The Routledge International

Handbook of Human Aggression

Drawing upon international expertise, and including some of the most well-known academics
and practitioners in the field, The Routledge International Handbook of Human Aggression is the first
reference work to fully capture how our understanding of aggression has been refined and
reconceptualised in recent years.
Divided into five sections, the handbook covers some of the most interesting and timely
topics within human aggression research, with analysis of both indirect and direct forms of
aggression, and including chapters on sexual aggression, workplace bullying, animal abuse, gang
violence and female aggression. It recognises that, in many cases, aggression is an adaptive choice
rather than a moral choice.
Providing practitioners and academics with an up-to-date resource that covers broad areas of
interest and application, the book will be essential reading for students, researchers and practi-
tioners associated with a range of social science disciplines, including psychology, criminology,
social work and sociology, particularly those with an interest in developmental, organisational,
forensic and criminal justice allied disciplines.

Jane L. Ireland is a Forensic Psychologist, Chartered Psychologist and Chartered Scientist.

Professor Ireland holds a professorial chair at the University of Central Lancashire and is Violence
Treatment Lead within High Secure Services, Ashworth Hospital, Mersey Care NHS Trust.
She is elected academy fellow of the Council of the Academy of Social Sciences and fellow of
the International Society for Research on Aggression (ISRA). She holds three further (visiting/
honorary) professorships at Åbo Akademi University in Finland, Charles Sturt University,
Australia and Cardiff Metropolitan University. She has over 150 publications in forensic psychology,
the majority of which fall within the area of aggression.

Philip Birch, BSocSci.(Hons); PG Cert (HEP); PG Cert. (SSRM); PG Dip (SocSci); MSc; PhD
is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology in the Centre for Law and Justice at Charles Sturt University,
Australia. He has previously held posts at the University of Western Sydney, the University of
New South Wales, Sydney, Australia and the University of Huddersfield, in the UK. Prior to
entering academia, Philip worked as a criminologist in the field, holding posts in the UK prison
service as well as in the crime and disorder field, which involved managing a specialist crime
unit. Philip has published internationally, including books, book chapters, peer-reviewed articles
and government reports in his main areas of research – offender management and rehabilitation;
police, prisons and probation practices; gender symmetry violence with a particular focus on
domestic family violence and sex work. He has secured over $790,000 in research grants, which
have addressed a variety of themes within his areas of expertise. Philip holds an honorary research
fellowship at the Institute of Positive Psychology and Education, Australia Catholic University
and in the School of Psychology, University of Central Lancashire, UK, as well as being a
Senior Research Associate in the Ashworth Research Centre, Mersey Health Care, National
Health Services, UK. Philip is the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Criminological Research, Policy
and Practice and currently sits on the editorial board of the Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace
Research.

Carol A. Ireland, PhD, is a Chartered Psychologist, Consultant Forensic Psychologist and

Chartered Scientist. She works for Coastal Child and Adult Therapeutic Services – CCATS
(www.ccats.org.uk), which is a community-based child and adult therapeutic service in the UK,
and where she is the Sex Offender Lead, further leading on matters linked to sexual exploitation.
She also works at the University of Central Lancashire, where she is the Director of Studies for
the MSc in Forensic Psychology, as well as the Senior Research Lead at the Ashworth Research
Centre, Ashworth Hospital, Mersey Care NHS Trust.
 The Routledge
International Handbook
of Human Aggression
Current Issues and Perspectives

Edited by Jane L. Ireland, Philip Birch

and Carol A. Ireland
First published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 selection and editorial matter, Jane L. Ireland, Philip Birch and
Carol A. Ireland; individual chapters, the contributors
The right of Jane L. Ireland, Philip Birch and Carol A. Ireland to be
identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for
their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77
and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
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registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
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ISBN: 978-1-138-66818-8 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-315-61877-7 (ebk)

Typeset in Bembo
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 Dedications

To my twin sister Jane, who always stands by and supports me: I love her with all my heart. (CI)

