

karru-wan-tri kapas traya-mu-n-ña mutu-wan-shi
car-instr-evc maybe arrive-cisl-3-disc motorcycle-instr-evr
hamu-la
come-pst
‘Maybe she came on the bus. She came by motorbike, she says.’

It may mark illnesses (4).

(4) ¿Prustatawantri kayanki? ch

prustata-wan-tri ka-ya-nki
prostate-instr-evc be-prog-2
‘Would you have prostate [problems]?’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

-wan may mark any animate individual who takes part in an event together with
the performer (5), (6); it may also mark the actor in an event referred to by a
causative verb (7).

(5) Taytachalla:wan kawsakura: mamachalla:wan kawsakura:. Mama:qa

huk kumprumisuwan rikun huk lawta. ach
tayta-cha-lla-:-wan kawsa-ku-ra-: mama-cha-lla-:-wan
father-dim-rstr-1-instr live-refl-pst-1 mother-dim-rstr-1-instr
kawsa-ku-ra-: mama-:-qa huk kumprumisu-wan ri-ku-n
live-refl-pst-1 mother-1-top one commitment-instr go-refl-3
huk law-ta
one side-acc
‘I lived with just my grandfather and my grandmother. My mother
went to another place with another commitment.’

(6) ¿Imapaqmi wak kundinawwan puriyanki? amv

ima-paq-mi wak kundinaw-wan puri-ya-nki
what-purp-evd dem.d zombie-instr zombie-prog-2
‘Why are you walking around with that zombie?’

(7) Manaraqmi qari:pis kararaqchu. Sapalla: wak wasipa puñukura:

vaka:wan. ach
mana-raq-mi qari-:-pis ka-ra-raq-chu sapa-lla-: wak
no-cont-evd man-1-add be-pst-cont-neg alone-rstr-1 dem.d
wasi-pa puñu-ku-ra-: vaka-:-wan
house-loc sleeprefl-pst-1 cow-1-instr
‘I still didn’t have my husband. I slept alone in my house with my
cows.’
wan may mark coordinate relations between nouns or nominal groups; case
matching attaches to all items except the last in a coordinate series (8). It can
usually be translated ‘with’.

(8) Milawan Aliciawan Hilda trayaramun. † amv

Mila-wan Alicia-wan Hilda traya-ra-mu-n
Mila-instr Alicia-instr Hilda arrive-urgt-cisl-3
‘Hilda arrived with Mila and Alicia.’

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3 Substantives

3.3.3.11 Possible combinations

Combinations of case suffixes are rare. They do occur, however, notably with -pa,
-wan, and -hina. Where a noun phrase marked with genitive -pa or -paq functions
as an anaphor, the phrase may be case marked as its referent would be (1), (2).
Note that in (2) the accusative has no phonological reflex in the English gloss.

(1) Paqarin yanapamay u paqarin ñuqapakta chaypaq talpashun

qampaktañataq. ch
paqarin yanapa-ma-y u paqarin ñuqa-pa-kta chay-paq
tomorrow help-1.obj-imp or tomorrow I-gen-acc dem.d-abl
talpu-shun qam-pa-kta-ña-taq
plant-1pl.fut you-gen-acc-disc-seq
‘Help me tomorrow or tomorrow mine and then we’ll plant yours.’

(2) Piluntaqa yupayanshari chay chapupaqta. Ushachinchu yupayta. amv

pilu-n-ta-qa yupa-ya-n-sh-ari chay chapu-paq-ta
hair-3-acc-seq count-prog-3-evr-ari dem.d dog-gen-acc
ushachi-n-chu yupa-y-ta
be.able-3-neg count-inf-acc
‘He’s counting the hairs of that small [hairless] dog, but he can’t
count them.’
In addition to functioning as a case marker, -wan also serves to conjoin noun
phrases. In this capacity, -wan may follow other case markers (3), (4).

(3) Mishkita yawarnintam mikurunchik mutintawan papantawan. amv

mishki-ta yawar-ni-n-ta-m miku-ru-nchik
sweet-acc blood-euph-3-acc-evd eat-urgt-1pl
muti-n-ta-wan papa-n-ta-wan
hominy-3-acc-instr potato-3-acc-instr
‘We eat its delicious blood with hominy and with potatoes.’

(4) Chay kabranpawan vakanpawantri kisuchan. amv

chay kabr-n-pa-wan vaka-n-pa-wan kisu-cha-n
dem.d goat-3-gen-instr cow-3-gen-instr cheese-dim-3
‘Her cheese would be from her goats’ [milk] and from her
cows’[milk].’

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 3.3 Substantive inflection

Elicited examples (5), (6) follow Parker (1976).

(5) Qaripurawan kambyashun. † amv

qari-pura-wan kambya-shun
man-excl-instr change-1pl.fut
‘Let’s exchange husbands [for one another].’

(6) Piliyarachin wambrapurata. † amv

piliya-ra-chi-n wambra-pura-ta
fight-urgt-caus-3 child-excl-acc
‘He made the boys fight among themselves.’

Comparative -hina may also combine with other case markers (7), (8).

(7) Karsilpahinam witrqamara. Wambra:kuna istudyaq pasan. ach

karsil-pa-hina-m witrqa-ma-ra wambra-:-kuna istudya-q
prison-loc-comp-evd close.in-1.obj-pst child-1-pl study-ag
pasa-n
pass-3
‘They closed me in like in a jail. My children leave to study.’

(8) Kanan vakata pusillaman chawayanchik kabratahina. amv

kanan vaka-ta pusi-lla-man chawa-ya-nchik kabra-ta-hina
now cow-acc cup-rstr-all milk-prog-1pl goat-acc-comp
‘Now we milk a cow into a cup like a goat.’

3.3.3.12 More specific noun-noun relations

Noun-noun relations more specific than the ‘in’ and ‘of’, for example, of -pi and
-pa are expressed by noun phrases headed by nouns which name relative posi-
tions (see §3.2.1.4 on locative nouns) (1–4). Such nouns include, for example, qipa
‘rear’; hawa ‘top’; and trawpi ‘center’. The head (relational) noun is inflected for
person, agreeing with the noun to which it is related; this noun may be inflected
with genitive -pa (pantyun-pa qipa-n ‘behind the cemetery’ lit. ‘of the cemetery
its behind’).

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3 Substantives

(1) Wak urqu qipanpa karu karutam muyumunchik. amv

wak urqu qipa-n-pa karu karu-ta-m muyu-mu-nchik
dem.d hill behind-3-loc far far-acc-evd circle-cisl-1pl
‘We circle around very far behind that hill.’

(2) Kundur tiya-ya-n rumi hawa-n-pa ima-tri-ki. sp

kundur tiya-ya-n rumi hawa-n-pa ima-tri-ki
condor sit-prog-3 rock top-3-loc what-evc-iki
‘The condor must be sitting on top of a rock.’

(3) Waka ukunpatriki runa wañura unay. ach

waka uku-n-pa-tri-ki runa wañu-ra unay
ruins inside-3-loc-evc-iki person die-pst before
‘Inside the ruins, people must have died before.’

(4) Wak wambra qaqa trawpintam pasayan manam manchakuyan. amv

wak wambra qaqa trawpi-n-ta-m pasa-ya-n mana-m
dem.d child cliff center-3-acc-evd pass-prog-3 no-evd
mancha-ku-ya-n
scare-refl-prog-3
‘That boy passes between the cliffs. He’s not afraid.’

3.4 Substantive derivation

In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, suffixes deriving substantives may be
divided into two classes, governing and restrictive. Governing suffixes may be
further divided into two subclasses: those which derive substantives from verbs
(-na, -q, -sHa, -y) and those which derive substantives from other substantives
(-ntin, -sapa, -yuq, -masi). syq has a single restrictive suffix deriving substan-
tives, diminutive -cha. -lla also functions to restrict substantives, but it is treated
here not as a derivational morpheme but as an enclitic. §§3.4.1 and 3.4.2 cover
the the governing suffixes deriving substantives from verbs and those deriving
substantives from other substantives, respectively.

3.4.1 Substantive derived from verbs

Four suffixes derive substantives from verbs in syq: -na, -q, -sHa, and -y. All four
form both relative and complement clauses. -na, -q, -sHa, and -y form subjunc-

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

tive, agentive, indicative, and infinitive clauses, respectively. The nominalizing

suffixes attach directly to the verb stem, with the exception that the first- and
second-person object suffixes, -wa/ma and -sHa, may intervene. §3.4.1.1–3.4.1.4
cover -na, -q, -sHa, and -y in turn.

3.4.1.1 -na
-na derives nouns that refer to (a) the instrument with which the action named
by the base is realized (alla-na ‘harvesting tool’) (1), (2); (b) the place in which
the event referred to occurs (michi-na ‘pasture’) (3); and (c) the object in which
the action named by the base is realized (upya-na ‘drinking water’, milla-na ‘nau-
sea’) (4), (5).

(1) Mulinchik makinapaq kamcharinchik kallanapa. amv

muli-nchik makina-paq kamcha-ri-nchik kalla-na-pa
grind-1pl machine-loc toast-incep-1pl toast-nmlz-loc
‘We grind it in a machine and then we toast it in the toasting pan.’

(2) Llikllakuna, punchukuna, puñunakuna ruwa:. ach

lliklla-kuna, punchu-kuna, puñu-na-kuna, ruwa-:
shawl-pl poncho-pl sleep-nmlz-pl make-1
‘I make shawls, ponchos and blankets.’

(3) Iskina hawanpa michinayki. amv

iskina hawa-n-pa michi-na-yki
corner above-3-loc pasture-nmlz-2
‘Above the corner where you pasture.’

(4) Mamayqa wichayta mikunayta apashpa asnuchanwan kargachakusa

hamuq. amv
mama-y-qa wichay-ta miku-na-y-ta apa-shpa
mother-1-top up.hill-acc eat-nmlz-1-acc bring-subis
asnu-cha-n-wan karga-cha-ku-sa hamu-q
donkey-dim-3-instr carry-dim-refl-prf come-ag
‘My mother would come up hill bringing my food, carrying it with
her donkey.’

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3 Substantives

(5) Mikunantapis lliw lliwshi sibadanta trigunta ima kaqtapis katriwan

takurachisa. ach
miku-na-n-ta-pis lliw lliw-shi sibada-n-ta trigu-n-ta ima
eat-nmlz-3-acc-add all all-evr barley-3-acc wheat-3-add what
ka-q-ta-pis katri-wan taku-ra-chi-sa
be-ag-acc-add salt-instr mix-urgt-caus-npst
‘Their food, too, everything, everything, their barley, their wheat,
anything, they mixed it with salt.’
Followed by a possessive suffix plus the copula auxiliary inflected for third per-
son (null just in case tense/aspect are not specified), -na indicates necessity (i.e., it
forms a universal deontic/teleological modal) (taqsa-na-yki ‘you have to wash’)
(6), (7).

(6) Sibadayta wayrachishaq abasniyta pallanay kayan. amv

sibada-y-ta wayra-chi-shaq abas-ni-y-ta palla-na-y
barley-1-acc wind-caus-1.fut broad.beans-euph-1-acc pick-nmlz-1
ka-ya-n
be-prog-3
‘I’m going to winnow my barley – I have to pick my broad beans.’

(7) Hinata risani yanukunay kakuyaptin. lt

hina-ta risa-ni yanu-ku-na-y ka-ku-ya-pti-n
thus-acc pray-1 cook-refl-nmlz-1 be-refl-prog-subds-3
‘I pray like that – when he’s there, I have to cook.’

The past tense of necessity is formed by adding ka-RQa, the third person simple
past tense form of ka- ‘be’ (palla-na-y ka-ra ‘I had to pick’) (8), (9).

(8) Kutikamura qari wambra: yaykunan kara manaña atiparachu. ach

kuti-ka-mu-ra qari wambra-: yayku-na-n ka-ra
return-passacc-cisl-pst man child-1 enter-nmlz-3 be-pst
mana-ña atipa-ra-chu
no-disc be.able-pst-neg
‘My son came back – he was supposed to enter [university] but he
couldn’t any more.’

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

(9) Shinkakunaqa kasunan kara madriqa rabyasatr kutin. amv

shinka-kuna-qa kasu-na-n ka-ra madri-qa
drunk-pl-top pay.attention-nmlz-3 be-pst nun-top
rabya-sa-tr kuti-n
be.mad-prf-evc return-3
‘The drunks had to pay [should have paid] attention. The nun must
have gotten mad.’
In combination with the purposive case suffix -paq, -na forms subordinate clauses
that indicate the purpose of the action in the main clause (qawa-na-y-paq ‘so I
can see’) (10–13).

(10) Ganawkuna michina:paq chay chaytam trakra trabahana:paq. sp

ganaw-kuna michi-na-:-paq chay chay-ta-m trakra
cattle-pl pasture-nmlz-1-purp dem.d dem.d-acc-evd field
trabaha-na-:-paq
work-nmlz-1-purp
‘So I can herd the cows, so I can work in the fields.’

(11) Tambopaq apamuq kani, “¡Mikuy! ¡Hampishunaykipaq!” nini. amv

Tambo-paq apa-mu-q ka-ni, miku-y hampi-shu-na-yki-paq
Tambo-abl bring-cisl-ag be-1 eat-imp cure-3>2-nmlz-3>2-purp
ni-ni
say-1
‘I used to bring it from Tambopata. “Eat it so it can cure you!” I said.’

(12) Manaña yapa maqashunaykipaq. amv

mana-ña yapa maqa-shu-na-yki-paq
no-disc again hit-3>2-nmlz-3>2-purp
‘So she doesn’t hit you again.’

(13) “¿Imay ura chay kunihuqa kutimunqa yanapamananpaq?” nin. sp

imay ura chay kunihu-qa kuti-mu-nqa
when hour dem.d rabbit-top return-cisl-3.fut
yanapa-ma-na-n-paq ni-n
help-1.obj-nmlz-3-purp say-3
‘“What time is that rabbit going to come back so he can help me?”
said [the fox].’

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3 Substantives

-na forms subjunctive complement clauses with the verb muna- ‘want’ (tushu-na-
n-ta muna-ni ‘I want her to dance’) (14), (15).

(14) Pagananta munayan, rantinanta gasolinata. ach

paga-na-n-ta muna-ya-n ranti-na-n-ta gasolina-ta
pay-nmlz-3-acc want-prog-3 buy-nmlz-3-acc gasoline-acc
‘He wants her to pay, to buy gasoline.’

(15) Hinaptinshi paytaqa mana tarpunanta munasachu. ach

hinaptin-shi pay-ta-qa mana tarpu-na-n-ta muna-sa-chu
then-evr he-acc-top no plant-nmlz-3-acc want-npst-neg
‘Then, they say, they didn’t want him to plant.’

-na nominalizations, relative to the event of the main clause, refer to actions still
to be completed (16), (17).

(16) Mansanapaqña wak turun kayan. amv

mansa-na-paq-ña wak turu-n ka-ya-n
tame-nmlz-purp-disc dem.d bull-3 be-prog-3
‘That bull is to be tamed/for taming already.’

(17) Ñuqa laqyarushaq sikipaq. Kiputaqa. Laqyapanash kayan. amv

ñuqa laqya-ru-shaq siki-paq Kipu-ta-qa
I slap-urgt-1.fut behind-loc Kipu-acc-top
laqya-pa-na-sh ka-ya-n
slap-repet-nmlz-evr be-prog-3
‘I’m going to slap him on the behind. Kipu [a dog]. It’s there to be
hit.’

3.4.1.2 Agentive -q
-q is agentive, deriving nouns that refer to the agent of the verb to which it at-
taches (michi-q ‘shepherd’, ara-q ‘plower’) (1–4).

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

(1) Qaripis kanmi wawachikuq. Wawachin hapishpa. ach

qari-pis ka-n-mi wawa-chi-ku-q wawa-chi-n
man-add be-3-evd give.birth-caus-refl-ag give.birth-caus-3
hapi-shpa
grab-subis
‘There are also men midwives. Holding on, they birth the baby.’

(2) Manam munaqkunakta pushakuyan. ch

mana-m muna-q-kuna-kta pusha-ku-ya-n
no-evd want-ag-pl-acc bring.along-refl-prog-3
‘They’re bringing along people who don’t want to.’

(3) Wak bandiduqa munarqachu manash wawayuqta. Wawapakuqtriki

kidarqa. ach
wak bandidu-qa muna-rqa-chu mana-sh wawa-yuq-ta
dem.d bastard-top want-pst-neg want-evr baby-poss-acc
wawa-paku-q-tri-ki kida-rqa
baby-mutben-ag-evc-ki remain-pst
‘That bastard didn’t want [a woman] with a baby, they say. She
remained a single mother, for sure.’

(4) ¿Imaynataq wak miyrdaq ganayawan? amv

imayna-taq wak miyrda-q gana-ya-wa-n?
how-seq dem.d shit-ag win-prog-1.obj-3
‘How is that shithead beating me?’
-q nominalizations may form adjectival and relative clauses (chinka-ku-q pashña
‘the lost girl’, ‘the girl who was lost’) (5–8).

(5) Trabahapakuya: llapan rigakuq luna. Trabahaya:. ch

trabaha-paku-ya-: llapa-n riga-ku-q luna trabaha-ya-:
work-mutben-prog-1 all-3 irrigate-refl-ag person work-prog-1
‘All the people who water are working, we’re working.’

(6) Istudyaq wambrakunapaqshi mas mimuryanpaq. amv

istudya-q wambra-kuna-paq-shi mas mimurya-n-paq
study-ag child-pl-ben-evr more memory-3-purp
‘For the children who study, they say, so that they have more
memory.’

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3 Substantives

(7) maqtawan pashña chinkakuqqa ach

maqta-wan pashña chinka-ku-q-qa
young.man-instr girl get.lost-refl-ag-top
‘the boy and the girl who were lost’

(8) mana rikchaq runakuna sp

mana rikcha-q runa-kuna
no go-ag person-pl
‘the people who aren’t going’

With verbs of movement, -q forms complement clauses indicating the purpose

of the displacement (taki-q hamu-nqa ‘they will come to sing’) (9–11).

(9) Maskakuq wak vikuñachatam wakchakuq ritamunki. lt

maska-ku-q wak vikuña-cha-ta-m wakcha-ku-q
look.for-refl-ag dem.d vicuña-dim-acc-evd raise-refl-ag
ri-tamu-nki
go-irrev-1
‘You left to look for that little vicuña to domesticate.’

(10) Misa lulaq shamun. ch

misa lula-q shamu-n
mass make-ag come-3
‘They come to hold mass.’

(11) ¡Haku michiq! Michimushun chay llamata. lt

haku michi-q michi-mu-shun chay llama-ta
let’s pasture-ag pasture-cisl-1pl.fut dem.d llama-acc
‘Let’s [go to] herd! We’ll herd those llamas.’

With the verb kay ‘be’ -q forms the habitual past (asi-ku-q ka-nki ‘you used to
laugh’) (12–14) (see §4.3.3.3.4).

(12) Unayqa paykunaqa … mantilta ruwaq, mantilta burdaq, unayqa. amv

unay-qa pay-kuna-qa mantil-ta ruwa-q mantil-ta
long.ago-top he-pl-top table.cloth-acc make-ag table.cloth-acc
burda-q unay-qa
embroider-ag long.ago-top

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

‘Formerly, they used to make table cloths; they used to embroider

table cloths, formerly.’

(13) Huybisninpa dumingunpa kisuta apaq ka: ishkay. ach

huybis-ni-n-pa dumingu-n-pa kisu-ta apa-q ka-:
Thursday-euph-3-loc Sunday-3-loc cheese-acc bring-ag be-1
ishkay
two
‘On Thursdays and Sundays, I used to bring two cheeses [to sell].’

(14) Sirdallawan chumakuq kanchik, kaspichallawan aychiq kanchik.

Winku purucham kaq. Antis. amv
sirda-lla-wan chuma-ku-q ka-nchik, kaspi-cha-lla-wan
bristle-rstr-instr strain-refl-ag be-1pl stick-dim-rstr-instr
aychi-q ka-nchik winku puru-cha-m ka-q antis
stir-ag be-1pl crooked pot-dim-evd be-ag before
‘We used to strain it with just bristles, we used to stir it with just a
stick. There used to be a crooked little bottle. Before.’

3.4.1.3 Perfective -sHa

-sHa is perfective, deriving stative participles. It is realized as -sa in ach, amv,
and sp and as -sha in lt and ch. -sHa nominalizations form adjectives (chaki-sa
‘dried’) (1–2) as well as relative (apa-sa-y ‘that I bring’) (3–7), and complement
clauses (atipa-sha-y-ta ‘what I can’) (8–10).

(1) Mandilllaykunaqa chakisa kayan. amv

mandil-lla-y-kuna-qa chaki-sa ka-ya-n
apron-rstr-1-pl-top dry-prf be-prog-3
‘My aprons and things with them are dry.’

(2) Wak runapa trakinqa punkisam kayan tulluntri kuyusa kayan. ach
wak runa-pa traki-n-qa punki-sa-m ka-ya-n tullu-n-tri
dem.d person-gen foot-3-top swell-prf-evd be-prog-3 bone-3-evc
kuyu-sa ka-ya-n
move-prf be-prog-3
‘That person’s foot is swollen, the bone must be moved [out of
place].’

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3 Substantives

(3) Chay ganaw dividisanwan rikisiyantri. sp

chay ganaw dividi-sa-n-wan rikisi-ya-n-tri
dem.d cattle devide-prf-3-instr get.rich-prog-3-evc
‘They must be getting rich with the cattle that they divided up
[among themselves].’

(4) Pampakurun matraymanqa chay wañusan tardiqa. amv

pampa-ku-ru-n matray-man-qa chay wañu-sa-n tardi-qa
bury-refl-urgt-3 cave-all-top dem.d die-prf-3 afternoon
‘They buried him in a cave the afternoon that he died.’

(5) Unay imas pasamashanchik … ch

unay ima-s pasa-ma-sha-nchik
before what-add pass-1.obj-prf-1pl
‘Before, anything that happened to us …’

(6) kalamina rantishanchikkuna lt

kalamina ranti-sha-nchik-kuna
corrugated.iron buy-prf-1pl-pl
‘the tin roofing that we bought’

(7) Ratuskamanshi kisuta ruwasaykita qawanqa. amv

ratus-kaman-shi kisu-ta ruwa-sa-yki-ta qawa-nqa
moments-lim-evr cheese-acc make-prf-2-acc see-3.fut
‘A little later, she says, she’ll see the cheese that you made.’

(8) ¿Imatataq kanan ñuqa Lutupa ubihawan yatrasayta willakushaq? amv

ima-ta-taq kanan ñuqa Lutu-pa ubiha-wan yatra-sa-y-ta
what-acc-seq now I Lutu-loc sheep-instr live-prf-1-acc
willa-ku-shaq
tell-refl-1.fut
‘Now what am I going to tell you about what I lived in Lutu with my
sheep?’

(9) Luchashaq. Atipashaytatrik ruwakushaq. lt

lucha-shaq atipa-sha-y-ta-tri-k ruwa-ku-shaq
fight-1.fut be.able-prf-1-acc-evc-ik make-refl-1.fut
‘I’ll fight. I’ll do what I can.’

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

(10) Ñuqapataqa silinsyu kaptin munashantaña ruwayan. lt

ñuqa-pa-ta-qa silinsyu ka-pti-n muna-sha-n-ta-ña
I-gen-acc-top abandoned be-subds-3 want-prf-3-acc-disc
ruwa-ya-n
make-prog-3
‘When it falls silent, they’re doing what they want to my things.’
-sHa complement clauses are common with the verbs yatra- ‘know’, qunqa- ‘for-
get’, qawa ‘see’ and uyaRi- ‘hear’ (upya-sa-n-ta uyari-rqa-ni ‘I heard that he
drank’) (11).

(11) Ñuqaqa wambran qipikusanta qawarqanichu. amv

ñuqa-qa wambra-n qipi-ku-sa-n-ta qawa-rqa-ni-chu
I-top child-3 carry-refl-prf-3-acc see-pst-1-neg
‘I didn’t see that she carried her baby.’
As substantives, they are inflected with possessive suffixes, not verbal suffixes
(ranti-sa-yki *ranti-sa-nki ‘that you sold’); these may be reinforced with posses-
sive pronouns (qam-pa ranti-sa-yki ‘that you sold’) (12).

(12) Qampa rantikurasaykiyá chay shakash. amv

qam-pa rantiku-ra-sayki-yá chay shakash
you-gen sell-urgt-2>1-emph dem.d guinea.pig
‘That guinea pig that you sold me.’
-sHa may also form nouns referring to the place where an event, e, occurs (dipurti
ka-sha-n ‘where there are sports’) (13–15).

(13) Wambraqa pukllayasanpa tutaykarachin. sp

wambra-qa puklla-ya-sa-n-pa tuta-yka-ra-chi-n
child-top play-prog-prf-3-loc night-excep-urgt-caus-3
‘Night fell where the girls were playing.’

(14) Tilivisyunta likakuyan piluta pukllaqkunaktam maytraw dipurti

kashankunakta. ch
tilivisyun-ta lika-ku-ya-n piluta puklla-q-kuna-kta-m
television-acc look-refl-prog-3 ball play-ag-pl-acc-evd
may-traw dipurti ka-sha-n-kuna-kta
where-loc sport be-prf-3-pl-acc

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3 Substantives

‘They’re watching television – the ball-players and where there are

sports.’

(15) Riyasanpiqa trayarun, pwintiman. amv

ri-ya-sa-n-pi-qa traya-ru-n, pwinti-man
go-prog-prf-3-loc-top arrive-urgt-3 bridge-all
‘He arrived where he was going, at a bridge.’

-sHa nominalizations, relative to the e of the main clause, refer to actions already
completed (16), (17).

(16) Yapa kutishqa awakusanman. amv

yapa kuti-shqa awa-ku-sa-n-man
again return-subis weave-refl-prf-3-all
‘When she returned again to what/where she had woven.’

(17) ¿Pi yaykukuntri? Mana ya yatranichu pi kashantapis. amv

pi yayku-ku-n-tri mana ya yatra-ni-chu pi
who enter-refl-3-evc mana emph know-1-neg who
ka-sha-n-ta-pis
be-prf-3-acc-add
‘Who would have entered? I don’t know who it was, either.’

3.4.1.4 Infinitive -y
-y indicates the infinitive or what in English would be a gerund (tushu-y ‘to dance,
dancing’) (1), (2).

(1) Ni puñuy ni mikuy. amv

ni puñu-y ni miku-y
nor sleep-inf nor eat-inf
‘Neither sleeping nor eating.’

(2) Paqwayanñam talpukuy. ch

paqwa-ya-n-ña-m talpu-ku-y
finish-prog-3-disc-evd plant-refl-inf
‘The planting is finishing up.’

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

-y nominalizations may refer to the object or event in which the verb stem is
realized (ishpa- ‘urinate’ → ishpa-y ‘urine’; nana- ‘hurt’ → nana-y ‘pain’; rupa-
‘burn’ → rupa-y ‘sunshine’) (3–7).

(3) Warminpa ishpaynintash tuman. amv

warmi-n-pa ishpa-y-ni-n-ta-sh tuma-n
woman-3-gen urinate-inf-euph-3-acc-evr drink-3
‘He drinks his wife’s urine, they say.’

(4) Traki nanaywan karqani. amv

traki nana-y-wan ka-rqa-ni
foot hurt-inf-instr be-pst-1
‘I’ve had foot pain.’

(5) Tutal sudayllaña hamukuyan kwirpunchikpapis “¡Chaq! ¡Chaq! ¡Chaq!”

sutukuyan sudayniki. ach
tutal suda-y-lla-ña hamu-ku-ya-n
completely sweat-inf-rstr-disc come-refl-prog-3
kwirpu-nchik-pa-pis chaq chaq chaq sutu-ku-ya-n
body-1pl-loc-add tak tak tak drip-refl-prog-3
suda-y-ni-ki
sweat-inf-euph-2
‘Just a whole lot of sweat is coming out on our bodies – “Chak!
Chak! Chak!” – your sweat is dripping.’

(6) ¿Uktubri paqwaypiñachu hamunki? ch

uktubri paqwa-y-pi-ña-chu hamu-nki
October finish-inf-loc-disc-q come-2
‘Are you coming at the end of October?’

(7) Aligrakuyan suygran wañukusantatr. Manayá pampakuyninpa

karqachu, ¿aw? amv
aligra-ku-ya-n suygra-n wañu-ku-sa-n-ta-tr
happy-refl-prog-3 mother.in.law-3 die-refl-prf-3-acc-evc
mana-yá pampa-ku-y-ni-n-pa ka-rqa-chu aw
no-emph bury-refl-inf-euph-3-loc be-pst-q yes
‘He must be very happy his mother-in-law died. He wasn’t at her
burial, was he?’

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3 Substantives

-y nominalizations form adjectival and relative clauses (ranti-y kahun ‘bought

casket’, yanu-ku-y tardi ‘the afternoon that we cook’) (8–10) and infinitive com-
plement clauses (waqa-y-ta qalla-ku-n ‘it started to wail’) (11).

(8) Rantiy kahun mana yaykunchu. amv

ranti-y kahun mana yayku-n-chu
buy-inf coffin no enter-3-neg
‘Bought coffins won’t fit it.’

(9) Waqtakunata lluqsishpa runas puñuy. ach

waqta-kuna-ta lluqsi-shpa runa-s puñu-y
hillside-pl-acc go.out-subis person-add sleep-inf
‘The people, too, asleep, they came out on the hillsides.’

(10) Chay yanukuy tardish almaqa trayamun. amv

chay yanu-ku-y tardi-sh alma-qa traya-mu-n
dem.d cook-refl-inf afternoon-evr soul-top arrive-cisl-3
‘The souls arrive on the afternoon that we cook, they say.’

(11) Waqayta qallakun, “¡Oooh oooohh oooohhhh ooh ooh!” sp

waqa-y-ta qalla-ku-n oooh oooohh oooohhhh ooh ooh
cry-inf-acc start-refl-3 oooh oooohh oooohhhh ooh ooh
‘It started to wail, “Oooh oooohh oooohhhh ooh ooh!”’

The latter are particularly common with the auxiliary verbs muna- ‘want,’ atipa-
‘be able,’ and yatra- ‘know’ (iskribi-y-ta muna-ni ‘I want to write’) (12–16).

(12) Manañam diskutiyta ñuqa munanichu kayna. lt

mana-ña-m diskuti-y-ta ñuqa muna-ni-chu kayna
no-disc-evd dispute-inf-acc I want-1-neg thus
‘I don’t want to fight about it like this any more.’

(13) ¿Kukata akuykuyta munankichu? amv

kuka-ta aku-yku-y-ta muna-nki-chu
coca-acc chew-excep-inf-acc want-2-q
‘Do you want to chew coca?’

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

(14) Wak vakaypa atakanmi mal kayan puriyta atipanchu. amv

wak vaka-y-pa ataka-n-mi mal ka-ya-n puri-y-ta
dem.d cow-1-gen leg-3-evd bal be-prog-3 walk-inf-acc
atipa-n-chu
be.able-3-neg
‘My cow’s leg is hurt – she can’t walk.’

(15) Iskribiytapis usachinichu ni firmaytapis. Total analfabitu. ch

iskribi-y-ta-pis usachi-ni-chu ni firma-y-ta-pis total
write-inf-acc-add be.able-1-neg nor sign-inf-acc-add totally
analfabitu
illiterate
‘I can’t write or sign [my name], either. Completely illiterate.’

(16) Mana risakuyta yatrarachu. Satanaswan yatrara. sp

mana risa-ku-y-ta yatra-ra-chu Satanas-wan yatra-ra
no pray-refl-inf-acc know-pst-neg Satan-instr live-pst
‘They didn’t know how to pray. They lived with Satan.’

Infinitive complements are case-marked with accusative -ta (17).

(17) Wakhina mana vininu tumayta munashpatri manam yaykuyta

munanchu ubihaqa. amv
wak-hina mana vininu tuma-y-ta muna-shpa-tri mana-m
dem.d-comp no poison take-inf-acc want-subis-evc no-evd
yayku-y-ta muna-n-chu ubiha-qa
enter-inf-acc want-3-neg sheep-top
‘Like that, not wanting to drink poison, the sheep don’t want to go
in.’
In the ch dialect, accusative marking in this structure is sometimes elided, (18).

(18) Manam lulay munanchu. ch

mana-m lula-y muna-n-chu
no-evd make-inf want-3-neg
‘He doesn’t want to do it.’

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3 Substantives

3.4.2 Substantives derived from substantives

Four suffixes derive substantives from substantives in syq: -kuna, -ntin, -sapa,
and -yuq. The first two of these – -kuna and -ntin – indicate accompaniment,
adjacency, or completeness (llama-n-kuna ‘with her llama’, amiga-ntin ‘with her
friends’); -yuq and -sapa indicate possession (llama-yuq ‘person with llamas’,
llama-sapa ‘person with more llamas than usual’). §3.4.2.1–3.4.2.4 cover -kuna,
-ntin, -sapa; and -yuq, in turn.

3.4.2.1 Non-exhaustivity -kuna2

-kuna2 indicates that the referent of its base is accompanied by another entity,
generally of the same class (qusa-yki-kuna ‘your husband and all’) (1–4).

(1) Ispusu:ta mama:kuna tayta:kunakta qayakushpa manam …

hiwyaku:chu. ch
ispusu-:-ta mama-:-kuna tayta-:-kuna-kta qaya-ku-shpa
husband-1-acc mother-1-pl father-1-pl-acc call-refl-subis
mana-m hiwya-ku-:-chu
no-evd scare-refl-1-neg
‘Calling on my husbands and on my mothers and my fathers, I’m not
scared.’

(2) Chay kwirpuykikuna mal kanman umaykikuna nananman. amv

chay kwirpu-yki-kuna mal ka-n-man uma-yki-kuna nana-n-man
dem.d body-2-pl bad be-3-cond head-2-pl hurt-3-cond
‘Your body among other things could be sick; your head among
other things could hurt.’

(3) Wak rikisunninkunata narun warkurun. amv

wak rikisun-ni-n-kuna-ta na-ru-n warku-ru-n
dem.d cheese.curd-euph-3-pl-acc dmy-urgt-3 hang-urgt-3
‘She did that, she hung up her cheese curd along with other things.’

(4) “Pachamankakuna kayan alli allin mikushun kanan tardi”, nishpa. sp

pachamanka-kuna ka-ya-n alli allin miku-shun kanan
barbecue-pl be-prog-3 good good eat-1pl.fut now
tardi ni-shpa
afternoon say-subis

112
 3.4 Substantive derivation

‘“There’s a barbecue and all – we’re going to eat really, really well
this afternoon,” said [the rabbit].’

3.4.2.2 Accompaniment, adjacency -ntin

-ntin indicates that the referent of the base accompanies or is adjacent to another
entity (allqu-ntin ‘with her dog’) (1–4).

(1) Vistigashpaqa pasakun vistigaq lliw gwardyantin huysnintin. sp

vistiga-shpa-qa pasa-ku-n vistiga-q lliw gwardya-ntin
investigate-subis-top pass-refl-3 investigate-ag all police-acmp
huys-ni-ntin
judge-euph-acmp
‘After they investigated, the investigators left with the policemen
and judges.’

(2) Hinashpash pwirtanta kandawnintinta kuchurusa, ¿aw? amv

hinashpa-sh pwirta-n-ta kandaw-ni-ntin-ta kuchu-ru-sa aw
then-evr door-3-acc lock-euph-3-acc cut-urgt-npst yes
‘Then, they say, they cut the door along with its lock, no?’

(3) Qullqintin riptin krusnintinshi qullqintinshi. amv

qullqi-ntin ri-pti-n krus-ni-ntin-shi qullqi-ntin-shi
money-acmp go-subds-3 cross-euph-incl-evr money-acmp-evr
‘Leaving with her money – with her cross and with her money, they
say.’

(4) Trayamura puntantin puntantin payqa. sp

traya-mu-ra punta-ntin punta-ntin pay-qa
arrive-urgt-pst point-acmp point-acmp he-top
‘He arrived peak by peak, he did.’

3.4.2.3 Multiple possession -sapa

-sapa derives a nouns referring to the possessor of the referent of the base. It dif-
fers from -yuq in that what is possessed is possessed in greater proportion than is

113
3 Substantives

usual7 (uma ‘head’ → uma-sapa ‘person with a head bigger than usual’, yuya-y
‘memory’ → yuya-y-sapa ‘person with a memory better than usual’. In the liter-
ature on Quechua it is sometimes referred to as “super” possession (posession of
more than usual).

(1) “¡Ñam tukuchkaniña!” puk, puk, puk sikisapa sapu. amv

ña-m tuku-chka-ni-ña puk puk puk siki-sapa sapu
disc-evd finish-dur-1-disc puk puk puk behind-mult.all frog
‘“I’m already finishing up!” – puk, puk, puk – [said] the frog with the
rear bigger than usual.’

(2) Figura alli-allin waqrasapa ukunpa, iglisyapash. amv

figura alli-allin waqra-sapa uku-n-pa iglisya-pa-sh
figure good-good horn-mult.all inside-3-loc church-gen-evr
‘Inside the church, they say, a statue with horns bigger than usual.’

(3) Qamqa wawasapa kayanki paypis wawasapash churisapash. lt

qam-qa wawa-sapa ka-ya-nki pay-pis wawa-sapa-sh
you-top baby-mult.all be-prog-2 he-add baby-mult.all-evr
churi-sapa-sh
son-mult.all-evr
‘You have more children than usual. He, too, has more children
than usual, more sons than usual, they say.’

3.4.2.4 Possession -yuq

-yuq derives nouns referring to the possessor of the referent of the base (1–3).

(1) Ayvis dimandakurun tiyrayuqkunata. sp

ayvis dimanda-ku-ru-n tiyra-yuq-kuna-ta
sometimes denounce-refl-urgt-3 land-poss-pl-acc
‘Sometimes they denounced the ones with land.’

(2) Kwirpu:mi hutrayuq. ch

kwirpu-:-mi hutra-yuq
body-1-evd fault-poss
‘My body is the guilty one.’
7
Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for correcting my understanding of this structure.

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

(3) Wiñan altupam puka waytachayuqmi. amv

wiña-n altu-pa-m puka wayta-cha-yuq-mi
grow-3 high-loc-evd red flower-dim-poss-evd
‘The one with a little red flower grows in the hills.’
Ownership applies to substantives, including interrogative indefinites (4), nu-
merals (5), pronouns (6), and so on.

(4) Imayuqpis kankichu. lt

ima-yuq-pis ka-nki-chu
what-poss-add be-2-neg
‘‘You don’t have anything.’ (lit. ‘you aren’t one with something’)’

(5) Kimsayuq kayan. amv

kimsa-yuq ka-ya-n
three-poss be-prog-3
‘She has three.’ (lit. ‘she is one with three’)’

(6) Chayyuqtriki chayqa. ch

chay-yuq-tri-ki chay-qa
dem.d-poss-evc-iki dem.d-top
‘It must have that.’
In case the base ends in a consonant, the semantically vacuous particle -ni pre-
cedes -yuq (7).

(7) Kuknin kasa kaqniqu huknin mana kaqniqu. amv

huk-ni-n ka-sa ka-q-ni-qu huk-ni-n mana
one-euph-3 be-npst be-ag-euph-poss one-euph-3 no
ka-q-ni-qu
be-ag-euph-poss
‘One was wealthy, one had nothing.’
[yuq] is in free variation with [qu] following [i] (8).

(8) ¿Ayka watayuq nishurankitaqqa? amv

ayka wata-yuq ni-shu-ra-nki-taq-qa?
how.many year-poss say-3>2-pst-3>2-seq-top
‘How old did she tell you she was?’

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3 Substantives

-yuq is used in the expression ‘to be n years old’ (9) as well as in the construction
of compound numerals (10).

(9) Chay trunka pichqayuq puntrawnintaqa ñam trakrantañam

tapamun. amv
chay trunka pichqa-yuq puntraw-ni-n-ta-qa ña-m
dem.d ten five-pos day-euph-3-acc-top disc-evd
trakra-n-ta-ña-m tapa-mu-n
field-3-acc-evd cover-cisl-3
‘At fifteen days they cover the field.’

(10) Imayuqpis kankichu chay wambraykita katrarunki mayurnikikama. lt

ima-yuq-pis ka-nki-chu chay wambra-yki-ta katra-ru-nki
what-poss-add be-2-neg dem.d child-2-acc release-urgt-2
mayur-ni-ki-kama
older-euph-2-lim
‘You don’t have anything and you sent your son to your older
brother.’
-yuq nouns may function adverbially without case-marking or other modifica-
tion (11), (12).

(11) Puntantam hamullarqani kuka kintu quqawniyuqllam. sp

punta-n-ta-m hamu-lla-rqa-ni kuka kintu
point-3-acc-evd come-rstr-pst-1 coca leaf
quqaw-ni-yuq-lla-m
picnic-euph-poss-rstr-evd
‘I’ve come by the peak with just a picnic of coca leaves.’

(12) Pallayara puka pantalunniyuq ginduntaqa nini. lt

palla-ya-ra puka pantalun-ni-yuq gindun-ta-qa ni-ni
pick-prog-pst red pants-euph-poss peach-acc-top say-1
‘She was picking peaches in red pants, I said.’

3.4.2.5 Partnership -masi

-masi indicates partnership. It attaches to ns to derive ns generally translated
‘n-mate’ ‘fellow n’ (1), (2), or ‘co-n’ (puñu-q → puñu-q-masi ‘bedmate’). -masi is
not very widely employed.

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 3.4 Substantive derivation

(1) ¡Runamasinchikta mikurunchik, wawqi! amv

runa-masi-nchik-ta miku-ru-nchik, wawqi
person-part-1pl-acc eat-urgt-1pl brother
‘We ate our fellow people, brother!’

(2) Chaywan apakatrakushpam rikakayachin runamasinchiktaqa. lt

chay-wan apa-katra-ku-shpa-m rika-ka-ya-chi-n
dem.d-instr bring-freq-refl-subis-evd see-passacc-prog-caus-3
runa-masi-nchik-ta-qa
person-part-1pl-acc-top
‘Carrying those [their arms], they made our fellow people look.’

(3) Chay yatraqmasinqa ayqikuyan. amv

chay yatra-q-masi-n-qa ayqi-ku-ya-n
dem.d live-ag-part-3-top escape-refl-prog-3
‘Her neighbor is escaping.’

(4) Qunqaytaqqa, chay ukuchamasin apamun trupataqa. ach

qunqaytaq-qa, chay ukucha-masi-n apa-mu-n trupa-ta-qa
suddenly-top dem.d mouse-part-3 bring-cisl-3 tail-acc-top
‘Suddenly, the mouse’s companion [arrived and] took away the tail.’

3.4.2.6 Restrictive suffix: -cha

-cha attaches to ns to derive ns with the meaning ‘little n’ (1–3).

(1) Wambra, uchuchuk wambra. Kayna wambrachakunalla. lt

wambra uch-uchuk wambra kayna wambra-cha-kuna-lla
child small-small child thus child-dim-pl-rstr
‘Little, little children – like this – just small children.’

(2) Santupa karqa kurunachankuna. amv

Santu-pa ka-rqa kuruna-cha-n-kuna
Saint-gen be-pst crown-dim-3-pl
‘The saints had their little crowns.’

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3 Substantives

(3) Turnuchawan ñuqakunaqa trabaha:. ch

turnu-cha-wan ñuqa-kuna-qa trabaha-:
turn-dim-instr I-pl-top work-1
‘We work by short turns.’

It may also express an affectionate attitude toward the referent of n (4).

(4) Katraramuy indikananpaq, Hildacha. amv

katra-ra-mu-y indika-na-n-paq Hilda-cha
send-urgt-cisl-imp indicate-nmlz-3-purp Hilda-dim
‘Send him so that he shows him, Hilda, dear.’

(5) is taken from a song in which a girl addresses her lover.

(5) Pulvuchapaq tapaykullasa, wayrachapaq apaykullasa, kay sityuchaman

trayaykamunki. sp
pulvu-cha-paq tapa-yku-lla-sa wayra-cha-paq
dust-dim-abl cover-excep-rstr-prf wind-dim-abl
apa-yku-lla-sa kay sityu-cha-man traya-yka-mu-nki
bring-excep-rstr-prf dem.p place-dim-all arrive-excep-cisl-2
‘Covered with dust, carried by the wind, you’re going to come to this
place.’
Applied to other substantives -cha may function as a limitative. In these cases, it
is generally translated ‘just’ or ‘only’ (6).

(6) Chaychapam kakullayan. amv

chay-cha-pa-m ka-ku-lla-ya-n
dem.d-dim-loc-evd be-refl-rstr-prog-3
‘It’s just right there.’

The forms Mama-cha (mother-dim) and tayta-cha (father-dim) are lexicalized,

meaning ‘grandmother’ and ‘grandfather’ respectively (7).

(7) Tiyu:pa sirvintin mamacha:pis sirvintin ñuqa kara:. amv

tiyu-:-pa sirvinti-n mama-cha-:-pis sirvinti-n ñuqa ka-ra-:
uncle-1-gen servant-3 mother-dim-1-add servant-3 I be-pst-1
‘I was my uncles’s and my grandmother’s servant.’

118
 3.4 Substantive derivation

In addition to -cha, speakers sometimes employ the borrowed Spanish diminu-

tive suffix, -itu/a (or its post-consonant form -citu/a) (8).

(8) Chay urunguysitu lluqsiramushqa chay kahapaq. amv

chay urunguy-situ lluqsi-ra-mu-shqa chay kaha-paq
dem.d fly-dim go.out-urgt-cisl-subis dem.d coffin-abl
‘That little fly came out of the coffin.’

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4 Verbs
This chapter covers the verbal system of Southern Yauyos Quechua. Its four
sections treat verb stems, verb types, verbal inflection and verbal derivation, in
that order.

4.1 Verb stems

In Southern Yauyos Quechua, as in other Quechuan languages, verb stems al-
ways end in a vowel (yanapa- ‘help’). Verb stems are bound forms: with the
single exception of haku ‘let’s go!’ they never appear in isolation. They are sub-
ject to both inflectional and derivational processes, both suffixing (wañu-n, die-3,
‘they die’; wañu-chi-n, die-caus-3, ‘they kill’). The order of inflectional suffixes
is fixed; the order of derivational suffixes is highly regular but admits exception.
Inflection for person is obligatory (*qawa-katra-ya see-freq-prog); derivational
processes are optional (qawa-n see-3). The different person suffixes are mutually
exclusive; different derivational suffixes may attach in series (qipi-ra-chi-ku-sa
carry-urgt-caus-refl-npst ‘she got herself carried’).

4.2 Types of verbs

Quechua verb stems are usually classed as (di-)transitive (qu- ‘give’, riku- ‘see’),
intransitive (puñu- ‘sleep’), or copulative (ka- ‘be’). A fourth class can be set
apart: onomatopoetic verbs (chuqchuqya- ‘nurse, make the sound of a calf nurs-
ing’). Special cases include the deictic verb hina-, the dummy verb na-, and the
combining verbs -naya- ‘give desire’ (§4.4.1.6) and -na- ‘do what, matter, and
happen’ (§4.4.1.5). §4.2.1–4.2.4 cover transitive, intransitive, equational, and ono-
matopoetic verbs, in turn.

4.2.1 Transitive verbs

Transitive verbs are standardly defined for Quechuan languages as those that
can take regular-noun direct objects case-marked accusative (llama-ta maqa-rqa
‘They hit the llama’) (1–4).
4 Verbs

(1) Wak Kashapatapiñam maqarura César Mullidata. lt

wak Kashapata-pi-ña-m maqa-ru-ra César Mullida-ta
dem.d Kashapata-loc-disc-evd beat-urgt-pst César Mullida-acc
‘They beat César Mullida there in Kashapata.’

(2) Asñuqa nin, “Ñuqa tarisisayki sugaykitaqa”. sp

asnu-qa ni-n, ñuqa tari-si-sayki suga-yki-ta-qa
donkey-top say-3 I find-acmp-1>2.fut rope-2-acc-top
‘The mule said, “I’m going to help you find your rope.”’

(3) ¿Maqtakunata pushanki icha pashñata? amv

maqta-kuna-ta pusha-nki icha pashña-ta
young.man-pl-acc bring.along-2 or girl-acc
‘Are you going to take the boys or the girl?’

(4) ¡Vakata lliwta qaquruy! Rikurushaq hanaypim. amv

vaka-ta lliw-ta qaqu-ru-y ri-ku-ru-shaq
cow-acc all-acc toss.out-urgt-imp go-refl-urgt-1.fut
hanay-pi-m
up.hill-loc-evd
‘Toss out the cows, all of them! I’m going to go up hill.’
In addition to regular transitives, verbs of motion (lluqsi- ‘leave’) (5) and imper-
sonal (“weather”) verbs (riti- ‘snow’) (6), (7) may appear in clauses with regular
nouns case-marked -ta. In these instances, however, -ta does not indicate ac-
cusative case.1
(5) Yakupis tukuy pampata rikullaq. amv
yaku-pis tukuy pampa-ta ri-ku-lla-q
water-add all ground-acc go-refl-rstr-ag
‘The water used to run all over the ground.’

(6) ¿Llaqtaykita paranchu? amv

llaqta-yki-ta para-n-chu
town-2-acc rain-3-q
‘Does it rain on your town?’
1
An anonymous reviewer points out that the verbs in (6) and (7) could be interpreted as tran-
sitive (telic) verbs with accusative arguments. para-, for example, is interpretable as ‘rain on’
and pukuta- as ‘cloud over’, in which case -ta in llaqta-yki-ta and-kta in llaqta-kta would have
to be interpreted as genuine accusatives.

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 4.2 Types of verbs

(7) Tukuy puntraw pukutalunqa llaqtakta. ch

tukuy puntraw pukuta-lu-nqa llaqta-kta
all day cloud-urgt-3.fut town-acc
‘It’s going to cloud over on the town all day.’

4.2.2 Intransitive verbs

Intransitive verbs are those, like puñu- ‘sleep’ (1) and wiña- ‘grow’ (2), that can-
not occur in clauses including a regular noun case-marked accusative (*puñu-ni
kama-ta target meaning: ‘I sleep the bed’). Also included among the intransitives
are the impersonal weather verbs, like qasa- ‘freeze’, which do not take subjects
(qasa-ya-n ‘it’s freezing’).2
(1) Kamapam ñuqa puñukuya: ishkayni:. ach
kama-pa-m ñuqa puñu-ku-ya-: ishkay-ni-:
bed-loc-evd I sleeprefl-prog-1 two-euph-1
‘We were both sleeping in bed.’

(2) Chaypaqa wiñaraptinqa, ¿ayka puntrawnintataq riganchik? amv

chay-pa-qa wiña-ra-pti-n-qa ayka
dem.d-loc-top grow-unint-subds-3-top how.many
puntraw-ni-n-ta-taq riga-nchik
day-euph-3-acc-seq irrigate-1pl
‘When it grows, at how many days do we water it?’
Verbs of motion (hamu- ‘come’, lluqsi- ‘exit’) form a subclass of intransitive verbs.
These often have adverbial complements marked with the directional suffixes -ta
(accusative), -man (allative, dative), -paq (ablative) and -kama (limitative) (3), (4),
and they may occur in clauses that include a nominalization with the agentive
suffix -q indicating the purpose of movement (5), (6).
(3) Chay huk madrugaw trinta i unu di abrilta lluqsirun waway. amv
chay huk madrugaw trinta i unu di abril-ta
dem.d one morning thirty and one of April-acc
lluqsi-ru-n wawa-y
go.out-urgt-3 baby-1
‘On that morning, the thirty-first of April, my son left the house
[and was kidnapped].’
2
The weather verbs admit only their corresponding weather nouns for subjects. Para para-ya-n.
‘The rain is raining.’

123
4 Verbs

(4) Hinashpa chaypaq wichayman pasachisa chay Amador

kaqmanñataq. ach
hinashpa chay-paq wichay-man pasa-chi-sa chay Amador
then dem.d-abl up.hill-all pass-caus-npst dem.d Amador
ka-q-man-ña-taq
be-ag-all-disc-seq
‘Then, from there they made them march [to] up high to Don
Amador’s place.’

(5) Llaman qutuq risa, mayuta pawayashpash saqakarusa. amv

llama-n qutu-q ri-sa mayu-ta pawa-ya-shpa-sh
llama-3 gather-ag go-npst river-acc jump-prog-subis-evr
saqa-ka-ru-sa
go.down-passacc-urgt-npst
‘She went to gather her llamas and when she jumped the river, she
fell.’

(6) Kabraykiwan qatishiq hamusa ninkimiki. amv

kabra-yki-wan qati-shi-q hamu-sa ni-nki-mi-ki
goat-2-instr follow-acmp-ag come-npst say-2-evd-iki
‘He came to help bring your goats, you said.’

4.2.3 Copulative/equational verbs

syq counts a single copulative verb, ka-. Like the English verb be, ka- has both
copulative (‘I am a llama’) (1), (2) and existential (‘There are llamas’) (3), (4) inter-
pretations.
(1) Ñuqa-nchik fwirti kanchik, patachita, matrkata, trakranchik lluqsiqta
mikushpam. amv
ñuqa-nchik fwirti ka-nchik patachi-ta matrka-ta
I-1pl strong be-1pl wheat.soup-acc ground.cereal.meal-acc
trakra-nchik lluqsi-q-ta miku-shpa-m
field-1pl come.out-ag-acc eat-subis-evd
‘We are strong because we eat what comes out of our fields – wheat
soup and machka.’

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 4.2 Types of verbs

(2) Qammi salvasyunniy kanki. amv

qam-mi salvasyun-ni-y ka-nki
you-evd salvation-euph-1 be-2
‘You are my salvation.’

(3) Kanña piña turu. amv

ka-n-ña piña turu
be-3-disc mad bull
‘There are mean bulls.’

(4) Rantiqpis kantaqmi. amv

ranti-q-pis ka-n-taq-mi
buy-ag-add be-3-seq-evd
‘There are also buyers.’

Combined with the progressive, ya-, it may but need not have a stative interpre-
tation as well (equivalent to the Spanish estar) (5), (6).
(5) ¿Cañete, maypahinañatr kayanchik? Karru, mutu, ¡Asu machu! amv
Cañete, may-pa-hina-ña-tr ka-ya-nchik karru mutu
Cañete where-loc-comp-disc-evc be-prog-1pl bus motorcycle
‘Cañete, like we are where already? Cars, motorcycles – My Lord!’

(6) Qam sumaq sumaq warmim kayanki. ach

qam sumaq sumaq warmi-m ka-ya-nki
you pretty pretty woman-evd be-prog-2
‘You are a very pretty woman.’

ka- is irregular: the third person singular present tense form, ka-n, never appears
in equational statements, but only in existential statements (7), (8).3
(7) Wira wiram matraypi puñushpa, allin pastuta mikushpam. amv
wira wira-m matray-pi puñu-shpa allin pastu-ta
fat fat-evd cave-loc sleep-subis good pasture.grass-acc
miku-shpa-m
eat-subis-evd
‘Sleeping in a cave and eating good pasture, my cow is really fat.’
3
The verbal system includes just two irregularities, the second being that haku ‘let’s go’ is never
conjugated.

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4 Verbs

(8) Llutanshiki. lt
llutan-shi-ki
deformed-evr-iki
‘They are deformed, they say.’

In these cases, ka-ya-n may be employed instead (9), (10).

(9) Watunqa fiyu fiyu wiqam kayan. amv
watu-n-qa fiyu fiyu wiqa-m ka-ya-n
rope-3-top ugly ugly twisted-evd be-prog-3
‘Her rope is really horrid twisted wool.’

(10) ¿Alpakachu wak kayan? amv

alpaka-chu wak ka-ya-n
alpaca-q dem.d be-prog-3
‘Is that alpaca [wool]?’

4.2.4 Onomatopoetic verbs

Onomatopoetic verbs can be distinguished from other verbs by the shape of their
stem. The majority involve the repetition – two to four times – of a syllable or
syllable group, most often with the suffixation of -ya. Four patterns dominate:
Pattern 1: ([C1 V1 (C2 )]S1 )[C1 V1 (C2 )]S1 [C1 V1 (C2 )]S1 (-ya)(-ku)
Pattern 1 involves the repetition of a single syllable twice or three times, gener-
ally with -ya or, more rarely, -ku or -ya-ku, i.e., (S1 )S1 S1 (-ya)(-ku).
qurqurya- ‘snore’ and luqluqluqya- ‘boil’ are two good examples. Further exam-
ples are given in Table 4.1.
Pattern 2: [C1 V1 (C2 )]S1 [C3 V1 ]S2 [C3 V1 ]S2 [C3 V1 ]S2 (-ya)(-ku)
Pattern 2, like Pattern 1, involves the repetition of a single syllable generally with
-ya or, more rarely, -ku or -ya-ku. Pattern 2 differs from Pattern 1, however, in
that the repeated syllable is (1) always repeated three times; (2) never includes a
coda; and (3) is preceded by a non-cognate syllable which generally if not always
includes the same vowel as does the repeated syllable, i.e., S1 S2 S2 S2 (-ya)(-ku).
bunrururu- ‘thunder’ is a good example of this pattern. Further examples are
given in Table 4.2.
Pattern 3:
([[C1 V1 (C2 )]S1 [C1 V1 (C2 )]S2 ]U1 )[[C1 V1 (C2 )]S1 [C1 V1 (C2 )]S2 ]U1 [[C1 V1 (C2 )]S1 [C1 V1 (C2 )]S2 ]U1 (-ya)(-ku)

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 4.2 Types of verbs

Table 4.1: Onomatopoetic verbs Pattern 1 examples

(1) taqtaq-ya- knock, make the sound of knocking on wood

(2) qurqur-ya- snore, make the sound of snoring
(3) kurrkurr-ya- ribbit (make the sound of a frog)
(4) punpun-ya- flub-dub, beat (make the sound of the heart)
(5) qasqas-ya- make the sound of dry leaves
(6) katkat-ya- tremble, shake (intrans.)
(7) chuqchuq-ya- nurse, make the sound of an animal nursing
(8) pakpak-ya-ku- make the sound of a guinea pig
(9) qullqullqull-ya- gurgle, make the sound of a stomach
(10) luqluqluq-ya- boil, make the sound of water boiling
(11) quququ-ya-ku- croak (make the sound of a frog)

Table 4.2: Onomatopoetic verbs Pattern 2 examples

(1) taqlalala- clang, make the sound of a can knocking against something
(2) bunrururu- thunder, make the sound of thunder
(3) challallalla- drip, make the sound of water dripping
(4) lapapapa-ya- make the sound of a billy goat chasing a female goat

Table 4.3: Onomatopoetic verbs Pattern 3 examples

(1) chiplichipli- shine, sparkle

(2) piiiiichiwpiiiichiw- make the sound of a pichusa
(3) iraniraniran-ya-ku- moo (make the sound of a cow)
(4) wilwichwilwich-ya-ku- make the sound of a pheasant

Pattern 3 replaces the single syllable of Pattern 1 with a two-syllable unit, i.e.,
([S1 S2 ]U1 )[S1 S2 ]U1 [S1 S2 ]U1 (-ya)(-ku).
One example is chiplichipli- ‘sparkle’. Further examples are given in Table 4.3.
Pattern 4: Pattern 4, like Patterns 1 and 3, involves the repetition of a single syl-
lable or two-syllable unit two or three times, generally with -ya or -ku. Pattern 4
differs from Patterns 1 and 3, however, in that the final consonant in the final it-
eration is eliminated or changed. Examples of this pattern include waqwaqwaya-
‘guffaw’ and chalaqchalanya- ‘clang’. Table 4.4 supplies more.
There are further, less common variations. For example, kurutukutu- ‘make
the sound of a male guinea pig chasing a female guinea pig’ involves the repe-

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4 Verbs

Table 4.4: Onomatopoetic verbs Pattern 4 examples

(1) chalaqchalan/ya- clang, make the sound of metal things coming into
contact with each other
(2) waqwaqwa-ya- laugh heartily, guffaw
(3) chiwachiwa-ya-ku- make the sound of a chivillo bird

tition of a three-syllable unit with the elimination of the second syllable in the
final iteration.

(1) Fwirapapis katkatyakuyanchik. ach

fwira-pa-pis katkatyaku-ya-nchik
outside-loc-add tremble-prog-1pl
‘Outside, too, we’re trembling.’

(2) Tutaña killapa sumaq sumaq kaballiriya hamukuyasa pampata

chiplichiplishpa. amv
tuta-ña killa-pa sumaq sumaq kaballiriya
night-disc moon-loc pretty pretty horse
hamu-ku-ya-sa pampa-ta chiplichipli-shpa
come-refl-prog-npst ground-acc sparkle-subis
‘At night, under the moon, a beautiful horse was coming across the
ground, sparkling.’

(3) Unayqa wamaq wamaq rayu kakullaq. “¡Qangran! ¡Qangran!”

taqlaqyakuq. amv
unay-qa wamaq wamaq rayu ka-ku-lla-q qangra-n
before-top a.lot a.lot thunder be-rel-rstr-ag growl-3
qangra-n taqlaqyaku-q
growl-3 rumble-ag
‘Before, there was a whole lot of thunder. “Bbrra-boom!
Bbrra-boom!” it rumbled.’

(4) Chitchityakushpa rikullan kabrakunaqa. lt

chitchityaku-shpa ri-ku-lla-n kabra-kuna-qa
say.chit.chit-subis go-refl-rstr-3 goat-pl-top
‘Chit-chitting, the goats left.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

4.3 Verb inflection

4.3.1 Summary
Verbs in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, inflect for person, number, tense,
conditionality, imperativity, aspect, and subordination.
In practice, syq counts three persons: first, second, and third (ñuqa, qam, and
pay). syq verbs inflect for plurality in the first person (-nchik); singular and plural
suffixes are identical in the second and third persons (-nki, -n). Although syq
makes available a three-way distinction between dual, inclusive and exclusive
in the first person plural (ñuqanchik, ñuqanchikkuna, nuqakuna), in practice, in
all but the ch dialect, the dual form is employed in all three cases; inclusive
and exclusive interpretations are supplied by context, both linguistic and extra-
linguistic.
Transitive verbs with non-reflexive first or second person objects inflect for
actor-object reference (-wan, -yki, etc.) Verbal inflection in syq marks three
tenses, present, past (-RQa), and future (portmanteau); the perfect (-sHa); the pro-
gressive (-ya); the present and past conditional (-man (karqa)); and the second
person and first person plural imperative (-y, -shun) and third person injunc-
tive (-chun). In practice, syq counts two adverbial subordinating suffixes, one
employed when the subjects of the main and subordinated clauses are different
(-pti); the other when they are the identical (-shpa). A third subordinating suf-
fix (-shtin), also employed when the subjects of the two clauses are identical, is
recognized, if not frequently used. Inflectional suffixes (ia) follow derivational
suffixes (da), if any are present; derivational suffixes attach to the verb stem (vs).
Thus, a syq verb is built: vs – (da) – ia (see §7.1 and 7.12 on constituent order and
sentences).
The dialects of syq differ in the suffixes they employ in the first person. One set
– amv and lt – follow the pattern of the qii languages, employing -ni to mark the
first-person singular nominative and -wa to mark the accusative/dative; another
set – ach, sp, ch – follow the qi pattern, employing -: (vowel length) for the
first-person singular nominative and -ma for the accusative dative. The person-
number suffixes are: -ni or -: (1p), -nki (2p), -n (3p), and -nchik or -ni/ -: (1pl).
syq verbs also inflect for actor-object reference. The subject-object suffixes are:
-yki (1>2), -wanki or -manki (2>1), -wan or -man (3>1, -shunki (3>2), -wanchik or
-manchik (3>1pl), and -sHQayki (1>2.fut). Examples: ni-nki ‘you say’; qawa-yki
‘I see you’ (see §4.3.2).
The simple present tense is unspecified for time. It generally indicates tempo-
rally unrestricted or habitual action. The simple present tense is indicated by the

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4 Verbs

suffixation of person-number suffixes alone; these are unaccompanied by any

other inflectional markers. Example: yanu-ni (sapa puntraw) ‘I cook (every day)’
(see §4.3.3.1).
Future suffixes simultaneously indicate person, number and tense. The future
suffixes are: -shaq (1p), -nki (2p), -nqa (3p), and -shun (1pl). Note that the second
person future suffix is identical to the second person simple present suffix. Ex-
amples: chawa-shaq ‘I will milk’; pawa-nki ‘you will jump’; picha-nqa ‘they will
sweep’ (see §4.3.3.2).
The simple past tense alone generally does not receive a completive interpreta-
tion; indeed, speakers generally translate it into Spanish with the present perfect.
The simple past tense is indicated by the suffix -RQa, realized as -rqa in amv, -ra
in ach, lt, sp, and -la in ch. These are immediately followed by person-number
suffixes which are identical to the present tense person-number suffixes with
the single exception that the third person is realized not as -n but as -ø. Exam-
ples: qawa-rqa-ni ‘I saw’ or ‘I have seen’; patrya-la-ø ‘it/they exploded or ‘it/they
has/have exploded’; hamu-ra-nki ‘you came’ or ‘you have come’ (see §4.3.3.3.1).
The quotative simple past tense can be used in story-telling. The quotative
simple past is indicated by the suffix -sHQa, realized as -sa in ach, amv and sp
and -sha in ch and lt. It is sometimes realized in all dialects as -shqa in the first
and sometimes last line of a story. Examples: nasi-sa-: ‘I was born’; ri-shqa ‘he
went’; hamu-sa-ø ‘they came’ (see §4.3.3.3.2).
Within the morphological paradigm, -sHa – realized as -sa in ach, amv and
sp and -sha in ch and lt – occupies a slot that seems to be reserved for the
perfect. Its interpretation, however, is more subtle and it is most often employed
as a completive past. -sHa is immediately followed by the same person-number
suffixes as is simple past (i.e., the third person is realized as -ø). Example: ri-sa-nki
‘you have gone’ (see §4.3.3.3.3).
The iterative past is indicated by the combination – as independent words –
of the agentive verb form (V-q) and – in the first and second persons – the corre-
sponding present tense form of the verb -ka ‘to be’. Examples: ri-q ‘she used to
go’; ri-q ka-nchik ‘we used to go’ (see §4.3.3.3.4).
The conditional (also called “potential” or “irrealis”) covers more territory than
does the conditional in English. It corresponds to the existential and universal
ability, circumstantial, deontic, epistemic, and teleological modals of English. The
regular conditional is indicated by the suffix -man. -man is immediately preceded
by person-number suffixes. In the case of the first person singular, the suffixes of
the nominal (possessive) paradigm are employed: -y in the amv and lt dialects
and -: in the ach, ch, and sp dialects. Alternative conditional forms are attested
in the second person both singular and plural in the amv dialect and first person

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 4.3 Verb inflection

plural in all dialects. -waq indicates the second person conditional; -chuwan, the
first person plural conditional. Both these morphemes simultaneously indicate
person and conditionality and are in complementary distribution both with tense
and inflectional morphemes. The past conditional is formed by the addition of
ka-RQa – the third person simple past tense form of ka- ‘be’ to either the regular
or alternative present tense conditional form. Examples: ri-nki-man ‘you can go’;
ri-chuwan ‘we can go’ (see §4.3.4).
Imperative suffixes simultaneously indicate person, number and imperativity.
The imperative suffixes are: -y (2p) and -shun (1pl); the injunctive suffix is -chun
(1pl). Examples: ¡Ri-y! ‘Go!’, ¡Ruwa-shun! ‘Let’s do it!’, and ¡Lluqsi-chun! ‘Let him
leave!’ (see §4.3.5).
Progressive aspect is indicated by the derivational suffix -ya. -ya precedes4
person-number suffixes and time suffixes, if any are present are present. Exam-
ple: ri-ya-n ‘she/he/they is/are going’; ri-ya-ra-ø ‘she/he/they was/were going’
(see §4.3.6).
Subordination is not entirely at home with verbal inflection. Subordinating
suffixes are different from inflectional suffixes in that, first, they cannot com-
bine with tense, imperativity, or conditionality suffixes, and, second, they are in-
flected with the person-number suffixes of the nominal paradigm and not those
of the verbal paradigm. syq makes use of three subordinating suffixes: -pti, -shpa
and -shtin: -pti is used when the subjects of the main and subordinate clauses
are different; -shpa and -shtin, when the subjects are identical. Cacra, following
the pattern of the qi languages, uses -r (realized [l]) in place of -shpa. -pti is
generally translated ‘when’, but also occasionally receives the translations ‘if’,
‘because’, or ‘although’. -shpa may receive any of these translations, but is most
often translated with a gerund. -shtin is translated with a gerund exclusively. All
three inherit tense, conditionality, and aspect specification from the main-clause
verb. -pti always inflects for person-number; -shpa and -shtin never do. Person-
number suffixes are those of the nominal paradigm: -y or -: (1p), -Yki (2p), -n (3p),
and -nchik (1pl). Examples: Hamu-pti-ki lluqsi-rqa-ø ‘when/because you came,
she left’; Kustumbra-ku-shpa hawka-m yatra-ku-nchik ‘When/if we adjust, we
live peacefully’ (see §4.3.7).
Table 4.5 summarizes this information. In this and the tables that follow, for
reasons of space, unless otherwise specified, all dialects employ the same forms.

4
The derivational affixes -mu, -chi, and -ru may intervene between -ya and the inflectional
affixes.

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4 Verbs

The following abbreviations and conventions are employed:

‘you’ → you.s/you.pl
‘he’ → he/she/it/they
‘can …’ → can/could/will/would/shall/should/may/might
‘could …’ → could/would/should/might
‘when …’ → when/if/because/although/not until or V-ing

A verb appearing inside angled brackets <like this> indicates a root without
tense, conditionality or aspect specified.
Dialects differ from each other in four sets of cases. They diverge in terms of
(1) their treatment of the first person singular and the first person plural exclusive;
(2) their realization of the simple past tense morpheme -RQa; (3) their realization
of the perfect morpheme -sHa and (4) their realization of */r/.
Table 4.5 displays the differences among the dialects that are relevant to verbal
inflection.
Table 4.5: Verbal inflectional suffixes with different realizations in syq
dialects

First person past tense suffix Perfect -sHa Second-person

singular -RQa alternative
conditional
amv -ni -rqa -sa yes
ach -: -ra -sa no
ch -: -la -sha no
sp -: -ra -sa no
lt -ni -ra -sha no

Tables 4.6 and 4.7 give the verbal inflection paradigm of syq. All processes
are suffixing, i.e., a verb root precedes all inflectional morphemes. Translations
are given as if for the verb ni- ‘say.’ Details of form and use as well as extensive
examples follow in §4.3.2–4.3.7.

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 Table 4.6: Verbal inflection paradigm

Tense 1P 2P 3P 1pl
-niamv,lt -nki -n -nchik
Present -:ach,ch,sp
‘I say’ ‘you say’ ‘he says’ ‘we say’
-shaq -nki -nqa -shun
Future
‘I will say’ ‘you will say’ ‘he will say’ ‘we will say’
-rqa-niamv -rqa-nkiamv -rqa-øamv -rqa-nchikamv
-ra-nilt -ra-nkiach,lt,sp -ra-øach,lt,sp -ra-nchikach,lt,sp
Past -ra-:ach,sp -la-nkich -la-øch -la-nchikch
-la-:ch
‘I (have) said’ ‘you (have) said’ ‘he (has) said’ ‘we (have) said’
-sa-niamv -sa-nkiach,amv,sp -sa-øach,amv, sp -sa-nchikach,amv,sp
-sha-nilt -sha-nkich,lt -sha-øch,lt -sha-nchikch,lt
Narrative past -sa-:ach,sp
-sha-:ch
‘I have said’ ‘you have said’ ‘he has said’ ‘we have said’
-q ka-niamv,lt -q ka-nki -q -q ka-nchik
Habitual past -q ka-:ach,ch,sp
‘I used to say’ ‘you used to say’ ‘he used to say’ ‘we used to say’
-ya-niamv,lt -ya-nki -ya-n -ya-nchik
Continuative -ya-:ach,ch,sp
‘I am saying’ ‘you are saying’ ‘he is saying’ ‘we are saying’

Continued on next page …

133
4.3 Verb inflection
 Table 4.6. Continued from previous page

134
Tense 1P 2P 3P 1pl
4 Verbs

-y-manamv,lt -nki-man -n-man -nchik-man

Conditional
-:-manach,ch,sp
(potential)
‘I can … say’ ‘you can … say’ ‘he can … say’ ‘we can … say’
Alternative 5 -waqamv 5 -chuwan
conditional ‘you could … say’ ‘we could … say’
-y-man karqaamv -nki-man ka-rqaamv -n-man ka-rqaamv -nchik-man ka-rqaamv
-y-man ka-ralt -nki-man ka-raach,lt,sp -n-man ka-ra -nchik-man ka-raach,lt,sp
Past
-:-man ka-raach,sp -nki-man ka-lach ach, lt, sp - nchik-man ka-lach
conditional
-:-man ka-lach -n-man ka-lach
‘I could … have said’ ‘you could … have said’ ‘he could … have said’ ‘we could … have said’
-waq ka-rqaamv -chuwan ka-rqaamv
Alternative
-waq ka-ralt -chuwan ka-raach,sp,lt
past
-chuwan ka-lach
conditional
5 ‘you could … have said’ 5 ‘we could … have said’
-y -chun -shun
Imperative
5 ‘Say!’ ‘Let him say!’ ‘Let’s say!’
Subordinator -pti-yamv,lt -pti-ki -pti-n -pti-nchik
different -pti-:ach,ch,sp
subjects when … I <say> when … you <say> when … he <say> when … we <say>
Subordinator -shpa -shpa -shpa -shpa
identical subj. 1 ‘when … I <say>’ ‘when … you <say>’ ‘when … he <say>’ ‘when … we <say>’

Continued on next page …

 Table 4.6. Continued from previous page

Tense 1P 2P 3P 1pl

Subordinator -shtin -shtin -shtin -shtin

identical subj. 2 ‘saying’ ‘saying’ ‘saying’ ‘saying’

Table 4.7: Verbal inflection paradigm, actor-object suffixes

Tense 2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-nkiamv,lt -wa-namv,lt -wa-nchikamv,lt -yki -shu-nki
Present -ma-nkiach,ch,sp -ma-nach,ch,sp -man-chikach,ch,sp
‘you say to me’ ‘he says to me’ ‘he says to us’ ‘I say to you’ ‘he says to you’
-wa-nkiamv,lt -wa-ngaamv,lt -wa-shunamv,lt -sHQayki -shu-nki
Future -ma-nkiach,ch,sp -ma-ngaach,ch,sp -ma-shunach,ch,sp
‘you will say to me’ ‘he will say to me’ ‘he will say to us’ ‘I will say to you’ ‘he will say to you’
-wa-rqa-nkiamv -wa-rqa-øamv -wa-rqa-nchikamv -rqa-ykiamv -shu-rqa-nkiamv
-wa-ra-nkilt -wa-ra-ølt -wa-ra-nchiklt -ra-ykilt, ach, sp -shu-ra-nkilt, ach, sp
-ma-ra-nkiach,sp -ma-ra-øach,sp -ma-ra-nchikach,sp
Past
-ma-la-nkich -ma-la-øch -ma-la-nchikch -la-ykich -shu-la-nkich
‘you (have) said to ‘he (has) said to me’ ‘he (has) said to us’ ‘I (have) said to ‘he (has) said to
me’ you’ you’

Continued on next page …

135
4.3 Verb inflection
 Table 4.7. Continued from previous page

136
Tense 2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2
4 Verbs

-wa-sa-nkiamv -wa-sa-øamv -wa-sa-nchikamv -sa-ykiamv, ach, sp N/A

-wa-sha-nkilt -wa-sha-ølt -wa-sha-nchiklt -sha-ykilt, ch N/A
Narrative -ma-sa-nkiach,sp -ma-sa-øach,sp -ma-sa-nchikach,sp
past -ma-sha-nkich -ma-sha-øch -ma-sha-nchikch
‘you (have) said to ‘he (has) said to me’ ‘he (has) said to us’ ‘I (have) said to ‘he (has) said to
me’ you’ you’
-wa-q ka-nkiamv,lt -wa-qamv,lt N/A N/A N/A
Habitual past -ma-q -ma-qach,ch,sp N/A N/A N/A
ka-nkiach,ch,sp
-ya-wa-nkiamv,lt -ya-wa-namv,lt -ya-wa-nchikamv,lt -ya-yki -ya-shu-nki
-ya-ma-nkiach,ch,sp -ya-ma-nach,ch,sp -ya-ma-
Continuous nchikach,ch,sp
‘you are saying to ‘he is saying to me’ ‘he is saying to us’ ‘I am saying to you’ ‘he is saying to you’
me’
-wa-nki-manamv,lt -wa-n-manamv,lt -wa-nchik- -yki-man -shu-nki-man
manamv,lt
-ma-nki- -ma-n-manach,ch,sp -ma-nchik-
Conditional
manach,ch,sp manach,ch,sp
‘you can … say to ‘he can … say to ‘he can … say to us’ ‘I can … say to you’ ‘he can … say to
me’ me’ you’
5 5 -wa-chuwanamv,lt 5 5
Alternative 5 5 -ma-chuwanach,ch,sp 5 5
conditional ‘he ca … say to us’

Continued on next page …

 Table 4.7. Continued from previous page

Tense 2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-nki-man -wa-n-man -wa-nchik-man -yki-man ka-rqa amv -shu-nki-man

ka-rqaamv ka-rqaamv ka-rqaamv ka-rqaamv
-wa-nki-man -wa-n-man ka-ralt -wa-nchik-man -yki-man ka-ra lt -shu-nki-man
ka-ralt ka-ralt ka-ralt
Past -ma-nki-man -ma-n-man -ma-nchik-man
conditional ka-raach,sp ka-raach,sp ka-raach,sp
-ma-nki-man -ma-n-man ka-lach -ma-nchik-man
ka-lach ka-lach
‘you could … have ‘he could … have ‘he could … have ‘I could … have said ‘he could … have
said to me’ said to me’ said to us’ to you’ said to you’
5 5 -wa-chuwan 5 5
ka-rqaamv
5 5 -ma-chuwan 5 5
Alternative
ka-ralt,ach,sp
past
5 5 -ma-chuwan 5 5
conditional
ka-lach
‘he could … say to
us’
-wa-pti-kiamv,lt -wa-pti-namv,lt -wa-pti-nchikamv,lt -pti-ki -shu-pti-ki
Subordinator -ma-pti-kiach,ch,sp -ma-pti-nach,ch,sp -ma-pti-
different nchikach,ch,sp
subjects ‘when … you say to ‘when … he says to ‘when … he says to ‘when … I say to ‘when … he says to
me’ me’ us’ you’ you’

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4.3 Verb inflection
4 Verbs

4.3.2 Person and number

syq non-subordinate verbs inflect for actor and object reference; substantives
inflect for allocation.

4.3.2.1 Subject
The first person is indicated in both the verbal and substantive paradigms in ach,
ch, and sp by -:ach,ch,sp ; in amv, lt; these are indicated by -niamv,lt , and -y amv,lt ,
respectively. -: and -ni attach to verb stems (plus derivational or inflectional suf-
fixes, if any are present, with the single exception that -ni cannot precede the
conditional suffix -man) (puri-ni, puri-: ‘I walk’). -: and -y attach to the subordi-
nating suffix -pti (qawa-pti-y, qawa-pti-: ‘when … I see’) and to the verb stem in
the conditional (lluqsi-y -man, lluqsi-:-man ‘I could leave’).
In all dialects the second person is indicated in the verbal paradigm by -nki and
in the substantive paradigm by -yki. -nki attaches to verb stems (plus derivational
or inflectional suffixes, if any are present, except -man) (puri-nki ‘you walk’); the
-yki allomorph -ki attaches to the subordinator -pti (qawa-pti-ki ‘when … you see’.
In Cacra, -k indicates that the second person is the object of an action by the first
person in the present tense (qu-k ‘I give you’).
-n indicates the third person and -nchik refers to a group that includes the
speaker and the addressee and, potentially, others in both the verbal and sub-
stantive paradigms. -n and -nchik attach to verb roots (plus derivational and
inflectional suffixes, if any are present) (puri-n ‘he/they walk/s’; puri-nchik ‘we
walk’) and the the subordinating suffix -pti as well (qawa-pti-n ‘when … you see’
qawa-pti-nchik ‘when … you see’). This information is summarized in Table 4.8.

4.3.2.2 Actor and object reference

-waamv,lt and -maach,ch,sp indicate a first person object. Followed by the second
person verbal suffix (-nki) -wa and -ma indicate that the speaker is the object of
action by the addressee (qu-wa-nki, qu-ma-nki ‘you give me’) (1), (2); followed
by third person verbal suffix (-n), they indicate that the speaker is the object of
action by a third person (qu-wa-n, qu-ma-n ‘he/she/they give/s me’) (3), (4).
(1) ¡Dios Tayta! ¿Imata willakuyawanki? amv
Dios tayta ima-ta willa-ku-ya-wa-nki
God father what-acc tell-refl-prog-1.obj-2
‘My God! What are you telling me?’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

Table 4.8: Person suffixes by environment

Person verb subordina- subordina- substantive substantive substantive condi-

stem + tor tor (short) i (short) a, C. (or tional V.
suffixes -shpa -pti final u final long V.) stem +
final suffixes
1 -niamv,lt -yamv,lt -yamv,lt -yamv,lt -yamv,lt -ni- -yamv,lt
yamv,lt
-:ach,ch,sp -:ach,ch,sp -:ach,ch,sp -:ach,ch,sp -:ach,ch,sp -ni- -:ach,ch,sp
:ach,ch,sp
2 -nki -yki -ki -ki -yki -ni-ki -nki

3 -n -n -n -n -n -ni-n -n
1pl -nchik -nchik -nchik -nchik -nchik -ni-nchik -nchik

(2) Qam nimaranki, “¿Kuyurayanchu?” sp

qam ni-ma-ra-nki, kuyu-ra-ya-n-chu
you say-1.obj-pst-2 move-passacc-prog-3-q
‘You asked me, “Was it moving?”’

(3) Kaywan pampachiwan. amv

kay-wan pampa-chi-wa-n
dem.p-instr bury-caus-1.obj-3
‘He’ll bury me with this.’

(4) Hapiraman. ach

hapi-ra-ma-n
grab-urgt-1.obj-3
‘It took hold of me.’
-nchik pluralizes a first-person object (qu-wa-nchik, qu-ma--nchik ‘he/she/they
give/s us’) (5–7).
(5) Lliw lliw mushuq kambyachiwanchik rupanchiktam hinashpam
kahunman winawanchik. amv
lliw lliw mushuq kambya-chi-wa-nchik rupa-nchik-ta-m
all all new change-caus-1.obj-1pl clothes-1pl-acc-evd
hinashpa-m kahun-man wina-wa-nchik
then coffin-all toss.in-1.obj-1pl
‘They change us into brand new clothes. Then they toss us into a
coffin.’

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4 Verbs

(6) Mancharichimanchik tuta. ach

mancha-ri-chi-man-chik tuta
scare-incep-caus-1.obj-1pl night
‘It scares us at night.’

(7) Mitamik. Truramanchik kwadirnuman sutinchikta. ch

mita-mi-k trura-ma-nchik kwadirnu-man suti-nchik-ta
quota-evd-ik put-1.obj-1pl notebook-all name-1pl-acc
‘A water quota. They put us, our names, in a notebook.’

Followed by second person imperative suffix (-y), -wa/-ma indicates that the
speaker is the object of action by the addressee (¡Qu-wa-y!, ¡Qu-ma-y! ‘Give
me!’) (8), (9).
(8) ¡Qawaykachiway chay kundinawpa wasinta! amv
qawa-yka-chi-wa-y chay kundinaw-pa wasi-n-ta
see-excep-caus-1.obj-imp dem.d zombie-gen house-3-acc
‘Show me the zombie’s house!’

(9) “¡Amayá diharamaychu!” nishpa lukuyakuyan. ach

ama-yá diha-ra-ma-y-chu ni-shpa
proh-emph leave-urgt-1.obj-imp-neg say-subis
luku-ya-ku-ya-n
crazy-inch-refl-prog-3
‘Saying, “Don’t leave me!” he is going crazy.’

-shu, followed by a second person verbal suffix (-nki), indicates that the addressee
is the object of action by a third person (qu-shu-nki ‘he/she/they give/s you’) (10).
(10) Makinchikqa tusku kaptinqa vakapa nanachinqa chichinta saytarushpa
diharushunki. amv
maki-nchik-qa tusku ka-pti-n-qa vaka-pa nana-chi-nqa
hand-1pl-top rough be-subds-3-top cow-gen hurt-caus-3.fut
chichi-n-ta sayta-ru-shpa diha-ru-shunki
teat-3-acc kick-urgt-subis leave-urgt-3>2
‘When our hands are rough, they make the cow’s teats hurt and she
kicks and leaves you.’
-sHQayki indicates that the addressee is the object of future action by the speaker
(qu-sa-yki ‘I give you’) (11–14).

140
 4.3 Verb inflection

(11) Wirayachisayki. ach

wira-ya-chi-sayki
fat-inch-caus-1>2.fut
‘I’m going to fatten you up.’

(12) Kanallan shuyakaramusayki. sp

kanallan shuya-ka-ra-mu-sayki
just.now wait-passacc-urgt-cisl-1>2.fut
‘Right now, I’m going to wait for you.’

(13) Kay qullqita qusqayki. amv

kay qullqi-ta qu-sqayki
dem.p money-acc give-1>2.fut
‘I’m going to give you this money.’

(14) Ñuqa qipirushqayki llaqtayta. amv

ñuqa qipi-ru-shqayki llaqtayta
I carry-urgt-1>2.fut town-1-acc
‘I’m going to carry you to my town.’

The object suffixes – -wa/-ma, -shu and -sHQa – succeed aspect suffixes (15–17)
and precede tense (18–20) and subordinating suffixes (21–27), as well as the nom-
inalizing suffix -na (28), (29) (qu-ya--wa-nki ‘you are giving me’; qu-wa-rqa-ø
‘you gave me’; qu-su-pti-ki ‘when he/she/they gave you’; qu-wa-na-n-paq ‘so
he/she/they give/s me’).
(15) Munashantañam ruwan runaqa tantyayawantriki. lt
muna-sha-n-ta-ña-m ruwa-n runa-qa
want-prf-3-acc-disc-evd make-3 person-top
tantya-ya-wa-n-tri-ki
size.up-prog-1.obj-3-evc-iki
‘People do what they want already. They must be sizing me up, for
sure.’

(16) Kwirpum nanayan. Kaymi kay runam aysayamanña. ach

kwirpu-m nana-ya-n kay-mi kay runa-m
body-evd hurt-prog-3 dem.p-evd dem.p person-evd
aysa-ya-ma-n-ña
pull-prog-1.obj-3-disc

141
4 Verbs

‘[My] body is hurting. These people are pulling me over here like
this.’

(17) Huktriki apayashunki. ¿Kikillaykichu puriyanki mutuwan? amv

huk-tri-ki apa-ya-shunki kiki-lla-yki-chu puri-ya-nki
one-evc-iki bring-prog-3>2 self-rstr-2-q walk-prog-2
mutu-wan
motorcycle-instr
‘Someone else must be bringing you. Or are you yourself wandering
around with a motorbike?’

(18) Chaynam kundur qipiwarqa matrayta. amv

chayna-m kundur qipi-wa-rqa matray-ta
thus-evd condor carry-1.obj-pst cave-acc
‘Like that, the condor carried me to his cave.’

(19) “¿Imapaq aysapamaranki ñuqa hawka puñukupti:?” nishpash. sp

imapaq aysa-pa-ma-ra-nki ñuqa hawka puñu-ku-pti-:
why pull-ben-1.obj-pst-2 I tranquil sleep-refl-subds-1
ni-shpa-sh
say-subis-evr
‘“Why did you tug at me when I was sleeping peacefully?” said [the
zombie].’

(20) Nirayki. sp
ni-ra-yki
say-pst-1>2
‘I said to you.’

(21) Hamullarqani chikchik paralla tapallawaptin yana puyulla

ñitillawaptin. amv
hamu-lla-rqa-ni chikchik para-lla tapa-lla-wa-pti-n yana
come-rstr-pst-1 hail rain-rstr cover-rstr-1.obj-subds-3 black
puyu-lla ñiti-lla-wa-pti-n
cloud-rstr crush-rstr-1.obj-subds-3
‘I came when the freezing rain was covering me, when the black fog
was crushing me.’

142
 4.3 Verb inflection

(22) ¡Kay pampaman qatimuchun! Wakpa ñitiruwaptinqa. amv

kay pampa-man qati-mu-chun wak-pa
dem.p plain-all follow-cisl-injunc dem.d-loc
ñiti-ru-wa-pti-n-qa
crush-urgt-1.obj-subds-3-top
‘Let him bring it toward that plain – over there he would crush me.’

(23) Mana yakukta qumaptin, ¿Imaynataq alfa:pis planta:pis kanqa? ch

mana yaku-kta qu-ma-pti-n, imayna-taq alfa-:-pis
no water-acc give-1.obj-subds-3 how-seq alfalfa-add
planta-:-pis ka-nqa
plant-1-add be-3.fut
‘If they don’t give me water, how will I have alfalfa and plants?’

(24) Wamra willasuptiki. lt

wamra willa-su-pti-ki
child tell-2.obj-subds-2
‘When the children told you.’

(25) Sudarachishuptiki kapasmi surqurunman. amv

suda-ra-chi-shu-pti-ki kapas-mi surqu-ru-n-man
sweat-urgt-caus-2.obj-subds-2 perhaps-evd take.out-urgt-3-cond
‘When it makes you sweat, it’s possible he could remove it.’

(26) Tantyawashpa chayta ruwan. lt

tantya-wa-shpa chay-ta ruwa-n
size.up-1.obj-subis dem.d-acc make-3
‘Sizing me up, they do that.’

(27) Wasarimashpam nuchipis kwintakuq. sp

wasa-ri-ma-shpa-m nuchi-pis kwinta-ku-q
wake-incep-1.obj-subis-evd night-add tell.story-refl-ag
‘At night, they would wake me up and tell stories.’

(28) Pipis fakultaykuwananpaq. lt

pi-pis fakulta-yku-wa-na-n-paq
who-add assist-excep-1.obj-nmlz-3-purp
‘So someone can help me out.’

143
4 Verbs

(29) Rakishunaykipaq. amv

raki-shu-na-yki-paq
separate-2.obj-nmlz-2-purp
‘So he sets some aside for you.’

Both object and subject suffixes – -wa/-ma, -shu and -sHQa, as well as -nki, -YkI ,
and -n – precede the conditional suffix -man (qu-wa-nki-man ‘you could give
me’) (30–32).
(30) Sarurullawankiman. Manam saruwanantaq munaniñachu. amv
saru-ru-lla-wa-nki-man mana-m saru-wa-na-n-taq
trample-urgt-rstr-1.obj-cond-2 no-evd trample-1.obj-nmlz-3-seq
muna-ni-ña-chu
want-1-disc-neg
‘You could trample me. I don’t want him to trample me any more.’

(31) Mana chichiyuq kaptikiqa chayna lluqarishunkimantri. amv

mana chichi-yuq ka-pti-ki-qa chayna
no breast-poss be-subds-2-top thus
lluqa-ri-shu-nki-man-tri
top-incep-2.obj-2-cond-evc
‘When you don’t have breasts they can top you.’

(32) ¡Kwidadu! Chaypitaq qalqali mikulushunkiman. ch

kwidadu chay-pi-taq qalqali miku-lu-shunki-man
careful dem.d-loc-seq zombie eat-urgt-2.obj-2-cond
‘Be careful! A demon could eat you there.’

Exceptions to these rules arise when object is 1pl. First, the first-person object
pluralizer, -nchik, does not precede aspect, tense, subordinating, nominalizing
and conditional suffixes, but, rather, succeeds them (ñiti-ru-wa-n-man-chik ‘it
could crush us’) (33–35).
(33) Mana kanan tumaytam munanchu qaninpaq
shinkarachiwarqanchik. amv
mana kanan tuma-y-ta-m muna-n-chu qanin-paq
no now drink-inf-acc-evd want-3-neg previous-abl
shinka-ra-chi-wa-rqa-nchik
get.drunk-urgt-caus-1.obj-pst-1pl
‘She doesn’t want to drink now. Earlier, they had got us drunk.’

144
 4.3 Verb inflection

(34) Chiri pasawaptinchikpis, wiksa nanaykunapaq. amv

chiri pasa-wa-pti-nchik-pis wiksa nana-y-kuna-paq
cold pass-31.obj-subds-1pl-add stomach hurt-inf-pl-abl
‘When we get chills or for stomach pain [this plant is good].’

(35) Ñitiruwanmanchik. amv

ñiti-ru-wan-ma-nchik
crush-urgt-1.obj-1pl-cond-3>1pl
‘It could crush us.’

Second, 3>1pl future is not indicated by *-wa/ma-nqa-nchik, as it would were

it regular, but rather by -wa/mashun (36), (37).
(36) Mundum ñitiramashun. Kaytam sustininkiqa. sp
mundu-m ñiti-ra-ma-shun kay-ta-m sustini-nki-qa
world-evd crush-urgt-1.obj-1pl.fut dem.p-acc-evd sustain-2-top
‘The world is going to crush us. Hold this one up.’

(37) Watyarunshi. Chaynatr watyaramashun ñuqanchiktapis. ach

watya-ru-n-shi chayna-tr watya-ra-ma-shun
bake-urgt-3-evr thus-evc bake-urgt-1.obj-1pl.fut
ñuqa-nchik-ta-pis
I-1pl-acc-add
‘They got baked, they say. Like that, we’re going to get baked, us,
too.’
Finally, third, just as the 1pl conditional may be indicated by either of two forms,
one regular (-nchik-man) one alternative/portmanteau (-chuwan), the 3>1pl con-
ditional, too, may be indicated by both regular (-wa/ma-n-man-chik) and port-
manteau forms (-wa/ma-chuwan) (chuka-ru-wa-chuwan ‘it can make us sick’):
(38) Kayanmi uniku qullqiyuqpaq. ¿Maypam rigalawachuwan runaqa? amv
ka-ya-n-mi uniku qullqi-yuq-paq may-pa-m
be-prog-3-evd only money-poss-ben where-loc-evd
rigala-wa-chuwan runa-qa
gift-1.obj-1pl.cond person-top
‘There are only for rich people. Where can people give us things for
free?’

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4 Verbs

(39) Mikumachuwantri. ach

miku-ma-chuwan-tri
eat-1.obj-1pl.cond-evc
‘He could eat us.’

In all other cases, subject-object suffixes combine with standard morphology (40–
42).
(40) Qampis kuntistamuwankimá. amv
qam-pis kuntista-mu-wa-nki-m-á
you-add answer-cisl-1.obj-2-evd-emph
‘You, too, are going to answer me.’

(41) ¿Allichawanqachu manachu? Yatrarunqaña kukantaqa

qawaykushpa. amv
alli-cha-wa-nqa-chu mana-chu yatra-ru-nqa-ña
good-fact-1.obj-3.fut-q no-q know-urgt-3.fut-disc
kuka-n-ta-qa qawa-yku-shpa
coca-3-acc-top see-excep-subis
‘Is he going to heal me or not? He’ll find out by looking at his coca.’

(42) Tirruristam hamuyan. Wak turutatr pagaykushaqqa manam

wañuchimanqachu. ach
tirrurista-m hamu-ya-n wak turu-ta-tr
terrorist-evd come-prog-3 dem.d bull-acc-evc
paga-yku-shaq-qa mana-m wañu-chi-ma-nqa-chu
pay-excep-1.fut-top no-evd die-caus-1.obj-3.fut-neg
‘The terrorists are coming. I’ll pay them a bull and they won’t kill
me.’
A typological note: number is expressed in spontaneously-occurring examples
only in those cases in which there is a first-person plural object (43). In these
cases all syq dialects follow the Southern qii pattern ordering suffixes: obj-tns-
sbj-num. Note, though, that while in the Southern qii languages -chik pluralizes
the subject, in syq -chik pluralizes the object. There are no spontaneous examples
following the Central qii pattern num-obj-tns-sbj.

146
 4.3 Verb inflection

(43) Mana riqkuna, ¿Imatam rimasayki? Yatranchikchu. amv

mana ri-q-kuna ima-ta-m rima-sayki yatra-nchik-chu
no go-ag-pl what-acc-evd talk-1>2 know-1pl-neg
‘People who haven’t gone, what am I going to say to you? We don’t
know.’
There are no special forms for third-person objects. A third-person object is
indicated by the case-marking of the third-person pronoun pay with either ac-
cusative -ta or allative/dative -man (pay-ta qawa-nchik ‘we see him/her,’ pay-
kuna-man qu-nki ‘you give them’) (44).
(44) Kay swirupis allquypaqpis … nikurunshi subrinuntaqa. lt
kay swiru-pis allqu-y-paq-pis ni-ku-ru-n-shi
dedm.p whey-add dog-1-ben-add say-refl-urgt-3-evr
subrinu-n-ta-qa
nephew-3-acc-top
‘This whey also for my dog also … he said, they say, to his nephew.’

First-and second-person object suffixes may be reinforced with similarly case-

marked pronouns (45).
(45) Ñuqata uywamara mamacha: tiyu: tiya:. sp
ñuqa-ta uywa-ma-ra mama-cha-: tiyu-: tiya-:
I-acc raise-1.obj-pst mother-dim-1 uncle -1 aunt-1
‘My grandmother and my uncle and aunt raised me.’

There are no special forms for actors acting on themselves or any group that
includes them: reflexive action is indicated with the derivational suffix -ku. ‘I see
myself ‘ is ñuqa qawa-ku-ni/-: and ‘I see us’ is ‘ñuqa ñuqanchik-ta qawa-ni/-:.
Actor-object suffixes are employed both with transitive and ditransitive verbs
(Miku-ru-shunki ‘He’s going to eat you’; Kay qullqi-ta qu-sqayki ‘I’m going
to give you this money’). Actor-object suffixes may be reinforced – but not
replaced – by accusative- and dative-marked personal pronouns (Ñuqa--ta-s
harqu-ru-wa-ra-ø ‘He tossed me out, too’).
Except in the two cases 2>1pl and 3>1pl, where -chik indicates a plural object,
when either the actor or the object is plural, the verb optionally takes the joint
action suffix -pakU (3pl>2 Pay-kuna qu-paku-shunki tanta-ta qam-man. ‘They
give you.s bread’; 1>2pl Ñuqa qu-paku-yki tanta-ta qam-kuna-man ‘I give you.pl
bread’). In practice, the plural forms, although recognized, are not spontaneously
invoked.

147
4 Verbs

This information is summarized in Table 4.9. Naturally-occurring examples of

the five principal subject-object reference processes (1>2, 2>1, 3>1, 3>2, 3>1pl)
are presented in (1–45).
Table 4.9: Actor-object inflectional suffixes

1obj 2obj 1pl obj

1 sbj 5 Present: -YkIach,amv,lt,sp 5
Future: -sHQa-yki

2 sbj -wa-nkiamv,lt 5
-ma-nkiach,ch,sp

3 sbj -wa-Namv,lt -shu-nki -wa-nchikamv,lt

-ma-Nach,ch,sp -ma-nchikach,ch,sp

4.3.3 Tense
syq counts three tenses: present, past, and future (maska-nchik ‘we look for’,
maska-rqa-nchik ‘we looked for’, maska-shun ‘we will look for’). With the excep-
tion of the first person plural, person suffixes in syq are unmarked for number.
-nki corresponds to the second person singular and plural (yanapa-nki ‘you.s/pl
help; maylla-nki ‘you.s/pl wash’). -N corresponds to the third person singu-
lar and plural (taki-n ‘she/he/it/they sing(s)’). §4.3.3.1–4.3.3.3 cover the simple
present, future and past tenses, in turn.

4.3.3.1 Simple present

The present tense subject suffixes in syq are -ni and -: (1P), -nki (2P), -n (3P),
and -nchik (1pl). Examples include: (atrqay-tuku-ni/-: ‘I pretend to be an eagle’,
kundur-tuku-nki ‘you pretend to be a condor’, rutu-tuku-n ‘he pretends to be a
rutu’ (small mountain bird), qari-tuku-nchik ‘we pretend to be men’). Table 4.10
displays the present tense inflectional paradigm; Table 4.11 displays the paradigm
for present tense inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for
discussion). 1–8 supply examples.
(1) Wasiyta ñuqaqa pichakuni tallawanmi. amv
wasi-y-ta ñuqa-qa picha-ku-ni talla-wan-mi
house-1-acc I-top sweep-refl-1 straw-instr-evd
‘I sweep my house with straw.’

148
 4.3 Verb inflection

Table 4.10: Present tense inflection

Person Singular Plural

1 -nchik (dual, incl.)
-niamv,lt -niamv,lt (excl.)
-:ach,ch,sp -:ach,ch,sp (excl.)

2 -nki -nki

3 -n -n

Table 4.11: Present tense inflection – actor-object suffixes

2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-nkiamv,lt -wa-namv,lt -wa-nchikamv,lt -yki -shunki
-ma-nkiach,ch,sp -ma-nach,ch,sp -ma-nchikach,ch,sp

(2) Manam ñuqa yatra:chu. ach

mana-m ñuqa yatra-:-chu
no-evd I know-1-neg
‘I don’t know (how).’

(3) Qamqa ritamunki urquta. lt

qam-qa ri-tamu-nki urqu-ta
you-top go-irrev-2 hill-acc
‘You left for the hill for good.’

(4) Allqu mikukun wakchuchataqa. amv

allqu miku-ku-n wakchu-cha-ta-qa
dog eat-refl-3 lamb-dim-acc-top
‘The dog ate up the lamb.’

(5) Viyhunchikta ruwanchik hinashpaqa kañanchikmi. amv

viyhu-nchik-ta ruwa-nchik hinashpa-qa kaña-nchik-mi
effigy-1pl-acc make-1pl then-top burn-1pl-evd
‘We make our effigy then burn it.’

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4 Verbs

(6) Familyallan ñuqakuna suya:. ch

familya-lla-n ñuqa-kuna suya-:
family-rstr-3 I-pl wait-1
‘Just their relatives – we waited.’

(7) Kanan qamkunatr hamuyanki. sp

kanan qam-kuna-tr hamu-ya-nki
now you-pl-evc come-prog-2
‘Now you.pl are coming.’

(8) Suqta wanka vakata tumban. amv

suqta wanka vaka-ta tumba-n
six hired.hand cow-acc tackle-3
‘Six hired hands tackle the cow.’

Although it generally indicates temporally unrestricted or habitual action, the

simple present is in fact unmarked for time. Present tense forms may also receive
past tense or future tense interpretations in different contexts (qawa-chi-n ‘he
showed/shows/will show’) (9).
(9) Chaytaqa qawaykushpa valurta hapini. amv
chay-ta-qa qawa-yku-shpa valur-ta hapi-ni
dem.d-acc-top see-excep-subis courage-acc grab-1
‘Looking at that, I gathered courage.’

syq makes available a three-way distinction in the first person plural, between
ñuqanchik (dual), ñuqanchikkuna (inclusive), and ñuqakuna (exclusive). In prac-
tice, ñuqanchik is employed with dual, inclusive and exclusive interpretations
to the virtual complete exclusion of the other two forms, except in the ch di-
alect. Verbs and substantives appearing with the inclusive ñuqanchikkuna in-
flect following the same rules as do verbs and substantives appearing with the
dual/default ñuqanchik (10); verbs and substantives appearing with the exclusive
ñuqakuna inflect following the same rules as do verbs and substantives appearing
with the singular ñuqa (11).
(10) Kaypi ñuqanchikkunaqa kustumbrawmi kayanchik. amv
kay-pi nuqa-nchik-kuna-qa kustumbraw-mi ka-ya-nchik
dem.p-loc I-1pl-pl-top accustomed-evd be-prog-1pl
‘Here, we’re accustomed to it.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(11) Wañuq taytachaymi chaytaqa ñuqakunaman willawarqa. amv

wañu-q tayta-cha-y-mi chay-ta-qa ñuqa-kuna-man
die-ag father-dim-1-evd dem.d-acc-top I-pl-all
willa-wa-rqa
tell-1.obj-pst
‘Our late grandfather told that to us.’

Although ñuqa is generally interpreted as singular – likely an implicature at-

tributable to the availability of plural forms in the first person – it is, in fact,
unspecified for number and may receive plural interpretations (12).
(12) Kamapam ñuqa puñukuya: ishkayni:. ach
kama-pa-m ñuqa puñu-ku-ya-: ishkay-ni-:
bed-loc-evd I sleep-refl-prog-1 two-euph-1
‘We were both sleeping in bed.’

(13) Dispidichin churinkunata hinashpaqa kañan. amv

dispidi-chi-n churi-n-kuna-ta hinashpa-qa kaña-n
bid.farewell-caus-3 child-3-pl-acc then-top burn-3
‘One has their children say good bye and then burns it [the effigy].’

4.3.3.2 Future
The future tense suffixes in syq are -shaq (1pl), -nki (2), -nqa (3), and -shun (1s) (1–
6). Table 4.12 displays this paradim; Table 4.13 displays the paradidm of future
tense inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discus-
sion).
Table 4.12: Future tense inflection

Person Singular Plural

1 -shaq -shun

2 -nki -nki

3 -nqa -nqa

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4 Verbs

Table 4.13: Future tense inflection – actor-object suffixes

2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-nkiamv,lt -wa-nqa-øamv,lt -wa-shunamv,lt -sHQayki -shunki
-ma-nkiach,ch,sp -ma-nqa-øach,ch,sp -ma-shunach,ch,sp

(1) Manam iskapanqachu. Wañurachishaqmi. amv

mana-m iskapa-nqa-chu wañu-ra-chi-shaq-mi
no-evd escape-3.fut-neg die-urgt-caus-1.fut-evd
‘She’s not going to escape. I’ll kill her.’

(2) Ubiha:ta michimushaq vaka:ta chawarushaq kisuta ruwarushaq. sp

ubiha-:-ta michi-mu-shaq vaka-:-ta chawa-ru-shaq
sheep-1-acc pasture-cisl-1.fut cow-1-acc milk-urgt-1.fut
kisu-ta ruwa-ru-shaq
cheese-acc make-urgt-1.fut
‘I’m going to herd my sheep; I’m going to milk my cows; I’m going
to make cheese.’

(3) Vakatash harkanki vakata chawanki. amv

vaka-ta-sh harka-nki vaka-ta chawa-nki
cow-acc-evr herd-2 cow-acc milk-2
‘You’ll herd the cows; you’ll milk the cows.’

(4) Ruparinqatr. amv

rupa-ri-nqa-tr
burn-incep-3.fut-evc
‘It will be warm [tomorrow].’

(5) Shimikita sirarushun. sp

shimi-ki-ta sira-ru-shun
mouth-2-acc sew-urgt-1pl.fut
‘We’re going to sew your mouth shut.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(6) Kaytatr paqarikushun. amv

kay-ta-tr paqa-ri-ku-shun
dem.p-acc-evc wash-incep-refl-1pl.fut
‘We’ll wash this.’

The second person suffix is ambiguous between present and future tense. Second
person and third person plural suffixes are the same as those for the second and
third persons singular (7–9).
(7) Qamkunallam parlanki. ch
qam-kuna-lla-m parla-nki
you-pl-rstr-evd talk-2
‘Just you.pl are going to talk.’

(8) Qampa mamaykis taytaykis wañukunqa turikipis ñañaykipis. ach

qam-pa mama-yki-s tayta-yki-s wañu-ku-nqa turi-ki-pis
you-gen mother-2-add father-2-add die-refl-3.fut brother-2-add
ñaña-yki-pis
sister-2-add
‘Your mother and father will die, your brother and your sister, too.’

(9) Manalaq yakukta qumanqachu. ch

mana-laq yaku-kta qu-ma-nqa-chu
no-cont water-acc give-1.obj-3.fut-neg
‘They still aren’t going to give me water.’