To Jonathan, Sebastian and Leo, the most peaceful people I know, and to Mojo, Miss Sparkles
and Elfrid, the most peaceful four-legged people I know. (JI)

To Irena Veljanova for her support and friendship. (PB)

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 Contents

List of figures xi
List of tables xiii
List of contributors xv
Preface: Human aggression: How far have we come? xxv
Jane L. Ireland, Philip Birch, Carol A. Ireland

SECTION I
Understanding general aggression 1

1 The development of aggression in childhood and adolescence:

A focus on relationships 3
Debra J. Pepler

2 Sex differences in aggression 19

Kaj Björkqvist, Karin Österman

3 Hegemonic masculinity and aggression 31

Ruschelle M. Leone, Dominic J. Parrott

4 The biology of human aggression 43

Tracy A. Bedrosian, Randy J. Nelson

5 Aggression motivation and inhibition: Theoretical underpinnings

and a new model 54
Ioan Ohlsson

6 Homicide adaptations 70
Joshua Duntley, David M. Buss

7 Human aggression from a cross-cultural perspective 83

Douglas P. Fry

8 Treatment intervention for aggression: Promoting individual change 94

Jane L. Ireland, Syeda Batool

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Contents

SECTION II
Bullying across contexts 107

9 Integrating multi-disciplinary social science theories and perspectives

to understand school bullying and victimisation 109
Jun Sung Hong, Dorothy L. Espelage, Simon C. Hunter, Paula Allen-Meares

10 Aggression in the workplace 121

Al-Karim Samnani

11 Cyberbullying 131
Robin Kowalski

12 Alterophobic bullying and violence 143

Stephen James Minton

SECTION III
Relationships and family aggression 153

13 Violence to partners: Gender symmetry revisited 155

John Archer

14 Stalking and harassment 170

David V. James, Rachel D. MacKenzie

15 Animal maltreatment in households experiencing family violence 183

Shelby Elaine McDonald

16 Treating stalking behaviour: A framework for understanding process

components 194
Philip Birch, Jane L. Ireland, Nikola Ninaus

17 Using the research evidence to inform the assessment and treatment

of intimate partner aggression 205
Louise Dixon, Devon L. L. Polaschek

18 Attitudes towards ‘honor’ violence and killings in collectivist cultures:

Gender differences in Middle Eastern, North African, South Asian
(MENASA) and Turkish populations 216
Roxanne Khan

19 Towards evidence-based treatment of partner violence in LGBT

relationships 227
Erica Bowen

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 Contents

20 Raising awareness, improving victim safety: Exploring the efficacy

of proactive domestic and family violence prevention measures 238
Philip Birch, Irena Colakova Veljanova

SECTION IV
Sexual aggression 249

21 The development of sexual aggression: A tripartite model and a

life span perspective 251
Howard E. Barbaree, Lynn O. Lightfoot, Robert A. Prentky

22 Examining harmful sexual behaviour in male children: Considering

the implications for practice 267
Carol A. Ireland

23 Females who sexually offend: Theory, research, and treatment 278

Emily Blake,Theresa A. Gannon

24 Assessment of sexual violence 291

Jan Looman, Jeffrey Abracen

25 Thinking outside of the box: Advancements in theory, practice and

evaluation in sexual offending interventions 302
Kerensa Hocken, Neil Gredecki

SECTION V
Contemporary and emerging issues 317

26 The impact of violent media on aggression 319

Barbara Krahé

27 Homophobic and non-homophobic aggression: Examining its

portrayal in print media 331
Philip Birch, Rebecca Ozanne, Jane L. Ireland

28 Narrowing the scope of psychopathy in explanations of offending:

Towards an understanding of persistent violence 342
Evan C. McCuish, Raymond R. Corrado, Jennifer Yang