4.3.3.3 Past
syq distinguishes between the simple past, the perfect, and the iterative past. The
simple past is indicated by the past tense morpheme -RQa (rima-rqa/ra-nchik
‘we spoke’). In practice -RQa is assigned both simple past and present perfect
(non-completive) interpretations. The quotative simple past (-sHQa) is used in
story-telling (apa-mu-sa-ø ‘she brought it’). The past tense (completive) is indi-
cated by the suffix -sHa (uyari-sa-ni ‘I heard’). The habitual past is indicated by
the agentive noun – formed by the suffixation of -q to the verb stem – in combi-
nation with the relevant present tense form of ka- ‘be’ (taki-q ka-nki ‘you used
to sing’). §4.3.3.3.1–4.3.3.3.4 cover the simple past, the narrative past, the perfect,
and the iterative past, in turn. The past conditional is covered in §4.3.4.3.

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4 Verbs

4.3.3.3.1 Simple past -RQa -RQa indicates the past tense.5 The morpheme is re-
alized -rqa in amv (1), (2); -ra in ach (3), lt (4), (5), and sp (6); and -la in ch (7), (8).
Table 4.14 displays the simple past tense inflectional paradigm; Table 4.15 dis-
plays the paradigm for simple past tense inflection with actor-object reference
(see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discussion).
Table 4.14: past tense inflection

Person Singular Plural

1 -rqa-niamv -rqa-nchikamv
-ra-nilt -ra-nchikach,sp,lt
-ra-:ach,sp -la-nchikch
-la-:ch

2 -rqa-nkiamv -rqa-nkiamv
-ra-nkiach,sp,lt -ra-nkiach,sp,lt
-la-nkich -la-nkich

3 -rqa-øamv -rqa-øamv
-ra-øach,sp,lt -ra-øach,sp,lt
-la-øch -la-øch

Table 4.15: past tense inflection – actor-object suffixes

2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-rqa-nkiamv -wa-rqa-øamv -wa-rqa-nchikamv -rqa-ykiamv -shu-rqa-nkiamv
-wa-ra-nkilt -wa-ra-ølt -wa-ra-nchiklt -ra-ykilt,ach,sp -shu-ra-nkilt,ach,sp
-ma-ra-nkiach,sp -ma-ra-øach,sp -ma-ra-nchikach,sp
-ma-la-nkich -ma-la-øch -ma-la-nchikch -la-ykich -shu-la-nkich

5
-RQa signals the preterite in all Quechuan languages; -RU , according to Cerrón-Palomino
(1987), is a later evolution in some Quechuan languages from the modal suffix -RQu (outward
direction). In Tarma Q and Pacaraos Q -rQu is now a perfective aspect marker Adelaar (1988:
18–29). An anonymous reviewer points out that in Southern Conchucos Quechua, -ru in South-
ern Conchucos Q originally indicated outward direction. It became a derivational perfective
then an inflectional past (see Hintz 2011: 192–197).

154
 4.3 Verb inflection

(1) Iskwilanta lliwta ya wamrayta puchukachirqani. amv

iskwila-n-ta lliw-ta ya wamra-y-ta puchuka-chi-rqa-ni
school-3-acc all-acc emph child-1-acc finish-caus-pst-1
‘I made all my children finish their schooling.’

(2) ¿Imapaqtaq niwarqanki? ¡Pagarullawanmantri karqa! amv

ima-paq-taq ni-wa-rqa-nki paga-ru-lla-wa-n-man-tri
what-purp-seq say-1.obj-pst-2 pay-urgt-rstr-1.obj-3-cond-evc
ka-rqa
be-pst
‘Why did you say that to me? He would have sacrificed me!’

(3) Kutikamura: lliw ganawnintin wamra: lliw listu hishpiruptinña. ach

kuti-ka-mu-ra-: lliw ganaw-ni-ntin wamra-: lliw listu
return-refl-cisl-pst-1 all cattle-euph-incl child-1 all ready
hishpi-ru-pti-n-ña
educate-urgt-subds-3-disc
‘I came back with all my cattle when my children had been educated.’

(4) Kanan Primitivoqa ñuqa istankamurani. lt

kanan Primitivo-qa ñuqa istanka-mu-ra-ni
now Primitovo-top I fill.reservoir-cisl-pst-1
‘Now Primitivo [says] I filled the reservoir.’

(5) Qam pasaypaqtriki riranki Diosninchikta tariq. lt

qam pasaypaq-tri-ki ri-ra-nki Dios-ni-nchik-ta tari-q
you completely-evc-iki go-pst-2 God-euph-1pl-acc find-ag
‘You surely went to look for our God.’

(6) Antaylumata tarirushpaqa pallakullara hinaptinshi. sp

antayluma-ta tari-ru-shpa-qa palla-ku-lla-ra
antayluma.berry-acc find-urgt-subis-top pick-refl-rstr-pst
hinaptin-shi
then-evr
‘When she found the antayluma berries, she picked them then, they
say.’

155
4 Verbs

(7) Suwanakushpatr lluqsila. ch

suwa-naku-shpa-tr lluqsi-la
steal-recip-subis-evc go.out-pst
‘They left eloping.’

(8) ¿Manachu rimidyukta apakamulanki? ch

mana-chu rimidyu-kta apa-ka-mu-la-nki
no-q remedy-acc bring-passacc-cisl-pst-2
‘You didn’t bring any medicine?’
In all five dialects, person-number inflection in the past tense is as in the present
tense, with the exception that in the third person, -n is replaced by -ø (9), (10).
(9) ¿Llaqtaykipa pasarqachu? amv
llaqta-yki-pa pasa-rqa-chu
town-2-loc pass-pst-q
‘Did [the earthquake] go through your town?’

(10) Unaymi chayna pulilaø chay tirruku. Awturidadkunakta ashushpa

wañuchiyta munala. ch
unay-mi chayna puli-la chay tirruku
before-evd thus walk-pst dem.d Shining.Path
awturidad-kuna-kta ashu-shpa wañu-chi-y-ta muna-la
authority-pl-acc approach-subis die-caus-inf-acc want-pst
‘The Shining Path walked about like that. They approached the
officials. They wanted to kill them.’
In all five dialects, -RQa indicates tense but not aspect and is thus consistent with
both perfective (11) and imperfective aspect (12–15).
(11) Alliallitayari lucharanchik wak hurquruptinqa. lt
alli-alli-ta-ya-ri lucha-ra-nchik wak
good-good-acc-emph-ari fight-pst-1pl dem.d
hurqu-ru-pti-n-qa
remove-urgt-subds-3-top
‘We fought really well when they took that out.’

(12) Manam ñuqakunaqa talpula:chu. ch

mana-m ñuqa-kuna-qa talpu-la-:-chu
no-evd I-pl-top plant-pst-1-neg
‘We haven’t planted.’

156
 4.3 Verb inflection

(13) Chayllatam tumachirqani. Manam iksistirqachu chay rantiypaq kay

Viñacpaqa wak Gloria. amv
chay-lla-ta-m tuma-chi-rqa-ni mana-m iksisti-rqa-chu
dem.d-rstr-acc-evd drink-caus-pst-1 no-evd exist-pst-neg
chay ranti-y-paq kay Viñac-pa-qa wak Gloria
dem.d sell-inf-abl dem.p Viñac-loc-top dem.d Gloria
‘I fed them only goat milk and cheese. Gloria, milk for sale, didn’t
exist here in Viñac.’

(14) Chay limpu limpu chunyakulanchik ayvis. ch

chay limpu limpu chunya-ku-la-nchik ayvis
dem.d all all silent-refl-pst-1pl sometimes
‘But we were completely silent here sometimes.’

(15) Ripukuytam munarqanchik. amv

ripu-ku-y-ta-m muna-rqa-nchik
go-refl-inf-acc-evd want-pst-1pl
‘We wanted to run away.’

Perfective aspect is, rather, indicated by the derivational suffix -RU (16–22).
(16) Uyqa, chayta kasarashpa puchukarunchik. amv
uyqa chay-ta kasara-shpa puchuka-ru-nchik
sheep dem.d-acc marry-subis finish-urgt-1pl
‘When we got married, we finished with those, the sheep.’

(17) Wak runaqa wawanta pamparun qipichaykushpam. amv

wak runa-qa wawa-n-ta pampa-ru-n
dem.d person-top baby-3-acc bury-urgt-3
qipi-cha-yku-shpa-m
carry-dim-refl-subis-evd
‘The people buried their son, carrying him.’

(18) Yaqam wañurun. ach

yaqa-m wañu-ru-n
almost-evd die-urgt-3
‘He almost died.’

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4 Verbs

(19) Pusuman hiqaykuruni. kaypaq urayman. lt

pusu-man hiqa-yku-ru-ni kay-paq uray-man
reservoir-all go.down-excep-urgt-1 dem.p-abl down.hill-all
‘I fell towards the reservoir. From here down hill.’

(20) Mana ganaw uywaqkunaman chayman partikurun. sp

mana ganaw uywa-q-kuna-man chay-man parti-ku-ru-n
no cattle raise-ag-pl-all dem.d-all divide-refl-urgt-3
‘They distributed it to those who don’t raise cattle.’

(21) Disparisirunñam. Manam uyari:chu. sp

disparisi-ru-n-ña-m mana-m uyari-:-chu
disappear-urgt-3-disc-evd no-evd hear-1-neg
‘They disappeared already. I don’t hear them [anymore].’

(22) Chay walmita talilushpaqa apalunñam uspitalman. ch

chay walmi-ta tali-lu-shpa-qa apa-lu-n-ña-m
dem.d woman-acc find-urgt-subis-top bring-urgt-3-disc-evd
uspital-man
hospital-all
‘When they found the woman they took her to the hospital.’

-rQa and -Ru are thus not in paradigmatic opposition and differ in their distri-
bution. -RQa, but not -Ru, is used in the construction of the habitual past (23),
(24) and the past conditional (2), (25); while -Ru, but not -RQa, may be used in
combination with -sHa (26), (27) as well as with -shpa (6), (22) and -pti (3), (28),
(29), in which case it indicates the precedence of the subordinated event to the
main-clause event.
(23) Dumingunpa kisuta apaq kara: (*karu:) ishkay. ach
dumingu-n-pa kisu-ta apa-q ka-ra-: ishkay
Sunday-3-loc cheese-acc bring-ag be-pst-1 two
‘On Sundays, I would bring two cheeses.’

(24) Trayamushpa manchachikuq kala. ch

traya-mu-shpa mancha-chi-ku-q ka-la
arrive-cisl-subis scare-caus-refl-ag be-pst
‘When she came, she would scare them.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(25) Kundinakurunmantri kara (*karun) qullqi chay kasa. sp

kundina-ku-ru-n-man-tri ka-ra qullqi chay ka-sa
condemn-refl-urgt-3-cond-evc be-pst money dem.d be-npst
‘She would have condemned herself – that was money.’

(26) Cañeteta ayarikura:. Ispusu:ta listaman trurarusa (*trurarqasa,

*trurasarqa). ach
Cañete-ta ayari-ku-ra-: ispusu-:-ta lista-man
Cañete-acc escape-refl-pst-1 husband-1-acc list-all
trura-ru-sa
put-urgt-npst
‘I escaped to Cañete. They had put my husband on the list.’

(27) Chayllapaq willakarusa. (*willakarqasa). ach

chay-lla-paq willa-ka-ru-sa
dem.d-rstr-abl tell-passacc-urgt-npst
‘That’s why they had told on him.’

(28) Chay hawlaruptinshi, atuq trayarun (*hawlaraptin). sp

chay hawla-ru-pti-n-shi atuq traya-ru-n
dem.d cage-urgt-subds-3-evr fox arrive-urgt-3
‘When he had caged [the rabbit], the fox arrived.’

(29) Chay mulapaq siqaykuruptin puñukuratrik shinkaqqa. ach

chay mula-paq siqa-yku-ru-pti-n
dem.d mule-abl go.down-excep-urgt-subds-3
puñu-ku-ra-tri-k shinka-q-qa
sleep-refl-pst-evc-ik get.drunk-ag-top
‘When he fell off that mule, the drunk must have been asleep.’

4.3.3.3.2 Quotative simple past tense -sHQa In syq, as in other Quechuan

languages, when speakers have only second-hand knowledge of the events they
report, they may recur to a another past tense form, -sHQa, often referred to
as the “narrative past” because it is used systematically in story-telling. In syq,
-sHQa – realized as -sa in ach, amv and sp and as -sha in ch and lt – is used
predominantly in story-telling (1), (2), historical narrative (3–5), and, generally,
in relating information one has received from others (6–10).

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4 Verbs

(1) Huklla atuqshi kasa. sp

huk-lla atuq-shi ka-sa
one-rstr fox-evr be-npst
‘[Once upon a time] there was a fox, they say.’

(2) Chay ukucha kasa maqtatukushpa. amv

chay ukucha ka-sa maqta-tuku-shpa
dem.d mouse be-npst young.man-simul-subis
‘It was a rat pretending to be a man.’

(3) Hinashpa qalay qalay Chavin miniruwanshi partisa. ach

hinashpa qalay qalay Chavin miniru-wan-shi parti-sa
then all all Chavin miner-instr-evr divide-npst
‘Then they divided everything up with the Chavin miners.’

(4) Chay intanadanqa ayqikusa. ach

chay intanada-n-qa ayqi-ku-sa
dem.d step.daughter-3-top escape-refl-npst
‘His step-daughter escaped.’

(5) Tariramusha armata. lt

tari-ra-mu-sha arma-ta
find-urgt-cisl-npst weapon-acc
‘They found firearms.’

(6) “¡Mátalo!” nishashiki. ch

mátalo ni-sha-shi-ki
[Spanish] say-npst-evr-iki
‘“Kill him!” she said, they say.’

(7) Wañukachishpash qipirusa karuta mana disiyananpaq. amv

wañu-ka-chi-shpa-sh qipi-ru-sa karu-ta mana
die-passacc-caus-subis-evr carry-urgt-npst far-acc no
disya-na-n-paq
suspect-nmlz-3-purp
‘When she killed him, they say, she carried him far, so they wouldn’t
suspect.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(8) Wak warmiqa llaman qutuq risa. Mayuta pawayashpash siqaykurusa;

karu karutash aparusa. amv
wak warmi-qa llama-n qutu-q ri-sa mayu-ta
dem.d woman-top llama-3 gather-ag go-pst river-acc
pawa-ya-shpa-sh siqa-yku-ru-sa karu karu-ta-sh
jump-prog-subis-evr go.down-excep-urgt-npst far far-acc-evr
apa-ru-sa
bring-urgt-npst
‘That woman went to gather up her llamas. Jumping the river, she
fell and [the river] took her far, they say.’

(9) Fiystaman hamushpa siqaykurusha. ach

fiysta-man hamu-shpa siqa-yku-ru-sha
festival-all come-subis go.down-excep-urgt-npst
‘When they were coming to the festival they fell [into the canyon].’

(10) Wak runaqa achka aychata aparamusa llama aychash sibadawan

kambyakunanpaq. amv
wak runa-qa achka aycha-ta apa-ra-mu-sa llama
dem.d person-top a.lot meat-acc bring-urgt-cisl-npst llama
aycha-sh sibada-wan kambya-ku-na-n-paq
meat-evr barley-instr exchange-refl-nmlz-3-purp
‘Those people brought a lot of meat – llama meat, they say, to
exchange for barley.’
It may also be used in dream reports (11).
(11) Lliw lliw kuchihinam mituman yaykurusa. sp
lliw lliw kuchi-hina-m mitu-man yayku-ru-sa
all all pig-comp-evd mud-all enter-urgt-npst
‘All, like pigs, entered the mud.’
The morpheme is realized as -shqa, it seems, only in the first or culminating line
of a story, and rarely even there (12).
(12) Ishkay Wanka samakushqa huk matraypi, tarukapa kasanpi. Wama
wamaq karka kasa. amv
ishkay Wanka sama-ku-shqa huk matray-pi, taruka-pa
two Wanka rest-refl-npst one cave-loc taruka-gen
ka-sa-n-pi wama wamaq karka ka-sa
be-prf-3-loc a.lot a.lot manure be-npst

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4 Verbs

‘Two Huancayoans were resting in a cave, in some tarucas’ place.

There was a whole lot of manure.’
-RQa and -Ru, may also be employed in the same contexts as is -sHQa, even in
combination with the reportative evidential, -shI (13), (14).
(13) Rutupis ingañarqash maqtatukushpa pashñata. amv
rutu-pis ingaña-rqa-sh maqta-tuku-shpa pashña-ta
rutu.bird-add trick-pst-evr young.man-simul-subis girl-acc
‘A rutu-bird, too, deceived a girl by making himself out to be a
young man, they say.’

(14) Millisunqa wañururqash huknin. amv

millisu-n-qa wañu-ru-rqa-sh huk-ni-n
twin-3-top die-urgt-pst-evr one-euph-3
‘His twin, the other one, died, they say.’

Inside quotations in story-telling, RQa and -Ru are generally employed (15), (16).
(15) Trayarunshari, ‘¿Maymi chay warmiy?’ amv
traya-ru-n-sh-ari, may-mi chay warmi-y
arrive-urgt-evr-ari where-evd dem.d woman-1
‘The condor arrived, they say, [and said], “Where is my wife?”’

(16) Chaynam kundur qipiwarqa matrayta chaypi wawakuruni. amv

chayna-m kundur qipi-wa-rqa matray-ta chaypi
thus-evd condor carry-1.obj-pst cave-acc dem.d-loc
wawa-ku-ru-ni
give.birth-refl-urgt-1
‘That condor carried me like that to a cave and I gave birth there.’

4.3.3.3.3 Perfect -sHa – realized as -sa in ach, amv and sp and as -sha in ch
and lt – may be argued sometimes to admit interpretations cognate with the En-
glish perfect, indicating events beginning in the past and either continuing into
the present or with effects continuing into the present (1–3). Table 4.16 displays
the paradigm for perfect inflection with -sHa; Table 4.17 displays the paradigm
for the inflection of -sHa for actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for
discussion).

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 4.3 Verb inflection

Table 4.16: Inflection of -sHa

Person Singular Plural

1 -sa-niamv -sa-nchikamv,ach,sp
-sha-nilt -sha-nchikch,lt
-sha-:ch
-sa-:amv,sp

2 -sa-nkiamv,ach,sp -sa-nkiamv,ach,sp
-sha-nkich,lt -sha-nkich,lt

3 -sa-øamv,ach,sp -sa-øamv,ach,sp
-sha-øch,lt -sha-øch,lt

Table 4.17: Inflection of sHa – actor-object suffixes

2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-sa-nkiamv -wa-sa-øamv -wa-sa-nchikamv -sa-ykiamv,ach,sp N/A
-wa-sha-nkilt -wa-sha-ølt -wa-sha-nchiklt -sha-ykilt,ch N/A
-ma-sa-nkiach,sp -ma-sa-øach,sp -ma-sa-nchikach,sp
-ma-sha-nkich -ma-sha-øch -ma-sha-nchikch

(1) Chay alkulta mana tapasanichu. amv

chay alkul-ta mana tapa-sa-ni-chu
dem.d alcohol-acc no cover-sa-1-neg
‘I haven’t capped that alcohol.’

(2) Grasyusu kasanki. amv

grasyusu ka-sa-nki
funny be-sa-2
‘You’ve been funny.’

(3) Mikushayari. Mikushayari. lt

miku-sha-y-ari miku-sha-y-ari
miku-sha-emph-ari eat-sha-emph-ari
‘They’ve eaten them, all right. They’ve eaten them.’

163
4 Verbs

That said, the non-nominalizing instances of -sHa in the corpus, almost with-
out exception, have more readily-available interpretations as narrative pasts (see
§4.3.3.3.2) (4).6
(4) Mulankunawan kargarikushpa pasan wañurichishpa wak Chavin
lawpash. Hinashpa qalay qalay Chavin miniruwanshi partisa. ach
mula-n-kuna-wan karga-ri-ku-shpa pasa-n
mule-3-pl-instr carry-incep-refl-subis pass-3
wañu-ri-chi-shpa wak Chavin law-pa-sh hinashpa qalay
die-incep-caus-subis dem.d Chavin side-loc-evr then all
qalay Chavin miniru-wan-shi parti-sa
all Chavin miner-instr-evr divide-sa
‘Carrying everything with their mules, they left, killing people over
by Chavin, they say. Then they divided up absolutely everything
with the miners.’
Indeed, speakers offer only simple past translations for verbs suffixed with -sHa;
perfect translations may be offered, rather, for -Rqa, -RU (very rarely), or the
present7 (5–7) (see §4.3.3.3.1).8
(5) ‘¿Maypaqtaq suwamuranki?’ nishpa. lt
may-paq-taq suwa-mu-ra-nki ni-shpa
where-abl-seq steal-cisl-pst-2 say-subis
‘“Where have you stolen these from?” he said.’

(6) Kananqa shimi:lla qacharun hat-hatun. sp

kanan-qa shimi-:-lla qacha-ru-n hat-hatun
now-top mouth-1-rstr rip-urgt-3 big-big
‘Now my mouth has ripped open wide.’

6
The corpus counts 1157 instances of -sHa; a sample of 50 turned up no translation to the Spanish
perfect.
7
In elicitation sessions, speakers of syq do interpret -ri as indicating the present perfect; in a
sample of 50 of the 353 instances of -Ri in the corpus, however, only once did the speakers
assign it a perfect interpretation (Spkr 1: Yapa-mi-k kuti-nqa, ¿aw? Spkr 2: Puchuka-ri -n-chu.
‘She’s going to go back again, no?’ ‘She hasn’t finished yet.’)
8
The the translations in (1–3) were proposed only to suggest possible perfect interpretations of
sentences that, I argued, are better interpreted as narrative pasts.

164
 4.3 Verb inflection

(7) Ni pi qawanchu ni pi tarinchu. ach

ni pi qawa-n-chu ni pi tari-n-chu
nor who see-3-neg nor who find-3-neg
‘No one has seen her and no one has found her.’

Speakers do consistently translate the combination of -RU and -sHa with the
Spanish past perfect (8–10); in Andean Spanish, however, this construction does
not share the semantics of the Standard Spanish.9
(8) ¡Wak suwa liyunqa ubihayta tumbarusa! amv
wak suwa liyun-qa ubiha-y-ta tumba-ru-sa
dem.d thief lion-top sheep-1-acc knock.down-urgt-sa
‘That thieving puma had knocked off my sheep!’

(9) Trakraymi tuñirun. Yakutam katraykurusa. amv

trakra-y-mi tuñi-ru-n yaku-ta-m katra-yku-ru-sa
field-1-evd crumble-urgt-3 water-acc-evd release -excep-urgt-sa
‘My field washed away. They had released water.’

(10) Payllatam wañurachira runa … hapirusa karrupi. ach

pay-lla-ta-m wañu-ra-chi-ra runa hapi-ru-sa karrupi
he-rstr-acc-evd die-urgt-caus-pst person grab-urgt-sa car-loc
‘The people killed just him … They had grabbed him on the bus.’

Given, however, the restrictions on the distribution of -RU-sHa – it inflects only

for third person10 and it is not contentful either with stative verbs or with the
copulative, ka- – it is improbable that it that would constitute the language’s prin-
cipal strategy for rendering the past perfect. Rather, to indicate the sequence of
two completed events, speakers of syq generally employ ether the subordinator
-pti (11), (12) or a connective like hinashpa or hinaptin (13).11

9
This construction generally can only awkwardly be translated as a past perfect in English,
however.
10
The corpus counts 330 instances of -RU (-ø/-chi/-mu) -sHa; in only two cases is it not inflected
for third person.
11
It has been suggested to me that an additional function of -sHa might be to indicate ‘sudden
discovery’ (Adelaar 1977) or surprise. That is, -sHa might indicate the mirative, as do the perfect
marker -shka in Ecuadorian Q (Muysken 1977) and ‘non-experienced’ past tense marker -sqa
in Cuzco Q (Faller 2003) (as cited in Peterson 2014: 223–33). This is a hypothesis I am currently
investigating.

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4 Verbs

(11) Liluptinqa, li:. ch

li-lu-pti-n-qa li-:
go-urgt-subds-3-top go-1
‘When (after) he went, I went.’

(12) Hinaptinshi iskinapa kayaptin baliyarun. ach

hinaptin-shi iskina-pa ka-ya-pti-n baliya-ru-n
then-evr corner-loc be-prog-subds-3 shoot-urgt-3
‘Then, they say, when he was in the corner, they shot him.’

(13) Suyarusa hinashpa maqarusa. Chayshi nirqamik tumarun. amv

suya-ru-sa hinashpa maqa-ru-sa chay-shi ni-rqa-mi-k
wait-urgt-sa then beat-urgt-sa dem.d-evr say-pst-evd-ik
tuma-ru-n
take-urgt-3
‘She had waited for her then she had hit her. That’s why he took [the
poison], they say.’

4.3.3.3.4 Habitual past -q ka- The habitual past is indicated by the combina-
tion of the agentive noun – formed by the addition of -q to the verb stem – and
the relevant present tense form of ka- ‘be’ (zero in the third person) (1–4). Ta-
ble 4.18 displays this paradim; Table 4.19 displays the paradidm of habitual past
inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for discussion).
Table 4.18: Habitual past inflection

Person Singular Plural

1 -q ka-niamv,lt -q ka-nchik
-q ka-:ach,ch,sp

2 -q ka-nki -q ka-nki

3 -q -q

(1) Wak Marcopukyopa, triguta hurqupakamuq kani. amv

wak Marcopukyo-pa, trigu-ta hurqu-paka-mu-q ka-ni
dem.d Marcopukyo-loc wheat-acc remove-mutben-cisl-ag be-1
‘There in Marcopukyo, I used to harvest wheat.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

Table 4.19: Habitual past inflection – actor-object suffixes

2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-q ka-nkiamv,lt -wa-qamv,lt N/A N/A N/A
-ma-q ka-nkiach,ch,sp -ma-qach,ch,sp

(2) Chayhina puriq kanchik ayvis fusfuru puchukaruq. amv

chay-hina puri-q ka-nchik ayvis fusfuru puchuka-ru-q
dem.d-comp walk-ag be-1pl sometimes match finish-urgt-ag
‘We would walk around like that; sometimes the matches would run
out.’

(3) Awturidadkunaqa pakakuq huk law likuq. ch

awturidad-kuna-qa paka-ku-q huk law li-ku-q
authority-pl-top hide-refl-ag one side go-refl-ag
‘The officials would hide, they would go other places.’

(4) Chay tirruristawan kay Azángaropaq rikuyaq. Wama wamaq

piliyakuyaq. ach
chay tirrurista-wan kay Azángaro-paq riku-ya-q wama
dem.d terrorist-instr dem.p Azángaro-abl go-prog-ag a.lot
wamaq piliya-ku-ya-q
a.lot fight-refl-prog-ag
‘They would be going from Azángaro with the terrorists. They
would be fighting a lot.’
Generally translated in Spanish with the imperfect, the structure can be trans-
lated in English as ‘used to V’ or ‘would V’. Object suffixes precede -q (5), (6).
(5) Wasiyta hamuruptiy uquchiwaq. Huk vidatam wakwanqa
pukllarirqani. amv
wasi-y-ta hamu-ru-pti-y uqu-chi-wa-q huk
house-1-acc come-urgt-subds-1 wet-caus-1.obj-ag one
vida-ta-m wak-wan-qa puklla-ri-rqa-ni
life-acc-evd dem.d-instr-top play-incep-pst-1
‘When I would come home, they would get me wet. I played around
with them a lot.’

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4 Verbs

(6) Taytacha: willamaq chayhinam antigwu viyhukuna purira nishpa. sp

tayta-cha-: willa-ma-q chay-hina-m antigwu viyhu-kuna
father-dim-1 tell-1.obj-ag dem.d-comp-evd ancient old-pl
puri-ra ni-shpa
walk-pst say- subis
‘My grandfather used to tell me [stories]. The ancients walked about
like that, he said.’

4.3.4 Conditional
syq verbs inflect for conditionality, present and past. Two different forms in-
dicate the conditional in syq. The first, the regular conditional, is attested in
all persons, singular and plural, in all dialects. Alternative conditional forms are
attested in the first person plural in all dialects and in the second person both sin-
gular and plural in the amv dialect. Both the regular and alternative conditional
may be interpreted as ability, circumstantial, deontological, epistemological, and
teleological modals, both existential and universal, at least. For more extensive
discussion of the interpretation of the conditional under the scope of the various
evidential enclitics and their modifiers, see §6.2.11.

4.3.4.1 Regular conditional (potential) -man

All syq dialects indicate the conditional with the suffix -man. In the first person,
it is the person-number suffixes of the nominal (possessive) paradigm that are
used in combination with -man (i.e., -y and not -ni is used for the first-person sin-
gular in the qii-alligned dialects) (28). -man follows all other inflectional suffixes
(ri-nki-man *ri-man-ni-nki) (34); -man is in complementary distribution with
tense morphemes (*ri-rqa-nki-man) (the examples cited are given in §4.3.4.2).
Table 4.20 displays this paradigm; Table 4.21 displays the paradigm of regular
conditional inflection with actor-object reference (see Subsection 4.3.2.2 for dis-
cussion).

4.3.4.2 Modality
The syq conditional covers far more territory than does the conditional in Span-
ish or English, receiving ability (1–5), circumstantial (6), (7), (8), deontic (9), (10),
(11), (12), teleological (13), (14), and epistemological (15), (16), (17) modal readings,
both existential and universal. Table 4.22 displys the modal system of syq.

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 4.3 Verb inflection

Table 4.20: Regular conditional inflection

Person Singular Plural

1 -y-manamv,lt -nchik-man
-:-manach,ch,sp

2 -nki-man -nki-man

3 -n-man -n-man

Table 4.21: Regular conditional inflection – actor-object suffixes

2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-nki-manamv,lt -wa-n-manamv,lt -wa-nchik-manamv,lt -yki-man -shu-nki-man
-ma-nki-manach,ch,sp -ma-n-manach,ch,sp -ma-nchik-manach,ch,sp

Table 4.22: Modal system

Existential Universal*
Ability V-cond-evd x
qawa-n-man-mi
manam V-inf-acc
atipa-infl-chu *ev
manam qawa-y-ta atipa-n-chu

Circumstantial V-cond-evd x
wiña-n-man-mi

Deontic V-cond-evd V-cond-evd

qawa-n-man-mi qawa-n-man-mi
Hawka V-fut-evd V-nmlz-poss-evd (be-pst)
hawka qawa-nqa-m qawa-na-n-mi

Epistemic V-cond-evc V-cond-evc (be-pst)

qawa-n-man-tri qawa-n-man-tri

Teleological V-cond-evd V-cond-evd

qawa-n-man-mi qawa-n-man-mi
V-pres-evd V-pres-evd
qawa-n-mi qawa-n-m

*The verbs usHachi- ‘be able’, puydi- ‘be able’, and yatra- ‘know’ can replace atipa-.

169
4 Verbs

(1) Kanan chayta rinman. lt

kanan chay-ta ri-n-man
now dem.d-acc go-3-cond
‘Now, he could go there.’

(2) ¿Manachu kuska linman? ch

mana-chu kuska li-n-man
no-q together go-3-cond
‘Can’t they go together?’

(3) Ulvidaru:, manayá yuyari:manchu. sp

ulvida-ru-: mana-yá yuyari-:-man-chu
forget-urgt-1 no-emph remember-1-cond-neg
‘I’ve forgotten. I can’t remember.’

(4) ¿Imatataq ruwankiman? ¿Imatataq ruwanman? ach

ima-ta-taq ruwa-nki-man ima-ta-taq ruwa-n-man
what-acc-seq make-2-cond what-acc-seq make-3-cond
‘What can you do? What can they do?’

(5) Manañam kawsa:manchu. ch

mana-ña-m kawsa-:-man-chu
no-disc-evd live-1-cond-neg
‘I can’t live any more.’

(6) Manatr wak lawpa pastu kanmanchu. amv

mana-tr wak law-pa pastu ka-n-man-chu
no-evc dem.d side-loc pasture.grass be-3-cond-neg
‘There can’t be any pasture on that side.’

(7) Sarurullawanman. amv

saru-ru-lla-wa-n-man
trample-urgt-rstr-1.obj-3-cond
‘She could trample me.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(8) Suwapis rikarunman chaypa. ach

suwa-pis rika-ru-n-man chay-pa
thief-add see-urgt-3-cond dem.d-loc
‘Thieves also can pop up around there.’

(9) Wawakunkimanmi hukllatas. ach

wawa-ku-nki-man-mi huk-lla-ta-s
give.birth-refl-2-cond-evd one-rstr-acc-add
‘You should give birth to at least one [child].’

(10) Yatarunkimantaq. amv

yata-ru-nki-man-taq
catch-urgt-2-cond-seq
‘Be careful not to catch it.’

(11) Chayshi manash invidyusu kaytaq atipanchikmanchu. lt

chay-shi mana-sh invidyusu kay-taq atipa-nchik-man-chu
dem.d-evr no-evr jealous dem.p-seq be.able-1pl-cond-neg
‘That’s why we shouldn’t be jealous.’

(12) Ishchallataña shutuykachiyman, ¿aw? amv

ishcha-lla-ta-ña shutu-yka-chi-y-man aw
little-rstr-acc-disc drip-excep-caus-1-cond yes
‘I should make it drip just a little, right?’

(13) Allin nutata surqunaykipaq istudyankimanmiki. † amv

allin nuta-ta surqu-na-yki-paq istudya-nki-man-mi-ki
good grade-acc take.out-nmlz-2-purp study-2-cond-evd-iki
‘If you want to get good grades, you have to study.’

(14) Agua floridata u krisutapis apamunkimanmi. ach

agua florida-ta u krisu-ta-pis apa-mu-nki-man-mi
water florida-acc or Croesus-acc-add bring-cisl-2-cond-evd
‘You can bring florida water or croesus [so as not to get sick].’

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4 Verbs

(15) Wasikunapis saqaykunmantri fwirti kaptinqa. amv

wasi-kuna-pis saqa-yku-n-man-tri fwirti ka-pti-n-qa
house-pl-add go.down-excep-3-cond-evc strong be-subds-3-top
‘The houses, also, could fall if there were a strong one [earthquake].’

(16) Chayqa waqayan. ¿Imataq kanman? sp

chay-qa waqa-ya-n ima-taq ka-n-man
dem.d-top cry-prog-3 what-seq be-3-cond
‘It’s crying. What could that be?’

(17) Wañukunmantriki.¿Imayna mana kutikamunmanchu? ach

wañu-ku-n-man-tri-ki imayna mana
die-refl-3-cond-evc-iki how no
kuti-ka-mu-n-man-chu
return-refl-cisl-3-cond-neg
‘He might have died. Why can’t he come back?’
As detailed in §6.2.11, syq modals are themselves unspecified for force: modal
force is determined by context and is generally specified by the evidential modi-
fiers. Weak modal readings result when the modal is under the scope either of no
evidential or of an evidential modified by the evidential modifier ø; strong univer-
sal readings result when the evidential is modified by the evidential modifier -iki
(siqa-yku-n-man-tri-ø ‘it might fall’, siqa-yku-n-man-tri-ki ‘it will most likely
fall’; istudya-nki-man-mi-ø ‘you should study’, istudya-nki-man-mi-ki ‘you must
study’); moderately strong modal readings result when the modifier -ik takes
scope over the modal. Ability modals also result from the combination of the
infinitive and the verb atipa- ‘be able’ (18–19).
(18) Manaña riyta atipanchu pishipakuyan. amv
mana-ña ri-y-ta atipa-n-chu pishipa-ku-ya-n
no-disc go-inf-acc be.able-3-neg tire-refl-prog-3
‘They can’t go – they’re getting tired.’

(19) Wawan kaptinqa, manaña uywayta atipanchu. ach

wawa-n ka-pti-n-qa, mana-ña uywa-y-ta atipa-n-chu
baby-3 be-subds-3-top no-disc raise-inf-acc be.able-3-neg
‘When they have babies, they can’t raise [cattle] any more.’
The verbs usHachi- and puydi-, both translated ‘be able,’ as well as yatra- ‘know’
may also be employed in this construction (20–22).

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(20) Chay ninaman pawayta hawanta munayan mana usachinchu. amv

chay nina-man pawa-y-ta hawa-n-ta muna-ya-n mana
dem.d fire-all jump-inf-acc above-3-acc want-prog-3 no
usachi-n-chu
be.able-3-neg
‘They want to jump over the fire, but they can’t.’

(21) Piluntaqa yupayanshari chay chapupaqta. Ushachinchu yupayta. amv

pilu-n-ta-qa yupa-ya-n-sh-ari chay chapu-paq-ta
hair-3-acc-top count-prog-3-evr-ari dem.d little.dog-gen-acc
ushachi-n-chu yupa-y-ta
be.able-3-neg count-inf-acc
‘[The zombie] is counting the hairless dog’s hairs. He can’t count
them.’

(22) Puriyta yatranñam. amv

puri-y-ta yatra-n-ña-m
walk-inf-acc know-3-disc-evd
‘She can already walk.’
atipa-, usHachi-, and puydi- appear in verbal constructions only when negated;
they appear non-negated only in nominalizations (23), (24).
(23) Hinashpa trayarushpaqa … waqtakuyanchikña atipasanchikkama. ch
hinashpa traya-ru-shpa-qa waqta-ku-ya-nchik-ña
then arrive-urgt-subis-top hit-refl-prog-1pl-disc
atipa-sa-nchik-kama
be.able-prf-1pl-lim
‘Then, when you get there, when there is any, you’re already hitting
it as much as you can.’

(24) Burrunchikwan rinchik Cañetekama maykamapis

atipasanchikkama. amv
burru-nchik-wan ri-nchik Cañete-kama may-kama-pis
donkey-1pl-instr go-1pl Cañete-lim where-lim-add
atipa-sa-nchik-kama
be.able-prf-1pl-lim
‘With our donkeys we went to Cañete, to wherever, wherever we
could.’

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4 Verbs

Universal deontic readings additionally follow from the combination of the nom-
inalizer, -na with nominal (possessive) person inflection (25); they are available,
too, with the simple present tense.
(25) Chaymi vaka harkaq rikunaykimiki. amv
chay-mi vaka harka-q riku-na-yki-mi-ki
dem.d-evd cow herd-ag go-nmlz-2-evd-iki
‘That’s why you have to go pasture the cows.’

In (26), the adverb hawka ‘tranquil’ modifying a future tense verb receives an
existential deontic modal reading. As detailed in §6.2.11.3, under the scope of
the conjectural evidential, -trI , conditionals are generally restricted to epistemic
interpretations; under the scope of the direct evidential -mI , they receive all but
conjectural interpretations.
(26) Hawkañam tushunqa. amv
hawka-ña-m tushu-nqa
tranquil-disc-evd dance-3.fut
‘She can go dancing.’

Attaching to verbs inflected with second-person -iki, -man, may be interpreted

as a caution (27).
(27) Viñacta rishpa kichkata manam saruramunkiman. amv
Viñac-ta ri-shpa kichka-ta mana-m saru-ra-mu-nki-man
Viñac-acc go-subis thorn-acc no-evd trample-urgt-cisl-2-cond
‘Be careful not to step on thorns when you go to Viñac.’

And finally, it appears that -man never attaches to either of the alternative-
conditional morphemes, -waq or -chuman.12 This information is summarized in
Table 4.22 (examples are given for the third person with the verb qawa- ‘see’).
(28) Ruwayman lliw lliw. amv
ruwa-y-man lliw lliw
make-1-cond all all
‘I can do everything.’

12
I have not yet tested these for grammaticality in elicitation sessions. I can only say that
in a corpus with 85 instances of -iki-man and 24 instances of -nchick-man, *-waq-man and
*-chuwan-man remain unattested.

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(29) Suwakunmantriki. lt
suwa-ku-n-man-tri-ki
rob-refl-3-cond-evc-iki
‘[Where it’s abandoned] it’s very likely they will rob [you].’

(30) Turantin siqaykurusa. Chay ukupaqa puchukarunmantriki. amv

tura-ntin siqa-yku-ru-sa chay uku-pa-qa
bull-incl go.down-excep-urgt-npst dem.d inside-loc-top
puchuka-ru-n-man-tri-ki
finish-urgt-3-cond-evc-iki
‘He fell [from the roof] with the bull. He really might [have] been
finished off inside.’

(31) Qutrash. Manash pawayta atipanchu chaypaq. amv

qutra-sh mana-sh pawa-y-ta atipa-n-chu chaypaq
reservoir-evr no-evr jump-inf-acc be.able-3-neg dem.d-abl
‘It’s a lake, they say. They can’t jump out of there, they say.’

(32) ¡Kwidadu! Chaypitaq qalqali mikulushunkiman. ch

kwidadu chay-pi-taq qalqali miku-lu-shunki-man
be.careful dem.d-loc-seq zombie eat-urgt-3>2-cond
‘Be careful! A zombie could eat you there.’

(33) Manam wañu:manchu. sp

mana-m wañu-:-man-chu
no-evd die-1-cond-neg
‘I can’t die.’

(34) Mana chichiyuq kaptikiqa chayna lluqarishunkimantri. amv

mana chichi-yuq ka-pti-ki-qa chayna
no breast-poss be-subds-2-top thus
lluqa-ri-shu-nki-man-tri
walk.grabbing-incep-2.obj-2-cond-evc
‘If you don’t have breasts they might lean on you.’

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4 Verbs

(35) Sarurullawanman manam saruwanantaq munanichu. amv

saru-ru-lla-wa-n-man mana-m saru-wa-na-n-taq
trample-urgt-rstr-1.obj-3-cond no-evd trample-1.obj-nmlz-3-seq
muna-ni-chu
want-1-neg
‘She might trample me. I don’t want her to trample me.’

4.3.4.3 Alternative conditional -waq and -chuwan

Alternative conditional forms are attested in the second person both singular and
plural in the amv dialect and first person plural in all dialects. -waq indicates
the second person conditional (1–3); -chuwan indicates the first person plural
conditional (4–7); -waq may be explicitly pluralized with -pa(:)ku (8).
(1) ¿Imallatapis mikuchaykuwaqchu mamay? amv
ima-lla-ta-pis miku-cha-yku-waq-chu mama-y?
what-rstr-acc-add eat-dim-excep-2.cond-q mother-1
‘Can you eat any little thing, Miss?’

(2) Wak tinapa alchawaq. amv

wak tina-pa alcha-waq
dem.d tub-loc fix-2.cond
‘You can fix it in that tub.’

(3) ¡Ama! Huk lawman hitraykurullawaq. amv

ama huk law-man hitra-yku-ru-lla-waq
proh one side-all spill-excep-urgt-rstr-2.cond
‘Don’t! Be careful you don’t spill it on the other side.’

(4) Ratu ratum chaywanqa shinkaruchuwan. ach

ratu ratu-m chay-wan-qa shinka-ru-chuwan
moment moment-evd dem.d-instr-top get.drunk-urgt-1pl.cond
‘We can get drunk really quickly with that.’

(5) Huk quptinqa mikuruchuwanmi. ach

huk qu-pti-n-qa miku-ru-chuwan-mi
one give-subds-3-top eat-urgt-1pl.cond-evd
‘When another gives, we can eat.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(6) Manañam kwintakuchuwanñachu. lt

mana-ña-m kwinta-ku-chuwan-ña-chu
no-disc-evd account-refl-1pl.cond-disc-neg
‘We can no longer become aware of it.’

(7) Tutayaqpaq, manam imatapis ruwachuwan. amv

tuta-ya-q-paq mana-m ima-ta-pis ruwa-chuwan
night-inch-ag-loc no-evd what-acc-add make-1pl.cond
‘In the darkness, we couldn’t do anything.’

(8) Yanapapakuwaq. amv

yanapa-paku-waq
help-jtacc-2.cond
‘You.pl should help.’

Both morphemes simultaneously indicate person and conditionality and both

are in complementary distribution with both tense and inflectional morphemes.
-w/ma-chuwan is used with a first-person plural object (9–12).
(9) Vininamachuwantri. ach
vinina-ma-chuwan-tri
poison-1.obj-1pl.cond-evc
‘It can poison us.’

(10) Sapallanchiktaqa mikurumachuwantri. ach

sapa-lla-nchik-ta-qa miku-ru-ma-chuwan-tri
alone-rest-1pl-acc-top eat-urgt-1.obj-1pl.cond
‘[When we’re] alone, [the Devil] can eat us.’

(11) Dibil kaptinchik chukaruwachuwanyá. amv

dibil ka-pti-nchik chuka-ru-wa-chuwan-yá
weak be-subds-1pl crash-urgt-1.obj-1pl.cond-emph
‘When we’re weak, it can make us sick.’

(12) Midiku hudiruwachuwanmi. amv

midiku hudi-ru-wa-chuwan-mi
doctor screw-urgt-1.obj-1pl.cond-evd
‘Doctors can screw us up.’

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4 Verbs

Ability (13), (14), circumstantial (15), deontic (16), (19) epistemic (17) and teleolog-
ical (18) readings are all available. If a word ends with -chuwan, stress is shifted
to the antipenultimate syllable (19).
(13) ¿Vakata chuqamuwaqchu? amv
vaka-ta chuqa-mu-waq-chu
cow-acc throw.stones-cisl-2.cond-q
‘Can you throw stones at [herd] cows?’

(14) Yaku usun chaymi llaqtata rishaq. Manam rigachuwanchu. lt

yaku usu-n chay-mi llaqta-ta ri-shaq
water waste.on.the.ground-3 dem.d-evd town-acc go-1.fut
mana-m riga-chuwan-chu
no-evd irrigate-1pl.cond-neg
‘Water is spilling. So I’m going to go to town. We can’t irrigate.’

(15) Kayanmi uniku qullqiyuqpaqyá ¿Maypam rigalawachuwan

runaqa? amv
ka-ya-n-mi uniku qullqi-yuq-paq-yá may-pa-m
be-prog-3-evd only money-poss-ben-evd where-loc-evd
rigala-wa-chuwan runa-qa?
give.as.a.gift-1.obj-1pl.cond person-top
‘There are some just for people with money. Where can people give
us things as gifts?’

(16) Chikitu llamachata apakuwaq. amv

chikitu llama-cha-ta apa-ku-waq
small llama-dim-acc bring-refl-2.cond
‘You could bring a small little llama.’

(17) Wañuypaqpis kayachuwantri. amv

wañu-y-paq-pis ka-ya-chuwan-tri
die-inf-purp-add be-prog-1pl.cond-evc
‘We could be also about to die.’

(18) Trabahawaqmi mikuyta munashpaqa. amv

trabaha-waq-mi miku-y-ta muna-shpa-qa
work-2.cond-evd eat-inf-acc want-subis-top
‘You have to work if you want to eat.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(19) Pulíchuwan kuskanchik. ch

puli-chuwan kuska-nchik
walk-1pl.cond together-1pl
‘We should walk together.’

4.3.4.4 Past conditional (irrealis)

The past conditional is indicated by the combination – as distinct words – of
the conditional with ka-RQa, the third person past tense form of ka- ‘be’ (1–
4). Table 4.23 displays this paradigm; Table 4.24 displays the paradigm for past
conditional inflection with actor-object reference.
Table 4.23: Past conditional inflection

Person Singular Plural

1 -y-man karqa-øamv -nchik-man karqa-øamv
-y-man kara-ølt -nchik-man kara-øach,lt,sp
-:-man kara-øach,sp -nchik-man kala-øch
-:-man kala-øch -chuwan karqa-øamv
-chuwan kara-øach,lt

2 -nki-man karqa-øamv -nki-man karqa-øamv

-nki-man kara-øach,lt,sp -nki-man kara-øach,lt,sp
-nki-man kala-øch -nki-man kala-øch
-waq karqa-øamv -waq karqa-øamv

3 -n-man karqa-øamv -n-man karqa-øamv

-n-man kara-øach,sp,lt -n-man kara-øach,sp,lt
-n-man kala-øch -n-man kala-øch

(1) Riruyman karqa ñuqapis yanga hanaypaq. amv

ri-ru-y-man ka-rqa ñuqa-pis yanga hanay-paq
go-urgt-1-cond be-pst I-add lie up.hill-abl
‘I, too, would have gone in vain from up hill.’

(2) Chay pachalla … ruwashinkiman karqa. amv

chay pacha-lla ruwa-shi-nki-man ka-rqa
dem.d date-rstr make-acmp-2-cond be-pst
‘That time, you could have helped make it.’

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Table 4.24: Past conditional inflection – actor-object suffixes

2>1 3>1 3>1pl

-wa-nki-man ka-rqaamv -wa-n-man ka-rqaamv -wa-nchik-man ka-rqaamv
-wa-nki-man ka-ralt -wa-n-man ka-ralt -wa-nchik-man ka-ralt
-ma-nki-man ka-raach,sp -ma-n-man ka-raach,sp -ma-nchik-man ka-raach,sp
-ma-nki-man ka-lach -ma-n-man ka-lach -ma-nchik-man ka-lach
1>2 3>2
-yki-man ka-rqa amv -shu-nki-man ka-rqaamv
-yki-man ka-ra lt -shu-nki-man ka-ralt

(3) Mastam katraykurunman karqa. amv

mas-ta-m katra-yku-ru-n-man ka-rqa
more-acc-evd release-excep-urgt-3-cond be-past
‘She should have let more out.’

(4) ¿Imapis mas piyurtri kanchikman karqa? amv

ima-pis mas piyur-tri ka-nchik-man ka-rqa
what-add more worse-evc be-1pl-cond be-pst
‘What worse thing could we have been?’

The regular conditional form may be used in all dialects (5–8); the alternative
conditional forms may be used in those dialects in which they are available in
the present tense (9–10).
(5) Dimunyu chayqa kara. Mikuramanmantri kara icha aparamanmantri
kara. ach
Dimunyu chay-qa ka-ra miku-ra-ma-n-man-tri ka-ra icha
Devil dem.d-top be-pst eat-urgt-1.obj-3-cond-evc be-pst or
apa-ra-ma-n-man-tri ka-ra
bring-urgt-1.obj-3-cond-evc be-pst
‘That was the devil. He could have eaten me or he could have taken
me away.’

(6) Kundinakurunmantri kara. Qullqi chay kasa. sp

kundina-ku-ru-n-man-tri ka-ra qullqi chay ka-sa
condemn-refl-urgt-3-cond-evc be-pst money dem.d be-npst

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 4.3 Verb inflection

‘She would have condemned herself [to being a zombie]. That was
money.’

(7) “Lusta pagankimantri karqa lusninta,” niniyá. amv

lus-ta paga-nki-man-tri ka-rqa lus-ni-n-ta ni-ni-yá
light-acc pay-2-cond-evc be-pst light-euph-3-acc say-1-emph
‘“You should have paid the electric bill, his electric bill,” I said then.’

(8) Chayta pushakarunkiman kara. lt

chay-ta pusha-ka-ru-nki-man ka-ra
chay-acc bring.along-passacc-urgt-2-cond be-pst
‘You should have taken her.’

(9) Mastam chawaruwaq karqa. amv

mas-ta-m chawa-ru-waq ka-rqa
more-acc-evd milk-urgt-2.cond be-pst
‘You could have milked more.’

(10) ¿Chay rikisun kayarachu? Rikushpatr mikuchuwan kara. amv

chay rikisun ka-ya-ra-chu riku-shpa-tr miku-chuwan
dem.d cheese.curd be-prog-pst-q go-subis-evc eat-1pl.cond
ka-ra
be-pst
‘Was there the cheese curd? We could have gone and eaten it.’

4.3.5 Imperative and injunctive

4.3.5.1 Imperative -y
-y indicates the second-person singular imperative (1).
(1) ¡Chay kullarnikitaqa surquruy! amv
chay kullar-ni-ki-ta-qa surqu-ru-y
dem.d necklace-euph-2-acc-top take.out-urgt-imp
‘That necklace of yours, take it out!’

-y is suffixed to the verb stem, plus derivational suffixes, if any are present (2).

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4 Verbs

(2) ¡Wañurachiy wakta! ach

wañu-ra-chi-y wak-ta
die-urgt-caus-imp dem.d-acc
‘Kill that one!’

When verb has a first-person singular direct or indirect object, -y attaches to the
2>1 actor-object suffix -ma/wa (3), (4).
(3) ¡Ñuqamanpis qachamay! sp
ñuqa-man-pis qacha-ma-y
I-all-add rip-1.obj-imp
‘Rip it for me, too!’

(4) ¡Samaykachillaway, awilita! amv

sama-yka-chi-lla-wa-y awilita
rest-excep-caus-rstr-1.obj-imp grandmother
‘Just make (have/let) me rest, grandmother!’

The second-person plural imperative may be indicated by the joint action deriva-
tional suffix, -pa(:)kU in combination with -y, and -ma/wa (5), (6).
(5) ¡Lluqsipakuy (llapayki)! † amv
lluqsi-paku-y (llapa-yki)
go.out-jtacc-imp all-2
‘Leave.pl!’

(6) ¡Takipakuy! † ach

taki-paku-y
sing-jtacc-imp
‘Sing pl!’

The first-person plural imperative is identical to the first person plural future: it
is indicated by the suffix -shun (7), (8).
(7) ¡Tushushun! amv
tushu-shun
dance-1pl.fut
‘Let’s dance!’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(8) ¡Kuskallam wañukushun! lt

kuska-lla-m wañu-ku-shun
together-rstr-evd die-refl-1pl.fut
‘Let’s die together!’

Prohibitions are formed by suffixing the imperative with -chu and preceding it
with ama (9–12).
(9) “¡Amayá diharamaychu!” nishpa lukuyakuyan. ach
ama-yá diha-ra-ma-y-chu ni-shpa
proh-emph leave-urgt-1.obj-imp-neg say-subis
luku-ya-ku-ya-n
crazy-inch-refl-prog-3
‘“Don’t leave me!” he said, going crazy.’

(10) ¡Ama ñuqaktaqa imanamaypischu! ch

ama ñuqa-kta-qa ima-na-ma-y-pis-chu
proh I-add-top what-vrbz-1.obj-imp-add-neg
‘Don’t do anything to me!’

(11) ¡Ama manchariychu! ¡Ama qawaychu! amv

ama mancha-ri-y-chu ama qawa-y-chu
proh scare-incep-imp-neg proh look-imp-neg
‘Don’t be scared! Don’t look!’