29 Victims of violent crime: The emerging field of victimology 353

Benjamin Roebuck, Lynn A. Stewart

30 Psychosocial determinants of violence and trauma-informed

implications for treatment 364
Deborah Horowitz, Margaret Guyer, Kathy Sanders

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Contents

31 Jihadi-Salafi terrorism and violent extremism in the era of al-Qaeda

and the Islamic State 376
Greg Barton

32 Drive-bys in Chiraq or ethnic genocide in Iraq: Can violent street gangs

inform our comprehension of the Islamic State? 388
Matthew Valasik, Matthew D. Phillips

33 Gang violence and social media 400

Keir Irwin-Rogers, James Densley, Craig Pinkney

34 Group process and gang delinquency intervention: Gang activity

regulation and the group nature of gang violence 411
Matthew Valasik, Shannon E. Reid, Jenny S.West, Jason Gravel

Index 424

x
 Figures

2.1 Proportions of victimisation from physical, verbal, and indirect aggression.

Peer-estimated data of girls and boys of three age groups from Finland, Israel,
Italy, and Poland, obtained with the Direct & Indirect Aggression Scales 21
5.1 Applied Integrated Model of Aggression Motivation (AIM-AM) 64
6.1 Homicide leads to a decline in victims’ fitness, which selects for
anti-homicide defences, which lead to a decline in killers’ fitness,
which selects for new or refined homicide adaptations, ad infinitum 76
13.1 Sex differences in partner violence according to measures 162
13.2 Sex differences in community studies from non-Western and Western nations 163
13.3 Examples of GEM values 164
16.1 Stalkers Intervention Process (SIP): Applying components from
the Integrated Model and accounting for reinforcement 200
21.1 Causal paths for the origin of sexual aggression 259
21.2 From the FBI Uniform Crime Report. Plots the mean yearly arrest rate
of nine years plotted over the age of the person arrested 260
21.3 Mean Free T Index plotted over the mean age of six age cohorts 261
21.4 Mean of the three largest responses (CCs) during assessment session
plotted over the age of the individual being tested 261
26.1 Effect sizes (weighted by sample size) from experimental, longitudinal,
and cross-sectional “best-practice” studies for the link between violent
video game play and aggression-related outcomes 322
26.2 Effects of long-term exposure to media violence according to the
General Aggression Model 326

xi
 Tables

2.1 Bivariate and partial correlations (controlling for empathy) between

peer-estimated social intelligence and different types of peer-estimated
conflict behaviour 24
5.1 Summary of studies exploring underlying motivations for aggression 56
19.1 The four parallel phases of individual sexual and group membership
identity development 235
22.1 Examples of developmental factors relating to general delinquency 269
22.2 Two main groups of offenders 270
25.1 The Maryland Scientific Method Scale (MSMS) 311
26.1 Processes underlying the effects of exposure to media violence on
aggression 323
27.1 Linguistic inquiry and word count text analysis of homophobic
aggression and non-homophobic aggression in print media reports 339

xiii
 Contributors

Jeffrey Abracen has worked with the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) from 1995 and has
occupied a number of positions within the organisation. Dr Abracen is currently the Chief
Psychologist for Central District (Ontario) Parole. He has previously been responsible for the
management of sex offender treatment programmes in Central District (Ontario) Parole and has
worked at the High Intensity Sex Offender Treatment programme operated by CSC at the
Regional Treatment Centre (Ontario).

Paula Allen-Meares, PhD, MSW, is the John Corbally Presidential Professor and Professor
of Medicine in the College of Medicine at the University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC). She is
Chancellor Emerita at UIC and Vice President of the University of Illinois. She also holds
faculty appointments on both the UIC and University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
Dr Allen-Meares is Dean and Professor Emerita and the Normal Radin Collegiate Professor
at the University of Michigan. She is an elected member of the National Academy of
Medicine, the Royal Society of Medicine and is a past trustee of the New York Academy
of Medicine. She serves on a number of editorial boards and has over 170 articles, chapters, books
and commentaries. Her scholarly works have been translated into other languages and studied
around the world.