(12) ¡Amam nunka katraykanakushunchu! lt

ama-m nunka katra-yka-naku-shun-chu
proh-evd never release-excep-recp-1pl.fut-neg
‘Let’s never leave each other!’

¡Haku! ‘Let’s go!’ is irregular: it cannot be negated or inflected (13), (14), except,
optionally, with the first-person plural -nchik.
(13) ¡Hakuña, taytay, pakananpaq chay aychata! amv
haku-ña, tayta-y paka-na-n-paq chay aycha-ta
let’s.go-disc father-1 hide-nmlz-3-purp dem.d meat-acc
‘Let’s go, mate, so he can hide this meat!’

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4 Verbs

(14) ¡Ama rishunchu (*haku)! amv

ama ri-shun-chu
proh go-1pl.fut-neg
‘Let’s not go!’ ‘We shouldn’t go.’
The second-person future tense, too, is often interpreted as an imperative (15),
and prohibitions can be formed by preceding this with ama (16).
(15) Diosninchikqa nin, “¡Iha, apanki pukatrakita, wamanripata!” lt
Dios-ni-nchik-qa ni-n iha apa-nki pukatraki-ta
God-euph-1pl-top say-3 daughter bring-2 pukatraki.flower-acc
wamanripa-ta
wamanripa.flower-acc
‘Our God said, “Daughter, bring pukatraki plants and wamanripa
plants!”’

(16) ¡Ama kutimunkichu! Qamqa isturbum kayanki. ch

ama kuti-mu-nki-chu qam-qa isturbu-m ka-ya-nki
proh return-cisl-2-neg you-top nuisance-evd be-prog-2
‘Don’t come back! You’re being a nuisance.’

4.3.5.2 Injunctive -chun

-chun indicates the third person injunctive (1–3), the suggestion on the part of
the speaker as to the advisability of action by a third party.
(1) ¡Kukantaraq akuykuchun! amv
kuka-n-ta-raq aku-yku-chun
coca-3-acc-cont chew-excep-injunc
‘Let her take her coca still!’

(2) ¡Uqusakuna hinalla kachun! amv

uqu-sa-kuna hina-lla ka-chun
wet-prf-pl thus-rstr be-injunc
‘Let the wet ones be like that!’

(3) ¡Witrqachun piliyaqkunata kalabusupi! amv

witrqa-chun piliya-q-kuna-ta kalabusu-pi
close.in-injunc fight-ag-pl-acc prison-loc
‘Let them shut the brawlers up in the prison!’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

There are no first or second person injunctive suffixes. -chun attaches to the verb
stem, plus derivational suffixes, if any are present (4–6).
(4) ¡Kutimuchun! Wañuchina:paq. ach
kuti-mu-chun wañu-chi-na-:-paq
return-cisl-injunc die-caus-nmlz-1-purp
‘Have him come back – so I can kill him!’

(5) Papaniy wañukuchunpis wamran kawsakuchun ninshi. Chaykunata

upyachiwaptinshi kawsakurqani. amv
papa-ni-y wañu-ku-chun-pis wamra-n kawsa-ku-chun
father-euph-1 die-refl-injunc-add child-3 live-refl-injunc
ni-n-shi chay-kuna-ta upya-chi-wa-pti-n-shi
say-3-evr dem.d-pl-acc drink-caus-1.obj-subds-3-evr
kawsa-ku-rqa-ni
live-refl-pst-1
‘Let him die; let his child live, my father said, they say. When they
made me take those [cures], I lived.’

(6) ¡Hinallaña kayachun! lt

hina-lla-ña ka-ya-chun
thus-rstr-disc be-prog-injunc
‘Let it be just like that!’

It simultaneously indicates injunctivity and person, and is in complementary

distribution with other inflectional suffixes. The negative injunctive is formed by
suffixing -chu to the injunctive and preceding it with ama (7), (8).
(7) ¡Ama lluqsichunchu tukuy puntraw! ch
ama lluqsi-chun-chu tukuy puntraw
proh go.out-injunc-neg all day
‘Don’t let him leave all day!’

(8) Ishkay palumaqa nin, “¡Ama yantataqa apayachunchu!” ach

ishkay paluma-qa ni-n ama yanta-ta-qa
two dove-top say-3 proh firewood-acc-top
apa-ya-chun-chu
bring-prog-injunc-neg
‘The two doves said, “Don’t let them bring the firewood!”’

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4 Verbs

The third-person future tense can sometimes be interpreted as an injunctive (9).

(9) Wañuchiptin, ‘¡Amam pampankichu! ¡Hinam ismunqa!’ ninshi. ach
wañu-chi-pti-n ama-m pampa-nki-chu hina-m ismu-nqa
die-caus-subds-3 proh-evd bury-2-neg thus-evd rot-3.fut
ninshi
say-3-evr
‘When they killed him, “Don’t bury him! Let him rot like that!” he
said.’

4.3.6 Aspect
In syq, continuous aspect is indicated by -ya. -ya belongs to the set of derivational
affixes. Unlike inflectional morphemes, -ya can appear in subordinate clauses
and nominalizations (puñu-ya-pti-n ‘when he is sleeping’; ruwa-ya-q ‘one who
is making’) and can – and, indeed, sometimes must – precede some derivational
suffixes (miku-ya-chi-n ‘he is making him eat’). Perfective aspect, generally in-
dicated by -Ru, may, in some cases, also be indicated by reflexive -kU . §4.3.6.1–
4.3.6.3 cover -ya and -kU , respectively.

4.3.6.1 Continuous -ya

All dialects of syq indicate continuous aspect with -ya. -ya marks both the pro-
gressive (1–6) and durative components (7), (8) of the continuous, indicating both
actions and states continuing in time.
(1) Lliwmantriki invitayan payqa. amv
lliw-man-tri-ki invita-ya-n pay-qa
all-all-evc-iki invite-prog-3 she-top
‘She must be inviting everyone, for sure, her.’

(2) Kumunidadllañam napa:kuya: trabahapa:kuya:. ch

kumunidad-lla-ña-m na-pa:ku-ya-: trabaha-pa:ku-ya-:.
community-rstr-disc-evd dmy-jtacc-prog-1 work-jtacc-prog-1
‘Just the community, we’re doing it, we’re working.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(3) Walmikunaqa talpuya: allichaya: kulpakta maqaya:. ch

walmi-kuna-qa talpu-ya-: alli-cha-ya-: kulpa-kta
woman-pl-top plant-prog-1 good-fact-prog-1 clod-acc
maqa-ya-:
hit-prog-1
‘The women are planting, improving, hitting big clumps of earth.’

(4) ¿Imatatrik ruwayan? Trabahayantriki. ach

ima-ta-tri-k ruwa-ya-n trabaha-ya-n-tri-ki
what-acc-evc-k make-prog-3 work-prog-3-evc-iki
‘What is he doing? He must be working.’

(5) Chayshi Diosninchik, “¿Imatam ashiyanki?” nin. lt

chay-shi Dios-ni-nchik ima-ta-m ashi-ya-nki ni-n
dem.d-evr God-euph-1pl what-acc-evd look.for-prog-2 say-3
‘Then Our God said, “What are you searching for?”’

(6) Uchuypis pasapasaypaqmi chakirun, uchuypis chakisham kayan. lt

uchu-y-pis pasa-pasaypaq-mi chaki-ru-n, uchu-y-pis
chili-1-add complete-completely-evd dry-urgt-3 chili-1-add
chaki-sha-m ka-ya-n
dry-prf-evd be-prog-3
‘The chilies completely dried out; the chilies are dried out.’

(7) Pipis. Ñuqa ukupaw kakuyani. amv

pi-pis ñuqa ukupaw ka-ku-ya-ni
who-add I busy be-refl-prog-1
‘No one. I’m busy.’

(8) Hitakaruyta munayani. amv

hita-ka-ru-y-ta muna-ya-ni
fall-passacc-urgt-inf-acc wany-prog-1
‘I want to fall.’

-ya may be used with or in place of -q to mark habitual action (9–11) when such
action is customary.13
13
An anonymous reviewer points out that -ya in Yauyos seems to resemble the cognate suf-

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4 Verbs

(9) Mana suliyasa kaptinqa wakta suliyachiyanchik. amv

mana suliya-sa ka-pti-n-qa wak-ta suliya-chi-ya-nchik
no sun-prf be-subds-3-top dem.d-acc sun-caus-prog-1pl
‘When [the oca] hasn’t been sunned, we sun it.’

(10) Uyqapa millwantam kaypaq puchkayanchik. amv

uyqa-pa millwa-n-ta-m kay-paq puchka-ya-nchik
sheep-gen wool-3-acc-evd dem.p-abl spin-prog-1pl
‘We spin sheep’s wool here.’

(11) Fwirsawan wawakuyanchik. ach

fwirsa-wan wawa-ku-ya-nchik
force-instr give.birth-refl-prog-1pl
‘With effort, we give birth.’

-ya can appear in subordinate clauses (12), (13).

(12) Hinaptinshi iskinapa kayaptin baliyarun. ach
Hinaptin-shi iskina-pa ka-ya-pti-n baliya-ru-n
then-evr corner-loc be-prog-subds-3 shoot-urgt-3
‘Then when he was in the corner, they shot him.’

(13) Wak runaqa warminta wañurachin maqayashpalla. amv

wak runa-qa warmi-n-ta wañu-ra-chi-n
dem.d person-top woman-3-acc die-urgt-caus-3
maqa-ya-shpa-lla
beat-prog-subis-rstr
‘That man, turning jealous, killed his wife, when he was beating her.’

-ya precedes -mu and -chi (14), (15) and precedes all inflectional suffixes.
(14) Limpu limpu runata firmakayachin. lt
limpu limpu runa-ta firma-ka-ya-chi-n
all all person-acc sign-passacc-prog-caus-3
‘They’re making all the people sign.’

fix -yka: in Huallaga Q, which Weber (1989) calls a general imperfective. The cognate suffix
in South Conchucos Q, -yka, in contrast, does not appear in habitual contexts. Hintz (2011)
observes that while it is not a general imperfective, it is still much broader than a simple pro-
gressive; Hintz concludes that -yka: in South Conchucos is continuous aspect.

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(15) Ladirankunapaq rumipis hinkuyamuntriki. ach

ladira-n-kuna-paq rumi-pis hinku-ya-mu-n-tri-ki
hillside-3-pl-abl stone-add roll-prog-cisl-evc-iki
‘Stones, too, would be rolling down the sides [of the mountain].’

It forms the present (16), past (17), (18) and future (19) progressive.
(16) ¡Suyaykamay! ¡Qarqaryam qipa:ta shamukuyan! ch
suya-yka-ma-y qarqarya-m qipa-:-ta shamu-ku-ya-n
wait-excep-1.obj-imp zombie-evd behind-1-acc come-refl-prog-3
‘Wait for me! A zombie is coming behind me!’

(17) ¿Maypa saqaykurqa? Paypis wishtu kayarqa. amv

may-pa saqa-yku-rqa pay-pis wishtu ka-ya-rqa
where-loc go.down-excep-pst she-add lame be-prog-pst
‘Where did she fall? She, too, was limping.’

(18) Antaylumata tarirushpaqa pallakuyara hinaptinshi … sp

antayluma-ta tari-ru-shpa-qa palla-ku-ya-ra
antayluma.berries-acc find-urgt-subis-top pick-refl-prog-pst
hina-pti-n-shi
then-evr
‘After finding some antayluma berries, she was gathering them up.
Then …’

(19) Vakamik mandakuyanqa. amv

vaka-mi-k manda-ku-ya-nqa
cow-evd-ik be.in.charge-refl-prog-3.fut
‘The cows are going to be giving orders.’

4.3.6.2 Durative -chka

-chka is very rarely employed, occuring spontaneously in a non-quotative con-
text only seven times in the corpus. Indeed, it is probably best qualified as non-
productive in all but sp. -chka is in complementary distribution with continua-
tive -ya, but it is more semantically restricted than -ya. A -chka action or state is
necessarily simultaneous with some other action or state, either expilicit in the
dialogue (1), (2) or supplied by context (3), (4).

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4 Verbs

(1) Kayllapam kwidachkanki ñuqaqa aparamu:. ach

kay-lla-pa-m kwida-chka-nki ñuqa-qa apa-ra-mu-:
dem.p-rstr-loc-evd care.for -dur-2 I-top bring-urgt-cisl-1
‘You’ll go on taking care of this here [while] I bring it.’

(2) Mundum ñitiramashun kaytam sustininkiqa. Kayta sustinichkanki

ñuqañataqmi huk waklawpis siqaykayamun. sp
mundu-m ñiti-ra-ma-shun kay-ta-m sustini-nki-qa
world-evd crush-urgt-1.obj-1pl.fut dem.p-acc-evd sustain-2-top
kay-ta sustini-chka-nki ñuqa-ña-taq-mi huk wak law-pis
dem.p-acc sustain-dur-2 I-disc-seq-evd one dem.d side-add
siqa-yka-ya-mu-n
go.down-excep-prog-cisl-3
‘The world is going to crush us. Hold this! You go on holding this
one. I, too – another is falling over there.’

(3) Aviva, tiyachkanki chayllapa. amv

Aviva tiya-chka-nki chay-lla-pa
Aviva sit-dur-2 dem.d-rstr-loc
‘Aviva, you’re going to be sitting just right there [while the others
go looking].’

(4) ¡Taqsachkay! † ch
taqsa-chka-y
wash-dur-imp
‘You go on washing [while I play].’

4.3.6.3 Perfective -ku

-ku may indicate completion of change of position with ri- ‘go’ and other verbs
of motion (1–3); it also commonly occurs with wañu- ‘die’ (4), (5). Adelaar (2006:
135) writes of Tarma Quechua: “This -ku-, probably the result of a functional
split of the ‘reflexive’ marker -ku-, has acquired a marginal aspectual function
and indicates the completion of a change of position.”
(1) Pashñalla kidalun. ¿Qaliqa likun maytataq? ch
pashña-lla kida-lu-n qali-qa li-ku-n may-ta-taq
girl-rstr stay-urgt-3 man-top go-refl-3 where-acc-seq
‘Just the girl stayed. The man went where?’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(2) Qullqita quykuptin … pasakun. amv

qullqi-ta qu-yku-pti-n pasa-ku-n
money-acc give-excep-subds-3 pass-refl-3
‘When he gave him the money, he went away.’

(3) Ripukun paqwash llapa wawan tudu ripukun. lt

ripu-ku-n paqwash llapa wawa-n tudu ripu-ku-n
go-refl-3 completely all child-3 everything go-refl-3
‘Then, he left for good – all his children – all left.’

(4) Baliyaptinqa wañukun. ach

baliya-pti-n-qa wañu-ku-n
shoot-subds-3-top die-refl-3
‘When they shot him, he died.’

(5) ¿Imanarunqatr? Wañukuntri. ach

ima-na-ru-nqa-tr wañu-ku-n-tri
what-vrbz-urgt-3.fut-evc die-refl-3-evc
‘What will happen? He must have died.’

4.3.7 Subordination
syq counts three subordinating suffixes – -pti, -shpa, and -shtin – and one subor-
dinating structure – -na-poss-kama. In addition, the nominalizing suffixes, -na,
-q, -sa, and -y form subordinate relative and complement clauses (see §3.4.1).
-pti is employed when the subjects of the main and su1432bordinate clauses are
different (Huk qawa-pti-n-qa, ñuqa-nchik qawa-nchik-chu ‘Although others see,
we don’t see’); shpa and -shtin are employed when the subjects of the two clauses
are identical (tushu-shpa/-shtin wasi-ta kuti-mu-n ‘Dancing they return home’).
Cacra, but not Hongos, employs -r (realized [l]) in place of -shpa (traqna-l pusha-
la-mu-n ‘binding his hands and feet, they took him along’). -pti generally indi-
cates that the event of the subordinated clause began prior to that of the main
clause but may also be employed in the case the events of the two clauses are si-
multaneous (urkista-qa traya-mu-pti-n tushu-rqa-nchik ‘When the band arrived,
we danced’). -shpa generally indicates that the event of the subordinated clause is
simultaneous with that of the main clause (Sapu-qa kurrkurrya-shpa kurri-ya-n
‘The frog is running going kurr-kurr!’) but may also be employed when event
of the subordinated event precedes that of the main clause. -shtin is employed

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only when the main and subordinate clause events are simultaneous (awa-shtin
miku-chi-ni wamra-y-ta ‘(By) weaving, I feed my children’). -pti subordinates
are suffixed with allocation suffixes (tarpu-pti-nchik ‘when we plant’); in con-
trast, -shpa and -shtin subordinates do not inflect for person or number (*tarpu-
shpa-nchik; *tarpu-shtin-yki). -shpa appears 1432 times in the corpus; in three
instances it is inflected for person. In elicitation, speakers adamantly reject the
use of personal suffixes after -shpa. Subordinate verbs are never suffixed with
any other inflectional morphemes, with the exception of -ya (*tarpu-rqa-shpa;
*tarpu-shaq-shpa). The evidentials, -mI , shI , and -trI cannot appear on the in-
terior of subordinate clauses, and the negative particle -chu can neither appear
on the interior nor suffix to subordinate clauses (mana-m rima-pti-ki (*chu) ‘if
you don’t talk’). Subordinate verbs inherit tense, aspect and conditionality speci-
fication from the main clause verb (ri-shpa qawa-y-man karqa ‘If I would have
gone, I would have seen’). Depending on the context, -pti and -shpa can be
translated by ‘when’, ‘if’, ‘because’, ‘although’, or with a gerund; -shtin can be
translated by a gerund only. This information is summarized in Table 4.25.
Table 4.25: Subordinating suffixes

Subordinate-clause event Subordinate-clause event

begins before main-clause simultaneous with
event main-clause event
Identical Subjects -shpa -shpa, -shtin
Different Subjects -pti -pti

-na-poss-kama is limitative. It forms subordinate clauses indicating that the

event referred to either (1) is simultaneous with or (2) limits the event referred
to in the main clause (puñu-na-y-kama ‘while I was sleeping’; wañu-na-n-kama
‘until she died’).

4.3.7.1 Different subjects -pti

-pti is employed when the subjects in the main and subordinated clauses are dif-
ferent (1), (2) and the event of the subordinated clause begins before (3) or is
simultaneous with (4) the event of the main clause. Table 4.26 displays the pat-
tern of -pti inflection; Table 4.27 gives this pattern with actor-object reference.

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 4.3 Verb inflection

Table 4.26: -pti inflection

Person Singular Plural

1 -pti-yamv,lt -pti-nchik
-pti-:ach,ch,sp

2 -pti-ki -pti-ki

3 -pti-n -pti-n

Table 4.27: -pti inflection – actor-object suffixes

2>1 3>1 3>1pl 1>2 3>2

-wa-pti-kiamv,lt -wa-pti-namv,lt -wa-pti-nchikamv,lt -pti-ki -shu-pti-ki
-ma-pti-kiach,ch,sp -ma-pti-nach,ch,sp -ma-pti-nchikach,ch,sp

(1) ¿Aruschata kumbidaptinchik mikunmanchu? amv

arus-cha-ta kumbida-pti-nchik miku-n-man-chu
rice-dim-acc share-subds-1pl eat-3-cond-q
‘If we share the rice, will she eat it?’

(2) Qusa: tiniynti alkaldi kaptin, “Kumpañira, ¿maypim qusayki?”

niman. ch
qusa-: tiniynti alkaldi ka-pti-n kumpañira
husband-1 lieutenant mayor be-subds-3 compañera
may-pi-m qusa-yki ni-ma-n
where-loc-evd husband-2 say-1.obj-3
‘When my husband was vice-mayor they asked me, “Compañera,
where is your husband?”’

(3) Chay kundurqa qipiptin huk turuta pagaykun. sp

chay kundur-qa qipi-pti-n huk turu-ta paga-yku-n
dem.d condor-top carry-subds-3 one bull-acc pay-excep-3
‘After the condor carried her, she payed him a bull.’

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4 Verbs

(4) Huk mumintu puriyaptiki imapis prisintakurushunki. amv

huk mumintu puri-ya-pti-ki ima-pis
one moment walk-prog-subds-2 what-add
prisinta-ku-ru-shu-nki
present-refl-urgt-2.obj-2
‘One moment you’re walking and something presents itself to you.’
-pti subordinates always inflect for person with allocation suffixes (5), (6).
(5) Kalurniyuq kaptikiqa yawarnin yanash. amv
kalur-ni-yuq ka-pti-ki-qa yawar-ni-n yana-sh
fever-euph-poss be-subds-2-top blood-euph-3 black-evr
‘When you have a fever, its blood is black, they say.’

(6) Chay plantaman siqarupti:pis chay turuqa … siqaramun qipa:paq

plantaman. ach
chay planta-man siqa-ru-pti-:-pis chay turu-qa
dem.d tree-all go.up-urgt-subds-1-add dem.d bull-top
siqa-ra-mu-n qipa-:-paq planta-man
go.up-urgt-cisl-3 behing-1-abl tree-all
‘When I climbed up the tree, the bull … climbed up the tree from
behind me.’
The structure is usually translated in English by ‘when’ (7), (8) or, less often,
‘if’ (9), (10), ‘because’ (11–13), or ‘although’ (14).
(7) Kundinawqa, witrqakuruptinqa, wasi utrkunta altukunapash
[yaykurun]. sp
kundinaw-qa, witrqa-ku-ru-pti-n-qa wasi utrku-n-ta
zombie-top close-refl-urgt-subds-3-top house hole-3-acc
altu-kuna-pa-sh yayku-ru-n
high-pl-loc-evr enter-urgt-3
‘When they shut themselves in, the zombie [entered] through a hole
in the attic.’

(8) Hinaptinshi “Wak turuta pagaykusayki,” niptin asiptan. ach

hinaptin-shi wak turu-ta paga-yku-sayki ni-pti-n
then-evr dem.d bull-acc pay-excep-1>2.fut say-subds-3
asipta-n
accept-3
‘Then, they say, when he said, “I’ll pay you that bull,” they accepted.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(9) Manam pagawaptikiqa manam wamraykiqa alliyanqachu. lt

mana-m paga-wa-pti-ki-qa mana-m wamra-yki-qa
no-evd pay-1.obj-2-top no-evd child-2-top
alli-ya-nqa-chu
good-inch-3.fut-neg
‘If you don’t pay me, your son isn’t going to get better.’

(10) Wañuymantri karqa. Mana hampiptinqa. amv

wañu-y-man-tri ka-rqa mana hampi-pti-n-qa
die-1-cond-evc be-pst no cure-subds-3-top
‘I might have died. If they hadn’t cured her.’

(11) Payqa rikunñash warmin saqiruptin. amv

pay-qa ri-ku-n-ña-sh warmi-n saqi-ru-pti-n
he-top go-refl-3-disc-evr woman-3 abandon-urgt-subds-3
‘He left because his wife abandoned him, they say.’

(12) Priykupaw puriyan siyrtumpatr warmin mal kaptin nin. amv

priykupaw puri-ya-n siyrtumpa-tr warmi-n mal ka-pti-n
worried walk-prog-3 certainly-evc woman-3 bad be-subds-3
n-in
say-3
‘Certainly, he’d be wandering around worried because his wife is
sick.’

(13) Mana qusa: kaptin. Mana qali: kaptin trabahaya:. ch

mana qusa-: ka-pti-n mana qali-: ka-pti-n trabaha-ya-:
no husband-1 be-subds-3 no man-1 be-subds-3 work-prog-1
‘Because I don’t have a husband. I’m working because I don’t have a
husband.’

(14) Huk qawaptinqa, ñuqa-nchik qawanchikchu. amv

huk qawa-pti-n-qa ñuqa-nchik qawa-nchik-chu
one see-subds-3-top I-1pl see-1pl-neg
‘Although others see it, we don’t see it.’
Topic marking with -qa does not generally disambiguate these readings. With
-raq, -pti subordinates generally receive a ‘not until’ interpretation (15), (16).

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4 Verbs

(15) Hamuptiyraq ñuqaqa manam lluqsirqachu. † amv

hamu-pti-y-raq ñuqa-qa mana-m lluqsi-rqa-chu
come-subds-1-cont I-top no-evd go.out-pst-neg
‘Not until I came did she leave. (=‘Until I came, she didn’t leave.’)’

(16) Manañam puntrawyaruptin vakay chawachikunqachu. amv

mana-ña-m puntraw-ya-ru-pti-n vaka-y
no-disc-evd day-inch-urgt-subds-3 cow-1
chawa-chi-ku-nqa-chu
milk-caus-refl-3.fut-neg
‘Until it’s day time, my cow won’t let herself be milked.’

The first-person and second-person object suffixes, -wa/ma and -sHu precede
-pti (17).
(17) Chay pasarushpa sudarachishuptiki kapasmi surqurunman. amv
chay pasa-ru-shpa suda-ra-chi-shu-pti-ki
dem.d pass-urgt-subis sweat-urgt-caus-2.obj-subds-2
kapas-mi surqu-ru-n-man
perhaps-evd remove-urgt-3-cond
‘When you have it passed over you, when it makes you sweat, it’s
possible it could remove it.’

4.3.7.2 Same-subjects -shpa

-shpa is employed when the subjects in the main and subordinated clauses are
identical and the event of the subordinated clause is simultaneous with the event
of the main clause (1); the event of the subordinated clause may, however, precede
that of the main clause (2).
(1) Chitchityakushpa rikullan kabrakunaqa. lt
chitchitya-ku-shpa riku-lla-n kabra-kuna-qa
say.chit.chit-refl-subis go-rstr-3 goat-pl-top
‘Chit-chitting, the goats just left.’

(2) Familyanchikta wañurichishpaqa lliw partiyan. sp

familya-nchik-ta wañu-ri-chi-shpa-qa lliw parti-ya-n
family-1pl-acc die-incep-caus-subis-top all divide-prog-3
‘After they killed our relatives, they distributed everything.’

196
 4.3 Verb inflection

-shpa subordinates do not inflect for person. -shpa can generally be translated
with a gerund (3), as ‘when’ (4) or, less often, ‘if’ (5).
(3) Traguwan, kukawan tushuchishpallam kusichakuni. amv
tragu-wan kuka-wan tushu-chi-shpa-lla-m kusicha-ku-ni
liquor-instr coca-instr dance-caus-subis-rstr-evd harvest-refl-1
‘With liquor and coca, making them dance, I harvest.’

(4) Kustumbrawkushpa hawkam yatrakunchik kaypahina. amv

kustumbraw-ku-shpa hawka-m yatra-ku-nchik kay-pa-hina
accustom-refl-subis tranquil-evd live-refl-1pl dem.p-loc-comp
‘When we adjust, we live peacefully, like here.’

(5) Kutishpaqa kutimushaq kimsa tawa watata. amv

kuti-shpa-qa kuti-mu-shaq kimsa tawa wata-ta
return-subis-top return-cisl-1.fut three four year-acc
‘If I come back, I’ll come back in three or four years.’

Negated, V -shpa can be translated ‘without’ (6), ‘although’ (7) or ‘despite’.

(6) Mana yanushpallam likwarunchik. amv
mana yanu-shpa-lla-m likwa-ru-nchik
no cook-subis-rstr-evd liquify-urgt-1pl
‘Without boiling it, we liquify it.’

(7) Qullqita ganashpas bankuman ima trurakunki. ach

qullqi-ta gana-shpa-s banku-man ima trura-ku-nki
money-acc win-subis-add bank-all what put-refl-2
‘Although you earn money and save it in the bank.’

-shpa may attach to coordinated verbs (8), (9).

(8) Kulurchakunata kayna trurashpa qawashpa ñakarini. amv
kulur-cha-kuna-ta kayna trura-shpa qawa-shpa ñaka-ri-ni
color-dim-pl-acc thus put-subis look-subis suffer-incep-1
‘Looking, putting the colors like this, I suffer.’

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4 Verbs

(9) Kukachakunata akushpa sigaruchakunata fumashpa richkan

tutakama. amv
kuka-cha-kuna-ta aku-shpa sigaru-cha-kuna-ta fuma-shpa
coca-dim-pl-acc chew-subis cigarette-dim-pl-acc smoke-subis
ri-chka-n tuta-kama
go-dur-3 night-lim
‘Chewing coca, smoking cigarettes, they go on until the night.’

Only Cacra uses the qi -r in place of the qii -shpa (compare (10–14) with (15)).
(10) Vakata harkanchik puchkashpa millwata puchkapuchkashpa. amv
vaka-ta harka-nchik puchka-shpa millwa-ta puchka-puchka-shpa
cow-acc herd-1pl spin-subis wool-acc spin-spin-subis
‘We herd the cows spinning – spinning and spinning wool.’

(11) Kutimushpaqa kayna baldillawan apakushaq niwan. lt

kuti-mu-shpa-qa kayna baldi-lla-wan apa-ku-shaq
return-cisl-subis-top thus bucket-rstr-instr bring-refl-1.fut
ni-wa-n
say-1.obj-3
‘“When I come back, I’ll bring them like this, with just a bucket,” he
said to me.’

(12) Hinashpa maskashpa puriya:. ach

hinashpa maska-shpa puri-ya-:
then look.for-subis walk-prog-1
‘Then I’m walking around looking for them.’

(13) Wirtaman yaykurushpa klavilta lliw usharusa. sp

wirta-man yayku-ru-shpa klavil-ta lliw
garden-all enter-urgt-subis carnation-acc all
usha-ru-sa
waste.on.the.ground-urgt-npst
‘Entering the garden, he left all the carnations discarded on the
ground.’

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 4.3 Verb inflection

(14) Wiqawninchikman kayna katawan simillakta watakurushpa talpu:. ch

wiqaw-ni-nchik-man kayna kata-wan similla-kta
waist-euph-1pl-all thus shawl-instr seed-acc
wata-ku-ru-shpa talpu-:
tie-refl-urgt-subid plant-1
‘Like this, tying it to our waists with a shawl we plant seeds.’

(15) Waqal likun atuq kampukta. ch

waqa-l li-ku-n atuq kampu-kta
cry-subis go-refl-3 fox countryside-acc
‘Crying, the fox went to the countryside.’

4.3.7.3 Adverbial -shtin

-shtin is employed when the subjects of the main and subordinated clauses are
identical (1), (2) and the events of the two clauses are simultaneous (3).
(1) Yatrakunchik imaynapis … waqakushtinpis … asikushtinpis …
imaynapis. ach
yatra-ku-nchik imayna-pis maski waqa-ku-shtin-pis
live-refl-1pl how-add maski cry-refl-subadv-add
asi-ku-shtin-pis imayna-pis
laugh-refl-subadv-add how-add
‘We live however we can, although we’re crying … laughing …
however we can.’

(2) Yantakunata qutushtin lliptakunata kañakushtin, … yatrana karqa. amv

yanta-kuna-ta qutu-shtin llipta-kuna-ta kaña-ku-shtin
firewood-pl-acc gather-subadv ash-pl-acc burn-refl-subadv
yatra-na ka-rqa
live-nmlz be-pst
‘Gathering wood, burning ash, we had to live [in the mountains].’

(3) Wak pubri ubiha watrashtin riyan. amv

wak pubri ubiha watra-shtin ri-ya-n
dem.d poor sheep give.birth-subadv go-prog-3
‘Those poor sheep are giving birth even as they walk.’

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4 Verbs

-shtin subordinates do not inflect for person or number. -shtin subordinates are
adverbial and can generally be translated by ‘while’ or with a gerund (4–7). While
attested in spontaneous speech, -shtin is rare. Speakers overwhelmingly employ
-shpa in place of -shtin.
(4) Pushaykushtinqa wamrataqa makin yatapasha yantaman katran. ach
pusha-yku-shtin-qa wamra-ta-qa maki-n
bring.along-excep-subadv-top child-acc-top hand-acc
yata-pa-sha yanta-man katra-n
feel-repet-prf firewood-all release-3
‘Bringing the boys [home], their hands held, she sent them for
firewood.’

(5) Chay iskwilapaq wamran mikushtin. lt

chay iskwila-paq wamra-n miku-shtin
dem.d school-abl child-3 eat-subadv
‘His child [came out] of school eating.’

(6) “¡Qarqaryam qipa:ta!” waqashtin shamukuyan. ch

qarqarya-m qipa-:-ta waqa-shtin shamu-ku-ya-n
zombie-evd behind-1-acc cry-subadv come-refl-prog-3
‘“A zombie is behind me!” he was coming crying.’

(7) Waqakushtin kayqa apayan waytakunakta. ch

waqa-ku-shtin kay-qa apa-ya-n wayta-kuna-kta
cry-refl-subadv dem.p-top bring-prog-3 flower-pl-acc
‘Crying, they are bringing flowers.’

(8) Waqakushtin tristim ñuqanchikqa kidaranchik ñuqa mama:. sp

waqa-ku-shtin tristi-m ñuqa-nchik-qa kida-ra-nchik ñuqa
cry-refl-subadv sad-evd I-1pl-top stay-pst-1pl I
mama-:-
mother-1
‘Crying, sad, we stayed, my mother and I.’

200
 4.3 Verb inflection

4.3.7.4 Limitative -kama

In combination with the nominalizer -na and possessive inflection, kama forms
subordinate clauses indicating that the event referred to is either simultaneous
with (1) or limits (2–5) the event referred to in the main clause.
(1) Mana vilakuranichu puñunaykamam. amv
mana vila-ku-ra-ni-chu puñu-na-y-kama-m
no keep.watch-refl-pst-1-neg sleep-nmlz-1-lim-evd
‘I didn’t keep watch while I was sleeping.’

(2) Taksalla taksallapitaqa tarpukuni, mana hat-hatunpichu. Yaku

kanankamalla. amv
taksa-lla taksa-lla-pi-ta-qa tarpu-ku-ni mana
small-rstr small-rstr-loc-acc-top plant-refl-1 no
hat-hatun-pi-chu yaku ka-na-n-kama-lla
big-big-loc-neg water be-nmlz-3-lim-rstr
‘I plant in just small, small [fields], not in really big ones. While/as
long as there’s water.’

(3) Chaytri wañuq qarin wañunankamam maqarqa. amv

chay-tri wañu-q qari-n wañu-na-n-kama-m maqa-rqa
dem.d-evr die-ag man-3 die-nmlz-3-lim-evd beat-pst
‘That’s why her1 late husband beat her2 until she2 died.’

(4) Almaqa wañunankama pampaman saqarun. amv

alma-qa wañu-na-n-kama pampa-man saqa-ru-n
soul-top die-nmlz-3-lim ground-all go.down-urgt-3
‘The ghost fell to the floor, to his death.’

(5) Trayanaykama ya hinalla kakun. lt

traya-na-y-kama ya hina-lla ka-ku-n
arrive-nmlz-1-lim emph thus-rstr be-refl-3
‘He’s like that until I arrive.’

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4 Verbs

4.4 Verb derivation

Five suffixes derive verbs from substantives: factive -cha, reflexive -ku, simulative
-tuku, inchoative -ya. Additionally, two verbs can suffix to nouns to derive verbs:
na- ‘do, act’ and naya- ‘give desire’.
A set of eighteen suffixes derives verbs from verbs. These are: -cha (diminu-
tive); -chi (causative); -ka (passive, accidental); -katra (iterative); -kU (reflexive,
middle, medio-passive, passive, completive); -lla (restrictive, limitative); -mu (cis-
locative, translocative);14 -nakU (reciprocal); -naya (desiderative); -pa (repeti-
tive); -pa(:)kU (joint action); -pU (benefactive); -ra (uninterrupted action); -Ri
(inceptive); -RU (action with urgency or personal interest, completive); -shi (ac-
companiment); -ya (intensifying); and -YkU (exceptional performance). §4.4.1
and 4.4.2 cover suffixes deriving verbs from substantives and from other verbs,
respectively.

4.4.1 Suffixes deriving verbs from substantives

The suffixes deriving verbs from substantives are: factive -cha, reflexive -ku, sim-
ulative -tuku, and inchoative -ya, as displayed in Table 4.28. §4.4.1.1–4.4.1.4 cover
each of these in turn.
Table 4.28: Suffixes deriving verbs from substantives, with examples

-cha factive Mama-n kanan ‘Now his mother is going to

qatra-cha-ru-nqa. dirty it.’
-ku reflexive Qishta-ku-ru-n. ‘They made a nest.’
-tuku simulative Atrqray-shi huvin-tuku-sa. ‘The eagle disguised himself
as a young man.’
-ya inchoative Puntraw-ya-ru-n. ‘It dawned.’
na- ‘do’ ¿Ima-na-ku-shaq-taq mana ‘What am I going to do so that
kay pacha muna-wa-na-n-paq? this earth won’t want me?’
naya- ‘give desire’ Pashña-naya-shunki. ‘You want a girl.’

14
W. Adelaar (p.c.) points out that -mu might also be treated as an inflectional suffix. An anony-
mous reviewer agrees: “the suffixes -ya, -ru and -ri are all more derivational than -mu, [which]
never co-occurs with -ma in QI,” they write. “Rather, -mu and and -ma seem to be in paradig-
matic contrast, where -ma essentially means ‘to ego,’ and -mu means more generally ‘to any
deictic center.”

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 4.4 Verb derivation

4.4.1.1 Factive -cha

-cha suffixes to adjectives and nouns to derive verbs with the meanings ‘to make
A’ (qatra-cha- ‘to make dirty’) (1–3), ‘to make N’ or ‘to make into N’ (siru-cha-
‘form a hill’) (4, (5), ‘to locate something in N’ (kustal-cha- ‘to put into sacks’) (6),
‘to locate N in/on something’ (7), ‘to remove N’ (usa-cha ‘to remove lice’, qiwa-cha
‘to remove weeds’).
(1) Maman kanan qatracharunqa pawakatrashpa. amv
mama-n kanan qatra-cha-ru-nqa pawa-katra-shpa
mother-3 now dirty-fact-urgt-3.fut jump-freq-subis
‘Now his mother is going to make it dirty jumping.’

(2) Hatunchanqatri kay. amv

hatun-cha-nqa-tri kay
big-fact-3.fut dem.p
‘This one is going to make it big.’

(3) Cañeteman allicharachimunki kaypitr siguranaykipaqqa. lt

Cañete-man alli-cha-ra-chi-mu-nki kay-pi-tr
Cañete-all good-fact-urgt-caus-cisl-2 dem.p-loc-evc
sigura-na-yki-paq-qa
insure-nmlz-2-purp-top
‘You’re going to have that fixed in Cañete to be able to insure
yourself here.’

(4) Chayna siruchakurun. amv

chayna siru-cha-ku-ru-n
thus hill-fact-refl-urgt-3
‘It formed a hill like that.’

(5) Partichaykuptinqa chaki, chaki. amv

parti-cha-yku-pti-n-qa chaki chaki
parts-fact-excep-subds-3-top dry dry
‘When she breaks it into parts – dry, dry!’

(6) Kustalchayan papatam. amv

kustal-cha-ya-n papa-ta-m
sack-fact-prog-3 potato-acc-evd
‘She’s bagging potatoes.’

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4 Verbs

(7) Chay turutaqa llampuchaykun chay yubuchanman. amv

chay turu-ta-qa llampu-cha-yku-n chay yubu-cha-n-man
dem.d bull-acc-top llampu-fact-excep-3 dem.d yoke-dim-3-all
‘They put llampu on his little yoke.’

4.4.1.2 Reflexive -ku

Suffixing to nouns referring to objects, -ku may derive verbs with the meaning
‘to make/prepare N’ (qisha-ku- ‘to make a nest’) (1), (2); suffixing specifically to
nouns referring to clothing and other items that can be placed on a person’s body,
-ku derives verbs with the meaning ‘to put on N’ (kata-ku ‘put on a shawl’) (3),
(4); suffixing to adjectives referring to human states – angry, guilty, envious –
A-ku has the meaning ‘to become A’ (piña-ku- ‘to become angry’) (5), (6).
(1) Misakun. Manam kasunchu misata. amv
misa-ku-n mana-m kasu-n-chu misa-ta
mass-refl-3 no-evd pay.attention-3-neg mass-acc
‘She’s making [holding] mass. They don’t pay attention to mass.’

(2) Hirakurun. ach

hira-ku-ru-n
herranza-refl-urgt-3
‘They made [held] an herranza.’

(3) Walakuykurushaq. amv

wala-ku-yku-ru-shaq
skirt-refl-excep-urgt-1.fut
‘I’m going to put on my skirt.’

(4) Manash waytakunchikchu. amv

mana-sh wayta-ku-nchik-chu
no-evr flower-refl-1pl-neg
‘We don’t put flowers on our hats [on All Saints’ Day], they say.’

(5) Kumudakurun. amv

kumuda-ku-ru-n
comfortable-refl-urgt-3
‘He’s made himself comfortable.’

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(6) ¡Kurriy! Qillakuyankitrari. lt

kurri-y qilla-ku-ya-nki-tr-ari
run-imp lazy-refl-prog-2-evc-ari
‘Run! You must be getting lazy.’
-ku derivation is very productive and can be idiosyncratic (llulla-ku ‘tell a lie’,
midida-ku ‘measure’) (7), (8).
(7) Manam mansuchu yatran waqrakuyta. amv
mana-m mansu-chu yatra-n waqra-ku-y-ta
no-evd tame-neg know-3 horn-refl-inf-acc
‘He’s not tame – he can horn [gore] people.’

(8) Karruwan … sillakuykushpam riyanchik. sp

karru-wan silla-ku-yku-shpa-m ri-ya-nchik
bus-instr seat-refl-excep-evd go-prog-1pl
‘In a car … [it’s like] we’re riding horseback in a saddle.’

4.4.1.3 Simulative -tuku

Suffixing to nouns, -tuku derives verbs with the meaning ‘to pretend to be N’ or
‘to become N’ (maqta-tuku- ‘pretend to be a young man’) (1–3).
(1) Chay ukucha kasa maqtatukushpa. amv
chay ukucha ka-sa maqta-tuku-shpa
dem.d mouse be-pst young.man-simul-subis
‘It was a mouse pretending to be a man.’

(2) ¡Sinvirgwinsa! ¡Qam ingañamalanki qalitukushpa! ch

sinvirgwinsa qam ingaña-ma-la-nki qali-tuku-shpa
shameless you trick-1.obj-pst-2 man-simul-subis
‘Shameless bastard! You fooled me pretending to be a man!’

(3) Wak wañuq wañurun … asnuqa wañuqtukurun. amv

wak wañu-q wañu-ru-n asnu-qa wañu-q-tuku-ru-n
dem.d die-ag die-urgt-3 donkey-top die-ag-simul-urgt-3
‘That “dead” one died … the donkey had pretended to be dead.’
The structure appears primarily – indeed, almost exclusively – in the corpus
in the context of a very popular genre of stories in which an animal dresses up,
pretending to be a man, to trick a girl.

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4.4.1.4 Inchoative -ya

-ya suffixes to nouns and adjectives to derive verbs with the meanings ‘to be-
come N’ (rumi-ya ‘petrify’) (1), (2), ‘to become A’ (alli-ya ‘get well’) (3–6), and
‘to perform a characteristic action with N’ (kwahu-ya ‘add curdling agent’).
(1) Puntrawyaruptinqa. lt
puntraw-ya-ru-pti-n-qa
day-inch-urgt-subds-3-top
‘When it becomes day [dawns].’

(2) Hukyaruni. lt
huk-ya-ru-ni
one-inch-urgt-1
‘I joined them.’

(3) Siyrtumpimik chay rumikunamik yanayasa kayan. amv

siyrtumpi-mi-k chay rumi-kuna-mi-k yana-ya-sa ka-ya-n
certainly-evd-ik dem.d stone-pl-evd-ik back-prog-prf be-prog-3
‘It’s true – even the stones turn black there.’

(4) “Manam wamraykiqa alliyanqachu”, nini. lt

mana-m wamra-yki-qa alli-ya-nqa-chu ni-ni
no-evd child-2-top good-inch-3.fut-neg say-1
‘“Your son isn’t going to get better,” I said.’

(5) Duruyarunña. Duruyaruptin hurqunchik wankuman. amv

duru-ya-ru-n-ña duru-ya-ru-pti-n hurqu-nchik
hard-inch-urgt-3-disc hard-inch-urgt-subds-3 remove-1pl
wanku-man
mold-all
‘It’s already hard. When it gets hard, take it out [and put it] in the
mold.’

(6) Chay wañuruptikiqa, ¿pima qawashunki? ¿Yasqayaruptikiqa? ach

chay wañu-ru-pti-ki-qa pi-m-a qawa-shunki
dem.d die-urgt-subds-2-top who-evd-emph see-3>2
yasqa-ya-ru-pti-ki-qa
old-inch-urgt-subds-2-top
‘When you die, who’s going to see to you? Or when you get old?’

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4.4.1.5 ‘To do’ na-

na-, following a demonstrative pronoun, yields a transitive verb meaning ‘to be
thus’ (1), (2) or ‘to do thus’ (3).
(1) Mana hampichiptikiqa chaynanqam. amv
mana hampi-chi-pti-ki-qa chay-na-nqa-m
no cure-caus-subds-2-top dem.d-vrbz-3.fut-evd
‘If you don’t have her cured, it’s going to be like that.’

(2) Qayna puntraw chaynan pararun tardi usyarirun. amv

qayna puntraw chay-na-n para-ru-n tardi
previous day dem.d-vrbz-3 rain-urgt-3 afternoon
usya-ri-ru-n
clear-incep-urgt-3
‘Yesterday it was like that – it rained and in the afternoon and it
cleared up.’

(3) Mana apuraw alliyananchikpaqmi, qatra shakash chaynan. amv

mana apuraw alli-ya-na-nchik-paq-mi qatra shakash
no quickly good-inch-nmlz-1pl-purp-evd dirty guinea.pig
chay-na-n
dem.d-vrbz-3
‘So that we don’t get better quickly, the filthy guinea pig goes like
that.’

Following the interrogative indefinite ima ‘what’, na- derives the transitive verb
imana-, meaning ‘to do something’ (4), (5), ‘to happen to’ (6).
(4) Chay mamakuqa yataykun. ¿Imananqataq? Yataykachin. ach
chay mamaku-qa yata-yku-n ima-na-nqa-taq
dem.d grandmother-top touch-excep-3 what-vrbz-3.fut-seq
yata-yka-chi-n
touch-excep-caus-3
‘The old woman touched [their arms]. What are they going to do?
They let her touch their arms.’

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(5) Manam ñuqaqa imanashaykipischu. Kwirpu:mi hutrayuq. ch

mana-m ñuqa-qa ima-na-shayki-pis-chu kwirpu-:-mi
no-evd I-top what-vrbz-1>2.fut-add-neg body-1-evd
hutra-yuq
fault-poss
‘I’m not going to do anything to you. My body is guilty.’

(6) ¿Wawayta imanaruntri? ach

wawa-y-ta ima-na-ru-n-tri
baby-1-acc what-vrbz-3-evc
‘What would have happened to my son?’

4.4.1.6 Sensual and psychological necessity naya-

naya- – ‘to give desire’ – suffixing to a noun derives a verb meaning ‘to give the
desire for N’ (1–3).
(1) Pashñanayashunki. † amv
pashña-naya-shu-nki
girl-desr-2.obj-2
‘You want a girl.’

(2) Mishkinayaruwan. amv

mishki-naya-ru-wa-n
fruit-desr-urgt-1.obj-3
‘I want to eat fruit.’

(3) “Yakunayawanmi”, nin runaqa. Chayshi wamranta nin, “¡Yakuta

apamuy!” lt
yaku-naya-wa-n-mi ni-n runa-qa chayshi wamra-n-ta
water-desr-1.obj-3-evd say-n person-top dem.d-evr child-3-acc
ni-n yaku-ta apa-mu-y
say-3 water-acc bring-cisl-imp
‘The person said, “I’m thirsty.” So he said to his child, “Bring water!”’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

4.4.2 Verbs derived from verbs

A set of eighteen suffixes derives verbs from verbs. They are: -cha, -chi, -ka,
-katra, -kU , -lla, -mu, -nakU , -naya, -pa, -pa(:)kU , -pU , -Ra, -Ri, -RU , -shi, -tamu,
and -YkU .
-chi (causative) derives verbs with the meaning ‘cause V’ or ‘permit V’ (wañu-
chi- ‘kill’ (lit. ‘make die’)). Compounded with reflexive -ku, -chi derives verbs
with the meaning ‘cause oneself to V’ or ‘cause oneself to be V-ed’ (yanapa-chi-
ku- ‘get oneself helped’).
-ka (passive/accidental) indicates that the event referred to is not under the
control either of a participant in that event or of the speaker (puñu-ka- ‘fall
asleep’).
-katra (iterative) indicates extended or repetitive action (kurri-katra- ‘to run
around and around’).
-kU (reflexive, middle, medio-passive, passive) derives verbs with the mean-
ings ‘V oneself’ (mancha-ku- ‘scare oneself’, ‘get scared’), ‘V for oneself/one’s
own benefit (suwa-ku ‘steal’) ‘be V-ed’ (pampa-ku- ‘be buried’).
-lla (restrictive, limitative) indicates that the event referred to remains limited
to itself and is not accompanied by other events (lluqsi-lla- ‘just leave’).
-mu (cislocative, translocative) indicates – in the case of verbs involving mo-
tion – motion toward the speaker or toward a place which is indicated by the
speaker (apa-mu- ‘bring here’).
-nakU (reciprocal) derives verbs with the meaning ‘V each other’ (willa-naku-
‘tell each other’); compounded with causative -chi, -nakU derives verbs with the
meaning and ‘cause each other to V’ (willa-chi-naku- ‘cause each other to tell’).
-naya (desiderative) derives a compound verb meaning ‘to give the desire to
V’ (miku-naya- ‘be hungry’ (lit. ‘gives the desire to eat’)).
-pa (repetitive) indicates renewed or repetitive action (tarpu-pa- ‘re-seed’, ‘re-
peatedly seed’); compounded with -ya (intensive) -paya derives verbs meaning
‘continue to V’ (trabaha-paya- ‘continue to work’).
-pa(:)kU (joint action) indicates joint action by a plurality of individuals (traba-
ha-pa:ku- ‘work (together with others)’).
-pU (benefactive) indicates that an action is performed on behalf – or to the
detriment – of someone other than the subject (pripara-pu- ‘prepare (for s.o.
else)’); compounded with -kU , -pU indicates that indicates the action is perfor-
med as a means or preparation for something else more important (including all
remunerated labor) (awa-paku- ‘weave (for others, to make money)’).
-Ra (persistence) derives verbs with the meaning ‘continue to V’ (qawa-ra-
‘look at persistently’); compounded with -ya (intensive) -raya derives passive

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from transitive verbs; that is, -raya derives verbs meaning ‘be V-ed’ (wata-raya-
‘be tied’).
-Ri (inceptive) derives verbs meaning ‘begin to V’ (shinka-ri- ‘begin to get
drunk’).
-RU (various) indicates action with urgency or personal interest (chaki-ru- ‘dry
out (dangerously)’); it is very frequently used with a completive interpretation
(kani-ru-n ‘bit’).
-shi (accompaniment) derives verbs meaning ‘accompany in V-ing’ or ‘help V’
(harka-shi- ‘help herd’).
-tamu (irreversible) indicates a change of state that is irreversible (wañu-tamu-
‘die’).
-YkU (exceptional) is perhaps the derivative suffix for which is it hardest to
identify any kind of central interpretation; with regard to cognates in other Que-
chuan languages, it is sometimes said that it indicates action performed in some
way different from usual.
Table 4.29 lists the VV derivational suffixes; associated examples are fully glossed
in the corresponding sections.
Of the eighteen, arguably only four – causative -chi, reflexive -ku, reciprocal
-nakU , and desierative -naya – actually change the root’s theta structure and
derive new lexical items. The rest specify mode and/or aspect and/or otherwise
function adverbally.
The analyses of §4.4.2.1 identify some of the more common possible interpreta-
tions of these suffixes. That said, the interpretations given are hardly exhaustive
or definitive, not least because each generally includes multiple vectors. §4.4.2.3
looks at each of these suffixes in turn. -ya (continuative), also VV derivative
suffix, was treated above in §4.3.6.1.

4.4.2.1 Distribution of VV derivational suffixes

The default order of VV derivational suffixes is given in Table 4.30.
Although this order is generally rigid, some suffixes show optional order when
appearing consecutively. Causative -chi is likely the most mobile; change in its
placement results in a change in verb meaning (wañu-chi-naya-wa-n ‘it makes
me want to kill’ wañu-naya-chi-wa-n ‘it makes me feel like I want to die’ (example
from Albó (1964), as cited in Cerrón-Palomino 1987: 284). -chi and continuative
-ya regularly commute (1), (2), as do exceptional -ykU and reflexive -kU (3), (4).

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 4.4 Verb derivation

Table 4.29: Verb-verb derivational suffixes, with examples

-cha diminutive Wilka-y-ta ‘My grandson is playing’.

puklla-cha-ya-n.
-chi causative Ishpa-y-cha-ta ‘I made him drink urine.’
tuma-ra-chi-rqa-ni.
-ka passive/accidental Puñu-ka-ru-n-mi. ‘She has fallen asleep’.
-katra iterative Pawa-katra-shpa ‘jumping and jumping’
-kU reflexive, passive Kikinpis Campionakurun. ‘They themselves
poisoned themselves
with Campión.’
-lla restrictive Wak runa-qa … ‘Those people … just
piliya-ku-lla-n. fight.’
-mu cislocative Qati-mu-shaq kay-man. ‘I’m going to bring it over
here.’
-nakU reciprocal Kay visinu-kuna-qa ‘The neighbors denounce
dinunsiya-naku-n each other, they hit each
maqa-naku-n. other.’
-naya desiderative Ishpa-naya-wa-n. ‘I want to urinate.’
-pa repetitive Qawa-pa-yku-pti-n-ña- ‘If he’s looking every
taq-shi. second.’
-pa(:)kU joint action Tari-pa:ku-n-man-pis ‘They might have found
ka-rqa. him.’
-pU benefactive Chay-lla-pa ‘Just there prepare it for
pripara-pu-nki. me.’
-Ra uninterrupted ¿Ima-ta-m ‘What are you looking at
qawa-ra-ya-nki? (persistently)?’
-Ri inceptive Warmi-kuna-qa ‘When the women [start
shinka-ri-shpa … waqa-n. to] get drunk … they cry.’
-RU urgency, completive Miku-ru-shunki wak ‘(Careful!) that zombie
kundinaw-qa. will eat you.’
-shi accompaniment “Harka-shi-sa-yki-m”, ‘“I’m going to help you
ni-n. pasture,” he said.’
-tamu irreversible Wañu-tamu-sha qari-qa. ‘The man died.’
-YkU exceptional Kay-lla-pi, Señor, ‘Right here, Sir, please
tiya-yku-y. have a seat.’

Table 4.30: Default order of modal suffixes

ka pa Ra katra cha Ri ykU RU chi shi pU na kU mu lla

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4 Verbs

(1) Llamputa mikuykayachin shakashta. amv

llampu-ta miku-yka-ya-chi-n shakash-ta
llampu-acc eat-excep-prog-caus-3 guinea.pig-acc
‘He’s making the guinea pig eat the llampu.’

(2) Mana suliyasa kaptinqa wakta suliyachiyanchik. amv

mana suliya-sa ka-pti-n-qa wak-ta suliya-chi-ya-nchik
no sun-prf subds-3-top dem.d-acc sun-caus-prog-1pl
‘When it hasn’t been sunned, we sun it.’

(3) Ima kuchilluwanpis imawanpis apuntaykukushpa kayhina

kurriyamun. ach
ima kuchillu-wan-pis ima-wan-pis apunta-yku-ku-shpa
what knife-instr-add what-instr-add point-excep-refl-subis
kay-hina kurri-ya-mu-n
dem.p-comp run-prog-cisl-3
‘With a knife or whatever, taking aim [at us] they’re running like
this.’

(4) Ñuqanchikqa paraptin uvihanchik yatanpi puñunchik muntita

mashtakuykushpam, ukunchikta yaku riptin. amv
ñuqa-nchik-qa para-pti-n uviha-nchik yata-n-pi puñu-nchik
I-1pl-top rain-subds sheep-1pl side-3-loc sleep-1pl
munti-ta mashta-ku-yku-shpa-m uku-nchik-ta yaku
brush-acc spread-refl-excep-subis-evd below-1pl-acc water
ri-pti-n
go-subds-3
‘When it rains, we spread out brush and sleep next to our sheep –
when the water goes below us.’
Some combinations are not possible. Although some combinations are, arguably,
precluded for pragmatic reasons (i.e., they would denote highly unlikely or even
impossible states or events), the exclusion of others begs other accounts (5).
(5) *kumudashikuyan *kumudakushiyan amv
*kumuda-shi-ku-ya-n *kumuda-ku-shi-ya-n
comfortable-acmp-refl-prog-3 comfortable-refl-acmp-prog-3
‘They accompanied getting comfortable.’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

4.4.2.2 Morphophonemics
In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, the first-person-object suffix -ma (1)
and the cislocative suffix -mu (2) trigger the lowering of a preceding vowel -U-
to -a-; causative suffix -chi does so as well when it precedes -kU , -RU , or -ykU (3).
Table 4.31 displays the pattern of morphophonemic alterations in syq.
Table 4.31: VV derivational suffixes – morphophonemics

U represents an alternation between [u] and [a].

Morpheme Realized as Before Elsewhere as

-kU -ka -ma1.obj -mu -chi -ku
-pU -pa -ma1.obj -mu -kU -pu
-RU -Ra -ma1.obj -mu -kU -pU -chi -Ru
-ykU -yka -ma1.obj -mu -pU -chi -yku

(1) Chay gwardya paqarinnintaq kaypaq trayaramun. sp

chay gwardya paqarin-ni-n-taq kay-paq
dem.d police tomorrow-euph-3-seq dem.p-loc
traya-ra-mu-n
arrive-urgt-cisl-3
‘The next day the police arrived here.’

(2) Makiyta ñuqaqa paqakaramuniñam. amv

maki-y-ta ñuqa-qa paqa-ka-ra-mu-ni-ña-m
hand-1-acc I-top wash-refl-urgt-cisl-1-disc-evd
‘I’ve already washed my hands.’

(3) Wirayaykachishpam qamtaqa mikushunki. ach

wira-ya-yka-chi-shpa-m qam-ta-qa miku-shunki
fat-inch-excep-caus-subis-evd you-acc-top eat-3>2
‘After she’s fattened you up, she’s going to eat you.’

Additionally, in syq, both -pU and -kU trigger vowel lowering, the first with
-RU (4) and -ykU (5), and the second with -RU (6) and -pU .

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4 Verbs

(4) Tapumuptin traskirapamuway hinashpa allicharapuway. amv

tapu-mu-pti-n traski-ra-pa-mu-wa-y hinashpa
ask-cisl-subds-3 accept-unint-ben-cisl-1.obj-imp then
alli-cha-ra-pu-wa-y
good-fact-unint-ben-1.obj-imp
‘When he asks, receive it for me then put it in order it for me.’

(5) Chaytatrik indikaykapuwanki. amv

chay-ta-tri-k indika-yka-pu-wa-nki
dem.d-acc-evc-ik indicate-excep-ben-1.obj-2
‘You’re going to point that out to me.’

(6) Wak warmiqa wawapakurusam. amv

wak warmi-qa wawa-pa-ku-ru-sa-m
dem.d woman-top give.birth-mutben-urgt-npst-evd
‘That woman gave birth to an illegitimate child.’

W. Adelaar (p.c.) points out that that “the morphophomemic vowel lowering
presented [here] is not locally restricted.” In miku-yka-ya-chi-n, for example,
he writes, -ykU- is apparently modified to -yka- under the influence of a non-
adjacent suffix -chi-, and in ushtichi-ka-la-mu-y, -kU is apparently modified to
-ka under the influence of the non-adjacent -mu. In these and similar cases, syq
patterns with the Central Peruvian QI, he writes. He suggests that this non-local
vowel lowering may be an archaic feature since Southern Peruvian Quechua does
not have it.

4.4.2.3 Individual derivational and complementary suffixes

4.4.2.3.1 -cha Diminutive. -cha indicates action performed by a child or in the
manner of a child (1) or action of little importance.
(1) Chay willkayta uchuklla pukllachayan qawaykuni. amv
chay willka-y-ta uchuk-lla puklla-cha-ya-n qawa-yku-ni
dem.d grandson-1-acc small-rstr play-dim-prog-3 look-excep-1
‘I look. My little grandson is playing.’

It may also indicate an affectionate attitude on the part of the speaker (2), (3).
Not attested in the ch dialect.

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(2) ¿Imatataq ruwayan pay? Grabachayan. amv

ima-ta-taq ruwa-ya-n pay graba-cha-ya-n
what-acc-seq make-prog-3 she record-dim-prog-3
‘What is she doing? Recording.’

(3) Kanan nasicharamunña. amv

kanan nasi-cha-ra-mu-n-ña
now be.born-dim-urgt-cisl-disc-disc
‘She’s already born now.’

4.4.2.3.2 Causative -chi, -chi-ku -chi indicates that the subject causes or per-
mits an action on the part of another participant; that is, -chi derives verbs with
the meaning ‘cause to V’ (1–4).
(1) Ishpaychata tumarachirqani. amv
ishpay-cha-ta tuma-ra-chi-rqa-ni
urine-dim-acc drink-urgt-caus-pst-1
‘I made/had him drink urine.’

(2) ¿Imash waqachishunki? ¿Ayvis waqankichu? ach

ima-sh waqa-chi-shu-nki ayvis waqa-nki-chu
what-evr cry-caus-2.obj-2 sometimes cry-2-q
‘What makes you cry, she asks? Do you cry sometimes?’

(3) Ishchallataña shutuykachiyman, ¿aw? amv

ishcha-lla-ta-ña shutu-yka-chi-y-man aw
a.little-rstr-acc-disc drip-excep-caus-1-cond yes
‘I have to make it drip just a little, right?’

(4) Ñakayachiwanmi. amv

ñaka-ya-chi-wa-n-mi
suffer-prog-caus-1.obj-3-evd
‘He’s making me suffer.’

Compounded with reflexive -ku, -chi indicates that the actor causes him/herself
to act or causes or permits another to act on him/her (5), (6).

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4 Verbs

(5) Chirirushpaqa manañam llushtichikunchu. amv

chiri-ru-shpa-qa mana-ña-m llushti-chi-ku-n-chu
cold-urgt-subis-qa no-disc-evd skin-caus-refl-3-neg
‘When it’s cold, it doesn’t let itself be [=can’t be] skinned any more.’

(6) Yanapachikunki. amv

yanapa-chi-ku-nki
help-caus-refl-2
‘You’re going to get yourself helped.’

4.4.2.3.3 Passive/accidental -ka -ka indicates that the event referred to is not
under the control either of a participant in that event or of the speaker (1–5).
(1) Puñukarunmi. amv
puñu-ka-ru-n-mi
sleep-passacc-urgt-3-evd
‘She fell asleep.’

(2) Pasaypaq punkisa purirqa. Qaparikashtin rin ninmi. amv

pasaypaq punki-sa puri-rqa qapari-ka-shtin ri-n
completely swell-prf walk-pst shout-passacc-subadv go-3
ni-n-mi
say-3-evd
‘He was walking totally swollen. He was shouting [despite himself].’

(3) Suyñukayanchik runallata fiyullataña. ach

suyñu-ka-ya-nchik runa-lla-ta fiyu-lla-ta-ña
dream-passacc-prog-1pl person-rstr-acc ugly-rstr-acc-disc
‘We’re having terrible dreams [nightmares] about the people.’

(4) Wakhina lliw lliw tumbakarushpa … amv

wak-hina lliw lliw tumba-ka-ru-shpa
dem.d-comp all all fall-passacc-urgt-subis
‘All of them, falling down like that …’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(5) Achka luna huntalamusha. Taytalla:qa kallipa pulikusha ashikayan

tayta:taq. ch
achka luna hunta-la-mu-sha tayta-lla-:-qa kalli-pa
a.lot person gather-urgt-cisl-tk father-rstr-1-top street-loc
puli-ku-sha ashi-ka-ya-n tayta-:-ta-qa
walk-refl-npst laugh-passacc-prog-3 father-1-acc-top
‘A lot of people had gathered. My father was walking in the street
and they made fun of him.’

4.4.2.3.4 Iterative -katra -katra indicates extended (1–2), or repetitive (3–6)

action.
(1) Qawakatrayan. amv
qawa-katra-ya-n
look-freq-prog-3
‘She’s staring’, ‘She’s looking around.’

(2) Mana wayrakunaykipaq kaynacham apakatrakunki. amv

mana wayra-ku-na-yki-paq kayna-cha-m apa-katra-ku-nki
no wind-refl-nmlz-2-purp thus-dim-evd bring-freq-refl-2
‘So that you don’t get bad air [sick], you’ll carry along some just like
this.’

(3) Killantin killantin maskani tapukatrashpa. amv

killa-ntin killa-ntin maska-ni tapu-katra-shpa
month-incl month-incl search.for-1 ask-freq-subis
‘I looked for him for months and months, asking and asking.’

(4) Wak maqtaqa pukllayta atipanchu, qay. Yangam saytakatrayan. amv

wak maqta-qa puklla-y-ta atipa-n-chu qay yanga-m
dem.d young.man-top play-inf-acc be.able-3-neg hey in.vain-evd
sayta-katra-ya-n
kick-freq-prog-3
‘That boy can’t play [ball], eh. In vain, he’s kicking and kicking.’

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4 Verbs

(5) Qunirichirqatriki. Qaparikatrarqa. Arruhaytash qallakuykun. amv

quni-ri-chi-rqa-tri-ki qapari-katra-rqa arruha-y-ta-sh
warm-incep-caus-pst-evc-iki shout-freq-pst vomit-inf-acc-evr
qalla-ku-yku-n
begin-refl-excep-3
‘It must have heated him up. He shouted and shouted. [Then] he
starts to throw up, they say.’

(6) Hinaptinqa qayakatrakun, “¡Abuelo Prudencio! ¡Suyaykamay!

Qarqaryam qipa:ta shamukuyan.” ch
hinaptin-qa qaya-katra-ku-n abuelo Prudencio
then-top shout-freq-refl-3 grandfather Prudencio
suya-yka-ma-y qarqarya-m qipa-:-ta shamu-ku-ya-n
wait-excep-1.obj-imp zombie-evd behind-1-acc come-refl-prog-3
‘Then he called several times, “Grandfather Prudencio! Wait for me!
A zombie is coming behind me!”’

4.4.2.3.5 Reflexive, middle, medio-passive, passive -kU -kU indicates that

the subject acts on him/herself or that the subject of the verb is the object of
the event referred to; that is, -kU derives verbs with the meanings ‘V oneself’ (1–
2), and ‘be V-ed’ (3).
(1) Kikinpis Campionakurun. amv
kiki-n-pis Campiona-ku-ru-n
self-3-add poison.with.Campion-refl-urgt-3
‘They themselves poisoned themselves with Campión.’

(2) Kundinakurushpa chay pashña kaqta trayaramun. amv

kundina-ku-ru-shpa chay pashña ka-q-ta
condemn-refl-urgt-subis demd girl be-ag-acc
traya-ra-mu-n
arrive-urgt-cisl-3
‘Condemning himself [becoming a zombie], he arrived at the girl’s
place at night.’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(3) Manam huyaku:chu. Manam imapis manchachimanchu. ch

mana-m huya-ku-:-chu mana-m ima-pis
no-evd scare-refl-1-neg no=evd what-add
mancha-chi-ma-n-chu
scare-caus-1.obj-3-neg
‘I’m not scared. Nothing scares me.’
-kU often functions as a dative of interest, indicating that the subject has some
particular interest in the event referred to (4), (5).
(4) Kay inbidyusu wawqin, “¡Suwakamuranki tuta!” nishpa. lt
kay inbidyusu wawqi-n suwa-ka-mu-ra-nki tuta ni-shpa
dem.p jealous brother-3 steal-refl-cisl-pst-2 night say-subis
‘His jealous brother said, “You stole those at night!”’

(5) Mashwakuna ullukukunaktam ayvis talpukunchik. ch

mashwa-kuna ulluku-kuna-kta-m ayvis talpu-ku-nchik
mashwa-pl ulluco-refl-acc-evd sometimes plant-refl-1pl
‘Sometimes we plant mashua and olluco and all.’
-kU is used with impersonal weather verbs (6); it can indicate completed action
(a completed or more or less irreversible change of state) (7) (see §4.3.6.3 on per-
fective -ku), and excess of action (8), (9).
(6) Wayrakuyanmari. Wayrakuyan, qasakuyan, rupakuyan. amv
wayra-ku-ya-n-m-ari wayra-ku-ya-n qasa-ku-ya-n
wind-refl-prog-3-evd-ari wind-refl-prog-3 ice-refl-prog-3
rupa-ku-ya-n
burn-refl-prog-3
‘It’s windy. It’s windy, it’s freezing, it’s hot.’

(7) Traputaqa aparikushpa pasakun. sp

trapu-ta-qa apa-ri-ku-shpa pasa-ku-n
rag-acc-top bring-incep-refl-subis pass-refl-3
‘Taking along the rag, she left.’

(8) Kashtukuyan. amv

kashtu-ku-ya-n
chew-refl-prog-3
‘He’s chewing a lot.’

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4 Verbs

(9) Tilivisyunta likakuyan. Manam ñuqakunaqa gustamanchu chayqa

tantu. ch
tilivisyun-ta lika-ku-ya-n mana-m ñuqa-kuna-qa
television-acc look.at-refl-prog-3 no-evd I-pl-top
gusta-ma-n-chu chay-qa tantu
be.pleasing-1.obj-3-neg dem.d a.lot
‘They’re watching television [a lot]. We don’t like that too much.’

-ku appears in reflexive verbs borrowed from Spanish, translating the Spanish
pronouns me, te, se, and nos (10), (11).
(10) Manañam kwintakuchuwanchu. lt
mana-ña-m kwinta-ku-chuwan-chu
no-disc-evd realize-refl-1pl.cond-neg
‘We can no longer realize it.’ Sp. ‘Ya no podemos darnos cuenta’.

(11) Iskapakushaq maymanpis. ch

iskapa-ku-shaq may-man-pis
escape-refl-1.fut where-all-add
‘I’m going escape to wherever.’ Sp. ‘Me voy a escapar’.

When it precedes either of the derivational suffixes -mu or -chi or the inflectional
suffix -ma, -kU is realized as -ka (4).

4.4.2.3.6 Restrictive, limitative -lla -lla indicates that the event referred to
remains limited to itself and is not accompanied by other events (1), (2).
(1) Wak runaqa wama wamaqtam piliyakullan. amv
wak runa-qa wama wamaq-ta-m piliya-ku-lla-n
dem.d person-top a.lot a.lot-acc-evd fight-refl-rstr-3
‘Those people fight too much, do nothing but fight.’

(2) Alkansaptin, “¡Suyaykullaway!” nishpa. amv

alkansa-pti-n, suya-yku-lla-wa-y ni-shpa
reach-subds-3 wait-excep-restr-imp say-subis
‘When he reached her, he said, “Just wait for me!”’

It may also express (a) an affectionate or familiar attitude toward the event (3), (4),
(b) regret with regard to the event (5), (6), or (c) pity for event participants (7).

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(3) Fiystapa tushukunki. Kanan irransa kakullanqatriki. amv

fiysta-pa tushu-ku-nki kanan irransa
festival-loc dance-refl-2 now herranza
ka-ku-lla-nqa-tri-ki
be-refl-rstr-3.fut-evc-iki
‘You’ll dance at the festival. Now there’s going to be an herranza, for
sure.’

(4) Aspirinakunata qayna puntraw apamullawan qaquwan trakiyta. amv

aspirina-kuna-ta qayna puntraw apa-mu-lla-wa-n
aspirin-pl-acc previous day bring-cisl-rstr-1.obj-3
qaqu-wa-n traki-y-ta
massage-1.obj-3 foot-1-acc
‘She brought me aspirin and everything yesterday and she rubbed
my foot.’

(5) Shunquy hunta llakiyuqtam saqillasqayki; ñawiy hunta wiqiyuqtam

dihallasqayki. amv
shunqu-y hunta llaki-yuq-ta-m saqi-lla-sqayki ñawi-y
heart-1 full sorrow-poss-acc-evd leave-rstr-1>2.fut eye-1
hunta wiqi-yuq-ta-m diha-lla-sqayki
full tear-poss-acc-evd leave-rstr-1>2.fut
‘My heart full of sadness I’m going to abandon you, my eyes full of
tears, I’m going to leave you.’

(6) Chay pubrikunaqa mana imatas yatranchu. Qullqitapis falsutapis

traskillan. ach
chay pubri-kuna-qa mana ima-ta-s yatra-n-chu
dem.d poor-pl-top no what-acc-add know-3-neg
qullqi-ta-pis falsu-ta-pis traski-lla-n
money-acc-add false-acc-add accept-rstr-3
‘Those poor people don’t know anything. They accept counterfeit
money [poor things].’

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4 Verbs

(7) Chay wawakuna kidan hukvida tristi sapan. Runapam makinpaña

yatrakullan. ach
chay wawa-kuna kida-n hukvida tristi sapa-n runa-pa-m
dem.d baby-pl stay-3 a.lot sad alone-3 person-gen-evd
maki-n-pa-ña yatra-ku-lla-n
hand-3-loc-disc live-refl-rstr-3
‘Those children remain really sad, alone. They live out of other
people’s hands.’
Other interpretations are also available (8).
(8) Qariqarillaraqchu qariqarillaraqmi niytaq niyallan hinashpa
wañukun. sp
qari-qari-lla-raq-chu qari-qari-lla-raq-mi ni-y-taq
man-man-rstr-cont-q man-man-rstr-cont-evd say-imp-seq
ni-ya-lla-n hinashpa wañu-ku-n
say-prog-rstr-3 then die-refl-3
‘“Still brave and strong?” “Yes, still brave and strong!” he said for the
sake of saying and died.’

4.4.2.3.7 -mu In the case of verbs involving motion, -mu indicates motion to-
ward the speaker (1), (2) or toward a place which is indicated by the speaker (3–5).
(1) Ishkay killanta papaniy kartata pachimuwan wañukusanña. amv
ishkay killa-n-ta papa-ni-y karta-ta pachi-mu-wa-n
two month-3-acc father-euph-1 letter-acc send-cisl-1.obj-3
wañu-ku-sa-n-ña
die-refl-prf-3-disc
‘Two months later, my father sent me a letter that [the vicuña] had
died.’

(2) Navidadninchik trayamuptinqa tushukunchik. ch

navidad-ni-nchik traya-mu-pti-n-qa tushu-ku-nchik
Christmas-euph-1pl arrive-cisl-subds-3-top dance-refl-1pl
‘When our Christmas comes, we dance.’

(3) Yuraq kaballuqa yuraq vakata arrastramusa. amv

yuraq kaballu-qa yuraq vaka-ta arrastra-mu-sa
white horse-top white cow-acc drag-cisl-npst
‘A white horse was dragging along a white cow.’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(4) Ladirankunapaq rumipis hinkuyamuntriki. ach

ladira-n-kuna-paq rumi-pis hinku-ya-mu-n-tri-ki
hillside-3-pl-abl stone-add roll-prog-cisl-3-evc-iki
‘Stones, too, must be rolling down from the hillsides.’

(5) Kanan wichayta riya: uvihaman. Uviha:ta michimushaq. sp

kanan wichay-ta ri-ya-: uviha-man uviha-:-ta
now up.hill-acc go-prog-1 sheep-all sheep-1-acc
michi-mu-shaq
herd-cisl-1.fut
‘Now I’m going up hill to my sheep. I’m going to herd my sheep.’

In the case of verbs that do not involve motion, -mu may have various senses.
These may have in common that they all add a vector of movement to the ac-
tion named by the V and, further, that such movement is away from ego, as an
anonymous reviewer suggests (6), (7).
(6) Lichita mañakaramuy tiyuykipa. lt
lichi-ta maña-ka-ra-mu-y tiyu-yki-pa
milk-acc ask-refl-urgt-cisl-imp uncle-2-loc
‘Go ask your uncle for milk.’

(7) ¡Llushtichikalamuy hakuykikta! ch

llushti-chi-ka-la-mu-y haku-yki-kta
skin-caus-refl-urgt-cisl-imp jacket-2-acc
‘Go take off your jacket!’

4.4.2.3.8 Reciprocal -nakU -nakU indicates that two or more actors act recip-
rocally on each other; that is, -nakU derives verbs with the meaning ‘V each
other’ (1–3).
(1) ¿Wakpaq pantyunpa pampanakunman? amv
wak-paq pantyun-pa pampa-naku-n-man
dem.d-abl cemetery-loc bury-recp-3-cond
‘Can people there bury each other in the cemetery?’

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4 Verbs

(2) Kaypaqmá kay visinukuna piliyakullan hukvidata dinunsiyanakun

maqanakun. ach
kay-paq-m-á kay visinu-kuna piliya-ku-lla-n
dem.p-abl-evd-emph dem.p neighbor-pl fight-refl-rstr-3
hukvida-ta dinunsiya-naku-n maqa-naku-n
a.lot-acc denounce-recp-3 hit-recp-3
‘Around here, my neighbors fight a lot. They denounce each other;
they hit each other.’

(3) Kikinkunatrik ruwanakun wak pastuta kitanakushpa. lt

kiki-n-kuna-tri-k ruwa-naku-n wak pastu-ta
self-3-pl-evc-ik make-recp-3 dem.d pasture.grass-acc
kita-naku-shpa
take.away-recp-subis
‘They themselves do that to each other, taking that pasture grass
from each other.’
-na never appears independently of -kU . -chinakU derives verbs with the mean-
ing ‘cause each other to V’ (4–6). When it precedes either of the derivational suf-
fixes -mu or -chi or the inflectional suffix -ma, -(chi)nakU is realized as -(chi)naka.
(4) Yuyarichinakuyan. amv
yuya-ri-chi-naku-ya-n
remember-incep-caus-recp-prog-3
‘They’re making each other remember.’

(5) Kikinkamatr wañuchinakura. Gwardyakunatr wañuchira. ach

kiki-n-kama-tr wañu-chi-naku-ra gwardya-kuna-tr wañu-chi-ra
self-3-lim-evc die-caus-recp-pst police-pl-evc die-caus-pst
‘They must have killed each other themselves.’ (lit. ‘caused e.o. to
die’)

(6) Ishkay kimsam. Yatrachinakuykushpa misita watarun kunkanman. ach

ishkay kimsa-m yatra-chi-naku-yku-shpa misi-ta wata-ru-n
two three-evd know-caus-recp-excep-subis cat-acc tie-urgt-3
kunka-n-man
throat-3-all
‘Two or three. Teaching each other, they tied cats to their necks.’
(lit. ‘cause e.o. to know’)

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 4.4 Verb derivation

4.4.2.3.9 -naya In combination with a verb stem, V, it yields a compound verb

meaning ‘to give the desire to V’ (1–4).
(1) Tutakuykunña mikunayan lliwña. sp
tuta-ku-yku-n-ña miku-naya-n lliw-ña
night-refl-excep-3-disc eat-desr-3 all-disc
‘Night falls already and he is hungry and everything already.’

(2) Mashwata mikuptinchik ishpanayawanchik. Chay riñunninchikta

limpiyanshi. amv
mashwa-ta miku-pti-nchik ishpa-naya-wa-nchik chay
mashwa-acc eat-subds-1pl urinate-desr-1.obj-1pl dem.d
riñun-ni-nchik-ta limpiya-n-shi
kidney-euph-1pl-acc wash-3-evr
‘When we eat mashua, it makes us want to urinate. It cleans our
kidneys, they say.’

(3) Chayta siguruta watanki Hilda icha tiranayashpa iskaparunman. amv

chay-ta siguru-ta wata-nki Hilda icha tira-naya-shpa
dem.d-acc secure-acc tie-2 Hilda or pull-desr-subis
iskapa-ru-n-man
escape-urgt-3-cond
‘Tie it up tight, Hilda, or else, wanting to pull, it could escape.’

(4) Hildapa turin maqta kay hanaypaq uraypaqa aritita

ushtunayarachin. amv
Hilda-pa turi-n maqta kay hanay-paq
Hilda-gen brother-3 young.man dem.p up.hill-abl
uray-pa-qa ariti-ta ushtu-naya-ra-chi-n
down.hill-loc-top earring-acc dress-desr-urgt-caus-3
‘Hilda’s brother from up here, down [on the coast] wanted to have
an earring put on.’
Particularly with weather verbs, -naya may indicate that the E named by the root
V is imminent (5), (6).
(5) Paranayamun. ach
para-naya-mu-n.
rain-desr-cisl-3
‘It’s about to rain.’

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4 Verbs

(6) Shakashqa wañunayanña. amv

shakash-qa wañu-naya-n-ña
giunea.pig-top die-desr-3-disc
‘The guinea pig is about to die already.’

4.4.2.3.10 Repetitive -pa -pa indicates repetitive action, deriving verbs with
the meaning ‘re-V’ or ‘V again’ or ‘repeatedly V’ (1–6) (yata ‘touch’ → yata-pa
‘fondle’). It is unattested in the ch dialect.
(1) Liyun mikusa. Tuqapaykun. ‘¿Wañusachu kayan?’ nishpa. amv
liyun miku-sa tuqa-pa-yku-n wañu-sa-chu ka-ya-n
puma eat-npst spit-repet-excep-3 dead-prf-q be-prog-3
ni-shpa
say-subis
‘The puma [began to] eat it. He spit repeatedly. “Is it dead?” he said.’

(2) Huk puntraw huk tuta nanapashunki. ach

huk puntraw huk tuta nana-pa-shu-nki
one day one night hurt-repet-2.obj-2
‘One day and one night it’s hurting and hurting you [to give birth].’

(3) ‘¿Imapaqtaq wak yawar yawar kayan?’ diciendo dice qawapaykun. amv
ima-paq-taq wak yawar ka-ya-n qawa-pa-yku-n
what-purp-seq dem.d blood be-prog-3 look-repet-excep-3
‘[They said,] “Why is there this blood, all this blood?” and stared at
him.’

(4) Qawapaykaramushpam. lt
qawa-pa-yka-ra-mu-shpa-m
look-repet-excep-urgt-cisl-subis-evd
‘Going to go check it.’

(5) Warmi ka-pti-n-qa yata-pa-shpa-tr qaqu-ya-n. amv

warmi ka-pti-n-qa yata-pa-shpa-tr qaqu-ya-n
woman be-subds-3-top touch-repet-subis-evc rub-prog-3
‘If it’s a woman he’ll be fondling her while he massages.’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(6) ¿Imapaq aysapamaranki ñuqa hawka puñukupti:? ¡Manchachiman! sp

imapaq aysa-pa-ma-ra-nki ñuqa hawka puñu-ku-pti-:
what-prup pull-ben-1.obj-pst-2 I peaceful sleep-refl-subds-1
mancha-chi-ma-n
scare-caus-1.obj-3
‘Why did you tug/yank at me when I was sleeping peacefully? It
scares me.’
When it is compounded with intensive -ya, -pa indicates uninterrupted action;
that is, -paya derives verbs meaning ‘continue to V’ (7).
(7) ¿Pukllapayanchu? ¿Kaniruytachu munayan? amv
puklla-pa-ya-n-chu kani-ru-y-ta-chu muna-ya-n
play-repet-intens-3-q bite-urgt-inf-acc-q want-prog-3
‘Is it still playing? Or does it want to bite?’

4.4.2.3.11 -pU -pU indicates that an action is performed on behalf (1), (2) – or
to the detriment – of someone other than the subject.
(1) Chayllapa priparapunki. amv
chay-lla-pa pripara-pu-nki
dem.d-restr-loc prepare-ben-2
‘Just there prepare it [for her].’

(2) “¡Hinata risarapuway! Pagashaykim,” niwan. lt

hina-ta risa-ra-pu-wa-y paga-shayki-m ni-wa-n
thus-acc pray-unint-ben-1.obj-imp pay-1>2.fut-evd say-1.obj-3
‘He said to me, “Pray for me like that! I’ll pay you.”’

When it precedes either of the derivational suffixes -mu or -chi or the inflectional
suffix -ma, -pU is realized as -pa (3), (4).
(3) Sigaru rantipamuwanki, Hilda, fumakushtin kutikamunanpaq. amv
sigaru ranti-pa-mu-wa-nki Hilda fuma-ku-shtin
cigarette buy-ben-cisl-1.obj-2 Hilda smoke-refl-subis
kuti-ka-mu-na-n-paq
return-refl-cisl-nmlz-3-purp
‘Hilda, go and buy me a cigarette so he can smoke while he’s coming
back.’

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4 Verbs

(4) “¡Gwardapamanki! ¡Gwardapamanki!” niman. ch

gwarda-pa-ma-nki gwarda-pa-ma-nki ni-ma-n
save-ben-1.obj-2 save-ben-1.obj-2 say-1.obj-3
‘He said to me, “Save it for me! Save it for me!”’

4.4.2.3.12 Joint action -pa(:)kU -pa:kU indicates action performed jointly by

two or more (groups of) actors, i.e., it indicates a plurality of actors (1–7). The long
vowel may be dropped in those dialects where the first person is not indicated
by vowel lengthening.
(1) Kutiramushpaqa kapastri taripa:kunman karqa. amv
kuti-ra-mu-shpa-qa kapas-tri tari-pa:ku-n-man
return-urgt-cisl-subis-top perhaps-evc find-jtact-urgt-cond
ka-rqa
be-pst
‘If they had returned maybe they would have found him.’

(2) Kayna hapipakunchik. ach

kayna hapi-paku-nchik
thus grab-jtacc-1pl
‘Like this. We hold on [to the woman to help her give birth].’

(3) Pasan. Lliw lliw ripa:kuyan. Sapalla: kashaq. sp

pasa-n lliw lliw ri-pa:ku-ya-n sapa-lla-: ka-shaq
pass-3 all all go-jtacc-prog-3 alone-rstr-1 be-be-1.fut
‘They’re leaving. All [of them] are going. I’m going to be all alone.’

(4) Chayshik chay susiyukuna ruwapakurqa chay nichutanta. amv

chay-shi-k chay susiyu-kuna ruwa-paku-rqa chay
dem.d-evr-k dem.d associate-refl make-mutben-pst dem.d
nichu-ta-n-ta
crypt-acc-3-acc
‘That’s why, they say, before, the members made the crypts together.’

(5) Kukakunata akupakunchik. Kustumbrinchikmi. amv

kuka-kuna-ta aku-paku-nchik kustumbri-nchik-mi
coca-pl-acc chew-mutben-1pl custom-1pl-evd
‘We chew coca [together]. It’s our custom.’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(6) Uqaktam talpupa:kuya:. ch

uqa-kta-m talpu-pa:ku-ya-:
oca-acc-evd plant-jtacc-prog-1
‘We’re planting oca.’

(7) Kañapa:kurqani rupanta. Comp. Kañapakurqanchik. amv

kaña-pa:ku-rqa-ni rupa-n-ta kaña-paku-rqa-nchik
burn-jtacc-pst-1 clothes--3-acc burn-jtacc-pst-1pl
‘We’ve been burning her clothes.’ ‘We have burned [for someone
else].’

4.4.2.3.13 Mutual benefit -pakU -pakU indicates actions performed outside

the scope of original planning (1–3) as well as actions performed as a means
or preparation for something else more important (including all remunerated
labor) (4–6).
(1) Sakristantam wañuchipakuruni. amv
sakristan-ta-m wañu-chi-paku-ru-ni
sacristan-acc-evd die-caus-mutben-urgt-1
‘I killed the deacon [by accident].’

(2) Urqupaqa puchukapakunchikmiki. amv

urqu-pa-qa puchuka-paku-nchik-mi-ki
hill-loc-top finish-mutben-1pl-evd-iki
‘In the hills, we finish them [our matches] off [they run out on us].’

(3) Wak warmiqa wawapakurusam. Wawapakuqtriki kidarqa. amv

wak warmi-qa wawa-paku-ru-sa-m
dem.d woman-top give.birth-mutben-urgt-npst-evd
wawa-paku-q-tri-ki kida-rqa
give.birth-mutben-ag-evc-iki remain-pst
‘That woman gave birth to an illegitimate child. She must have
stayed a single mother.’

(4) Tihipakushpalla wamran uywan. amv

tihi-paku-shpa-lla wamra-n uywa-n
weave-mutben-subis-rstr child-3 raise-3
‘Just weaving [for pay], she’s raising her son.’

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4 Verbs

(5) Kay siyrapaqa pasiyapaku: michipaku:. sp

kay siyra-pa-qa pasiya-paku-: michi-paku-:
dem.p mountain-loc-top walk-mutben-1 herd-mutben-1
‘In these mountains, I pasture, I herd [for others].’

(6) Karruwanñatr kanan imatapis rantipakuyan chay llamayuqkuna

alpakayuqkuna. ach
karru-wan-ña-tr kanan ima-ta-pis ranti-paku-ya-n
car-instr-disc-evc now what-acc-add buy-mutben-prog-3
chay llama-yuq-kuna alpaka-yuq-kuna
dem.d llama-poss-pl alpaca-poss-pl
‘Now the people with llamas and the people with alpacas must be
buying everything [in order to sell it] with a car.’
When it precedes either of the derivational suffixes -mu or -chi or the inflectional
suffix -ma, -pakU is realized as -paka (7).
(7) Sibadata takapakaramushaq waway machka mikunanpaq. amv
sibada-ta taka-paka-ra-mu-shaq wawa-y machka
barley-acc beat-mutben-cisl-1.fut baby-1 cereal.meal
miku-na-n-paq
eat-nmlz-3-purp
‘I’m going to thresh barley [for someone else] so my children can
eat toasted barley.’

4.4.2.3.14 Uninterrupted action -Ra -Ra – realized as -la in the ch dialect and
as -ra in all others – indicates that the event referred to persists in time; that is,
it derives verbs with the meaning ‘continue to V’ (1–3).
(1) Rinki qaqaman tiyarachishunki. sp
ri-nki qaqa-man tiya-ra-chi-shu-nki
go-2 cliff-all sit-unint-caus-2.obj-2
‘You’ll go to the cliff and he’ll make you sit and sit [stay] there.’

(2) Durasnu … llullu mashtarakuyan. lt

durasnu llullu mashta-ra-ku-ya-n
peach unripe spread.out-unint-refl-prog-3
‘Peaches … They’re spread out unripe.’

230
 4.4 Verb derivation

(3) Qawarayamun pashñaqa urata. lt

qawa-ra-ya-mu-n pashñaqa ura-ta
look-unint-intens-cisl-3 girl-top hour-acc
‘The girl kept checking the time.’

In combination with intensive -ya, -Ra derives passive verbs from active verbs (4–
7).
(4) Qaqapa ismu kundurlla warkurayan. amv
qaqa-pa ismu kundur-lla warku-ra-ya-n
cliff-loc rotted condor-rstr hang-unint-intens-3
‘A rotten condor is hanging from a cliff, they say.’

(5) Pwintikama trayaruptin huk mamakucha traqnarayasa pwintipa. amv

pwinti-kama traya-ru-pti-n huk mamakucha
bridge-all arrive-urgt-subds-3 one grandmother
traqna-ra-ya-sa pwinti-pa
bind.limbs-unint-intens-npst bridge-loc
‘When he arrived at the bridge, an old woman was tied up to the
bridge.’

(6) “Qala tullatam aparun.” “¿Maypaqtaq chay aparusa?” “Ukllupam

trurarayasa.” sp
qala tulla-ta-m apa-ru-n may-paq-taq chay
dog bone-acc-evd bring-urgt-3 where-abl-seq dem.d
apa-ru-sa ukllu-pa-m trura-ra-ya-sa
bring-urgt-nspt store.house-loc-evd put-unint-intens-npst
‘“The dog took a bone.” “Where was it taken from?” “It was stored in
the store-house.”’

(7) Kamallapaña sapalla: hitarayapti: runa trayaramun. ach

kama-lla-pa-ña sapa-lla-: hita-ra-ya-pti-:
bed-rstr-loc-disc alone-rstr-1 throw.out-unint-intens-subds-1
runa traya-ra-mu-n
person arrive-urgt-cisl-3
‘When I was layed out in bed all alone, a person came.’

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4 Verbs

4.4.2.3.15 Inceptive -Ri -Ri, realized -li in Cacra (1), indicates that the event
referred to is in its initial stage, that it has not yet concluded (2–4).
(1) Nina:qa manalaq lupaliyanchu. Manalaq shansha: kanchu. ch
nina-:-qa mana-laq lupa-li-ya-n-chu mana-laq shansha-:
fire-1-top no-cont burn-incep-prog-3-neg no-cont ember-1
ka-n-chu
be-3-neg
‘My fire still isn’t starting to burn. I still don’t have any embers.’

(2) Pararirunqañam. amv

para-ri-ru-nqa-ña-m
rain-incep-urgt-3.fut-disc-evd
‘It’s starting to rain already.’

(3) Warmikunaqa shinkarishpa takishpam waqan. amv

warmi-kuna-qa shinka-ri-shpa taki-shpa-m waqa-n
woman-pl-top get.drunk-incep-subis sing-subis-evd cry-3
‘When the women start to get drunk and sing, they cry.’

(4) Chaypa kalabasuy chinkariyanñam. lt

chay-pa kalabasu-y chinka-ri-ya-n-ña-m
dem.d-loc squash-1 lose-incep-prog-3-disc-evd
‘My squash there are getting lost.’

-ri is common in apologetic statements and supplicatory commands (5), (6). -li is
attested in Carcra but not in Hongos.
(5) ¡Pasakamuy! ¡Tiyarikuy! amv
pasa-ka-mu-y tiya-ri-ku-y
pass-refl-cisl-imp sit-incep-refl-imp
‘Come in! Please sit down.’

(6) Kaytatr paqarikushun. amv

kay-ta-tr paqa-ri-ku-shun
dem.d-acc-evc pay-incep-refl-1pl.fut
‘Let’s wash this.’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

4.4.2.3.16 Urgency, personal interest -RU -RU is realized as -lU in the ch di-
alect (4) and as -rU in all others. It has a variety of interpretations, all subsumed,
in some grammars of other Quechuan languages, as “action with urgency or per-
sonal interest” (1–3).
(1) “Mana virdita mikushpaqa lukiyarushaq”, nin. amv
mana virdi-ta miku-shpa-qa luki-ya-ru-shaq ni-n
no green-acc eat-subis-top crazy-inch-urgt-1.fut say-3
‘They say, “If I don’t eat green [pasture grass], I’m going to go crazy.”’

(2) Chay mana rantikuptinqa … chakirunqa. amv

chay mana ranti-ku-pti-n-qa chaki-ru-nqa
dem.d no buy-refl-subds-3-top dry-urgt-3.fut
‘If she doesn’t sell it [right away], it’s going to dry out [and be
worthless].’

(3) “¡Sinvirgwinsa! ¡Ñuqaqa willakurushaqmi gwardyanman tirruku

kasaykita!” amv
sinvirgwinsa ñuqa-qa willa-ku-ru-shaq-mi gwardyan-man
shameless I-top tell-refl-urgt-1.fut-evd police-all
tirruku ka-sa-yki-ta
terrorist be-prf-2-acc
‘“Shameless bastard! I’m going to tell the police that you were a
terrorist!”’
It very often marks perfective aspect (4–6) (see §4.3.3.3.1 on past tense marker
-RQa).15
(4) Qali paqwalun allichalu:. ch
qali paqwa-lu-n alli-cha-lu-:.
man finish-urgt-3 good-fact-urgt-1
‘The men finished and we fixed it up.’

15
An anonymous reviewer suggests that Yauyos -ru is a “budding completive/perfective aspect
marker, very similar to -rQu in Cuzco and in Huallaga, but less well developed than perfective
-ru in Tarma. And far less developed than past tense/perfective -ru in South Conchucos, where
it has moved to the inflectional tense slot and is in paradigmatic relation with -rQa, -shQa,
futures, conditional, etc.” The reviewer cites Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca (1994): the inference of
recent past is not uncommon for derivational completive aspect markers.

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4 Verbs

(5) Chinkarun. Ni may risan yatrakunchu. ach

chinka-ru-n ni may ri-sa-n yatra-ku-n-chu
lose-urgt-3 nor where go-prf-3 know-refl-3-neg
‘They got lost. We don’t know where they went.’

(6) Mana chichinanpaq tardi watarun mamanta wawanta kapacharun. amv

mana chichi-na-n-paq tardi wata-ru-n mama-n-ta
no nurse-nmlz-3-purp late tie-urgt-3 mother-3-acc
wawa-n-ta kapacha-ru-n
baby-3-acc muzzle-urgt-3
‘So that he wouldn’t nurse, she tied up his mother and put a muzzle
on her baby.’
When it precedes any of the derivational suffixes -mu, -pU , -kU , -chi or the in-
flectional suffix -ma, -RU is realized as -Ra (7), (8).
(7) Campionchata winarun aytrikurun qarinta mikurachin. amv
Campion-cha-ta wina-ru-n aytri-ku-ru-n
Campion.rat.poison-dim-acc add.in-urgt-3 stir-refl-urgt-3
qari-n-ta miku-ra-chi-n
man-3-acc eat-urgt-caus-3
‘She threw in the rat poison, stirred it, and made her husband eat it.’

(8) Chaymi, “¡Kaypaq hurqaramanki kay hawlapaq.” sp

chay-mi kay-paq hurqa-ra-ma-nki kay hawla-paq
dem.d-evd dem.p-abl remove-urgt-1.obj-2 dem.p cage-abl
‘So, [he said,] “Take me out of this! [Let me out] of this cage here!”’

4.4.2.3.17 Accompaniment -sHi -sHi is realized as -si in the sp dialect (1) and
as -shi in all others.
(1) Asnuqa nin, “Ñuqa tarisisayki sugaykitaqa”. sp
asnu-qa ni-n, ñuqa tari-si-sayki suga-yki-ta-qa
donkey-top say-3 I find-acmp-1>2.fut rope-2-acc-top
‘The donkey said, “I’m going to help you find your rope.”’

-sHi indicates accompaniment for the purpose of aiding or protecting; that is, -sHi
derives verbs meaning ‘accompany in V-ing’ (2) or ‘help V’ (3–5).

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(2) Manam hamurqachu tiyashiq. amv

mana-m hamu-rqa-chu tiya-shi-q
no-evd come-pst-3-neg sit-acmp-ag
‘She didn’t come to help sit.’

(3) Harkashisaykim nin huvin. amv

harka-shi-sayki-m ni-n huvin
herd-acmp-1>2.fut-evd say-3 young.man
‘“I’m going to help you pasture,” the young man said.’

(4) Hampishirqatrik. ¿Imataq kutichirqa? amv

hampi-shi-rqa-tri-k ima-taq kuti-chi-rqa
heal-acmp-pst-evc-ik what-seq return-caus-pst
‘She must have helped cure. What did she offer?’

(5) Kwidashimanchu. Hapalla: kwidaku: hapalla:. ch

kwida-shi-ma-n-chu hapa-lla-: kwida-ku-: hapa-lla-:
care.for-acmp-1.obj-3-neg alone-rstr-1 take.care-refl-1 alone-rstr-1
‘He didn’t help take care [of the animals]. Alone, I took care of them.
Alone.’

4.4.2.3.18 Irreversible change -tamu -tamu indicates change that is irreversi-

ble (1–4). It is very frequently used in the ch dialect but not often spontaneously
attested in other dialects.
(1) Kaman mastakuyashpa kamanpa tiyakuykushpaqa wañutamusha. ch
kama-n masta-ku-ya-shpa kama-n-pa
bed-3 spread.out-refl-prog-subis bed -3-loc
tiya-ku-yku-shpa-qa wañu-tamu-sha
sit-refl-excep-subis-top die-irrev-npst
‘When she was making the bed, when she sat on the bed, she died.’

(2) Wañutamusha qariqa; warmiqa kidarusha. lt

wañu-tamu-sha qari-qa warmi-qa kida-ru-sha
die-irrev-npst man-top woman-top remain-urgt-npst
‘The man died; the woman remained.’

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4 Verbs

(3) Puchukatamun. amv

puchuka-tamu-n
finish-irrev-3
‘It finished off.’

(4) Atuqtaqa ñititamun umapaq. amv

atuq-ta-qa ñiti-tamu-n uma-paq
fox-acc-top crush-irrev-3 head-abl
‘They crushed the fox from the head.’

4.4.2.3.19 Intensive -ya, -raya, -paya -ya is dependent; it never occurs inde-
pendent of -ra or -pa. (see §4.4.2.3.9 and 4.4.2.3.12).
-raya is a detransitivizer, deriving passive from transitive verbs; that is, -raya
derives verbs meaning ‘be V-ed’ (1–3).
(1) Pwintikama trayaruptin huk mamakucha traqnarayasa pwintipa. amv
pwinti-kama traya-ru-pti-n huk mamakucha
bridge-all arrive-urgt-subds-3 one grandmother
traqna-ra-ya-sa pwinti-pa
bind.limbs-unint-intens-npst bridge-loc
‘When he arrived at the bridge, an old woman was tied up to the
bridge.’

(2) “Qala tullatam aparun.” “¿Maypaqtaq chay aparusa?” “Ukllupam

trurarayasa.” sp
qala tulla-ta-m apa-ru-n may-paq-taq chay
dog bone-acc-evd bring-urgt-3 where-abl-seq dem.d
apa-ru-sa ukllu-pa-m trura-ra-ya-sa
bring-urgt-nspt store.house-loc-evd put-unint-intens-npst
‘“The dog took a bone.” “Where was it taken from?” “It was stored in
the store-house.”’

(3) Kamallapaña sapalla: hitarayapti: runa trayaramun. ach

kama-lla-pa-ña sapa-lla-: hita-ra-ya-pti-:
bed-rstr-loc-disc alone-rstr-1 throw.out-unint-intens-subds-1
runa traya-ra-mu-n
person arrive-urgt-cisl-3
‘When I was layed out in bed all alone, a person came.’

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 4.4 Verb derivation

-raya may also indicate persistent or repetitive action (4). (see §4.4.2.3.12 for fur-
ther examples).
(4) Qawarayamun pashñaqa urata. lt
qawa-ra-ya-mu-n pashñaqa ura-ta
look-unint-intens-cisl-3 girl-top hour-acc
‘The girl kept checking the time.’
-paya indicates uninterrupted action; that is, -paya derives verbs meaning ‘con-
tinue to V’ (5) (see §4.4.2.3.9 for further examples).
(5) ¿Pukllapayanchu? ¿Kaniruytachu munayan? amv
puklla-pa-ya-n-chu kani-ru-y-ta-chu muna-ya-n
play-repet-intens-3-q bite-urgt-inf-acc-q want-prog-3
‘Does it keep on playing? Or does it want to bite?’

4.4.2.3.20 Exceptional -YkU -YkU has a broad range of meanings; in early

grammars of other Quechuan languages -YkU is said to indicate ‘action perfor-
med in some way different from usual’ (1–6).
(1) Pilataykachishpash baliyasa. Baliyayta munasa. ach
pilata-yka-chi-shpa-sh baliya-sa baliya-y-ta
lie.face.down-excep-caus-subis-evr shoot-npst shoot-inf-acc
muna-sa
want-npst
‘They made them lie face-down on the ground and shot them. They
wanted to shoot.’

(2) Chaypash alma trayan hinashpash kurasunninta tapakuykun. amv

chay-pa-sh alma traya-n hinashpa-sh kurasun-ni-n-ta
dem.d-loc-evr soul arrive-3 then-evr heart-euph-3-acc
tapa-ku-yku-n
knock-refl-excep-3
‘The souls arrive there, they say, then they knock their hearts.’

(3) Hinashpa chaypa lliw lliw qutunakuykushpa almata dispachashun. amv

hinashpa chay-pa lliw lliw qutu-naku-yku-shpa alma-ta
then dem.d-loc all all gather-recp-excep-subis soul-acc
dispacha-shun
dispatch-1pl.fut

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4 Verbs

‘Then, when we are all grouped together, we’ll bid farewell to the
souls.’

(4) Kay karruwan trayamuptinqa sillakuykushpam riyanchik. sp

kay karru-wan traya-mu-pti-n-qa silla-ku-yku-shpa-m
dem.p car-instr arrive-cisl-subds-3-top seat-refl-excep-subis-evd
ri-ya-nchik
go-prog-1pl
‘When they arrive with the car, we’re going galloping in a saddle.’

(5) Chay tirrimutukunapimik kahun saqaykaramun chaykunawan. amv

chay tirrimutu-kuna-pi-mi-k kahun saqa-yka-ra-mu-n
dem.d earthquake-pl-loc-evd-ik box go.down-excep-urgt-cisl-3
chay-kuna-wan
dem.d-pl-instr
‘In that earthquake the coffins fell down with those.’

(6) Piluyta yupaykushpaqa wak duyñuytaqa mikukurunkitriki. amv

pilu-y-ta yupa-yku-shpa-qa wak duyñu-y-ta-qa
hair-1-acc count-excep-subis-top dem.d owner-1-acc-top
miku-ku-ru-nki-tri-ki
eat-refl-urgt-2-evc-iki
‘“If you count my hairs,” [said the hairless dog to the zombie] “you
can eat my mistress.”’
It merits further analysis. -YkU is common in polite imperatives (7), (8).
(7) Sumbriruyta kumadricha quykamuway. amv
sumbriru-y-ta kumadri-cha qu-yka-mu-wa-y
hat-1-acc comadre-dim give-excep-cisl-1.obj-imp
‘Comadre, do me a favor and hand me my hat.’

(8) Kayllapi, Señor. ¡Tiyaykuy! amv

kay-lla-pi, señor tiya-yku-y
dem.p-rstr-loc sir sit-excep-imp
‘Right here, Sir, please have a seat.’

-YkU also occurs with nouns referring to a time of day (9).

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 4.4 Verb derivation

(9) Chaypaq tutaykurun. Tutaykuruptin vilata prindirun. amv

chay-paq tuta-yku-ru-n tuta-yku-ru-pti-n
dem.d-abl night-excep-urgt-3 night-excep-urgt-subds-3
vila-ta prindi-ru-n
candle-acc light-urgt-3
‘Later, night fell. When it got dark, he lit a candle.’

When it precedes any of the derivational suffixes -mu, -pU , -chi, -RU or the in-
flectional suffix -ma, -ykU is realized as -yka (1), (5).

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5 Particles
This chapter covers particles in Southern Yauyos Quechua. In syq, as in most
other Quechuan languages, the class of particles can be sorted into seven sub-
classes: interjections (¡Alaláw! ‘How cold!’); assenters and greetings (aw ‘yes’);
prepositions (asta ‘until’); adverbs (ayvis ‘sometimes’); coordinators (icha ‘or’);
negators (mana ‘no, not’); and prenumerals (la, las, occurring with expressions
of time). Interjections, assenters and greetings, prepositions, and adverbs are cov-
ered in §5.1–5.4, respectively. Coordinators are discussed in §7.3 on coordination;
negators in §7.5 on negation; and prenumerals in Sub §3.2.5.3 on time numerals
and prenumerals.

5.1 Interjections
All spontaneously attested indigenous exclamations share a common pattern:
they begin with a and end in w or, less commonly, in k or y, as in (a-h); with
the exception of the final w, they feature almost exclusively the alveolar and
palatal consonants ch, ll, l, n, ñ, t, and y (which accounts for the entire catalogue
of syq alveolars and palatals with the exception of voiceless fricatives s, sh, and
retroflex tr); they include no vowels except for a; they consist, with few excep-
tions, of three or four syllables; and they bear stress on the final syllable. Syllable
repetition is not uncommon. Non-exclamatory interjections do not follow this
pattern, like in (i) and (j). Curse words are freely borrowed from Spanish (k–m).
Table 5.1 lists some of the more commonly-heard interjections. (1–7) give a few
examples in context.

(1) Primay Amaciatapis chayhinashiki intrigaykururqa. ¡Achachalláw! amv

prima-y Amacia-ta-pis chay-hina-shi-ki
cousin-1 Amacia-acc-add dem.d-comp-evr-iki
intriga-yku-ru-rqa achachalláw
deliver-excep-urgt-pst how.awful
‘They delivered my cousin Amacia, too [to the Devil], they say. How
awful!’
5 Particles

Table 5.1: Interjections

(a) ¡Atratráw! ‘Yikes!’ ‘What a fright!’

(b) ¡Achachalláw! ‘How awful!’ ‘How ugly!’
(c) ¡Achalláw!’ ‘How beautiful!’
(d) ¡Alaláw!’ ‘How cold!’
(e) ¡Atatacháw! ‘How beautiful!’
(f) ¡Ananáw! ‘Ouch!’
(g) ¡Añalláw! ‘How delicious!’
(h) ¡Atratrák! ‘Yikes!’ ‘What a fright!’
(i) ¡Hinata! ‘So be it!’
(j) ¡Pay! ‘Enough!’ ‘Thanks!’
(k) ¡Karay! ‘Darn!’
(l) ¡Karahu! ‘Damn!’
(m) ¡Miyrda! ‘Shit!’

(2) Fiyu fiyu qatram warmi kasa chay warmi. ¡Atatayáw! amv
fiyu fiyu qatra-m warmi ka-sa chay warmi
ugly ugly dirty-evd woman be-npst dem.d woman
atatayáw
how.disgusting
‘That woman was a horrible, filthy woman. How disgusting!’

(3) ¡Ayayáw! Yo me asusté. amv

ayayáw
[Spanish]
yikes
‘Yikes! I got scared.’

(4) Hinaptinshi chay katataqa tiyaykun ukuman “¡Achachá!” qayakun. amv

hinaptin-shi chay kata-ta-qa tiya-yku-n uku-man achachá
then-evr dem.d shawl-acc-top sit-excep-3 inside-all how.hot
qaya-ku-n
shout-refl-3
‘Then he sat on the shawl and [fell] in [the boiling water]. “It’s
burning!” he shouted.’

(5) ¿Sapallaykitr hamuyankiyá? ¡Atratrák! ach

sapa-lla-yki-tr hamu-ya-nki-yá atratrák
alone-rstr-2-evc come-prog-2-emph how.frightening
‘You’re coming all alone, then? Yikes!’

242
 5.2 Assenters and greetings

(6) ¡Dios Tayta! ¿Imapaq kimawanchikman? ¡Achachalláw! amv

Dios tayta ima-paq kima-wa-nchik-man achachalláw
God father what-purp burn-1.obj-1pl-cond how.awful
‘Good God! Why would they burn [cremate] us? How awful!’

(7) ¡Achacháw! Apuríman lapcharun kichkata. amv

achacháw Apurí-man lapcha-ru-n kichka-ta
ouch Apurí-all grab-urgt-3 thorn-acc
‘Ouch! She grabbed onto a thorn bush [going to] Apurí.’

5.2 Assenters and greetings

The list of assenters includes three members: arí, aw, and alal, exemplified in (1)
and (2).

(1) Pukapis kasa vakahina. Arí, wak sintakusa kayan. amv

puka-pis ka-sa vaka-hina arí wak sinta-ku-sa ka-ya-n
red-add be-npst cow-comp yes dem.d ribbon-refl-prf be-prog-3
‘Spkr 1: “The colored one was like a cow.” Spkr 2: “Yes, it has [its ears
pierced with] ribbons.”’

(2) Aw, lavashuntriki, kaypis qatra qatra kayan. amv

aw lava-shun-tri-ki kay-pis qatra qatra ka-ya-n
yes wash-1pl.fut-evc-iki dem.p-add dirty dirty be-prog-3
‘Yes, we’ll wash it. It’s really dirty.’

The first and second are used in all dialects, while the the third is used only in
ch. arí often carries the emphatic enclitic -yá (3).

(3) “Kutimushaq,” nishpash chay pindihuqa manam warminman

trayachinchu. ¡Ariyá warmiyuq! amv
kuti-mu-shaq ni-shpa-sh chay pindihu-qa mana-m
return-cisl-1.fut say-subis-evr dem.d bastard-top no-evd
warmi-n-man traya-chi-n-chu ari-yá warmi-yuq
woman-3-all arrive-caus-3-neg yes-emph woman-poss
‘Although the bastard [had] said, “I’m going to return,” he never
made it back to his wife. Yes! He had a wife!’

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5 Particles

aw is used to check for agreement from interlocutors and to form tag ques-
tions (4), (5).

(4) Chay chaqla kinraytatr pasarurqa, ¿aw? amv

chay chaqla kinray-ta-tr pasa-ru-rqa aw
dem.d stone.outcropping across-acc-evc pass-urgt-pst yes
‘He must have come by around that stone outcropping, no?’

(5) Yapamik kutinqa, ¿aw? amv

yapa-mi-k kuti-nqa aw
again-evd-ik return-3.fut yes
‘She’s going to come back, isn’t she?’

The Spanish greetings, buynus diyas ‘good day’, buynas tardis ‘good afternoon’
and buynas nuchis ‘good evening’, ‘good night’ (6) have been borrowed into syq
and are employed with greater frequency than are greeting indigenous to the
language. ¡Rimallasayki! ‘I greet you!’ is the most common of the greetings in-
digenous to syq. ¡Saludallasayki! is also used.

(6) Mana ganawniki kanchu ni “Buynus diyas” ni “Buynus diyas,

primacha”, nada nishunkichu. amv
mana ganaw-ni-ki ka-n-chu ni buynus diyas ni buynus diyas
no cattle-euph-2 be-3-neg nor good day nor good day
prima-cha nada ni-shunki-chu
cousin-dim nothing say-2.obj-2-neg
‘When you don’t have cattle, they don’t even say “Good morning,”
“Good morning, cousin,” to you – nothing.’

5.3 Prepositions
syq makes use of some prepositions borrowed from Spanish. The preposition
most frequently employed is asta (‘up to’, ‘until’, ‘even’, Sp. ‘hasta’ ‘up to’, ‘un-
til’) (1). asta is usually employed redundantly, in combination with the indige-
nous case suffix -kama, apparently with the same semantics (asta aka-kama ‘un-
til here’).

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 5.4 Adverbs

(1) Asta wañukunay puntrawkamatriki chayna purishaq. lt

asta wañu-ku-na-y puntraw-kama-tri-ki chayna puri-shaq
until die-refl-nmlz-1 day-lim-evc-iki thus walk-1.fut
‘Until the day I die, I’m going to walk around like that.’

(2) Tinkuyani ubihaywan ñuqa disdi uchuychallaypaq kani. amv

tinku-ya-ni ubiha-y-wan ñuqa disdi uchuy-cha-lla-y-paq kani
find-prog-1 sheep-1-instr I since small-dim-rstr-1-abl be-1
‘I’ve found myself with my sheep since I was very small.’

5.4 Adverbs
The class of adverbs native to syq is rather small (1–3).

(1) Chafliwan pikarun, yapa hapin, yapa pikarun, yapa hapin, yapa
pikarun. amv
chafli-wan pika-ru-n yapa hapi-n yapa pika-ru-n yapa
pick-instr pick-urgt-3 again grab-3 again pick-urgt-3 again
hapi-n yapa pika-ru-n
grab-3 again pick-urgt-3
‘He struck with a pick. Again, [the zombie] grabs him. Again he
struck with the pick. Again he grabs. Again he struck.’

(2) Yaqa wañurqani chayshi tiyay. amv

yaqa wañu-rqa-ni chay-shi tiya-y
almost die-pst-1 dem.d-evr aunt-1
‘I almost died, then, [says] my aunt.’

(3) Hinallatañam qaninpa apakaramun wak yantata. lt

hina-lla-ta-ña-m qaninpa apa-ka-ra-mu-n wak
thus-rstr-acc-disc-evd before bring-passacc-urgt-cisl-3 dem.d
yanta-ta
firewood-acc
‘Just like before already, they brought that firewood.’

Verbal modification in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, is accomplished

primarily by derivatives and enclitics (-pa ‘repeatedly’, -ña ‘already’). syq makes

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heavy use of the adoped/adapted Spanish adverbs apuraw ‘quick’, pasaypaq ‘com-
pletely,’ siympri ‘always’ and ayvis ‘sometimes’ (4–7).

(4) Mana apuraw hurquptinqa chayqa wañuchin. ach

mana apuraw hurqu-pti-n-qa chay-qa wañu-chi-n
no quick remove-subds-3-top dem.d-top die-caus-3
‘If [the placenta] is not taken out quickly, it kills.’

(5) Uchuypis pasa-pasaypaqmi chakirun, uchuypis chakisham kayan. lt

uchu-y-pis pasa-pasaypaq-mi chaki-ru-n uchu-y-pis
chile-1-add comp-completely-evd dry-urgt-3 chile-1-add
chaki-sha-m ka-ya-n
dry-prf-evd be-prog-3
‘My chiles, too, completely dried out. My chiles, too, are dried out.’

(6) Waqayaniyá siympri yuyariyaniyá. amv

waqa-ya-ni-yá siympri yuya-ri-ya-ni-yá
cry-prog-1-emph always remember-incep-prog-1-emph
‘I’m crying. I’m always remembering.’

(7) Ayvis lliw chinkarun ayvis huklla ishkayllata tariru:. ach

ayvis lliw chinka-ru-n ayvis huk-lla ishkay-lla-ta
sometimes all lose-urgt-3 sometimes one-rstr two-rstr-acc
tari-ru-:
find-urgt-1
‘Sometimes all get lost; sometimes I find just one or two.’

Additionally, adverbs can sometimes be derived from adjectives with the suffix-
ation of -lla (8), (9); and adjectives may sometimes occur adverbally, in which
case they are usually inflected with -ta, as in (10–12).

(8) Ni pitapis kritika:chu dañukuruptinpis sumaqllam nikulla:. ach

ni pi-ta-pis kritika-:-chu dañu-ku-ru-pti-n-pis
nor who-acc-add criticize-1-neg damage-refl-urgt-subds-3-add
sumaq-lla-m ni-ku-lla-:
pretty-rest-evd say-refl-rstr-1
‘I don’t criticize anyone. When they do harm, I talk to them nicely.’

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 5.4 Adverbs

(9) ¡Kayta pasarachiy! Kargarayanñamiki. ¡Sumaqlla winaruy! amv

kay-ta pasa-ra-chi-y karga-ra-ya-n-ña-mi-ki
dem.p pass-passacc-caus-imp carry-unint-intens-3-disc-3-evd-iki
sumaq-lla wina-ru-y
pretty-rstr add.in-urgt-imp
‘Have him come here! It’s being carried already. Add it in nicely!’

(10) Kanan tutaqa suyñukuruni fiyutam. ¿Ima pasaruwanqa? amv

kanan tuta-qa suyñu-ku-ru-ni fiyu-ta-m ima
now night-top dream-refl-urgt-1 ugly-acc-evd what
pasa-ru-wa-nqa
pass-urgt-1.obj-3.fut
‘Last night I dreamed horribly. What’s going to happen to me?’

(11) ¿Manachu chay Aliciawan risachiwaq? Aliciam sumaq sumaqta

risan. amv
mana-chu chay Alicia-wan risa-chi-waq Alicia-m sumaq
no-q dem.d Alicia-instr pray-caus-2.cond Alicia-evd pretty
sumaq-ta risa-n
pretty-acc pray-3
‘Can’t you have Alicia pray for her? Alicia prays really nicely.’

(12) Tushuptiypis alli-allita pigakuq. amv

tushu-pti-y-pis alli-alli-ta piga-ku-q
dance-subds-1-add good-good-acc stick-refl-ag
‘When I would dance, he would stick himself [to me] really well.’
Some nouns referring to time may occur adverbally without inflection, as in
(13)and (14), others are inflected with -ta, as (see §3.2.1.2) (15) shows.

(13) “¡Kanallan intrigaway!” nishpash chay kundur trayarun. amv

kanallan intriga-wa-y ni-shpa-sh chay kundur
right.now deliver-1.obj-imp say-subis-evr dem.d condor
traya-ru-n
arrive-urgt-3
‘“Hand her over to me right now!” said the condor [when] he
arrived.’

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5 Particles

(14) Rinrilla:pis uparura qayna wataqa. ach

rinri-lla-:-pis upa-ru-ra qayna wata-qa
ear-rstr-1-add deaf -urgt-pst previous year-top
‘My ears went deaf last year.’

(15) Chaymi shamula: qaspalpuqta. Chaymi karkarya qipa:ta shamusha. ch

chay-mi shamu-la-: qaspalpuq-ta chay-mi karkarya
dem.d-evd come-pst-1 nightfall-acc dem.d-evd zombie
qipa-:-ta shamu-sha
behind-1-acc come-npst
‘Then I came at nightfall. Then a zombie came behind me.’

5.5 Particles covered elsewhere

Coordinators are discussed in §7.3 on coordination, negators in §7.5 on negation,
and prenumerals in Sub §3.2.5.3 on time numerals and prenumerals.

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6 Enclitics
This chapter covers the enclitic suffixes of Southern Yauyos Quechua. In syq, as
in other Quechuan languages, enclitics attach to both nouns and verbs as well as
to adverbs and negators. Enclitics always follow all inflectional suffixes, verbal
and nominal; and, with the exception of restrictive -lla, all follow all case suffixes,
as well. syq counts sixteen enclitics. -Yá (emphatic) indicates emphasis. Consis-
tently translated in Spanish by pues.1 -chu (interrogation, negation, disjunction)
indicates absolute and disjunctive questions, negation, and disjunction. -lla (re-
strictive) generally indicates exclusivity or limitation in number; it is generally
translated as ‘just’ or ‘only’. -lla may express an affective or familiar attitude.
-ña (discontinuitive) indicates transition, change of state or quality. In affirma-
tive statements, it is generally translated as ‘already’; in negative statements, as
‘no more’ or ‘no longer’; in questions, as ‘yet’. -pis (inclusion) indicates the in-
clusion of an item or event into a series of similar items or events; it is generally
translated as ‘too’ or ‘also’ or, when negated, ‘neither’. -puni (certainty, preci-
sion); it is generally translated ‘necessarily’, ‘definitely’, ‘precisely’. This last is
attested only in the qii dialects, where it is infrequently employed. -qa (topic
marker) indicates the topic of the clause; it is generally left untranslated.2
-raq (continuative) indicates continuity of action, state or quality. Translated
‘still’ or, negated, ‘yet’. -taq (sequential) indicates the sequence of events. In this
capacity, translated ‘then’ or ‘so’. -taq also marks content questions. -mI (evi-
dential – direct experience) indicates that the speaker has personal-experience
evidence for the proposition under the scope of the evidential. Usually left un-
translated.
-shI (evidential – reportative/quotative) indicates that the speaker has non-perso-
nal-experience evidence for the proposition under the scope of the evidential.
-shI appears systematically in stories. Often translated as ‘they say.’ -trI (ev-
1
An anonymous reviewer points out that pues is used in Andean Spanish “to negotiate common
ground, shared knowledge. As such, it is possible that -ya is also an interactional or stance
marker,” a way a participant in a conversation may negotiate what other participants know or
should know.
2
-qa may nevertheless be indicated in Spanish translations by intonation, gesture, and various
circumlocutions of speech, as an anonymous reviewer points out.
6 Enclitics

idential – conjectural) indicates that the speaker is making a conjecture to the

proposition under the scope of the evidential from a set of propositions for which
she has either direct or not-direct evidence. Generally translated in Spanish as
seguro ‘for sure’, indicating possibility or probability. -ari (assertive force) in-
dicates conviction on the part of the speaker. Translated as ‘certainly’ or ‘of
course’.3 -ik and -iki (evidential modifiers) indicate increasing evidence strength
(and increased assertive force or conjectural certainty, in the case of the direct
and conjectural modifiers, -mI and -trI , respectively). Generally translated in
Spanish as pues and seguro, respectively. Examples in Table 6.1 are fully glossed
in the corresponding sections.

6.1 Sequence
Combinations of individual enclitics generally occur in the following order.

-qa
-mI
-Raq -shI -ikI
-lla -puni -pis -ña -taq -chu -trI -Yá -aRi

In complementary distribution are: -raq with -ña; the evidentials with each other
as well as with -qa; -ari with -ikI; and -Yá with -ikI .

6.2 Individual enclitics

In syq, as in other Quechuan languages, the enclitics can be divided into two
classes: (a) those which position the utterance with regard to others salient in
the discourse (restrictive/limitative -lla, discontinuative -ña, additive -pis, topic
marking -qa, continuative -Raq, sequential -taq, and interrogative/negative/dis-
junctive -chu); and (b) those that position the speaker with regard to the utter-
ance (emphatic -YÁ, certainty marker -puni, and the evidentials -mi, -shi, and
-tri along with their modifiers -ik, -iki, and -aRi.). §6.2.1–6.2.10 cover all enclitics
except the evidentials and their modifiers, in alphabetical order. The evidentials
and their modifiers are the subject of §6.2.11.

3
An anonymous reviewer writes that in other varieties of Quechuan, “-ari is interpersonal. It
expresses solidarity, affirming what someone else says, thinks or believes to be true.”

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

Table 6.1: Enclitic suffixes, with examples

-Yá emphasis ¡Mana-yá rupa-chi-nchik-chu! ‘We do not set on fire!’

¡Ari-yá! ‘Yes, indeed!’
-chu1 interrogation ¿Iskwila-man ‘Did your mother put you in
trura-shu-rqa-nki-chu school?’
mama-yki?
-chu2 negation Chay-tri mana ‘That must be why she
suya-wa-rqa-chu. wouldn’t have waited for me.’
-chu3 disjunction ¿Qari-chu ka-nki warmi-chu ‘Are you a man or a woman?’
ka-nki?
-lla restriction Uma-lla-ña traki-lla-ña ‘There was only the head
ka-ya-sa. only the hand.’
-ña discontuity Chay-shi ni-n ‘That one, they say, is already
kundinadaw-ña-m wak-qa condemned.’
ka-ya-n.
-pis inclusion Tukuy tuta tusha-n ‘They dance all night and the
qaynintin-ta-pis. next day, too.’
-puni certainty Mana-puni-m. ‘By no means’, ‘Not on your
life’
-qa topic Mana yatra-q-ni-n-qa. ‘Those of them who didn’t
know’
-raq continuity Kama-n-pi ‘He found him still sleeping
puñu-ku-ya-pti-n-raq in his bed.’
tari-ru-n.
-taq sequence hinaptin-ña-taq-shi ‘then’ ‘so’
-mI evidential- Yanga-ña-m qipi-ku-sa ‘In vain, I walk around
direct puri-ni. carrying it.’
-shI evidential- Qari-n-ta-sh wañu-ra-chi-n. ‘She killed her husband, they
reportative say.’
-trI evidential- Awa-ya-n-tr-iki kama-ta. ‘He must be weaving a
conjecture blanket.’
-ari assertive Chay-sh-ari kanan ‘That one definitely will
force avansa-ru-nqa. advance now, they say.’
-ikI evidential Kay-na-lla-m-iki kay ‘Just like this we live on this
modification urqu-pa-qa yatra-nchik. mountain.’

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6 Enclitics

6.2.1 Emphatic -Yá

Realized as -yá in all environments (1–5) except following an evidential, in which
case both the I of the evidential and the Y of the emphatic are elided and Yá is
realized as á (6–8).

(1) ¡Ariyá! amv

ari-yá
yes-emph
‘Yes indeed.’

(2) ¡Mana-yá rupa-chi-nchik-chu! amv

mana-yá rupa-chi-nchik-chu
no-emph burn-caus-1pl-neg
‘We do not set on fire!’

(3) Pantyunpayá. ¡Ima wasiypitr pampamushaq! amv

pantyun-pa-yá ima wasi-y-pi-tr pampa-mu-shaq
cemetery-loc-emph what house-1-loc-evc bury-cisl-1.fut
‘In the cemetery! I doubt I’m going to bury someone in my house.’

(4) ¿Imaynayá piru paykuna yatran warmi u qari? amv

imayna-yá piru pay-kuna yatra-n warmi u qari
how-emph but they-pl know-3 woman or man
‘How ever can they know if it will be a woman or a man?’

(5) Sirbisatatr mas mastaqa rantikurun. Sirbisatayá. amv

sirbisa-ta-tr mas mas-ta-qa ranti-ku-ru-n sirbisa-ta-yá
beer-acc-evc more more-acc-top buy-refl-urgt-3 beer-acc-emph
‘Spkr 1: “They must have sold a lot more beer.” Spkr 2: “Beer, all
right!”’

(6) Balikushatr kara. Paytamá rikarani. lt

baliku-sha-tr ka-ra pay-ta-m-á rika-ra-ni
request.a.service-prf-evc be-pst he-acc-evd-emph see-pst-1
‘He must have been requested. I saw him.’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(7) Trabahayta kanan kumunalta trulalamá. ch

trabaha-y-ta kanan kumunal-ta trula-la-m-á
work-inf-acc now community-acc put-pst-evd-emph
‘Now he’s put the community to work.’

(8) Unayqa Awkichanka inkantakurashá wak altupa yantaman riptiki. sp

unay-qa Awkichanka inkanta-ku-ra-sh-á wak
before-top Awkichanka enchant-refl-pst-evr-emph dem.d
altu-pa yanta-man ri-pti-ki
high-loc firewood-all go-subds-2
‘In olden times, Awkichanka, too, bewitched, they say, up hill if you
went for firewood.’

6.2.2 Interrogation, negation, disjunction -chu

-chu indicates absolute (1) and disjunctive questions (2), (3), negation (4), and
disjunction (5).4
(1) ¿Iskwilaman trurashurqankichu mamayki? amv
iskwila-man trura-shu-rqa-nki-chu mama-yki
school-all put-2.obj-pst-2-q mother-3
‘Did your mother put you in school?’

(2) ¿Qarichu kanki warmichu kanki? amv

¿qari-chu ka-nki warmi-chu ka-nki
man-q be-2 woman-q be-2
‘Are you a man or a woman?’

(3) ¿Don Juanchu icha almanchu hamuyan? amv

Don Juan-chu icha alma-n-chu hamu-ya-n
Don Juan-q or soul-3-q come-prog-3
‘Is it Don Juan, or is his spirit coming?’

(4) Chaytri mana suyawarqachu. amv

chay-tri mana suya-wa-rqa-chu
dem.d-evc no wait-1.obj-pst-neg
‘That’s why she wouldn’t have waited for me.’
4
An anonymous reviewer points out that in Huaylas Q, negative -tsu is distinguished from polar
question -ku. Huaylas is not unique among Quechuan languages in making this distinction.

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6 Enclitics

(5) Kandilaryapachu bintisinkupachu. amv

kandilarya-pa-chu binti-sinku-pa-chu
Candelaria-loc-disj twenty-five-loc-disj
‘Either on Candelaria or on the twenty-fifth.’

Where it functions to indicate interrogation or negation, -chu attaches to the

sentence fragment that is the focus of the interrogation or negation (6).
(6) ¿Chaypachu tumarqanki? amv
chay-pa-chu tuma-rqa-nki
dem.d-loc-q take-pst-2
‘Did you take [pictures] there?’

Where it functions to indicate disjunction – in either disjunctive questions or

disjunctive statements – -chu generally attaches to each of the disjuncts (7).
(7) Mariochu karqa Juliánchu karqa. amv
Mario-chu ka-rqa Julián-chu ka-rqa
Mario-disj be-pst Julián-disj be-pst
‘It was either Mario or Julián.’

Questions that anticipate a negative answer are indicated by mana-chu (8).

(8) ¿Manachu kuska linman? ch
mana-chu kuska li-n-man
no-q together go-3-cond
‘Couldn’t they go together?’

mana-chu may also “soften” questions (9).

(9) Paysanu, ¿manachu vakata rantiyta munanki? amv
paysanu mana-chu vaka-ta ranti-y-ta muna-nki
countryman no-q cow-acc buy-inf-acc want-2
‘My countryman, do you not want to buy a cow?’

It may also be used, like aw ‘yes’, in the formation of tag questions (10).
(10) Lliw lliwtriki wañukushun, puchukashun entonces, ¿manachu? ach
lliw lliw-tr-iki wañu-ku-shun puchuka-shun intunsis
all all-evc-iki die-refl-1pl.fut finish.off-1pl.fut therefore
mana-chu
no-q
‘We’ll all have to die, to finish off then, isn’t that so?’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

In negative sentences, -chu generally co-occurs with mana ‘not’ (11); -chu is also
licensed by additive enclitic -pis (12), (13) and ni ‘nor’ (14), (15).
(11) Aa, manayá kanchu. Manayá bula kanchu. lt
aa mana-yá ka-n-chu mana-yá bula ka-n-chu
ah no-emph be-3-neg no-emph ball be-3-neg
‘Ah, there aren’t any. There aren’t any balls.’

(12) Kaspinpis kanchu. amv

kaspi-n-pis ka-n-chu
stick-3-add be-3-neg
‘She doesn’t have a stick.’

(13) Manchakushpa tutas puñu:chu. ach

mancha-ku-shpa tuta-s puñu-:-chu
scare-refl-subis night-add sleep-1-neg
‘Being scared, I don’t sleep at night.’

(14) Apuraw wañururqariki. Ni apanñachu. amv

apuraw wañu-ru-rqa-r-iki ni apa-n-ña-chu
quick die-urgt-pst-r-iki nor bring-3-disc-neg
‘He died quickly. They didn’t even bring him [to the hospital].’

(15) Manam waytachu ni pishquchu. amv

mana-m wayta-chu ni pishqu-chu
no-evd flower-neg nor bird-neg
‘Neither a flower nor a bird.’

In prohibitions, -chu co-occurs with ama ‘don’t’ (16).

(16) “¡Ama wawqi:taqa wañuchiychu!” niptinshi wañurachin
paywantapis. ach
ama wawqi-:-ta-qa wañu-chi-y-chu ni-pti-n-shi
proh brother-1-acc-top die-caus-imp-neg say-subds-3-evr
wañu-ra-chi-n pay-wan-ta-pis
die-urgt-caus-3 he-instr-acc-add
‘When he said, “Don’t kill my brother!” they killed him with him,
too.’

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6 Enclitics

-chu does not appear in subordinate clauses, where negation is indicated with a
negative particle alone (17), (18).5
(17) Mana qali kaptinqa ñuqanchikpis taqllakta hapishpa qaluwanchik. ch
mana qali ka-pti-n-qa ñuqanchik-pis taqlla-kta hapi-shpa
no man be-subds-3-top we-add plow-acc grab-subis
qaluwa-nchik
turn.earth-1pl
‘When there are no men, we grab the plow and turn the earth.’

(18) Mana qatrachakunanpaq mandilchanta watachakun. amv

mana qatra-cha-ku-na-n-paq mandil-cha-n-ta wata-cha-ku-n
no dirty-fact-refl-nmlz-3-purp apron-dim-3-acc tie-dim-refl-3
‘She’s tying on an apron so she doesn’t get dirty.’

(19) Manam lluqsiptiyki(qa *chu), waqashaqmi. amv

mana-m lluqsi-pti-yki-qa chu waqa-shaq-mi
no-evd go.out-subds-2-top neg cry-1.fut-evd
‘If you don’t go, I’ll cry.’

In negative sentences, -chu never occurs on the same segment as does an eviden-
tial enclitic (20).
(20) Mana lluqsirqanki(*mi)chu. amv
mana lluqsi-rqa-nki-mi-chu
no go.out-pst-2-evd-neg
‘You didn’t leave.’

Finally, interrogative -chu is further restricted in that it does not appear in ques-
tions using interrogative pronouns (21).6
(21) *¿Pi hamurqachu? amv
pi hamu-rqa-chu
who come-pst-neg
‘Who came?’

5
An anonymous reviewer points out that elsewhere in Quechua, the correlates of negative -chu
typically can appear in subordinate clauses. There are no naturally-occurring examples of this
in the Yauyos corpus.
6
¿*Pi-taq hamu-n-chu? ¿*Pi-taq-chu hamu-n? ‘Who is coming?’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

6.2.3 Restrictive, limitative -lla

-lla indicates exclusivity or limitation in number: the individual (1–3) or even-
t/event type (4), (5) remains limited to itself and is accompanied by no other.
(1) Iskwilapam niytu:kunaqa wawa:kunaqa rinmi ñuqallam ka:
analfabitu. sp
iskwila-pa-m niytu-:-kuna-qa wawa-:-kuna-qa ri-n-mi
school-loc-evd nephew-1-pl-top baby-1-pl-top go-3-evd
ñuqa-lla-m ka-: analfabitu
I-rstr-evd be-1 illiterate
‘My grandchildren are in school. My children went. I’m the only
illiterate one.’

(2) Runapi umallaña trakillaña kayasa. amv

runa-pi uma-lla-ña traki-lla-ña ka-ya-sa
person-gen head-rstr-disc foot-rstr-disc be-prog-npst
‘Just the head and the hand remained of the person.’

(3) Kichwallaktam limakuya: kaytrawlaq manam kastillanukta lima:chu. ch

kichwa-lla-kta-m lima-ku-ya-: kay-traw-laq mana-m
Quechua-rstr-acc-evd speak-refl-prog-1 dem.p-loc-cont no-evd
kastillanu-kta lima-:-chu
Spanish-acc speak-1-neg
‘I’m talking just Quechua. Here, still, we don’t speak Spanish.’

(4) Fwirti kashpallamá linchik pustaman. ch

fwirti ka-shpa-lla-m-á li-nchik pusta-man
strong be-subis-rstr-evd-emph go-1pl clinic-all
‘Only if it’s bad will we go to the health clinic.’

(5) Lliw lliwtam rantishpallañam kanan kamatapis chay

polarkunatapis. ach
lliw lliw-ta-m ranti-shpa-lla-ña-m kanan kama-ta-pis
all all-acc-evd buy-subis-rstr-disc-evd now blanket-acc-add
chay polar-kuna-ta-pis
dem.d fleece-pl-acc-add
‘Now just buying everything – blankets, [polyester] fleece.’

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6 Enclitics

-lla can generally be translated as ‘just’ (6), (7) or ‘only’ (8); it sometimes has an
‘exactly’ interpretation (9).
(6) Chaynallam mikuchin … pachachin. amv
chayna-lla-m miku-chi-n pacha-chi-n
thus-rstr-evd eat-caus-3 dress-caus-3
‘Just like that, she feeds him, she clothes him.’

(7) Sirkallatam riya: manam karutachu. sp

sirka-lla-ta-m ri-ya-: mana-m karu-ta-chu
close-rstr-acc-evd go-prog-1 no-evd far-acc-neg
‘I just go close; I don’t go far.’

(8) Chayllatam yatrani. Masta yatranichu. amv

chay-lla-ta-m yatra-ni mas-ta yatra-ni-chu
dem.d-lim-acc-evd know-1 more-acc know-1-neg
‘I only know that. I don’t know more.’

(9) Iskinanpi sikya tunallanpi wallpay watrakunraq. lt

iskina-n-pi sikya tuna-lla-n-pi wallpa-y
corner-3-loc aqueduct corner-rstr-3-loc chicken-1
watra-ku-n-raq
give.birth-refl-3-cont
‘My hen lays eggs in the corner, right in the corner of the canal.’
It is very, very widely employed (10–12).
(10) Lliwta abaskuna albirhakuna ayvislla rantikuni apani llaqtatam. amv
lliw-ta abas-kuna albirha-kuna ayvis-lla ranti-ku-ni
all-acc broad.beans-pl peas-pl sometimes-rstr buy-refl-1
apa-ni llaqta-ta-m
bring-1 town-acc-evd
‘Everything – broad beans, peas – once in while I sell stuff – I bring
it into town.’

(11) Chaynallam. Chayllam kwintuqa. Mas kanchu manam. sp

chayna-lla-m chay-lla-m kwintu-qa mas ka-n-chu mana-m
thus-rstr-evd dem.d-rstr-evd story-top more be-3-neg no-evd
‘That’s the way it goes. That’s all there is to the story. There’s no
more.’

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(12) Chaytam aysashpalla pasachiwaq. amv

chay-ta-m aysa-shpa-lla pasa-chi-wa-q
dem.d-acc-evd pull-subis-rstr pass-caus-1.obj-ag
‘They had me cross the river pulling [me by the hand].’

6.2.4 Discontinuative -ña

Discontinuitive. -ña indicates transition – change of state or quality. In affir-
mative statements, it can generally be translated as ‘already’ (1–3); in negative
statements, as ‘no more’ or ‘no longer’ (4), (5); and in questions, as ‘yet’ (6), (7).
(1) Kundinadawñam wakqa kayan. amv
kundinadaw-ña-m wak-qa ka-ya-n
condemned-disc-evd dem.d-top be-prog-3
‘That one is already condemned.’

(2) Ñuqaqa kukaywanñam qawaruni. amv

ñuqa-qa kuka-y-wan-ña-m qawa-ru-ni
I-top coca-1-instr-disc-evd see-urgt-1
‘I saw it with my coca already.’

(3) Paqwayanchikñam talpuyta, ¿aw? Papaktapis talpulalu:ñam, kanan

halakta, ¿aw? ch
paqwa-ya-nchik-ña-m talpu-y-ta aw papa-kta-pis
finish-prog-1pl-disc-evd plant-inf-acc yes potato-acc-add
talpu-la-lu-:-ña-m kanan hala-kta aw
plant-unint-urgt-1-disc-evd now corn-acc yes
‘We’re finishing the planting already, no? We’ve already planted the
potatoes, now the corn, no?’

(4) Unaytrik. Kananqa kanñachu imapis. sp

unay-tri-k kanan-qa ka-n-ña-chu ima-pis
before-evc-ik now-top be-3-disc-neg what-add
‘That would be a long time ago. Now there isn’t anything any more.’

(5) Manaña ni santu ni imapis. amv

mana-ña ni santu ni ima-pis
no-disc nor saint nor what-add
‘There are no longer saints or anything.’

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(6) ¿Pasarunñachu? Tapushun. amv

pasa-ru-n-ña-chu tapu-shun
pass-urgt-3-disc-q ask-1pl.fut
‘Did she go by yet? Let’s ask.’

(7) ¿Rimayanñachu kanan wakpi? lt

rima-ya-n-ña-chu kanan wak-pi
talk-prog-3-disc-q now dem.d-loc
‘Are they talking yet there now?’

It can appear freely but never unaccompanied, redundantly, by ña (8), (9).

(8) “¡Ñam tukuchkaniña!” ¡Puk! ¡Puk! ¡Puk! sikisapa sapu. amv
ña-m tuku-chka-ni-ña puk puk puk siki-sapa sapu
disc-evd finish-dur-1-disc puk puk puk behind-mult.poss frog
‘“I’m already finishing up!” Puk! Puk! Puk! said the frog with the
behind bigger than usual.’

(9) Ñam riqsiyanña hukya yaykun. lt

ña-m riqsi-ya-n-ña huk-ya yayku-n
disc-evd know-prog-3-disc one-emph enter-3
‘They’re getting to know it already and another comes in.’

6.2.5 Inclusion -pis

-pis indicates the inclusion of an item or event into a series of similar items or
events. Translated as ‘and’, ‘too’, ‘also’, and ‘even’ (1–5) or, when negated, ‘nei-
ther’ or ‘not even’ (6–8).
(1) Turnuchawan ñuqakunaqa trabaha: walmipis qalipis. ch
turnu-cha-wan ñuqa-kuna-qa trabaha-: walmi-pis qali-pis
turn-dim-instr I-pl-top work-1 woman-add man-add
‘We work in turns, the women and the men.’

(2) Tukuy tuta tushun qaynintintapis. amv

tukuy tuta tushu-n qaynintin-ta-pis
all night dance-3 next.day-acc-add
‘They dance all night and the next day, too.’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(3) Paypis chay subrinu wañukuptinñamik payqa tumarun. amv

pay-pis chay subrinu wañu-ku-pti-n-ña-mi-k pay-qa
he-add dem.d nephew die-refl-subds-3-disc-evd-ik he-top
tuma-ru-n
take-urgt-3
‘He, too, when his nephew died, took it [poison].’

(4) Salchipullu rantikuqtapis tumarun. amv

salchipullu ranti-ku-q-ta-pis tuma-ru-n
fried.chicken buy-refl-ag-acc-add take-urgt-3
‘She took [pictures] of the people selling fried chicken also.’

(5) Maman wañukuptinpis manam waqanchu. amv

mama-n wañu-ku-pti-n-pis mana-m waqa-n-chu
mother-3 die-refl-subds-3-add no-evd cry-3-neg
‘Even when his mother died, he didn’t cry.’

(6) “¿Imapaqtaq ñuqa waqashaq?” nin. “Warmiypaqpis waqarqanichu.” amv

ima-paq-taq ñuqa waqa-shaq nin warmi-y-paq-pis
what-purp-seq I cry-1.fut say-3 woman-1-ben-add
waqa-rqa-ni-chu
cry-pst-1-neg
‘“Why am I going to cry?” he said. “I didn’t cry for my wife, either.”’

(7) Paykunaqa manam qawarqapischu. amv

pay-kuna-qa mana-m qawa-rqa-pis-chu
he-pl-top no-evd see-pst-add-neg
‘Neither did they see us.’

(8) Pata saqaytapis atipanchu. amv

pata saqa-y-ta-pis atipa-n-chu
terrace go.up-inf-acc-add be.able-3-neg
‘They can’t even go up one terrace.’

-pis may – or, even, may generally – imply contrast with some preceding element.
Where it scopes over subordinate clauses, it can often be translated ‘although’ or
‘even’ (9), (10).

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(9) Uratam munashpapis. amv

ura-ta-m muna-shpa-pis
hour-acc-evd want-subis-add
‘Although I want to know the time.’

(10) Hinaptin wasipiña rumiwan takaptinpis uyanchu. sp

hinaptin wasi-pi-ña rumi-wan taka-pti-n-pis uya-n-chu
then house-loc-disc stone-instr hit-subds-3-add be.able-3-neg
‘Later, at home, even when they hit it with a rock, it couldn’t.’
Attaching to interrogative-indefinite stems, it forms indefinites and, with mana,
negative indefinites (11–13).
(11) Chaynam imallatapis wasiman apamun. amv
chayna-m ima-lla-ta-pis wasi-man apa-mu-n
thus-evd what-rstr-acc-add house-all bring-cisl-3
‘That way he brings a little something to his house.’

(12) Llapa tiyndaman yaykushpaqa lliw lliwshi imantapis apakun. ach

llapa tiynda-man yayku-shpa-qa lliw lliw-shi ima-n-ta-pis
all store-all enter-subis-top all all-evr what-3-acc-add
apa-ku-n
bring-refl-3
‘They entered all the stores and took everything and anything they
had.’

(13) Alli chambyakuqpaq manam imapis faltanmanchu. amv

alli chambya-ku-q-paq mana ima-pis falta-n-man-chu
good work-refl-ag-ben no what-add be.missing-3-cond-neg
‘Nothing can be lacking for a good worker.’
It is in free variation with -pas, and, after a vowel, with -s (14–16), the latter
particularly common in the ach dialect.
(14) “¡Diskansakamuy wasikipa!” niwan kikinpas diskansuman ripun. lt
diskansa-ka-mu-y wasi-ki-pa ni-wa-n kiki-n-pas diskansu-man
rest-refl-cisl-imp house-2-loc say-1.obj-3 self-3-add rest-all
ripu-n
go-3
‘“Go rest in your house,” he said to me and he, himself, too, went to
rest.’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(15) Hinaptinqa yutu pawaptinqa chay, “¡Aaaapship ship ship!” Yutupas

“¡Wwaaaayyy!” sp
hinaptin-qa yutu pawa-pti-n-qa chay aaaapship ship ship
then-top partridge fly-subds-3-top dem.d aaaapship ship ship
yutu-pas wwaaaayyy
partridge-add wwaaaayyy
‘Then, when the partridge jumped, he [cried],
“Aaaap-ship-ship-ship!” The partridge, too, [cried] “Wwaaaayyy!”’

(16) Ñuqatas harquruwara Kashapataman riranim. lt

ñuqa-ta-s harqu-ru-wa-ra Kashapata-man ri-ra-ni-m
I-acc-add toss.out-urgt-1.obj-pst Kashapata-all go-pst-1-evd
‘They threw me out, too, and I went to Kashapata.’

6.2.6 Precision, certainty -puni

-puni indicates certainty or precision. It can be translated as ‘necessarily’, ‘def-
initely’, ‘precisely’. It is attested only in the amv dialect, where, still, it is not
widely employed.
(1) Paqarinpunim rishaq. † amv
paqarin-puni-m ri-shaq
tomorrow-cert-evd go-1.fut
‘I’m going to go precisely tomorrow.’

(2) Manapunim. † amv

mana-puni-m
no-cert-evd
‘By no means.’

(3) Chay wiqawninchikmanpuni chiri yakuta truranchik. amv

chay wiqaw-ni-nchik-man-puni chiri yaku-ta trura-nchik
dem.d waist-euph-1pl-all-cert cold water-acc put-1pl
‘We put cold water right on our lower backs.’

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6 Enclitics

6.2.7 Topic-marking -qa

-qa indicates the topic of a clause (1–8), including in those cases where it attaches
to subordinate clauses (9), (10).
(1) Madri sultiram kaya: ñuqallaqa. ch
madri sultira-m ka-ya-: ñuqa-lla-qa
mother alone-evd be-prog-1 I-rstr-top
‘I’m a single mother.’

(2) Ganawniykiqa achkam miranqa. lt

ganaw-ni-yki-qa achka-m mira-nqa
cattle-euph-2-top a.lot-evd increase-3.fut
‘Your cattle are going to multiply a lot.’

(3) Qamqa waqakunki sumaqllatam. Ñuqaqa quyu quyuta waqayani. sp

qam-qa waqa-ku-nki sumaq-lla-ta-m ñuqa-qa quyu quyu-ta
you-top cry-refl-2 pretty-rstr-acc-evd I-top ugly ugly-acc
waqa-ya-ni
cry-prog-1
‘You sing nicely. I’m singing awfully.’

(4) Yatraqninqa; mana yatraqninqa manayá. amv

yatra-q-ni-n-qa mana yatra-q-ni-n-qa mana-yá
know-ag-euph-3-top no know -ag-euph-top no-emph
‘Those of them who knew; not those of them who didn’t know.’

(5) Kananqa mikunchik munasanchik[ta] qullqi kaptinqa. amv

kanan-qa miku-nchik muna-sa-nchik[-ta] qullqi ka-pti-n-qa
now-top eat-1pl want-prf-1-acc money be-subds-3-top
‘Now we eat whatever we want when there’s money.’

(6) Llaqtaykipaqa ¿tarpunkichu sibadata? amv

llaqta-yki-pa-qa tarpu-nki-chu sibada-ta
town-2-loc-top plant-2-q barley-acc
‘In your town, do you plant barley?’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(7) Urayqa puriq kani trakillawan trakinchikpis nananankama. amv

uray-qa puri-q ka-ni traki-lla-wan traki-nchik-pis
down.hill-top walk-ag be-1 foot-rstr-instr foot-1pl-add
nana-na-n-kama
hurt-nmlz-3-lim
‘I would walk down hill just on foot until our feet hurt.’

(8) Difindiwanchik malichukunapaqqa. amv

difindi-wa-nchik malichu-kuna-paq-qa
defend-1.obj-1pl curse-pl-abl-top
‘It protects us against curses.’

(9) Lluqsila pasiyuman yaykushpaqa manaña puydilaøchu piru. ch

lluqsi-la pasiyu-man yayku-shpa-qa mana-ña puydi-la-chu
go.out-pst walk-all enter-subis-top no-disc be.able-pst-neg
piru
but
‘They went out for a walk but when they went in, they couldn’t.’

(10) Qipiruptinqa … chay kundurqa qipiptin huk turuta pagaykun. sp

qipi-ru-pti-n-qa chay kundur-qa qipi-pti-n huk
carry-urgt-subds-3-top dem.d condor-top carry-subds-3 one
turu-ta paga-yku-n
bull-acc pay-excep-3
‘When he carried her, after the condor carried her, she payed him a
bull.’

6.2.8 Continuative -Raq

-Raq – realized in ch as -laq (1) and in all other dialects as -raq – indicates conti-
nuity of action, state or quality.
(1) Kichwallaktam limakuya: kaytrawlaq manam kastillanukta lima:chu. ch
kichwa-lla-kta-m lima-ku-ya-: kay-traw-laq mana-m
Quechua-rstr-acc-evd talk-refl-prog-1 dem.p-loc-cont no-evd
kastillanu-kta lima-:-chu
Spanish-acc talk-1-neg
‘I’m just talking Quechua. Here, still, we don’t speak Spanish.’

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6 Enclitics

It can generally be translated ‘still’ (2–4) or, negated, ‘yet’ (5), (6).
(2) Qamqa flakuraqmi. Hawlapam qamtaqa wirayachisayki. ach
qam-qa flaku-raq-mi hawla-pa-m qam-ta-qa
you-top skinny-cont-evd cage-loc-evd you-acc-top
wira-ya-chi-sayki
fat-inch-caus-1>2.fut
‘You’re still skinny. I’m going to fatten you up in a cage.’

(3) Taqsanaraqtri. Millwata taqsashun. amv

taqsa-na-raq-tri millwa-ta taqsa-shun
wash-nmlz-cont-evc wool-acc wash-1pl.fut
‘It has to be cleaned still. We have to clean the wool.’

(4) Kamanpi puñukuyaptinraq tarirun. lt

kama-n-pi puñu-ku-ya-pti-n-raq tari-ru-n
bed-3-loc sleep-refl-prog-subds-3-cont find-urgt-3
‘He found him when he was sleeping still in his bed.’

(5) Runtuwanmi qaquyanmi chaypa manaraqmi shakashwan. amv

runtu-wan-mi qaqu-ya-n-mi chay-pa mana-raq-mi
egg-instr-evd massage-prog-3-evd dem.d-loc no-cont-evd
shakash-wan
guinea.pig-instr
‘He’s massaging with an egg – not yet with the guinea pig.’

(6) Manam mayqinniypis wañuniraqchu. amv

mana-m mayqin-ni-y-pis wañu-ni-raq-chu
no-evd which-euph-1-add die-1-cont-neg
‘None of us has died yet.’

Marking rhetorical questions, it can indicate a kind of despair (7), (8).

(7) ¿Yawarnintachu? ¿Imataraq hurqura chay dimunyukuna? ach
yawar-ni-n-ta-chu ima-ta-raq hurqu-ra chay
blood-euph-3-acc-q what-acc-cont take.out-pst dem.d
dimunyu-kuna
Devil-pl
‘His blood? What in the world did the devil suck out of him?’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(8) Chay gringukunaqa altukunatash rin. ¿Imaynaraq chay runata

wañuchin? ach
chay gringu-kuna-qa altu-kuna-ta-sh ri-n imayna-raq chay
dem.d gringo-pl-top high-pl-acc-evr go-3 how-cont dem.d
runa-ta wañu-chi-n
person-acc die-caus-3
‘The gringos go to the heights, they say. How on earth could they
kill those people?’
With subordinate clauses, it may indicate a prerequisite or a necessary condition
for the event to take place, translating in English as ‘first’ or ‘not until’ (9).
(9) Kisuta ruwashparaq trayamuyan. amv
kisu-ta ruwa-shpa-raq traya-mu-ya-n
cheese-acc make-subis-cont arrive-cisl-prog-3
‘Once she makes the cheese, she’s coming.’

Chay-raq indicates an imminent future, translating in Andean Spanish recién (10).

Employed as a coordinator, it implies a contrast between the coordinated ele-
ments (see §7.3).
(10) Chayraqmi tapayan. Qallaykuyani chayraq. amv
chay-raq-mi tapa-ya-n qalla-yku-ya-ni chay-raq
dem.d-cont-evd cover-prog-3 begin-excep-prog-1 dem.d-cont
‘He’s just now going to cap it. I’m just now going to start.’

6.2.9 Sequential -taq

-taq indicates the sequence of events (1).
(1) Tardiqa yapa listu suyan; yapataqshi trayarun. amv
tardi-qa yapa listu suya-n yapa-taq-shi traya-ru-n
afternoon-top again ready wait-3 again-seq-evr arrive-urgt-3
‘In the afternoon, again, ready, he waits. Then, again, [the zombie]
arrived.’
Adelaar (p.c.) points out that in Ayacucho Quechua -ña-taq is a fixed combina-
tion. It appears that may be the case here too (2–4). In these examples -taq seems
to continue to indicate a sequence of events.

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(2) Lliwta pikarushpa, kaymanñataq quturini trurani wakmanñataq. amv

lliw-ta pika-ru-shpa kay-man-ña-taq qutu-ri-ni
all-acc pick-urgt-subds dem.d-all-disc-seq gather-incep-1
trura-ni wak-man-ña-taq
put-1 dem.p-all-disc-seq
‘When I have all these sorted, then I gather everything here and
then store it there.’

(3) Qaliqa takllawanmi halun. Qipantañataq kulpakta maqanchik

pikuwan. ch
qali-qa taklla-wan-mi halu-n qipa-n-ta-ña-taq
man-top plow-instr-evd turn.earth-3 behind-3-acc-disc-seq
kulpa-kta maqa-nchik piku-wan
clod-acc hit-1pl pick-instr
‘Men turn over the earth with a foot plow. Behind them, then, we
break up the clods with a pick.’

(4) Ñuqapa makiywan aytrichiyanmi. Kanan trakillañataq. Huknin

makiwanñataq kananmi. amv
ñuqa-pa maki-y-wan aytri-chi-ya-n-mi kanan
I-gen hand-1-instr stir-caus-prog-3-evd now
traki-lla-ña-taq huk-ni-n maki-wan-ña-taq kanan-mi
foot-rstr-disc-seq one-euph-3 hand-instr-disc-seq now-evd
‘He’s stirring it with my hand. Now, the foot. Now with the other
hand.’
In a question introduced by an interrogative (pi-, ima- …) -taq attaches to the in-
terrogative in case it is the only word in the phrase or, in case the phrase includes
two or more words, to the final word in the phrase (5–7).
(5) ¡Ishpaykuruwan! ¿Imapaqtaq ishpan? amv
ishpa-yku-ru-wa-n ima-paq-taq ishpa-n
urinate-excep-urgt-1.obj-3 what-purp-seq urinate-3
‘It urinated on me! Why does it urinate?’

(6) ¿Ima rikuqtaq karqa sapatillayki? amv

ima rikuq-taq ka-rqa sapatilla-yki
what color-seq be-pst shoe-2
‘What color were your shoes?’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(7) ¿Imanashaqtaq? Diosllatañatriki. lt

ima-na-shaq-taq Dios-lla-ta-ña-tr-iki
what-vrbz-1.fut-seq God-rstr-acc-disc-evc-iki
‘What am I going to do? It’s for God already.’

In this capacity, -taq may be the most transparent of the enclitics attaching to
q-phrases. In a clause with a conditional or in a subordinate clause, -taq can
indicate a warning (8).
(8) Kurasunniyman shakashta trurayan. Ñuqa niyani
“¡Kaniruwaptinñataq!” amv
kurasun-ni-y-man shakash-ta trura-ya-n ñuqa ni-ya-ni
heart-euph-1-all guinea.pig-acc put-prog-3 I say-prog-1
kani-ru-wa-pti-n-ña-taq
bite-urgt-1.obj-subds-3-disc-seq
‘He’s putting the guinea pig over my heart. I’m saying, “Be careful it
doesn’t bite me!”’
-taq also functions as a conjunction (9) (see §7.3).
(9) Warmiñataq puchkawan qariñataq tihiduwan. amv
warmi-ña-taq puchka-wan qari-ña-taq tihidu-wan
women-disc-seq spinning-instr man-disc-seq weaving-instr
‘Women with spinning and men with weaving.’

6.2.10 Emotive -ya

-ya indicates regret or resignation. It can be translated ‘alas’ or ‘regretfully’ or
with a sigh. Not very widely employed.
(1) Hinashpaqaya, “Wañurachishaqña wakchachaytaqa dimasllam
sufriyan.” amv
hinashpa-qa-ya wañu-ra-chi-shaq-ña wakcha-cha-y-ta-qa
then-top-emo die-urgt-caus-1.fut-disc lamb-dim-1-acc-top
dimas-lla-m sufri-ya-n
too.much-rstr-evd suffer-prog-3
‘Then, alas, “I’m going to kill my little lamb already – he’s suffering
too much,” [I said].’

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6 Enclitics

(2) Unay runakunaqa yatrayan masta, mastaya, lliwta … aaaa. amv

unay runa-kuna-qa yatra-ya-n mas-ta mas-ta-ya
before person-pl-top know-prog-3 more-acc more-acc-emo
lliw-ta aaaa
all-acc ahhh
‘In the old days, people knew more, more, everything, ahhh.’

6.2.11 Evidence
Evidentials indicate the type of the speaker’s source of information. syq, like
most7 other Quechuan languages, counts three evidential suffixes: direct -mi (1–
3), reportative -shi (4–6), and conjectural -tri (7–9) (i.e. the speaker has her own
evidence for P (generally visual); the speaker learned P from someone else; or the
speaker infers P based on some other evidence). Following a short vowel, these
are realized as -m, sh, and -tr, respectively (3), (6), (9).
(1) Taytacha José irransakurqa chaypam. amv
tayta-cha José irransa-ku-rqa chay-pa-m
father-dim José herranza-refl-pst dem.d-loc-evd
‘My grandfather José held herranzas there.’

(2) Trurawarqaya huk ratu. Manayá puchukachiwarqachu.

Trurawarqam. amv
trura-wa-rqa-yá huk ratu mana-yá
put-1.obj-pst-emph one moment no-emph
puchuka-chi-wa-rqa-chu trura-wa-rqa-m
finish-caus-1.obj-pst-neg put-1.obj-pst-evd
‘They put me in [school] a short while. They didn’t have me finish,
but they did put me in.’

(3) Qayna puntraw qanin puntrawllam trayamura:. ach

qayna puntraw qanin puntraw-lla-m
previous day day.before.yesterday day-rstr-evd
traya-mu-ra-:
arrive-cisl-pst-1
‘I arrived yesterday, just the day before yesterday.’
7
Note, though, that Huallaga Q counts four evidentials, (-mi, -shi, -chi, snd -chaq) (Weber
1989:76). South Conchucos Q counts six, (-mi, -shi, -chi, -cha:, and -cher); Sihuas, too, counts
six (Hintz and Hintz 2014).

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(4) Radyukunapa rimayta rimayan. Lluqsiyamunshi tirrurista. Tirrurista

rikariyamunshi. sp
radyu-kuna-pa rima-y-ta rima-ya-n lluqsi-ya-mu-n-shi
radio-pl-loc talk-inf-acc talk-prog-3 go.out-prog-cisl-3-evr
tirrurista tirrurista rikari-ya-mu-n-shi
terrorist terrorist appear-prog-cisl-3-evr
‘On the radio they talk for the sake of talking. Terrorists are coming
out, they say. Terrorists are appearing, they say.’

(5) Chay uchukllapa pashñataq uywakuptinñataqshi maqtaqa aparqa

mikunanta. amv
chay uchuk-lla-pa pashña-taq uywa-ku-pti-n-ña-taq-shi
dem.d small-rstr-loc girl-acc raise-refl-subds-3-disc-seq-evr
maqta-qa apa-rqa miku-na-n-ta
young.man-top bring-pst eat-nmlz-3-acc
‘When he raised the girl in that cave, the man brought her his food,
they say.’

(6) Qarintash wañurachin mashantash wañurachin. amv

qari-n-ta-sh wañu-ra-chi-n masha-n-ta-sh
man-3-acc-evr die-urgt-caus-3 son.in.law-3-acc-evr
wañu-ra-chi-n
die-urgt-caus-3
‘She killed her husband, they say; she killed her son-in-law, they
say.’

(7) Qiñwalman trayarachiptiki wañukunmantri. amv

qiñwal-man traya-ra-chi-pti-ki wañu-ku-n-man-tri
quingual.grove-all arrive-urgt-caus-subds-2 die-refl-3-cond-evc
‘If you make her go all the way to the quingual grove, she might die.’

(8) Suwawantri. Durasnuy kara mansanay kara qanin puntraw. lt

suwa-wa-n-tri durasnu-y ka-ra mansana-y ka-ra qanin
rob-1.obj-3-evr peach-1 be-pst apple-1 be-pst previous
puntraw
day
‘They may have robbed me. The day before yesterday I had peaches
and apples.’

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6 Enclitics

(9) Wasiy rahasa kayan. Saqaykurunqatr. amv

wasi-y raha-sa ka-ya-n saqa-yku-ru-nqa-tr
house-1 crack-prf be-prog-3 go.down-excep-urgt-3.fut-evc
‘My house is cracked. It’s going to fall down.’
The evidential system of syq is unusual among Quechuan languages, however,
in that it overlays the three-way distinction standard to Quechua with a second
three-way distinction. The set of evidentials in syq thus counts nine members:
-mI , -m-ik, and -m-iki; -shI , -sh-ik, and -sh-iki; and -trI , -tr-ik, and -tr-iki. The
-I , -ik, and -iki forms are not allomorphs: they receive different interpretations,
generally indicating increasing degrees of evidence strength or, in the case of
modalized verbs, increasing modal force. §6.2.11 describes this system in some
detail. For further formal analysis, see Shimelman (2012).
In addition to indicating the speaker’s information type, evidentials also func-
tion to indicate focus or comment and to complete copular predicates (for further
discussion and examples, see §7.11 and 7.8 on emphasis and equatives).
Evidentials are subject to the following distributional restrictions. They never
attach to the topic or subject; these are, rather, marked with -qa. In content
questions, the evidential attaches to the question word or to the last word of the
questioned phrase (10) (see §7.6 on interrogation).
(10) ¿Maymi chay warmi? amv
may-mi chay warmi
where-evd dem.d woman
‘Where is that woman?’
Evidentials do not appear in commands or injunctions (11); finally, only one evi-
dential may occur per clause (12).
(11) ¡Ruwaruchun*mi/shi/tri! amv
ruwa-ru-chun-*mi/shi/tri
make-urgt-injunc-evd-evr-evc
‘Let him do it!’

(12) ¡Vakay wira wiram, matraypi puñushpa, allin pastuta mikushpam. amv
vaka-y wira wira-m matray-pi puñu-shpa allin pastu-ta
cow-1 fat fat-evd cave-loc sleep-subis good pasture.grass-acc
miku-shpa-m
eat-refl-evd
‘My cow is really fat, sleeping in a cave and eating good pasture
grass.’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

All three evidentials are interpreted as assertions. The first, -mI , is generally
left untranslated in Spanish; the second, -shI , is often rendered dice ‘they say’; the
third is reflected in a change in verb tense or mode (see §6.2.11.3). The difference
between the three is a matter, first, of whether or not evidence is from personal
experience, and, second, whether that evidence supports the proposition, p, im-
mediately under the scope of the evidential or another set of propositions, P’,
that are evidence for p, as represented in Table 6.2.

Table 6.2: Evidential schema: “evidence from” by “evidence for”

Supports scope Supports P’

proposition p evidence for p
Direct direct conjectural
(personal experience) evidence -mI -trI
Reportative reportative conjectural
(non-personal experience) evidence -shI -trI

So, employing -mI (p), the speaker asserts predicate p and represents that she
has personal-experience evidence for p; employing -shI (p), the speaker asserts p
and refers the hearer to another source for evidence for p; and employing -trI (p),
the speaker asserts p and represents that p is a conjecture from P’, propositions
for which she has either -mI -type or -shI -type evidence or both. That is, although
syq counts three evidential suffixes, it counts only two evidence types, direct and
reportative; these two are jointly exhaustive. §6.2.11.1–6.2.11.3 cover -mI , -shI ,
and trI , in turn. §6.2.11.4 covers the evidential modifiers, -ari and -ik/iki.

6.2.11.1 Direct -mI

-mI indicates that the speaker speaks from direct experience. Unlike -shI and
-trI , it is generally left untranslated. Note that in the examples below, with the
exception of (1), the speaker’s knowledge is not the product of visual experience.
(1) Vakaqa kaypa waqrayuqmiki kayan. amv
vaka-qa kay-pa waqra-yuq-m-iki ka-ya-n
cow-top dem.p-loc horn-poss-evd-iki be-prog-3
‘The cows here have horns.’

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6 Enclitics

(2) Piñiymi pakarayan wasiypa wak ichuypa ukunpa. amv

piñi-y-mi paka-ra-ya-n wasi-y-pa wak ichuy-pa
necklace-1-evd hide-unint-intens-3 house-1-loc dem.d straw-gen
uku-n-pa
inside-3-loc
‘My necklace is hidden in my house under the straw.’

(3) Chaywanmi pwirtata ruwayani. Manam achkataq ruwanichu. amv

chay-wan-mi pwirta-ta ruwa-ya-ni mana-m achka-taq
dem.d-instr-evd door-acc make-prog-1 no-evd a.lot-acc
ruwa-ni-chu
make.1-neg
‘I make doors with this. I don’t make a lot.’

(4) Karrupis ashnakuyanmi. ach

karru-pis ashna-ku-ya-n-mi
car-add smell-refl-prog-3-evd
‘The buses, too, stink.’

(5) Qunirirachishunki. Kaliyntamanchikmi. ach

quni-ri-ra-chi-shu-nki kaliynta-ma-nchik-mi
warm-incep-caus-2.obj-2 warm-1.obj-1pl-evd
‘It warms you up. It warms us up.’

6.2.11.2 Reportative -shI

-shI indicates that the speaker’s evidence does not come from personal experi-
ence (1–4).
(1) Awkichanka urqupaqa inkantush – karrush chinkarurqa qutrapa. amv
Awkichanka urqu-pa-qa inkantu-sh karru-sh chinka-ru-rqa
Awkichanka hill-loc-top spirit-evr car-evr lose-urgt-pst
qutra-pa
lake-loc
‘In the hill Okichanka, there is a spirit, they say – a car was lost in a
reservoir.’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(2) Mashwaqa prustatapaqshi allin. ch

mashwa-qa prustata-paq-shi allin
mashua-top prostate-ben-evr good
‘Mashua is good for the prostate, they say.’

(3) Chaypash runtuta mikuchishunki. amv

chay-pa-sh runtu-ta miku-chi-shu-nki
dem.d-loc-evr egg-acc eat-caus-2.obj-2
‘They’ll feed you eggs there, they say.’

(4) Lata-wan yanu-shpa-taq-shi runa-ta-pis miku-ru-ra. ach

lata-wan yanu-shpa-taq-shi runa-ta-pis miku-ru-ra
can-instr cook-subis-seq-evr person-acc-add eat-urgt-pst
‘They [the Shining Path] even cooked people in metal pots and ate
them, they say.’
It is used systematically in stories (5), (6).
(5) Unayshi kara huk asnu. sp
unay-shi ka-ra huk asnu
before-evr be-pst one donkey
‘Once upon a time, they say there was a mule.’

(6) Chaypaqshi kutirun maman kaqta papanin kaqta. lt

chay-paq-shi kuti-ru-n mama-n ka-q-ta papa-ni-n
dem.d-abl-evr return-urgt-3 mother-3 be-ag-acc father-euph-3
ka-q-ta
be-ag-acc
‘He returned from there, they say, to his mother’s place, to his
father’s place.’

6.2.11.3 Conjectural -trI

-trI indicates that the speaker does not have evidence for the proposition directly
under the scope of the evidential, but is, rather, conjecturing to that proposition
from others for which she does have evidence (1–8).

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6 Enclitics

(1) Awayantriki kamata. amv

awa-ya-n-tr-iki kama-ta
weave-prog-evr-iki blanket-acc
‘He must be weaving a blanket.’

(2) Wañuypaqpis kayachuwantriki. amv

wañu-y-paq-pis ka-ya-chuwan-tr-iki
die-inf-abl-add be-prog-1pl.cond-evc-iki
‘We could be also about to die.’

(3) Kukachankunata aparuptiyqa tiyaparuwanqatrik. amv

kuka-cha-n-kuna-ta apa-ru-pti-y-qa
coca-dim-3-pl-acc bring-urgt-subds-1-top
tiya-pa-ru-wa-nqa-tr-ik
sit-ben-urgt-1.obj-evc-ik
‘If I bring them their coca, they’ll accompany me sitting.’

(4) Chaymantrik ayarikura. ach

chay-man-tr-ik aya-ri-ku-ra
dem.d-all-evc-ik cadaver-incep-refl-pst
‘She must have become a cadaver.’

(5) Upyachinmantri. ch
upya-chi-ma-n-tri
drink-caus-1.obj-3-evc
‘She might make me drink.’

(6) Yakuñatr rikuyan pampantaqa. ach

yaku-ña-tr ri-ku-ya-n pampa-n-ta-qa
water-disc-evc go-refl-prog-3 ground-3-acc-top
‘Water should already be running along the ground.’

(7) Allintaqa. Kapastriki palabrata kichwapa apakunqa kananpis. sp

allin-ta-qa kapas-tr-iki palabra-ta kichwa-pa
good-acc-top possible-evc-iki word-acc Quechua-gen
apa-ku-nqa kanan-pis
bring-refl-3.fut now-add
‘Good. Maybe they’ll bring Quechua now, too.’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(8) Ayvis kumpañaw hamuyan – wañuypaqpis kayachuwantriki. amv

ayvis kumpañaw hamu-ya-n wañu-y-paq-pis
sometimes accompanied come-prog-3 die-1-purp-add
ka-ya-chuwan-tr-iki
be-prog-1pl.cond-evc-iki
‘Sometimes someone comes accompanied – we might be also about
to die.’

6.2.11.4 Evidential modification

syq counts four evidential modifiers, -ari and the set ø, -ik and -iki. §6.2.11.4.1
and 6.2.11.4.2 cover -ari and -ø/-ik/iki, respectively. The latter largely repeats Shi-
melman (2012).

6.2.11.4.1 Assertive force -aRi -aRi – realized -ali in ch (1) and -ari in all other
dialects – indicates conviction on the part of the speaker.8
(1) Wayrakuyanmari. amv
wayra-ku-ya-n-m-ari
wind-refl-prog-3-evd-ari
‘It’s windy.’

It can often be translated as ‘surely’ or ‘certainly’ or ‘of course’. -aRi generally

occurs only in combination with -mI (2), (3), -shI (4), (5) and -Yá (6–8).
(2) Manamari llapa ruwayaqhina kayani. amv
mana-m-ari llapa ruwa-ya-q-hina ka-ya-ni
no-evd-ari all make-prog-ag-comp be-prog-1
‘No, of course, it seems like I’m making it all up.’

8
The Quechuas of (at least) Ancash-Huailas Parker (1976: 151), Cajamarca-Canaris Quesada
Castillo (1976: 158) and Junin-Huanca Cerrón-Palomino (1976a: 238–9) have suffixes -rI , -rI
and -ari, respectively, which, like the syq -k succeed evidentials and are most often translated
pues ‘then’. It seems unlikely that the ahq, ccq and jhq forms correspond to the -k or -ki of
syq. First, unlike -ik or -iki, -rI and -ari may appear independent of any evidential and they
may function as general emphatics. Second, syq, too, has a suffix -ari which, like -rI and -ari,
functions as a general emphatic, also translating as pues. Third, the syq -ari is in complemen-
tary distribution with -k and -ki. Finally, unlike the ahq, ccq and jhq forms, the syq -ari
cannot appear independently of the evidentials -mI or -shI or else of -y, and, further, always
forms an independent word with these.

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6 Enclitics

(3) Ñuqa[ta]s firmachiwanmari. Piru manashari chay wawi warmiytapis

firmachinraqchu. lt
ñuqa[-ta]-s firma-chi-wa-n-m-ari piru mana-sh-ari chay
I-acc-add sign-caus-1.obj-3-evd-ari but no-evr-ari dem.d
wawi warmi-y-ta-pis firma-chi-n-raq-chu
baby woman-1-acc-add sign-caus-3-cont-neg
‘They made me sign, too. But they didn’t make my daughter sign
yet, they say.’

(4) Viñacpaqshali. ch
Viñac-paq-sh-ali
Viñac-abl-evr-ari
‘From Viñac, she says, then.’

(5) Ripunshari umaqa kunkanman. amv

ripu-n-sh-ari uma-qa kunka-n-man
go-3-evr-ari head-top neck-3-all
‘The head went [flying back] towards his neck, they say.’

(6) ¡Kurriy! Qillakuyankitrari. lt

kurri-y qilla-ku-ya-nki-tr-ari
run-imp lazy-refl-prog-2-evc-ari
‘Run! … You must be being lazy.’

(7) Kidakushun kaypayari. ach

kida-ku-shun kay-pa-y-ari
stay-refl-1pl.fut dem.p-loc-emph-ari
‘We’re going to stay here.’

(8) Yatraqninqa mana yatraqninqa manayari. amv

yatra-q-ni-n-qa mana yatra-q-ni-n-qa mana-y-ari
know-ag-euph-3-top no know-ag-euph-3-top no-emph-ari
‘The ones who knew how. The ones who didn’t know how, no, of
course.’
It is far less often employed than -ik and -iki. It is, however, prevalent in the LT
dialect, which supplied the single instance of tr-ari in the corpus (9).

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(9) Chay wayra itana piru rimidyum Hilda. ¡Piru wachikunyari! amv
chay wayra itana piru rimidyu-m Hilda piru
dem.d wind thorn but remedy-evd Hilda but
wachi-ku-n-y-ari
sting-refl-3-emph-ari
‘The wind thorns are medicinal, Hilda. But do they ever sting!’

6.2.11.4.2 Evidence strength -ik and -iki syq is unusual9 in that each of its
three evidentials counts three variants, formed by the suffixation of -ø, -ik or
-iki. The resulting nine forms are direct -mI-ø, -m-ik and-m-iki (1–3); reportative
-shI-ø, -sh-ik and -sh-iki (4–6); and conjectural -trI-ø, -tr-ik and-tr-iki (7–9).10
(1) Manam trayamunchu manamik rikarinchu. ach
mana-m traya-mu-n-chu mana-m-ik rikari-n-chu
no-evd arrive-cisl-3-neg no-evd-ik appear-3-neg
‘He hasn’t arrived. He hasn’t showed up.’

(2) Limatam rishaq. Limapaqa buskaq kanmiki. Sutintapis rimayanmiki.

¿Ichu manachu? lt
Lima-ta-m ri-shaq Lima-pa-qa buska-q ka-n-m-iki
Lima-acc-evd go-1.fut Lima-loc-top look.for-ag be-3-evd-iki
suti-n-ta-pis rima-ya-n-m-iki ichu mana-chu
name-3-acc-add talk-prog-3-evd-iki or no-q
‘I’m going to go to Lima. In Lima, there are people who read cards,
then. They’re saying his name, then, yes or no?’

(3) Wañuchinakun imamiki chaytaqa muna:chu. sp

wañu-chi-naku-n ima-m-iki chay-ta-qa muna-:-chu
die-caus-recip-3 what-evd-iki dem.d-acc-top want-1-neg
‘They kill each other and what-not, then. I don’t want that.’

9
Ayacucho Q also makes use of -ki.
10
In Lincha, -iki may modify both -mI and -shI but not -trI ; in Tana, -iki may modify all three
evidentials.

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6 Enclitics

(4) Chayshik chay susyukuna ruwapakurqa chay nichuchanta wañushpa

chayman pampakunanpaq. amv
chay-sh-ik chay susyu-kuna ruwa-paku-rqa chay
dem.d-evr-ik dem.d associates-pl make-jtacc-pst dem.d
nichu-cha-n-ta wañu-shpa chay-man pampa-ku-na-n-paq
crypt-dim-3-acc die-subis dem.d-all bury-refl-nmlz-3-purp
‘That’s why, they say, before, the members made each other the
small crypts, to bury them when they died.’

(5) Llutanshiki. Llutan runashik kan. lt

llutan-sh-iki llutan runa-sh-ik ka-n
ugly-evr-iki ugly person-evr-ik be-3
‘They’re messed up, they say. There are messed up people, they say.’

(6) “¡Mátalo!” nishashiki. ch

mátalo ni-sha-sh-iki
[Spanish] say-npst-evr-iki
‘“Kill him!” she’s said, they say.’

(7) ¿Imapaqraq chayta ruwara paytaqa? Yanqañatrik chayta

wañuchira. ach
ima-paq-raq chay-ta ruwa-ra pay-ta-qa yanqa-ña-tr-ik
what-purp-cont dem.d-acc make-pst he-acc-top lie-disc-evc-ik
chay-ta wañu-chi-ra
dem.d-acc die-caus-pst
‘What did they do that to him for? They must have killed him just
for the sake of it.’

(8) Ablanshiki. “Tragu, vino”, nishpatriki ablayamun. sp

abla-n-sh-iki tragu vino ni-shpa-tr-iki abla-ya-mu-n
talk-3-evr-iki drink wine say-subis-evc-iki talk-prog-cisl-3
‘They talk, they say, for sure. “Pay me liquor, wine,” they must be
saying, talking.’

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 6.2 Individual enclitics

(9) Alkansachin warkawantri. Kabrapis kasusam, piru. Riqsiyantriki

runantaqa. amv
alkansa-chi-n warka-wan-tri kabra-pis kasu-sa-m piru
reach-caus-3 sling-instr-evc goat-add attention-prf-evd but
riqsi-ya-n-tr-iki runa-n-ta-qa
know-prog-3-evc-iki person-3-acc-top
‘She must make [the stones] reach with the sling, for sure. The
goats obey her. They must know their master, for sure.’

Evidentials obligatorily take evidential modifier (hereafter “em”) arguments;

ems are enclitics and attach exclusively to evidentials. So, for example, *mishi-m
[cat-evd] and *mishi-ki (cat-iki) are both ungrammatical. The corresponding
grammatical forms would be mishi-m-ø [cat-evd-ø] and *mishi-mi-ki (cat-evd-
iki), respectively. With all three sets of evidentials, the -ik form is associated with
some variety of increase over the -ø form; the -iki form, with greater increase
still. With all three evidentials, -ik and -iki – except in those cases in which
they take scope over universal-deontic-modal or future-tense verbs – indicate an
increase in strength of evidence. With the direct -mI , -ik and -iki generally also
affect the interpretation of strength of assertion; with the conjectural -trI , the
interpretation of certainty of conjecture. In the case of universal-deontic modal
and future-tense verbs, with both -mI and trI , -ik and -iki indicate increasingly
strong obligation and increasingly imminent/certain futures, respectively.

6.2.11.5 Evidentials in questions

In questions, the evidentials generally indicate that the speaker expects a re-
sponse with the same evidential (i.e., an answer based on direct evidence, reporta-
tive evidence or conjecture, in the cases of -mI , -shI , and -trI , respectively) (1–3).
(1) ¿Amador Garaychu? ¿Imam sutin kara? ach
Amador Garay-chu ima-m suti-n ka-ra
Amador Garay-q what-evd name-3 be-pst
‘Amador Garay? What was his name?’

(2) ¿Maypish wasinta lulayan? ch

may-pi-sh wasi-n-ta lula-ya-n
where-loc-evr house-3-acc make-prog-3
‘Where did she say she’s making her house?’

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6 Enclitics

(3) ¿Kutiramunmanchutr? ¿Imatrik pasan? ach

kuti-ra-mu-n-man-chu-tr ima-tr-ik pasan
return-urgt-cisl-q-evc what-evc-ik pass-3
‘Could he come back? What would have happened?’

The use of -trI in a question may, additionally, indicate that the speaker doesn’t
actually expect any response at all (4), while the use of -shI may indicate not
that the speaker is expecting an answer based on reported evidence, but that the
speaker is reporting the question.
(4) ¿Kawsanchutr manachutr? No se sabe. ach
kawsa-n-chu-tr mana-chu-tr? No se sabe.
live-3-q-evc no-q-evc [Spanish]
‘Would he be alive or dead? We don’t know.’

282
7 Syntax
This chapter covers the syntax of Southern Yauyos Quechua. The chapter counts
fourteen sections covering constituent order, sentences, coordination, compar-
ison, negation, interrogation, reflexives and reciprocals, equatives, possession,
topic, emphasis, complementation, relativization and subordination.

7.1 Constituent order

The unmarked constituent order in syq, as in other Quechuan languages, is SOV
(Mila-qa vikuña-n-kuna-ta riku-ra ‘Melanie saw her vicuñas’). That said, be-
cause constituents are obligatorily marked for case, a change in the order of
constituents in an utterance will not necessarily change the sense of that utter-
ance (Mila-qa riku-ra vikuña-n-kuna-ta ‘Melanie saw her vicuñas’). Change in
constituent order does not necessarily change the interpretation of topic or fo-
cus. Topic is generally signaled by -qa, while the evidentials -mI , -shI , and -trI
signal focus (Carmen-qa llama-n-kuna-ta-sh wañu-chi-nqa ‘Carmen will butcher
her llamas, they say’ Carmen-qa llama-n-kuna-ta wañu-chi-nqa-sh ‘Carmen will
butcher her llamas, they say’). In the first case, the focus is on the direct ob-
ject: she will butcher her llamas and not, say, her goats; in the second case, it
is the verb that is marked as the focus: she will butcher her llamas and not, say,
pet them. Nevertheless, the verb and the object cannot commute in subordinate
clauses, where only the order OV is grammatical (fruta-cha-y-kuna apa-sa-y-ta
‘the fruit I bring’ *apa-sa-y-ta fruta-cha-y-kuna-ta).
Modifiers generally precede the elements they modify: adjectives precede the
nouns they modify (yuraq wayta ‘white flower’), possessors precede the thing
possessed (pay-pa pupu-n ‘her navel’), and relative clauses precede their heads
(trabaha-sa-yki wasi-pa ‘in the house where you worked’). In case an NP includes
multiple modifiers, these appear in the order:

(1) dem-qant-num-neg-preadj-adj-atr-nucleus
7 Syntax

7.2 Sentences
With the exceptions of (a) abbreviated questions and responses to questions
(¿May-pi? ‘Where?’ Chay-pi-(m) ‘There’), and (b) exclamations (¡Atatayáw! ‘How
disgusting!’) no syq sentence is grammatical without a verb (*Sasa. ‘Hard’).
As it is unnecessary in syq to specify either the subject or the object, a verb
alone inflected for person is sufficient for grammaticality (Apa-n ‘[She] brings
[it]’). First- and second-person objects are indicated in verbal inflection: -wa/-ma
indicates a first-person object, and -yki, -sHQayki and -shunki indicate second-
person objects (suya-wa-nki ‘you wait for me’ suya-shunki ‘She’ll wait for you’)
(see §4.3.2.2 on actor-object reference).

7.3 Coordination
The enclitics -pis, -taq, and -raq can all be used to coordinate NPs (1–2), AdvPs
and VPs (3); the case suffix -wan can be used with the first two of these three (4).
-pis, -taq, and -raq generally imply relations of inclusion, contrast, or contradic-
tion, respectively. Thus, -pis (inclusion) can generally be translated as ‘and’ or
‘also’ (1), (2).
(1) walmipis qalipis ch
walmi-pis qali-pis
woman-add man-add
‘women and men1 ’

(2) Uyqapaqpis kanmi alpakapaqpis kanmi llamapaqpis kanmi. ach

uyqa-paq-pis ka-n-mi alpaka-paq-pis ka-n-mi llama-paq-pis
sheep-abl-add be-3-evd alpaca-abl-add be-3-evd llama-abl-add
ka-n-mi
be–3–evd
‘There are [some] out of sheep [wool] and there are [some] out of
alpaca [wool] and there are [some] out of llama [wool].’

1
An anonymous reviewer suggests that a better gloss here would be ‘not only women, but men,
too.’ This gloss would be consistent with an analysis of -pis as generally indicating contrast. In
this case, I am directly translating the Spanish gloss suggested to me by my consultant.

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 7.3 Coordination

(3) Ishpanipischu puquchinipischu. amv

ishpa-ni-pis-chu puqu-chi-ni-pis-chu
urinate-1-add-neg ferment-caus-1-add-neg
‘I neither urinate nor ferment [urine].’
-wan is unmarked and can generally be translated as ‘and’ (4).
(4) Milawan Aliciawan Hilda trayaramun. † amv
Mila-wan Alicia-wan Hilda traya-ra-mu-n
Mila-instr Alicia-instr Hilda-instr arrive-urgt-cisl-3
‘Hilda arrived with Mila and Alicia.’
-taq and -raq (contrast and contradiction) can both be translated ‘but’, ‘while’,
‘whereas’ and so on (5).
(5) Wawanchikta idukanchik qillakunaqa manataqmi. ach
wawa-nchik-ta iduka-nchik qilla-kuna-qa mana-taq-mi
baby-1pl-acc educate-1pl lazy-pl-top no-seq-evd
‘We’re educating our children; whereas the lazy ones aren’t.’
Additional strategies employed for coordination in syq include (a) the employ-
ment of the indigenous coordinating particle icha ‘or’ (6) or any of the borrowed
Spanish coordinators i ‘and’ (7), u ‘or’ (8), piru ‘but’ (9), or ni ‘nor’ (10) (Sp. y, o,
pero, and ni) and (b) juxtaposition.
(6) Mikuramanmantri kara icha aparamanmantri. ach
miku-ra-ma-n-man-tri ka-ra icha
eat-urgt-1.obj-3-cond-evc be-pst or
apa-ra-ma-n-man-tri
bring-urgt-1.obj-3-cond-evc
‘It would have eaten me or it would have taken me away.’

(7) Tushunchik i imahintam kriyinchik ñuqakunaqa piru chay

ivanhilyukuna sabadistakunaqa mana kriyinchu. ch
tushu-nchik i imahin-ta-m kriyi-nchik ñuqa-kuna-qa piru
dance-1pl and image-acc-evd believe-1pl 1-pl-top but
chay ivanhilyu-kuna sabadista-kuna-qa mana
dem.d Evangelical-pl Seventh.Day.Adventist-pl-top no
kriyi-n-chu
believe-3-neg
‘We dance and believe in the saints but those Evangelists and
Seventh Day Adventists don’t believe.’

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7 Syntax

(8) Kaytaq ishkay puntraw u huk puntrawllam ruwa:. ach

kay-taq ishkay puntraw u huk puntraw-lla-m ruwa-:
dem.p-seq two day or one day-rstr-evd make-1
‘I make this one in two days or just one day.’

(9) “Ñañaypis, turiypis karqam piru wañukunña,” nishpa, ¡rimay! amv

ñaña-y-pis, turi-y-pis ka-rqa-m piru wañu-ku-n-ña
sister-1-add brother-1-add be-pst-evd but die-refl-3-disc
ni-shpa rima-y
say-subis talk-imp
‘Say, “I had a sister and a brother, but they died.” Talk!’

(10) Ni alpaka ni llama. Kanan manam trayamunchu. ach

ni alpaka ni llama kanan mana-m traya-mu-n-chu
nor alpaca nor llama now no-evd arrive-cisl-3-neg
‘Neither alpacas nor llamas. They don’t come here now.’
Juxtaposition is accomplished with the placement of the coordinated elements
in sequence (11), (12).
(11) Sibadakunata kargashpa, triguta rantishpa, sarata rantishpam
purira. ach
sibada-kuna-ta karga-shpa trigu-ta ranti-shpa sara-ta
barley-pl-acc carry-subis wheat-acc buy-subis corn-acc
ranti-shpa-m puri-ra
buy-subis-evd walk-pst
‘They walked about, carrying barley and selling wheat and selling
corn.’

(12) Walmiqa talpunchik, allichanchikmi. ch

walmi-qa talpu-nchik alli-cha-nchik-mi
woman-top plant-1pl good-fact-1pl-evd
‘We women plant and fix up [the soil].’
When -kuna signals inclusion, it can be used to coordinate NP’s (13) (see §3.4.2.1).
(13) Chayman risa Marleni, Ayde, Vilma, Normakuna. amv
chay-man ri-sa Marleni Ayde Vilma Norma-kuna
dem.d-all go-npst Marleni Ayde Vilma Norma-pl
‘Marleni went there with Ayde, Vilma and Norma.’

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 7.4 Comparison

The Spanish coordinators are widely employed. Coordinators indigenous to syq

generally attach to both coordinated elements (14). The coordinators are not nec-
essarily mutually exclusive.
(14) Ullqushpis kayan, ¿aw? Chuqlluqupapis yuraqpis pukapis. amv
ullqush-pis ka-ya-n aw chuqlluqupa-pis
ullqush.flowers-add be-prog-3 yes chuqlluqupa.flowers-add
yuraq-pis puka-pis
white-add red-add
‘There are ullqush flowers, too, no? Chuqlluqupa flowers, too – white
and red.’

7.4 Comparison
Comparisons of inequality are formed in syq with the borrowed particle mas
(‘more’) in construction with the indigenous ablative case suffix, -paq, which
attaches to the base of comparison (1), (2).
(1) Huancayopaqa wak mashwaqa papapaqpis masmi kwistan. amv
Huancayo-pa-qa wak mashwa-qa papa-paq-pis mas-mi
Huancayo-loc-top dem.d mashua-top potato-abl-add more-evd
kwista-n
cost-3
‘In Huancayo, mashua costs more than potatoes.’

(2) Qayna puntrawpaq masmi. amv

qayna puntraw-paq mas-mi
previous day-abl more-evd
‘It’s more than yesterday.’

mas and minus ‘less’, also borrowed from Spanish, may function as pronouns (3)
and adjectives (4), and, when inflected with accusative -ta, as adverbs (5) as well.
(3) Granadakunaktapis, armamintukunaktapis lantiyan masta. ch
granada-kuna-kta-pis armamintu-kuna-kta-pis lanti-ya-n mas-ta
grenade-pl-acc-add armaments-pl-acc-add buy-prog-3 more-acc
‘Grenades and weapons and all, too – they’re buying more.’

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7 Syntax

(4) Qayna wata pukum karqa. Chaymi minus pastupis karqa. amv
qayna wata puku-m ka-rqa chay-mi minus
previous year little-evd be-pst dem.d-evd less
pastu-pis ka-rqa
pasture.grass-add be-pst
‘Last year there was little [rain]. So there was less pasture grass.’

(5) Mastaqa mashtakuyanmi. lt

mas-ta-qa mashta-ku-ya-n-mi
more-acc-top spread-refl-prog-3-evd
‘It’s spreading out more.’
Also borrowed from Spanish are the irregular mihur ‘better’ (6) and piyur ‘worse’
(7), (8).
(6) Pularpaqpis mas mihurtam chayqa ayllukun. ach
pular-paq-pis mas mihur-ta-m chay-qa ayllu-ku-n
fleece-abl-add more better-acc-evd dem.d-top wrap-refl-3
‘It’s much better than fleece – this wraps [you] up.’

(7) Unayqa manayá iskwilaqa kasa. Unayqa analfabitullaya kayaq.

Warmiqa piyur. amv
unay-qa mana-yá iskwila-qa ka-sa unay-qa
before-top no-emph school-top be-npst before-top
analfabitu-lla-ya ka-ya-q warmi-qa piyur
illiterate-rstr-emo be-prog-ag woman-top worse
‘Ah, before, they didn’t have schools. Before, they were just illiterate.
Worse [for the] women.’

(8) Sapa putraw piyur piyurñam kayani. Mastaña qayna puntraw mana
puriyta wakchawta qatiyta atipanichu. amv
sapa putraw piyur piyur-ña-m ka-ya-ni mas-ta-ña
every day worse worse-disc-evd be-prog-1 more-acc-disc
qayna puntraw mana puri-y-ta wakchaw-ta qati-y-ta
previous day no walk-inf-acc sheep-acc follow-inf-acc
atipa-ni-chu
be.able-1-neg
‘Every day it’s worse, I’m worse. More yesterday. I couldn’t walk or
take out my sheep.’

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 7.5 Negation

Comparisons of equality are formed with the borrowed particle igwal ‘equal’,
‘same’ in construction with the indigenous instrumental/comitative case suffix,
-wan, which attaches to the base of comparison (9).
(9) Runawan igwaltriki vakaqa: nuybi mis. amv
runa-wan igwal-tr-iki vaka-qa: nuybi mis
person-instr equal-evc-iki cow-top nine month
‘Cows are the same as people: [they gestate for] nine months.’

7.5 Negation
This section partially repeats §6.2.2 on -chu. Please consult that section for fur-
ther discussion and glossed examples. In syq, negation is indicated by the enclitic
-chu in combination with any of the particles mana, ama, or ni or with the enclitic
suffix -pis. -chu attaches to the sentence fragment that is the focus of negation.
In negative sentences, -chu generally co-occurs with mana ‘not’ (1), (2). -chu is
also licensed by additive -pis (3), (4) as well as by ni ‘nor’ (5), (6).
(1) Chaytri mana suyawarqachu. amv
chay-tri mana suya-wa-rqa-chu
dem.d-evc no wait-1.obj-pst-neg
‘That’s why she wouldn’t have waited for me.’

(2) Aa, manaya kanchu. Manaya bulayuq kanchu. lt

aa mana-ya ka-n-chu mana-ya bula-yuq ka-n-chu
ah no-emo be-3-neg no-emo ball-poss be-3-neg
‘Ah, there aren’t any. No one has any balls.’

(3) Kaspinpis kanchu. amv

kaspi-n-pis ka-n-chu
stick-3-add be-3-neg
‘She doesn’t have a stick.’

(4) Manchakushpa tutas puñu:chu. ach

mancha-ku-shpa tuta-s puñu-:-chu
scare-refl-subis night-add sleep-1-neg
‘Being scared, I didn’t sleep at night.’

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7 Syntax

(5) Apuraw wañururqariki. Ni apanñachu. amv

apuraw wañu-ru-rqa-r-iki ni apa-n-ña-chu
quick die-urgt-pst-r-iki nor bring-3-disc-neg
‘He died quickly. They didn’t even bring him [to the hospital].’

(6) Manam waytachu ni pishquchu. amv

manam wayta-chu ni pishqu-chu
no-evd flower-neg nor bird-neg
‘Neither a flower nor a bird.’

-chu co-occurs with ama in prohibitions (7) and imperatives (8), (9), as well as in
injunctions (10).
(7) ¡Ama manchariychu! ¡Ama qawaychu! amv
ama mancha-ri-y-chu ama qawa-y-chu
proh scare-incep-imp-neg ama look-imp-chu
‘Don’t be scared! Don’t look!’

(8) ¡Ama kutimunkichu! Qamqa isturbum kayanki. amv

ama kuti-mu-nki-chu qam-qa isturbu-m ka-ya-nki
proh return-cisl-2-neg you-top nuisance-evd be-prog-2
‘Don’t you come back! You’re a hinderance.’

(9) ¡Amam nunka katraykanakushunchu! lt

ama-m nunka katra-yka-naku-shun-chu
proh-evd never release-excep-recip-1pl.fut-neg
‘Let’s never leave each other!’

(10) ¡Ama wañuchunchu! † amv

ama wañu-chun-chu
proh die-injunc-neg
‘Don’t let her die!’

-chu does not appear in subordinate clauses. In subordinate clauses negation is

indicated with a negative particle alone (11–12).

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 7.6 Interrogation

(11) Mana qali kaptinqa ñuqanchikpis taqllakta hapishpa qaluwanchik. ch

mana qali ka-pti-n-qa ñuqanchik-pis taqlla-kta hapi-shpa
no man be-subds-3-top we-add plow-acc grab-subis
qaluwa-nchik
turn.earth-1pl
‘When there are no men, we grab the plow and turn the earth.’

(12) Mana qatrachakunanpaq mandilchanta watachakun. amv

mana qatra-cha-ku-na-n-paq mandil-cha-n-ta wata-cha-ku-n
no dirty-fact-refl-nmlz-3-purp apron-dim-3-acc tie-dim-refl-3
‘She’s tying on her apron so she doesn’t get dirty.’

7.6 Interrogation
This section partially repeats §3.2.3 and§6.2.2 on interrogative indefinites and
-chu. Please consult those sections for further discussion and glossed examples.
Absolute (1) and disjunctive (2), (3) questions are formed with the enclitic
-chu. When it functions to indicate interrogation, -chu attaches to the sentence
fragment that is the focus of the interrogation (4).
(1) ¿Chuqamunkimanchu? amv
chuqa-mu-nki-man-chu
throw-cisl-2-cond-q
‘Can you throw?’

(2) ¿Maytaq chayqa? ¿Apuríchu Viñacchu? ch

may-taq chay-qa Apurí-chu Viñac-chu
where-seq dem.d-top Apurí-q Viñac-q
‘Where is that? Apurí or Viñac?’

(3) ¿Maniyayan icha katrariyanchu? amv

maniya-ya-n icha katra-ri-ya-n-chu
tie.limbs-prog-3 or release-incep-prog-3-neg
‘Is she tying its feet or is she setting it loose?’

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7 Syntax

(4) ¿Chaypachu tumarqanki? amv

chay-pa-chu tuma-rqa-nki
dem.d-loc-q take-pst-2
‘Did you take [pictures] there?’

In disjunctive questions, it generally attaches to each of the disjuncts (5).

(5) ¿Kanastapichu baldipichu? amv
kanasta-pi-chu baldi-pi-chu
basket-loc-q bucket-loc-q
‘In the basket or in the bucket?’

Questions that anticipate a negative answer are indicated by manachu (6).

(6) ¿Manachu friqulniki? ¿Puchukarunchu? amv
mana-chu friqul-ni-ki puchuka-ru-n-chu
no-q bean-euph-2 finish-urgt-3-q
‘Don’t you have any beans? They’re finished?’

Manachu may also “soften” questions (7).

(7) ¿Manachu chay wankuchata qawanki? amv
mana-chu chay wanku-cha-ta qawa-nki
no-q dem.d mold-dim-acc see-2
‘You haven’t seen the little [cheese] mold?’

Manachu, like aw ‘yes’, may also be used in the formation of tag questions (8).
(8) Wak chimpapaqa yuraqyayan, ¿manachu? ach
wak chimpa-pa-qa yuraq-ya-ya-n mana-chu
dem.d front-loc-top white-inch-prog-3 no-q
‘There in front they’re turning white, aren’t they?’

Interrogative -chu does not appear in questions using interrogative pronouns (9),
(10).
(9) *¿Pi haqtrirqachu? amv
pi haqtri-rqa-chu
who sneeze-pst-q
‘Who sneezed?’

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 7.6 Interrogation

(10) *¿Pitaq qurquryarachu? *¿Pitaqchu qurquryara? amv

pi-taq qurqurya-ra-chu pi-taq-chu qurqurya-ra
who-seq snore-pst-q who-seq-q snore-pst
‘Who snored?’

Constituent questions are formed with the interrogative-indefinite stems pi

‘who’, ima ‘what’, imay ‘when’, may ‘where’, imayna ‘how’, mayqin ‘which’,
imapaq ‘why’, and ayka ‘how much/many’ (see Table 3.2). Interrogative pro-
nouns are formed by suffixing the stem – generally but not obligatorily – with
one of the enclitics -taq, -raq, -mI , -shI or -trI (11–13).
(11) ¿Imay uraraq chay kunihuqa kutimunqa yanapamananpaq? sp
imay ura-raq chay kunihu-qa kuti-mu-nqa
when hour-cont dem.d rabbit-top return-cisl-3.fut
yanapa-ma-na-n-paq
help-1.obj-nmlz-3-purp
‘What time is that rabbit going to come back so he can help me?’

(12) ¿Imatr kakun? lt

ima-tr ka-ku-n
what-evc be-refl-3
‘What could it be?’

(13) Tapun, “¿Imapaq waqakunki, paluma?” ach

tapu-n ima-paq waqa-ku-nki paluma
ask-3 what-purp cry-refl-2 dove
‘He asked, “Why are you crying, dove?”’

Interrogative pronouns are suffixed with the case markers corresponding to the
questioned element (14), (15).
(14) ¿Inti pasaruptin imay urata munayan? amv
inti pasa-ru-pti-n imay ura-ta muna-ya-n
sun pass-urgt-subds-3 when hour-acc want-prog-3
‘What time will it be when the sun sets?’

(15) ¿Traklamanchu liyan? ¿Piwanyá? ch

trakla-man-chu li-ya-n pi-wan-yá
field-all-q go-prog-3 who-instr-emph
‘Is he going to the field? With whom?’

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7 Syntax

The enclitic generally attaches to the final word in the interrogative phrase: when
the interrogative pronoun completes the phrase, it attaches directly to the inter-
rogative; in contrast, when the phrase includes an NP, the enclitic attaches to the
NP (pi-paq-taq ‘for whom’ ima qullqi-tr ‘what money’) (16).
(16) Chaypaqa wiñaraptinqa, ¿ayka puntrawnintataq riganchik? amv
chay-pa-qa wiña-ra-pti-n-qa ayka
dem.d-loc-top grow-unint-subds-3-top how.many
puntraw-ni-n-ta-taq riga-nchik
day-euph-3-acc-seq irrigate-1pl
‘When it grows, at how many days do you water it?’

Enclitics are not employed in the interior of a subordinate clause but may
attach to the final word in the clause (¿Pi mishi-ta saru-ri-sa-n-ta-taq qawa-rqa-
nki? ‘Who did you see trample the cat?’).

7.7 Reflexives and reciprocals

This section partially repeats §4.4.2.3.5 and §4.4.2.3.8 on -ku, and -na Please con-
sult those sections for further discussion and examples. syq employs the verb-
verb derivational suffixes -kU and -nakU to indicate reflexive and reciprocal ac-
tion, respectively.
-kU may indicate that the subject acts on himself/herself or that the subject of
the verb is the object of the event referred to, i.e., -kU derives verbs with the
meanings ‘V one’s self’ (1), (2), and ‘be Ved’ (3), (4). Note that -kU is not restricted
to forming reflexives and may also indicate pseudo-reflexives, middles, medio-
passives and passives.
(1) Kikinpis Campionakurun. amv
kiki-n-pis Campiona-ku-ru-n
self-3-add poison.with.Campión-refl-urgt-3
‘They themselves Campioned themselves [took Campion rat
poison].’

(2) Kundinakurushpa chay pashña kaqta trayaramun. amv

kundina-ku-ru-shpa chay pashña ka-q-ta
condemn-refl-urgt-subis dem.d girl be-ag-acc
traya-ra-mu-n
arrive-urgt-cisl-3

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 7.7 Reflexives and reciprocals

‘Condemning himself [turning into a zombie], he arrived at the girl’s

place.’

(3) Manchakunchik runa wañuypaq kaptin. amv

mancha-ku-nchik runa wañu-y-paq ka-pti-n
scare-refl-1pl person die-inf-purp be-subds-3
‘We get scared when people are about to die.’

(4) Pampakurun chayshi. amv

pampa-ku-ru-n chay-shi
bury-refl-urgt-3 dem.d-evr
‘He was buried, they say.’

-na indicates that two or more actors act reflexively on each other, i.e., -na derives
verbs with the meaning ‘V each other’ (5), (6).
(5) Unayqa chay nishpa willanakun. amv
unay-qa chay ni-shpa willa-naku-n
before-top dem.d say-subis tell-recip-3
‘Formerly, saying that, we told each other.’

(6) Valinaku:. ‘Paqarin yanapamay u paqarin ñuqakta chaypaq talpashun

qampaktañataq’, ninaku:mi. ch
vali-naku-: paqarin yanapa-ma-y u paqarin ñuqa-kta
solicit-recip-1 tomorrow help-1.obj-imp or tomorrow I-acc
chay-paq talpa-shun qam-pa-kta-ña-taq ni-naku-:-mi
dem.d-abl plow-1pl.fut you-gen-acc-disc-seq say-recip-1-evd
‘We solicit each other, “Help me tomorrow,” or, “Tomorrow me and
then we’ll plant yours,” we say to each other.’
-na is dependent and never appears independent of -kU . -chinakU derives verbs
with the meaning ‘cause each other to V’ (7), (8).
(7) Yuyarichinakuyan. amv
yuya-ri-chi-naku-ya-n
remember-incep-caus-recip-prog-3
‘They’re making each other remember.’

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(8) Kukankunata tragunkunata muyuykachinakushpa. amv

kuka-n-kuna-ta tragu-n-kuna-ta muyu-yka-chi-naku-shpa
coca-3-pl-acc drink-3-pl-acc circle-excep-caus-recip-subis
‘Making their coca and liquor circulate among themselves.’

Preceding any of the derivational suffixes -mu, -ykU , or -chi or the inflectional
suffix -ma, -(chi-na)-kU is realized as -(chi-na)-ka.

7.8 Equatives
This section partially repeats §4.2.3 on equative verbs Please consult that section
for further discussion and examples. syq counts a single copulative verb, ka-.
Like the English verb be, ka- has both copulative (1), (2) and existential (3), (4)
interpretations. ka- is irregular: its third person singular present tense form, ka-n,
never appears in equational statements, but only in existential statements. ‘This
is a llama’ would be translated Kay-qa llama-m, while ‘There are llamas’ would
be translated Llama-qa ka-n-mi.
(1) Ñuqa-nchik fwirti kanchik patachita, matrkata, trakranchik lluqsiqta
mikushpam. amv
ñuqa-nchik fwirti ka-nchik patachi-ta matrka-ta
I-1pl strong be-1pl wheat.soup-acc ground.cereal.meal-acc
trakra-nchik lluqsi-q-ta miku-shpa-m
field-1pl come.out-ag-acc eat-subis-evd
‘We are strong because we eat what comes out of our fields – wheat
soup and toasted grain.’

(2) Qammi salvasyunniy kanki. amv

qam-mi salvasyun-ni-y ka-nki
you-evd salvation-euph-1 be-2
‘You are my salvation.’

(3) Kanña piña turu. amv

ka-n-ña piña turu
be-3-disc angry bull
‘There are mean bulls.’

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 7.9 Possession

(4) Rantiqpis kantaqmi. amv

ranti-q-pis ka-n-taq-mi
buy-ag-add be-3-seq-evd
‘There are also buyers.’

Evidentials (-mI , -shI and -trI ) often attach to the predicate in equational state-
ments without ka-n (5), (6).
(5) Vakay wira wiram matraypi puñushpa, allin pastuta mikushpam. amv
vaka-y wira wira-m matray-pi puñu-shpa allin pastu-ta
cow-1 fat fat-evd cave-loc sleep-subis good pasture.grass-acc
miku-shpam
eat-subis
‘Sleeping in a cave and eating good pasture, my cow is really fat.’

(6) Llutanshiki. lt
llutan-sh-iki
deformed-evr-iki
‘They are deformed, they say.’

The principal strategy in syq for constructing equational statements is to employ

the continuous form ka-ya-n (7).
(7) ¿Alpakachu wak kayan? amv
alpaka-chu wak ka-ya-n
alpaca-q dem.d be-prog-3
‘Is that alpaca [wool]?’

7.9 Possession
This section partially repeats §3.3.1 on possession. Please consult that section for
further discussion and glossed examples. syq employs the suffixes of the nominal
paradigm to indicate possession. These are the same in all dialects for all persons
except the first person singular. Two of the five dialects – amv and lt – follow the
qii pattern, marking the first person singular with -y; three dialects – ach, ch,
and sp – follow the qi pattern marking it with -: (vowel length). The syq nominal
suffixes, then, are: -y or -: (1p), -Yki (2p), -n (3p), -nchik (1pl) (1–5). Table 3.4
displays this paradigm.

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7 Syntax

(1) Wiqawniymi nanan. amv

wiqaw-ni-y-mi nana-n
waist-euph-1-evd hurt-3
‘My lower back hurts.’

(2) Qusa:ta listaman trurarusa. ach

qusa-:-ta lista-man trura-ru-sa
husband-1-acc list-all put-urgt-npst
‘They put my husband on the list.’

(3) Kimsan wambraykikuna takikuyan. amv

kimsa-n wambra-yki-kuna taki-ku-ya-n
three-3 child-2-pl sing-refl-prog-3
‘The three of your children are singing.’

(4) ¿Maypish wasinta lulayan? ch

may-pi-sh wasi-n-ta lula-ya-n
where-loc-evr house-3-acc make-prog-3
‘Where [did she say she] is making her house?’

(5) Chayna achka wambranchikta familyanchikkunata aparun. ach

chayna achka wambra-nchik-ta familya-nchik-kuna-ta apa-ru-n
thus a.lot child-1pl-acc family-1pl-pl-acc bring-urgt-3
‘So they took away lots of our children, our relatives.’

In the case of words ending in a consonant, -ni – semantically vacuous – precedes

the person suffix (6).
(6) Ganawninta qatikura qalay qalay. ach
ganaw-ni-n-ta qati-ku-ra qalay qalay
cattle-euph-3-acc follow-refl-pst all all
‘They herded their cattle, absolutely all.’

syq “have” constructions are formed substantive-poss ka- (7).

(7) Mana wambrayki kanchu mana qariyki kanchu. ach
mana wambra-yki ka-n-chu mana qari-yki ka-n-chu
no child-2 be-3-neg no man-2 be-3-neg
‘You don’t have children, you don’t have a husband.’

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 7.10 Topic

In case a noun or pronoun referring to the possessor appears in the same clause,
the noun or pronoun is case-marked genitive with either -pa, -pi, or -paq (8), (9).1

(8) Duyñupa wallqanta ruwan. amv

duyñu-pa wallqa-n-ta ruwa-n
owner-gen garland-3-acc make-3
‘They make the owner his wallqa (garland).’

(9) Asnuqa hatarishpash ripukun chay runapa wasinman. sp

asnu-qa hatari-shpa-sh ripu-ku-n chay runa-pa
donkey-top get.up-subis-evr go-refl-3 dem.d person-gen
wasi-n-man
house-3-all
‘Geting up, the donkey went to the man’s house.’

7.10 Topic
This section partially repeats §6.2.7 on -qa. Please consult that section for further
discussion and glossed examples. syq uses the enclitic -qa to mark topic.
(1) Ganawniykiqa achkam miranqa. lt
qanaw-ni-yki-qa achka-m mira-nqa
cattle-euph-2-top a.lot-evd increase-3.fut
‘Your cattle are going to multiply a lot.’

(2) Chaynam unayqa manam imapis kaptinqa. amv

chayna-m unay-qa mana-m ima-pis ka-pti-n-qa
thus-evd before-top no-evd what-add be-subds-3-top
‘That’s how it was before when there wasn’t anything.’

1
An anonymous reviewer points out that possessive constructions are formed differently in qi:
“The possessed item takes a possessive suffix and the copula takes -pU followed by an object
suffix that agrees with the person of the possessor. In other words, the verbal object suffix and
the possessive suffix refer to the same person.” The reviewer offers the following examples:
Ishkay wa:ka-: ka-pa-ma-n. ‘I have two cows.’
Ishkay wa:ka-yki ka-pu-shu-nki. ‘You have two cows.’
Ishkay wa:ka-n ka-pu-n (or ka-n). ‘She has two cows.’

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7 Syntax

(3) Kananqa mikun munasanchik qullqi kaptinqa. amv

kanan-qa miku-n muna-sa-nchik qullqi ka-pti-n-qa
now-top eat-3 want-prf-1pl money be-subds-3-top
‘Now we eat whatever we want when there’s money.’

(4) Llaqtaykipaqa ¿tarpunkichu sibadata? amv

llaqta-yki-pa-qa tarpu-nki-chu sibada-ta
town-2-loc-top plant-2-q barley-acc
‘In your town, do you plant barley?’

7.11 Focus
In syq, it is the evidentials, -mI , -shI , and -trI , that, by virtue of their placement,
indicate focus or comment. For example, in (1), the evidential attaches to the
direct object, shakash ‘guinea pig’, and it is that element that is stressed: it is a
guinea pig that you are going to butcher tomorrow. In (2) the evidential attaches
to the temporal noun paqarin ‘tomorrow’, with the resulting interpretation: it is
tomorrow that you are going to butcher a guinea pig. Evidentials never attach
to the topic or subject. Topic and subject are, rather, marked with -qa, as is qam
in (1) and (2).
(1) Paqarin qamqa shakashtatr wañuchinki. † amv
paqarin qam-qa shakash-ta-tr wañu-chi-nki
tomorrow you-top guinea.pig-acc-evc die-caus-2
‘Tomorrow you’ll kill a guinea pigF .’

(2) Paqarintri qamqa shakashta wañuchinki. † amv

paqarin-tri qam-qa shakash-ta wañu-chi-nki
tomorrow-evc you-top guinea.pig-acc die-caus-2
‘TomorrowF you’ll kill a guinea pig.’

7.12 Complementation (infinitive, agentive, indicative and

subjunctive clauses)
This section partially repeats §3.4.1 on substantives derived from verbs Please
consult that section for further discussion and glossed examples. syq forms infini-

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 7.12 Complementation (infinitive, agentive, indicative and subjunctive clauses)

tive complements with -y (1–3), purposive complements with -q (4), (5), indica-
tive complements with -sHa (6–9), and subjunctive complements with -na (10).
Infinitive complements often figure as the object of the verbs muna- ‘want’ (1),
atipa- ‘be able’ (2), and gusta- ‘like’ (3). Indicative complements are common with
the verbs yatra- ‘know’ (7), (8), qunqa- ‘forget’, qawa ‘see’ (9), and uyari- ‘hear’.
Note that infinitive complements are case-marked with accusative -ta and that
-q purposive complements only occur with verbs of movement (-na-(poss)-paq,
being used for other verb types (11) (see §3.4.1.1)).
(1) ¿Munankichu sintachiytaqa? amv
muna-nki-chu sintachi-y-ta-qa
want-2-q put.ribbons-inf-acc-top
‘Do you want to? To piece their ears with ribbons?’

(2) Lukuyarun runalla. Manam puñuyta atiparachu. ach

luku-ya-ru-n runa-lla mana-m puñu-y-ta
crazy-inch-urgt-3 person-rstr no-evd sleep-inf-acc
atipa-ra-chu
be.able-pst-neg
‘My husband was going crazy. He couldn’t sleep.’

(3) Algunus turuqa runa waqrayta gustan. amv

algunus turu-qa runa waqra-y-ta gusta-n
some bull-top person horn-inf-acc like-3
‘Some bulls like to gore people.’

(4) Misa lulaq shamun. ch

misa lula-q shamu-n
mass make-ag come-3
‘They come to hold mass.’

(5) Pasaruptin qawaq hamuni. amv

pasa-ru-pti-n qawa-q hamu-ni
pass-urgt-subds-3 see-ag come-1
‘When that happened, I came to see.’

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7 Syntax

(6) Atipasantatriki ruwan. ach

atipa-sa-n-ta-tr-iki ruwa-n
be.able-prf-3-acc-evc-iki make-3
‘They do what they can.’

(7) Ni maypa kasantapis yatra:chu. Waqaku:. ach

ni may-pa ka-sa-n-ta-pis yatra-:-chu waqa-ku-:
nor where-loc be-prf-3-acc-add know-1-neg cry-refl-1
‘I don’t even know where he is. I cry.’

(8) Kwirpu: yatran imapaq kayna pulisha:tapis. ch

kwirpu-: yatra-n ima-paq kayna puli-sha-:-ta-pis
body-1 know-3 what-purp thus walk-prf-1-acc-add
‘My body knows why I walk around like this.’

(9) Ñuqaqa wambran qipikusanta qawarqanichu. amv

ñuqa-qa wambra-n qipi-ku-sa-n-ta qawa-rqa-ni-chu
I-top child-3 carry-refl-prf-3-acc see-pst-1-neg
‘I didn’t see that she carried her baby.’

(10) Puchukananta munani. amv

puchuka-na-n-ta muna-ni
finish-nmlz-3-acc want-1
‘I want them to finish.’

(11) ¡Uqi pulluyki qawachinaypaq kaynam ruwasay! amv

uqi pullu-yki qawa-chi-na-y-paq kayna-m ruwa-sa-y
grey shawl-2 see-caus-nmlz-1-purp thus-evd make-prf-1
‘[Bring] your grey manta so I can show it to her. What I make is like
this.’

7.13 Relativization
This section partially repeats §3.4.1 on substantives derived from verbs. Please
consult that section for further discussion and glossed examples. syq forms rel-
ative clauses with the four deverbalizing suffixes: concretizing -na (1), agen-
tive -q (2), perfective -sHa (3), and infinitive -y (4). As these structures are

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formally nouns, they are inflected with substantive suffixes, not verbal suffixes
(ranti-sa-yki *ranti-sa-nki ‘that you sold’) (5).
(1) Asta wañukunay puntrawkamatriki chayna purishaq. lt
asta wañu-ku-na-y puntraw-kama-tr-iki chay-na puri-shaq
until die-refl-nmlz-1 day-lim-evc-iki thus walk-1.fut
‘Until the day I die, I’m going to walk around like that.’

(2) Rigakuq luna trabahaya:. ch

riga-ku-q luna trabaha-ya-:
irrigate-refl-ag person work-prog-1
‘The people who water, we’re working.’

(3) Ñuqaqa manam rimayta yatrara:chu prufusurni: nimasanta. sp

ñuqa-qa mana-m rima-y-ta yatra-ra-:-chu prufusur-ni-:
I-top no-evd talk-inf-acc know-pst-1-neg teacher-euph-1
ni-ma-sa-n-ta
say-1.obj-prf-3-acc
‘I didn’t know how to say what my teacher said to me.’

(4) Chay vilakuy puntraw simintiryupa. amv

chay vila-ku-y puntraw simintiryu-pa
dem.d candle-refl-inf day cemetery-loc
‘The day we lit candles in the cemetery.’

(5) Rigalakullaq ka: mana rantikusa:taqa. ach

rigala-ku-lla-q ka-: mana ranti-ku-sa-:-ta-qa
give.as.a.gift-refl-rstr-ag be-1 no buy-refl-prf-1-acc-top
‘I used to give away what I didn’t sell.’

The inflected forms may be reinforced with possessive pronouns (6). -sHa may
additionally form nouns referring to the location where (7 or time at which (8)
an event E occurred. -sHa is realized as -sa in ach (5), amv (9) and sp (11) and
as -sha in lt (10) and ch. Any substantive constituent – subject (2), object (9),
or complement (1) – can be relativized. Nominalizing suffixes attach directly to
the verb stem, with the exception that the person suffixes -wa/-ma (first person
object) and -sHu (second person object) may intercede (12), (13).

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7 Syntax

(6) Qampa rantikurasaykiyá chay shakash. amv

qam-pa ranti-ku-ra-sa-yki-yá chay shakash
you-gen buy-refl-unint-prf-2-emph dem.d guinea.pig
‘That guinea pig that you sold.’

(7) Chay fwirapi chay vilakuna rantikusan. amv

chay fwira-pi chay vila-kuna ranti-ku-sa-n
dem.d outside-loc dem.d candle-pl buy-refl-prf-3
‘That’s outside where they sell candles.’

(8) Urqupa kayasanchikpis. amv

urqu-pa ka-ya-sa-nchik-pis
hill-loc be-prog-prf-1pl-add
‘When we were in the mountains.’

(9) Pampaykuni frutachaykuna apasayta. amv

pampa-yku-ni fruta-cha-y-kuna apa-sa-y-ta
bury-excep-1 fruit-dim-1-pl bring-prf-1-acc
‘I bury the fruit that I bring.’

(10) Kalamina rantishanchikkuna. lt

kalamina ranti-sha-nchik-kuna
corrugated.iron buy-prf-1pl-pl
‘The tin roofing that we bought.’

(11) Ni mayman yaykusay yatrakunchu. sp

ni may-man yayku-sa-y yatra-ku-n-chu
nor where-all enter-prf-1 know-refl-3-neg
‘They didn’t know even where I had gone in.’

(12) Ampullakta inyiktamananchikpaq. ch

ampulla-kta inyikta-ma-na-nchik-paq
ampoule-acc inject-1.obj-nmlz-1pl-purp
‘Ampoules to inject us / for injecting us.’

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 7.14 Subordination

(13) Filupa paninqa nin, “Maqawaytam ñuqata pinsayan”. amv

Filu-pa pani-n-qa ni-n maqa-wa-y-ta-m ñuqa-ta
Filu-gen sister-3-top say-3 hit-1.obj-inf-acc-evd I-acc
pinsa-ya-n
think-prog-3
‘Filomena’s sister said, “He’s thinking about hitting [wants to hit]
me.”’

7.14 Subordination
This section partially repeats §4.3.7 on subordination. Please consult that section
for further discussion and glossed examples. syq counts three subordinating suf-
fixes – -pti, -shpa, and -shtin – and one subordinating structure – -na-poss-kama.
Additionally, in combination with the purposive case suffix, -paq, -na forms sub-
ordinate clauses that indicate the purpose of the action expressed in the main
clause (qawa-na-y-paq ‘so I can see’) (see §3.4.1.1).2
-pti is employed when the subjects of the main and subordinate clauses are
different (huk qawa-pti-n-qa, ñuqa-nchik qawa-nchik-chu ‘Although others see,
we don’t see’) (1); shpa and -shtin are employed when the subjects of the two
clauses are identical (tushu-shpa wasi-ta kuti-mu-n ‘Dancing they return home’)
(2), (3). -pti generally indicates that the event of the subordinated clause began
prior to that of the main clause but may also be employed in the case those
events are simultaneous (urkista-qa traya-mu-pti-n tushu-rqa-nchik ‘When the
band arrived, we dansed’).
(1) Qawaykuptinqa sakristan wañurusa. amv
qawa-yku-pti-n-qa sakristan wañu-ru-sa
see-excep-subds-3-top sacristan die-urgt-npst
‘When he looked, the care-taker had died.’

(2) Chitchityakushpa rikullan kabrakunaqa. lt

chitchitya-ku-shpa riku-lla-n kabra-kuna-qa
say.chit.chit-refl-subis go-rstr-3 goat-pl-top
‘“Chit-chitting,” the goats just left.’

2
An anonymous reviewer points out that all of the case-marked deverbal NPs – not just -kama
and -paq – can form subordinate/adverbial clauses.

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(3) Yantakunata qutushtin lliptakunata kañakushtin, hanay … amv

yanta-kuna-ta qutu-shtin llipta-kuna-ta kaña-ku-shtin
firewood-pl-acc gather-subavd ash-pl-acc burn-refl-subadv
hanay
up.hill
‘Gathering wood, burning ash, [we lived] up hill.’

-shpa generally indicates that the event of the subordinated clause is simultane-
ous with that of the main clause (sapu-qa kurrkurrya-shpa kurri-ya-n ‘The frog is
running going kurr-kurr!’) (4) but may also be employed in case the subordinated
event precedes the main-clause event (5).
(4) Traguwan, kukawan tushuchishpallam kusichakuni. amv
tragu-wan kuka-wan tushu-chi-shpa-lla-m kusicha-ku-ni
drink-instr coca-instr dance-caus-subis-rstr-evd harvest-refl-1
‘With liquor and coca, making them dance, I harvest.’

(5) Familyanchikta wañurichishpaqa lliw partiyan. sp

familya-nchik-ta wañu-ri-chi-shpa-qa lliw parti-ya-n
family-1pl-acc die-incep-caus-subis-top all distribute-prog-3
‘After they killed our relatives, they distributed everything.’

-shtin is employed only when the main and subordinate clause events are si-
multaneous (Awa-shtin miku-chi-ni wambra-y-ta ‘(By) weaving, I feed my chil-
dren’) (6).
(6) Yatrakunchik imaynapis maski waqakushtinpis … asikushtinpis …
imaynapis. ach
yatra-ku-nchik imayna-pis maski waqa-ku-shtin-pis
live-refl-1pl how-add maski cry-refl-subadv-add
asi-ku-shtin-pis imayna-pis
laugh-refl-subis-add how-add
‘We live however we can, although we’re crying … laughing …
however we can.’

-pti subordinates are suffixed with allocation suffixes (tarpu-pti-nchik ‘when we

plant’) (7); -shpa and -shtin subordinates do not inflect for person or number
(*tarpu-shpa-nchik; *tarpu-shtin-yki). Subordinate verbs inherit tense, aspect
and conditionality specification from the main clause verb (Ri-shpa qawa-y-man
karqa ‘If I would have gone, I would have seen’).

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 7.14 Subordination

(7) Manam pagawaptikiqa manam wambraykiqa alliyanqachu. lt

mana-m paga-wa-pti-ki-qa mana-m wambra-yki-qa
no-evd pay-1.obj-subds-2-top no-evd child-2-top
alli-ya-nqa-chu
good-inch-3.fut-neg
‘If you don’t pay me, your son isn’t going to get better.’
Depending on the context, -pti and -shpa can be translated by ‘when’ (1), ‘if’ (8),
‘because’ (9), (10) ‘although’ (11) or with a gerund (2). -shtin is translated by a
gerund only (3), (6).
(8) Kutishpaqa kutimushaq kimsa tawa watata. amv
kuti-shpa-qa kuti-mu-shaq kimsa tawa wata-ta
return-subis-top return-cisl-1.fut three four year-acc
‘If I come back, I’ll come back in three or four years.’

(9) Priykupaw puriyan siyrtumpatr warmin mal kaptin. amv

priykupaw puri-ya-n siyrtumpa-tr warmi-n mal ka-pti-n
worried walk-prog-3 certainly-evc woman.3 bad be-subds-3
‘Certainly, he’d be wandering around worried because his wife is
sick.’

(10) Payqa rikunñash warmin saqiruptin. amv

pay-qa ri-ku-n-ña-sh warmi-n saqi-ru-pti-n
he-top go-refl-3-disc-evr woman-3 leave-urgt-subds-3
‘He left because his wife abandoned him, they say.’

(11) Qullqita ganashpas bankuman ima trurakunki ach

qullqi-ta gana-shpa-s banku-man ima trura-ku-nki
money-acc earn-subis-add bank-all what put-refl-2
‘Although you earn money and save it in the bank’
-na-poss-kama is limitative. It forms subordinate clauses indicating that the event
referred to either is simultaneous with (12) or limits (13) the event referred to
in the main clause (puñu-na-y-kama ‘while I was sleeping’; wañu-na-n-kama
‘until she died’).
(12) Mana vilakuranichu puñunaykaman. amv
mana vila-ku-ra-ni-chu puñu-na-y-kaman
no watch.over-refl-pst-1-neg sleep-nmlz-1-lim
‘I didn’t keep watch while I was sleeping.’

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(13) Traki paltanchikpis pushllunankama purinchik. amv

traki palta-nchik-pis pushllu-na-n-kama puri-nchik
foot soul-1pl-add blister-nmlz-3-lim walk-1pl
‘We walked until blisters formed on the souls of our feet.’

308
Appendix A: Analysis of the Southern
Yauyos Quechua lexicon
What follows is an analysis of lexical differences among the five dialects. This
analysis is excerpted from the introduction to the lexicon that accompanies this
volume.
The lexicon counts 2537 Quechua words. Most were gleaned from glossed
recordings collected in the eleven districts over the course of four years, 2010–
2014; additional terms were identified by eliciting cognate or correlate terms
for various items in Cerrón-Palomino (1994)’s unified dictionary of Southern
Quechua as well as his dictionary of Junín-Huanca Quechua (Cerrón-Palomino
(1976b)). The recordings and annotated transcriptions have been archived by
The Language Archive of the Dokumentation Bedrohter Sprachen/Documenta-
tion of Endangered Languages (DoBeS) archive at the Max Planck Institute (http:
//corpus1.mpi.nl/ds/imdi_browser/?openpath=MPI1052935%23) and the Archive
of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America (AILLA) at the University of Texas
at Austin (http://www.ailla.utexas.org/site/welcome.html). All documents – in-
cluding the unformatted .xml lexical database – can be consulted via those insti-
tutions’ web sites. All terms were reviewed with at least two speakers of each
dialect: Benedicta Lázaro and Martina Reynoso (ah); Mila Chávez, Delfina Chul-
lunkuy, Esther Madueño, Hilda Quispe, and Celia Rojas (mv); Iris Barrosa, Gloria
Cuevas, Senaida Oré, Hipólita Santos, and Erlinda Vicente, (ch); Ninfa Flores and
Sofía Vicente (lt); and Santa Ayllu, Elvira Huamán, Sofía Huamán, and Maxim-
ina P.
As stated in the Introduction, Yauyos is located on the border between the two
large, contiguous zones where languages belonging to the two great branches of
the Quechua language family are spoken: the “Quechua I” (Torero) or “Quechua
B” (Parker) languages are spoken in the regions immediately to the north; the
“Quechua II” or “Quechua A” languages, in the regions immediately to the south.
Both grammatically and lexically, the dialects of southern Yauyos share traits
with both the qi and qii languages. Critically, however, the dialects which sort
with the the qi languages grammatically do not necessarily also sort with them
lexically; nor do the dialects which sort with the qii languages grammatically
A Analysis of the Southern Yauyos Quechua lexicon

necessarily sort with them lexically. That is, grammatically and lexically, the
dialects cleave along distinct lines.
Grammatically, two of the five dialects – those of Madeán-Viñac and Lincha-
Tana – sort together, as these, like the qii languages, indicate the first-person sub-
ject with -ni, the first-person possessor with -y, and first-person object with -wa.
The remaining three – Azángaro-Huangáscar, Cacra-Hongos, and San Pedro –
sort together, as these, like the qi languages, indicate the first person subject and
possessor with vowel length and the first-person object with -ma.1
Lexically, however, the dialects cleave along different lines, lines defined not
by morphology but by geography. Lexically, the two more northern dialects – the
“qi” ch and the “qii” lt – sort together while the three more southern dialects
– the “qi” ah and sp together with the “qii” mv – sort together. Below, I detail
an analysis of the lexicon that I performed using a subset of 2551 terms. The
dialects generally agree in the terms they use to name the same referent: I could
identify only 37 instances in which the dialects employed words of different roots.
In 32 of these instances the dialects cleaved along north-south lines and in 22 of
the relevant 28 cases for which correlate terms could be identified from Junín-
Huanca Quechua and Ayacucho Quechua (the former a “qi” language spoken
immediately to the north of Yauyos, the second, a “qii” language spoken very
nearby, to the south), the northern dialects employed the term used in Junín-
Huanca, while the southern dialects employed the term used in Ayacucho.2
This does not mean that the dialects employed identical terms in all the re-
maining 2387 cases (subtracting 75 for 36 pairs and one triplet). Far from it. All
dialects employed identical terms in only 1603 instances. Included among these
are all but 20 of the 522 words in the corpus borrowed from Spanish (examples
1
Yauyos counts three additional dialects, spoken in the districts of Alis and Tomas; Huancaya
and Vitis; and Laraos, all located in the north of the province. The lexicon, like the grammar,
makes abstraction of these dialects.
2
No pair was counted more than once. The lexicon includes both roots and derived terms. Thus
both the pairs sumaq (mv, ah, sp) and tuki (ch, lt) ‘pretty’ and sumaq-lla (mv, ah, sp) and
tuki-lla (ch, lt) ‘nicely’ appear in the corpus. Only the root pair, sumaq ~ tuki, was entered
in the catalogue of those cases where dialects differed in root terms employed. There were 116
cases of this type. These were excluded from the count and account given here. Examples are
given immediately below.
qawa- (mv, ah, sp) ~ rika- (ch, lt) ‘see’
→ qawa-chi- ~ rika-chi- ‘show’,’make and offering’
chakwash (mv, ah, sp) ~ paya (ch, lt) ‘old woman’
→ chakwash-ya- ~ paya-ya- ‘become an old woman’
qishta (mv, ah, sp, lt) ~ tunta (ch, lt) ‘nest’
→ qishta-cha- ~ tunta-cha- ‘build a nest’

310
in 1.3 Once terms of Spanish origin are eliminated, we are left with a corpus of
1940 items. All dialects agreed perfectly in their realizations of these items in
1081 cases (56%) (examples in 2). The remaining 755 items are accounted for as
follows. In 154 cases a Quechua-origin term was realized identically in all dialects
in which it was attested but remained unattested in one or more dialects, as in 3.
Given the current state of the language – classified as “moribund” in the 2013 edi-
tion of Ethnologue Lewis, Simons & Fennig (2015)() – nothing can be concluded
from these gaps, neither that the dialects originally employed the same term, nor
that it was necessarily different. In 630 cases, the dialects employed terms of the
same root but with different realizations, as in 4. Included among these are 236
cases where these differences can be attributed to differences in the phonology
between Cacra-Hongos and the other four dialects: the realization of *[r] as [l],
for example (151 cases, examples in 5) or */s/ as [h] (45 cases, examples in 6). Also
counted among these 745 cases are terms affected by metathesis and other phono-
logical processes (vowel lowering (/i/), velarization (/q/), depalatization (/sh/),
and gliding (/y/), among others) (207 cases, examples in 7 and 8). Finally, the
sample counts terms affected by variation in verbal or nominal morphology (62
cases, examples in 9). Principal among these are instances of words derived with
past participles – formed with -sha in the north and -sa in the south – and others
that also differ by virtue of the fronting of /sh/ (40 cases, examples in 10 and 11).

1. Spanish-origin terms identical in all dialects

tuma- (all) (Sp. tomar) ‘take’

kida- (all) (Sp. quedar) ‘stay’
papil (all) (Sp. papel) ‘paper’

3
Virtually any term of Spanish origin in current use in the area may be borrowed into syq. I have
included Spanish- origin words in the lexicon just in case they were either 1 of extremely high
use (tuma- ‘take’, ‘drink’ (Sp. tomar ‘take’, ‘drink’)); 2 had no corresponding indigenous term
(in contemporary usage) (matansya ‘massacre’ (Sp. matanza ‘massacre’)); or 3 had altered sub-
stantially either in their pronunciation or denotation (firfanu ‘orphan’ (Sp. huérfano ‘orphan’);
baliya- ‘shoot’ (Sp. bala ‘bullet’)).

311
A Analysis of the Southern Yauyos Quechua lexicon

2. Quechua-origin terms identical in all dialects

sapi (all) ‘root’

sasa (all) ‘hard’
yanapa- (all) ‘help’
ishpay (all) ‘urine’
ayqi- (all) ‘escape’
chaqchu- (all) ‘sprinkle, scatter’

3. Terms with no Quechua-language correlate in one or more of the dialects

Quechua-origin term Spanish-origin term Gloss

chaskay (mv, ah, sp) lusiru (Sp. luce- (ch, lt) ‘morning star’
ro)
tapsipa- (mv, ah, sp) balansya (Sp. ba- (ch, lt) ‘rock’
lancear)
uya (mv, ah, sp) kara (Sp. cara) (ch, lt) ‘face’

4. Terms of the same root but with different realizations in different dialects

warmi (mv, ah, sp) ~ walmi (lt, ch) ‘woman’

sapa (mv, ah, sp) ~ hapa (lt, ch) ‘alone’
aqsa (mv, ah) ~ asqa (sp) ‘bitter [potato]’
qaracha (mv, ah, sp, ch) ~ karacha (lt) ‘scabies’, ‘mange’
alli-paq (mv, ah, sp) ~ alli-lla (lt, ch) ‘slowly’
kitra-sa (mv, ah, sp) ~ kitra-sha (lt, ch) ‘open’

5. Terms where *[r] is realized as [l] in ch

raki- → [laki] ‘separate’

quru → [qolu] ‘mutilated’
trura- → [ĉula] ‘put’

6. Terms where */s/ is realized as [h] in ch

/sara/ → [hala] ‘corn’

/sama/ → [hama] ‘rest’
/sati/ → [hati] ‘insert’

312
 7. Terms affected by metathesis

chaksa- (mv, ah, ch) ~ chaska- (lt, sp) ‘air out’

shanta- (ah, ch, sp) ~ tansha- (mv, lt) ‘choke’
shipti- (mv, ah, lt) ~ tipshi- (ch, sp) ‘pinch’

8. Terms affected by other phonological processes

allpi (mv, ah, lt, ch) ~ allpa (sp) ‘dust’, ‘dirt’(vowel lowering)
chillqi (mv, ah, lt, sp) ~ chillki (ch) ‘bud’ (develarization)
malshu(lt, ch) ~ mayshu(mv, ah, sp)‘breakfast’ (gliding)

9. Terms affected by variation in verbal or nominal morphology

utrku- (mv, ah, lt, sp) ~ utr’ku-cha- (ch) ‘dig a hole’

tardi-ku (mv ah, ch, lt) ~ tardi-ya- (sp) ‘get late’
aytri-na (mv, ch) ~ aytri-ku (ah, lt) ‘stick for stirring’

10. Terms derived with past participles

paki-sa (mv, ah, sp) ~ paki-sha (ch, lt) ‘broken’

punki-sa (mv, ah, sp) ~ punki-sha (ch, lt) ‘swolen’
yaku-na-sa (mv, ah, sp) ~ yaku-na-sha (ch, lt) ‘thirsty’

11. Terms that differ by the exchange s/sh

suytu (mv, ah, sp) ~ shuytu (ch, lt) ‘oval’, ‘oblong’

siqsi- (mv, ah, sp) ~ shiqshi- (ch, lt) ‘itch’
wiswi (mv, ah, sp ch) ~ wishwi (lt) ‘greasy’

A clear pattern emerges both with regard to the cases where the dialects em-
ployed terms of different roots and those in which they varied in their realiza-
tions of the same root term. In 32 of the 37 instances in which root terms differed,
the dialects cleaved along north-south lines, with the northern dialects – ch and
lt4 – sorting together and the southern dialects – mv, ah, and sp – sorting to-
gether, as in 1.
4
With the exception of two and a half cases: one where lt sorts with the southern di-
alects (‘make an offering’), one where lt recorded no Quechua-origin term (‘bitter’), and one
where Cacra and Hongos split, Cacra alone recording a second term (‘rain’).

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A Analysis of the Southern Yauyos Quechua lexicon

In four of the five remaining instances San Pedro supplied the outstanding
term. In 32 of the 37 cases, cognate terms could be identified for Junín and Ay-
acucho (Yauyos’ “qi” (northern) and “qii” (southern) neighbors, respectively). In
23 of the relevant 28 of these 32 cases, the northern dialects – “qi” ch and “qii”
lt – employed the term used in Junín, while the southern dialects – the “qi” ah
and sp and the “qii” mv – employed the term used in Ayacucho, as in 2.5
The full list appears in Table A.1.

1. Root terms varying along north-south lines

South North
mv, ah, sp lt, ch Gloss
chumpi (mv, ah, sp) watrakuq (ch, lt) ‘sash’
anu- (mv, ah, sp) wasqi- (ch, lt) ‘wean’
sumaq (mv, ah, sp) tuki (ch, lt) ‘pretty’

2. North/south differences in root terms alligning with Junín and Ayacucho.

South North
mv, ah, sp lt, ch Ayacucho Junín Gloss
puyu pukatay puyu pukatay ‘cloud’, ‘fog’
qishTa tunta qisha tunta ‘nest’
rakta tita rakta tita ‘thick’

3. Synonyms employed in southern but not northern dialects

Employed Employed
in all just in the south Gloss
wallwa- (all) uqlla(n)cha- (mv, ah, sp) ‘carry under the arm’
patrya- (all) tuqya- (mv, ah, sp) ‘explode’
alalaya- (all) chiriya- (mv, ah, sp) ‘be cold’

I have taken it as my task here only to present the data; I leave it to other
scholars to come to their own conclusions. The raw data are available in the
form of an .xml document that can be accessed by all via the DoBeS and AILLA
websites.
5
In at least two of these 32 cases, the Junín term had a cognate correlate in Jaqaru, an Aymaran
language spoken in Tupe, Cacra’s closest neighbor to the north. The terms are kallwi- ‘cultivate’
and liklachiku ‘underarm’.

314
 Table A.1: Differences among dialects in root terms used to refer to the
same referent

gloss rootA dialect rootB dialect Ayacucho root Junín root

‘old man’ machu mv, ah, sp awkish lt, ch machu awkish
‘old chakwash mv, ah, sp paya lt, ch chakwash paya
woman’
‘nettle’ llupa/itana mv, ah, sp chalka lt, ch itana itana
‘germinate’ shinshi- mv, ah, sp chilQi lt, ch NC ?
‘close eyes, qimchiku- mv, ah, sp chipupa- lt, ch chipu- (close hand) qimlla-/
blink’ qimchikatraa- qimchi-
‘sash’ chumpi mv, sp watraku lt, ch chumpi watrakuq
‘sneeze’ hachiwsa- mv, ah, ch, lthaqchu- sp hachi- haqchiwsa-, achiwyaa-
‘cultivate, hallma- mv, ah, sp kallwa- lt, ch hallma- kallwa-
hoe’
‘scratch’ rachka- mv, ah, sp hata- lt, ch hata- rachka-
‘add fuel’ lawka- mv, ah, ch, lthuya- sp ? ?
‘sickly’ iqu mv, ah, sp latru lt, ch iqu ?
‘thorn, kichka mv, ah, sp kasha lt, ch kichka kasha
bramle’
‘stick’ kaspi mv, ah, sp shukshu lt, ch kaspi shukshu
‘splinter’ killwi mv, ah qawa/ lt, ch/sp killwi waqcha (‘log’, ‘timber’)
waqcha
‘make an qawachi- mv, ah, lt likachi- ch qawa- (‘see’) lika- (‘see’)
offering
return’
‘underarm’, wallwachukumv, ah, sp liklachku lt, ch wallwa liklachiku
‘armpit’
‘all’ lliw mv, ah, sp limpu lt, ch lliw lliw
‘avalanche’, lluqlla mv, ah, sp tuñiy all tuñi- lluqlla (‘waterfall’)
‘mudslide’ (‘tumble down’)
‘coagulate’ tika- mv, ah, ch, ltmarki- sp tikaya- tika-
(‘make adobe bricks’)
‘knee’ muqu mv, ah, sp qunqur all muqu, qunqura- muqu (joint)
(‘kneel’)
‘comb’ (v.) ñaqcha- all qachaku- lt, ch ñaqcha- ñaqcha-
‘cloud’, puyu mv, ah, sp pukutay lt, ch puyu pukutay
‘fog’
thorn bush ulanki mv, ah, sp qaparara lt, ch ? ?
variety
‘sick’ unqu mv, ah, sp qisha ch unqu qishya
‘nest’ qishTa mv, ah, sp tunta lt, ch qisTa qisha
‘thick’ rakta mv, ah, sp tita lt, ch rakta tita
‘snow’, riti mv, ah, sp rasu lt, ch riti lasu
‘sleet’
‘eaten by shuqli mv, ah, ch, ltwishlu sp ? ?
birds’
‘beautiful’ sumaq mv, ah, sp tuki lt, ch sumaq tuki
‘sheep’ uyqa mv, ah, sp usha lt, ch NC (uwish)
‘roll’ sinku- all trinta- lt, ch NC NC
‘explode’ tuqya- mv, ah, sp patra- all tuqya- patra-
‘bitter’ aqsa mv, ah, sp qatqi ch qatqi ?
[potato]
‘rain’ para- mv, ah, sp, chtamya- Cacra para- tamya-
NC= not cognate; ?= not found

315
Appendix B: Further analysis of
evidential modifiers
This appendix presents a further analysis of the interpretation of propositions
under the scope of the various permutations of the direct and the conjectural
evidentials – -mI and -trI – in combination with the three evidential modifiers
– -ø, -ik, and -iki.

B.1 The EM’s and the interpretation of propositions under

direct -mI
In the case of the direct -mI , all three forms, -mI-ø, -m-ik, and m-iki, indicate
that the speaker has evidence from personal experience for the proposition im-
mediately under the scope of the evidential. The -ik and -iki forms then indicate
increases in the strength of that evidence, generally that it is increasingly imme-
diate or definitive. For example, consultants explain, with wañu-rqa-ø [die-pst-3]
‘died’, a speaker might use -mI-ø if she had seen the corpse, while she would use
-m-iki if she had actually been present when the person died. Or with para-ya-n
[rain-prog-3] ‘it’s raining’, a speaker might use -mI-ø if she were observing the
rain from inside through a window, while she would use -m-iki if she were actu-
ally standing under the rain. (1) and (2) give naturally-occurring -m-iki examples.
In (1) the speaker reports her girlhood experience working as a shepherdess in
the puna (high, cold, wet pasture grounds). What would run out on her was her
matches. In (2) the speaker reports her experience with the Shining Path, an
armed Maoist group that terrorized the region in the 1980’s with its robberies,
kidnappings and public executions. The fight she refers to is the battle between
the Shining Path and the government Sinchis (commandos). In both examples,
the speakers are reporting events they experienced with painful immediacy and
with regard to which there are no more authoritative sources than themselves.
B Further analysis of evidential modifiers

(1) Ariyá urqupaqa puchukapakunchikmiki. amv

ari-yá urqu-pa-qa puchuka-paku-nchik-m-iki
yes-emph hill-loc-top finish-mutben-1pl-evd-iki
‘Yes, in the hills we ran out.’

(2) Huk visislla piliyara chaypaq chinkakurañamiki. amv

huk visis-lla piliya-ra chay-paq chinka-ku-ra-ña-m-iki
one times-rstr fight-pst dem.d-abl lose-refl-pst-disc-evd-iki
‘They fought just once and then they disappeared.’

In addition to indicating increases in evidence strength, -ik and -iki, in com-

bination with -mI , generally correspond to increases in strength of assertion. A
-m-ik assertion is interpreted as stronger than a -mI-ø assertion; a -m-iki asser-
tion as stronger still. In Spanish, -mI-ø generally has no reflex in translation.
More than anything else, it serves to mark comment or focus (see §7.11) or else
to stand in for the copular verb ka, defective in the third-person present tense
(see §4.2.3). In contrast, -m-iki does have a reflex in Spanish: it translates with an
emphatic, either pues ‘then’ or sí ‘yes’. So, quni-m-ø [warm-evd-ø] receives the
Spanish translation ‘es caliente’ ‘it’s warm’; in contrast, quni-m-iki [warm-evd-
ki] receives the translations, ‘es caliente, pues’ ‘it’s warm, then’ or‘sí, es caliente
‘yes, it’s warm’. Example (3) is taken from a story. An old lady has sent two boys
for wood – “so I can cook you a nice supper,” she said. Two doves appear at the
wood pile to warn the boys. Miku-shunki-m-iki ‘she’s going to eat you’, they
warn. Using the -iki form, the birds make the strongest assertion they can. They
need to convince the boys that they are indeed in trouble – their very lives are
in danger.

(3) Kananqa wirayaykachishunki mikushunkimiki. amv

kanan-qa wira-ya-yka-chi-shunki miku-shunki-mi-ki.
now-top fat-inch-excep-caus-3>2.fut eat-3>2.fut-evd-iki
‘Now she’s going to fatten you up and eat you!’

In those cases in which -mI takes scope over universal-deontic-modal or future-

tense verbs, -k and -ki do not generally indicate an increase in evidence strength;
rather, they indicate increasingly strong obligations and increasingly immediate
futures, respectively. So, for example, under the scope of -mI-ø, yanapa-na-y
[help-nmlz-1] receives a weak universal deontic interpretation, ‘I ought to help’.
In contrast, under the scope of -m-ik or -m-iki, the same phrase receives increas-
ingly strong universal interpretations, on the order of ‘I have to help’ and ‘I must

318
 B.2 The EM’s and the interpretation of propositions under conjectural -trI

help’, respectively. Under the scope of -mI-ø, the phrase is understood as some-
thing like a strong suggestion, while under -m-iki, it is understood as a more
urgent obligation. That is, here, -ik and -iki seem to do something like increase
the degree of modal force, turning a weak universal modal into a strong one.
This is the case, too, where -mI takes scope over future-tense verbs. For example,
explain consultants, in the case of the future-tense ri-shaq [go-1.fut] ‘I will go’,
a speaker might use-mI-ø if she were going to go at some unspecified, possibly
very distant future time. In contrast, she might use -m-ik if her going were immi-
nent, and -m-iki if she were already on her way. The speaker of (4), for example,
urgently needed to water her garden and had been on her way to do just that
when she got caught up in the conversation. When she uttered (4) she was, in
fact, already in motion.

(4) Rishaq yakutamiki qawashaq. amv

ri-shaq yaku-ta-mi-ki qawa-mu-shaq
go-1.fut water-acc-evd-iki look-cisl-1.fut
‘I’m going to go. I’m going to take care of the water now.’

B.2 The EM’s and the interpretation of propositions under

conjectural -trI
In the case of the conjectural -trI , all three forms, -trI-ø, -tri-k, and -tri-ki, indicate
that the speaker has either direct or reportative evidence for a set of propositions,
P, and that the speaker is conjecturing from P to p, the proposition immediately
under the scope of the evidential. The -ik and -iki forms then indicate increases
in the strength of the speaker’s evidence and generally correspond to increases
in certainty of conjecture.
In case a verb under its scope is not already modalized or not already specified
for modal force or conversational base by virtue of its morphology, -trI assigns
the values [universal] and [epistemic], for force and base, respectively. So, for
example, the progressive present-tense kama-ta awa-ya-n [blanket-acc weave-
prog-3] ‘is weaving a blanket’ and the simple past-tense wañu-rqa-ø [die-pst-3]
‘died’, both unmodalized and therefore necessarily not specified for either modal
force or conversational base, receive universal epistemic interpretations under
the scope of -trI : ‘he would/must be weaving a blanket’ and ‘he would/must
have died’, respectively. Speakers bilingual in Yauyos and Spanish consistently
translate and simple-present- and simple-past-tense verbs under the scope of

319
B Further analysis of evidential modifiers

-trI with the future and future perfect, respectively. The awa-ya-n ‘is weaving’
and wañu-rqa-ø ‘died’ of the examples immediately above are translated estará
tejiendo and habrá muerto, respectively. In English, ‘would’ and ‘must’ will have
to do the job.
Present-tense conditional verbs in syq may receive at least existential ability,
circumstantial, deontic, epistemic and teleological interpretations. Past-tense
conditional verbs may, in addition to these, also receive universal deontic and
epistemic interpretations. That is, present-tense conditionals are specified for
modal force [existential], but not modal base, while past-tense conditionals are
specified for neither force nor base. -trI restricts the interpretation of condition-
als, generally excluding all but epistemic readings. In the case of past-tense con-
ditionals, it generally excludes all but universal readings, as well. For example,
although the present-tense conditional of (1), saya-ru-chuwan ‘we could stand
around’, is normally five-ways ambiguous, under the scope of -trI , only the exis-
tential epistemic reading available: ‘it could happen that we stand around’. Sim-
ilarly, although the past-tense conditional of (2), miku-ra-ma-n-man ka-rqa-ø
‘could/would/should/might have eaten me’, is normally seven-ways ambiguous,
under the scope of -trI , only the universal epistemic reading is available: ‘the
Devil would necessarily have eaten me’. The context for (1) – a discussion of
women and alcohol – supports the epistemic reading. The speaker, a woman
who in her eighty-odd years had never taken alcohol, was speculating on what
would happen if women were to drink. Her conclusion: it’s possible we would
stand around naked, going crazy.

(1) Qalapis sayaruchuwan-tri lukuyarishpaqa. amv

qala-pis saya-ru-chuwan-tri luku-ya-ri-shpa-qa
naked-add stand-urgt-1pl.cond-evc crazy-inch-incep-subis-top
‘We could also stand around naked, going crazy.’

(2) Mana chay kaptinqa mikuramanmantri karqa chay dimunyukuna. amv

mana chay ka-pti-n-qa miku-ra-ma-n-man-tri ka-rqa
no dem.d be-subds-3-top eat-urgt-1.obj-3-cond-evc be-pst
chay dimunyu-kuna
dem.d devil-pl
‘If not for that, the Devil might have eaten me.’

If it is the case, as Copley (2009) argue, and Matthewson, Rullmann & Davis
(2005) that the future tense is a modal specified for both force, [universal], and

320
 B.2 The EM’s and the interpretation of propositions under conjectural -trI

base, [metaphysical] or [circumstantial], -trI should have no effect on the inter-

pretation of mode in the case of future-tense verbs. This is indeed the case. For
example, both the tiya-pa-ru-wa-nga of (3) and ashna-ku-lla-shaq of (4) receive
exactly the interpretations they would have were they not under the scope of
-trI: ‘they will accompany me sitting’ and ‘I’m going to stink’, respectively. This
does not mean that -trI-ø/ik/iki has no effect on the interpretation of future-tense
verbs, however. Although it leaves tam interpretation unaffected, -trI continues
to indicate that the proposition under its scope is a conjecture. And -ik and
-iki, as they do in conjunction with -mI , indicate increasingly immediate or cer-
tain futures. So, although the tam interpretations of (3)’s tiya-pa-ru-wa-nga ‘will
accompany me sitting’ and (4)’s ashna-ku-lla-shaq ‘I’m going to stink’ are un-
changed under the scope of -trI , the -ik of the first and the -iki of the second
signal immediate and certain futures, respectively. In (3), that future was about
an hour away: it was 6 o’clock and the those who were to accompany the speaker
were expected at 7:00 for a healing ceremony. The context for (4), too, was a heal-
ing ceremony. The speaker was referring to the upcoming part of the ceremony
in which she would have to wash with putrid urine – certain to make anyone
stink!

(3) Kukachankunata aparuptiyqa tiyaparuwanqatrik. amv

kuka-cha-n-kuna-ta apa-ru-pti-y-qa
coca-dim-3-pl-acc bring-urgt-subds-1-top
tiya-pa-ru-wa-nqa-tri-k
sit-ben-urgt-1.obj-3.fut-evc-ik
‘When I bring them their coca, they will accompany me sitting.’

(4) ¡Ashnakullashaqtriki! amv

ashna-ku-lla-shaq-tri-ki
smell-refl-rstr-1.fut-evc-iki
‘I’m going to stink!’

In those cases in which -ik and -iki modify -trI , they generally correspond to
increases in certainty of conjecture: a -tr-ik conjecture is interpreted as more cer-
tain than a -trI ø conjecture; and a -tr-iki conjecture is interpreted as more certain
still. Recall that under the scope of -trI , present-tense conditional verbs gener-
ally receive existential epistemic interpretations while past-tense-conditional as
well as simple-present- and simple-past-tense verbs generally receive universal
epistemic interpretations. In the case of the first, -k and -ki yield increasingly

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B Further analysis of evidential modifiers

strong possibility readings; in the case of the second, third and fourth, increas-
ingly strong necessity readings. So, under the scope of trI-ø, the present-tense
conditional wañu-ru-n-man [die-urgt-3-cond] ‘could die’ receives something
like a weak possibility reading; under -tr-iki, in contrast, the same phrase re-
ceives something like a strong possibility reading. Consultants explain that the
-ø form might be used in a situation where the person was sick but it remained to
be seen whether he would die; the -iki form, in contrast, might be used in a situa-
tion where the person was gravely ill and far more likely to die. Similarly, under
the scope of -trI-ø, the simple past tense wañu-rqa-ø [die-pst-3] ‘died’ would re-
ceive something like a weak necessity reading: it is highly probable but not com-
pletely certain that the person died. In contrast, under the scope of -tr-iki, the
same phrase would receive something like a strong necessity reading: it is very
highly probable, indeed, virtually certain, that the person died. Consultants ex-
plain that a speaker might use -ø form if she knew, say, that the person, who had
been very sick, still had not returned two months after having been transported
down the mountain to a hospital in Lima. In contrast, that same speaker might
use the -iki form if she had, additionally, say, heard funeral bells ringing and
seen two of person’s daughters crying in the church. (5) and (6) give naturally-
occurring examples. In (5), the speakeri makes a present-tense conditional -trI-ø
conjecture: Shej could possibly be with a soul (i.e., accompanied by the spirit of
a recently deceased relative). The speaker made this conjecture after hearing the
report of a single piece of evidence – that a calf had spooked when shej came
near. Surely, whether or not a person is walking around with the spirit of a re-
cently dead relative hovering somewhere close by is a hard thing to judge, even
with an accumulation of evidence. In this case, only the weak -ø form is licensed.
In (6), in contrast, the speaker makes a simple-present-tense -tr-iki conjecture: A
certain calf (a friend’s) must be being weaned. The speaker, having spent all but
a half dozen of her 70-odd years raising goats, sheep, cows and alpacas, would
not just be making an educated guess as to whether a calf was being weaned. She
knows the signs. In this situation, the strong -iki form is licensed.

(5) Almayuqpis kayanmantri. amv

alma-yuq-pis ka-ya-n-man-tri
soul-poss-add be-prog-3-cond-evc
‘She might be accompanied by a soul.’

322
 B.3 A sociolinguistic note

(6) Anuyanñatriki. amv

anu-ya-n-ña-tr-iki
wean-prog-3-disc-evd-iki
‘She must be weaning him already, for sure.’

In sum, Yauyos’ three evidentials, -mI , shI , and -trI , each has three variants,
formed by the affixation of three evidential modifiers, -ø, -ik, and -iki. The EM’s
are ordered on a cline of strength, with the -ik and -iki forms generally indicating
progressively stronger evidence. With the direct -mI , this then generally corre-
sponds to progressively stronger assertions; with the conjectural -trI , to progres-
sively more certain conjectures. In the case of verbs receiving universal-deontic-
modal or future-tense interpretations, -k and -ki indicate stronger obligations
and more imminent futures, respectively. -trI has the prior effect of changing the
modal interpretation of the verbs under its scope. In case a verb under its scope
is not already already specified for modal force or conversational base by virtue
of its morphology, -trI assigns the default values [universal] and [epistemic] for
force and base, respectively.

B.3 A sociolinguistic note

In a dialogue, -ø(φ) will often be answered with -ik(φ) or -iki(φ), where φ is a
propostition-evidential pair. Thus, Karu-m-ø ‘it’s far’ may be answered with Aw,
karu-mi-ki ‘Yes, you got it/that’s right/you bet you/ummhunn/, it’s far’. In (1),
the first speaker makes a -trI-ø conjecture, ‘They must have left drunk’. The sec-
ond answers with -tr-ik, echoing the judgement of the first, ‘Indeed, they must
have gotten drunk’.

(1) Spkr 1: “Chay kidamuq runakuna shinkañatr lluqsimurqa.”

Spkr 2: “Shinkaruntri-k.” amv
chay kida-mu-q runa-kuna shinka-ña-tr lluqsi-mu-rqa
dem.d stay-cisl-ag person-pl drunk-disc-evc exit-cisl-pst
shinka-ru-n-tri-k
get.drunk-urgt-3-evc-ik
‘Spkr 1: “Those people who stayed must have come out drunk
already.” Spkr 2: “Indeed, they must have gotten drunk.”’

323
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328
Name index

Adelaar, Willem F. H., 4, 11, 13, 18, Hintz, Diane, 18

154, 165, 190
Landerman, Peter N., 5, 7, 21
Brougère, Anne-Marie, 5 Lewis, M. Paul, 3, 5, 311
Bybee, Joan, 233 Lozada, Federico Sánchez de, 13

Castro, Neli Belleza, 23 Martín, Mario D., 13

Catta, Javier, 13 Matthewson, Lisa, 320
Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo M., 8, 9, Muysken, Pieter C., 4, 18, 165
13, 19, 21, 22, 154, 210, 277,
309 Pagliuca, William, 233
Chirinos-Rivera, Andrés, 3 Parker, Gary J., 13, 22, 56, 97, 277
Cole, Peter, 13 Perkins, Revere, 233
Coombs, David, 13 Peterson, Tyler, 165
Coombs, Heidi, 13
Quesada Castillo, Félix, 13, 277
Copley, Bridget, 320
Cusihuamán Gutiérrez, Antonio, 13, Rullmann, Hotze, 320
24
Shimelman, Aviva, 18, 272, 277
Davis, Henry, 320 Simons, Gary F., 3, 5, 311
Dávila, Marlene Ballena, 10 Solís-Fonesca, Gustavo, 13
Soto Ruiz, Clodoaldo, 13
Echerd, Stephen M., 5
Swisshelm, Germán, 24
Faller, Martina, 18, 165
Taylor, Gerald, 2, 5, 7, 8, 11, 13
Fennig, Charles D., 3, 5, 311
Torero, Alfredo, 5, 6, 22
Floyd, Rick, 18
Varilla Gallardo, Brígido, 5
Hardman, Martha J., 19
Heggarty, Paul, 5 Weber, David, 13, 18, 23, 188
Hermon, Gabriella, 13 Weber, Robert, 13
Herrero, Joaquín, 13
Hintz, Daniel, 9, 10, 13, 18, 154, 188
Language index

Alis, 6 Huailas, 6, 12
Alto Huallaga, 6, 12 Huailay, 6, 12
Alto Marañón, 6, 12 Huallaga, 10, 13, 18, 23, 24, 188, 233,
Alto Pativilca, 6, 12 270
Amazonas, 6, 12 Huampuy, 6, 8, 12
Ancash, 4, 10, 13, 22–24, 28, 277 Huanca, 6, 12, 13, 24, 277, 309, 310
Ap-am-ah, 6, 12 Huancayo, 1, 3, 46, 287
Apurí, 6 Huangáscar, 6
Argentinan Quechua, 6, 12 Huanuco, 10, 13, 22, 23
Ayacucho, 4, 6, 8–10, 12, 13, 24, 267, Huaylas, 10, 24, 253
279, 310, 314
Aymara, 18 Imbabura, 13
Azángaro, 6 Incahuasi, 6, 12

Bolivian Quechua, 4, 6, 12, 13 Jaqaru, 18, 19, 23

Jauja, 6, 12
Cacra, 6 Junín, 8–10, 22, 24, 309, 310, 314
Cajamarca, 6, 12, 13, 21, 24, 277
Cañaris, 6, 12 Kawki, 18
Chinchay, 6, 12 Laraos, 6, 12
Chocos, 6 Lincha, 6
Colombian Quechua, 6, 12 Loreto, 6, 12
Conchucos, 6, 12, 13, 18, 24, 154, 188,
233, 270 Madeán, 6
Corongo, 9, 10, 24
Cuzco, 4, 6, 12, 13, 18, 24, 165, 233 Pacaraos, 6, 12, 13, 22, 24, 154
Proto-Quechua, 6, 12
Ecuadorian Quechua, 6, 12, 13 Puno, 6, 12

Ferreñafe, 13 San Martín Quechua, 6, 12, 13, 22

Sihuas, 9, 18, 21, 22, 270
Hongos, 6
Huaihuash, 6, 12 Tana, 6
Language index

Tarma, 13, 21, 154, 190, 233

Tomas, 6
Topará, 6, 9

Vitis, 6
Víñac, 6

Yaru, 6, 12
Yungay, 6, 12

332
Subject index

ablative, 82 conventions, xi
accompaniment, 234
accusative, 89 dative, 77
actor and object reference, 138 different subjects, 192
adjectives, 55 diminutive, 214
adverbial, 55, 56 discontinuitive, 259
gender, 55, 57 disjunction, 254
preadjectives, 58 DoBeS, 14, 309
regular, 55, 56 dummy noun, 64
adverbial, 199 durative, 189
adverbs, 245 emotive, 269
AILLA, 14, 309 emphatic, 252
allative, 77 enclitic, 249
alternative conditional, 176 sequence, 250
assenters, 243 endangerment, 3
Aysa, 18 evidentials, 270
assertive force, 277
benefactive, 84
conjectural, 275
Cachuy, 18 direct, 273
case evidence strength, 279
combinations, 96 modification, 277
causative, 88, 215 questions, 281
certainty, 263 reportative, 274
Chavín, 9 exceptional, 237
cislocative, 222 exclusive, 88
classification, 7
factive, 203
comitative, 94
fourth person, 36
comparative, 72
frequentive, 217
conditional, 168
future, 151
constituent order, 283
continuitive, 265 genitive
Subject index

-pa, 79 numerals, 59
-pi, 87 huk, 63
greetings, 244 cardinal, 59
ordinal, 60
imperative, 181 time, 61
inceptive, 232 with possessive suffixes, 62
inchoative, 206 ñuqakuna, 8, 37
inclusion, 260 ñuqanchikkuna, 37
injunctive, 184 ñuqayku, 8
instrumental, 94
intensive, 236 orthography, 28
interjections, 241
interrogation, 291 particles, 241
-chu, 254 parts of speech, 31
irreversible change, 235 passive, 218
iterative past, 166 passive/accidental, 216
past, 153
joint action, 147, 209, 228 past conditional, 179
perfect, 162
limitative, 75, 201, 220 perfective
loan words, 26 -ku, 190
locative phonemic inventory, 24
-pa, 80 consonant, 24, 25
-pi, 86 vowel, 24, 25
precision, 263
modal system, 169
prepositions, 244
modals, 168
progressive, 186
morpheme codes, xi
pronouns, 36
sorted by code, xi
demonstrative, 36, 40
sorted by morpheme, xiv
dependent, 36, 43
morphophonemics, 24, 26, 213
determiners, 42
mutual benefit, 229
indefinite, 46
negation, 289 interrogative, 46
-chu, 254 negative indefinite, 46
nouns, 32 personal, 36
gender, 34 psychological necessity, 225
locative, 35 purposive, 84
regular, 32
reciprocal, 223
time, 33

334
 Subject index

recordings, 14 infinitive, 108

reflexive, 204, 218 inflection, 66
repetitive, 226 multi-possessive, 113
restrictive, 257 non-exhaustivity, 112
number inflection, 70
same-subjects, 196 partnership, 116
sensual necessity, 225 perfective, 105
sensual or psychological necessity, possessive, 67, 114
208 restrictive suffix, 117
sentence, 284 syntax, 283
comparison, 287
complementation, 300 to do, 207
coordination, 284 topic marker, 264
emphasis, 300 translocative, 227
equatives, 296 Tupe, 2, 18
interrogation, 291
negation, 289 uninterrupted action, 230
possession, 297 urgency/personal interest, 233
reciprocals, 294
verb derivation, 202
relativization, 302
verbs, 121
subordination, 305
copulative, 124
topicalization, 299
inflection, 129
sequential, 267
intransitive, 123
Shining Path, 4, 317
onomatopoetic, 126
simple past, 154
transitive, 121
quotative tense, 159
simple present, 148
simulative, 72, 205
subordination, 191
substantive
accompaniment, 113
agentive, 102
case, 72
classes, 32
concretizing, 99
derivation, 98
derivation from substantives,
112
derivation from verbs, 98

335
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A grammar of Yauyos
Quechua
This book presents a synchronic grammar of the southern dialects of
Yauyos, an extremely endangered Quechuan language spoken in the Pe-
ruvian Andes. As the language is highly synthetic, the grammar focuses
principally on morphology; a longer section is dedicated to the language’s
unusual evidential system. The grammar’s 1400 examples are drawn from
a 24-hour corpus of transcribed recordings collected in the course of the
documentation of the language.

ISBN 978-3-946234-21-0

9 783946 234210