John Archer is Professor of Psychology at the University of Central Lancashire, United Kingdom.
He is the author of over 100 articles, mostly on human aggression. He is the author of several
books including: The Behavioural Biology of Aggression, The Nature of Grief and (with Barbara
Lloyd) Sex and Gender. He is a former president of the International Society for Research on
Aggression (ISRA), a fellow of the British Psychological Society and Editor-in-Chief of Aggressive
Behavior (2012–present). He was recipient of the International Society for Research on
Aggression’s Scott Award, for lifetime achievement, in 2016.

Howard E. Barbaree is a psychologist and Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Toronto

and Vice-President of Research and Academics at Waypoint Centre for Mental Health Care.
He received the 2001 Significant Achievement Award from the Association for the Treatment
of Sexual Abusers and the 2011 Don Andrews Career Contribution Award from the Canadian
Psychological Association. He was Editor-in-Chief of Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and
Treatment from 2004 to 2010.

Greg Barton is Co-Director of the Australian Intervention Support Hub (AISH) and Professor
of Global Islamic Politics at the Alfred Deakin Institute. Greg has been active for the past
20 years in interfaith dialogue initiatives and has a deep commitment to building understanding

xv
Contributors

of Islam and Muslim society. The central axis of his research interests is the way in which
religious thought, individual believers and religious communities respond to modernity and to
the modern nation state. He also has a strong general interest in comparative international
politics. He has undertaken extensive research on Indonesian politics and society, especially of
the role of Islam. Since 2004 he has made a comparative study of progressive Islamic thought in
Turkey and Indonesia. He also has a general interest in security studies and human security
and a particular interest in countering violent extremism, and continues to research Islamic and
Islamist movements in Southeast Asia and around the world.

Syeda Batool has recently completed her bachelor’s degree in Psychology and a master’s degree
in Health Psychology. She has an avid interest in the study of mental health, consciences and
morality and hopes to pursue a career in this area. She is currently completing her research
internship in a forensic psychiatric unit and on placement, assessing impacts of health promotion
on children.

Tracy A. Bedrosian is a post-doctoral fellow in the Laboratory of Genetics at the Salk Institute
for Biological Studies. Dr Bedrosian earned her BS in Neuroscience from the University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor. She went on to earn her PhD in Neuroscience from The Ohio State
University before beginning post-doctoral work at the Salk Institute. Dr Bedrosian has published
extensively in the field of behavioural neuroscience, including several articles and chapters on
the neurobiology of aggression.

Kaj Björkqvist has been Professor of Developmental Psychology at Åbo Akademi University,
Finland, since 1992. He is a former president of the International Society of Research on
Aggression. His research is focused on different forms of human aggression, in particular, indirect
aggression, sex differences in aggression, school and workplace bullying, conflict resolution,
media violence and cross-cultural comparisons.

Emily Blake, PhD, is an independent researcher who works regularly with the University of
Kent. Emily has conducted and assisted with research in the field of adult and child sexual
offending, and is particularly interested in the aetiology of sexual offending behaviour, risk of
offending and associated mental health and treatment needs. More recently, Emily has been
involved in ongoing research in the field of adults and young people with an intellectual disability
or autism who have sexually offended or display sexually harmful behaviour.

Erica Bowen is Professor of Violence Prevention Research within the National Centre for the
Study and Prevention of Violence and Abuse at the University of Worcester. Erica has researched
domestic violence with a focus on evaluating and designing prevention programmes for
adults and young people since 2000. She is a Chartered Psychologist (British Psychological
Society) and registered forensic psychologist (Health and Care Professions Council). Her current
research interests include understanding the factors that lead to resilience in children exposed to
inter-parental violence, and how best to address the needs of perpetrators of domestic violence
who have learning disabilities.

David M. Buss is Professor of Psychology, University of Texas, Austin. He previously taught at

Harvard and the University of Michigan. His most recent book is The Evolution of Desire: Strategies
of Human Mating. His other books include Evolutionary Psychology: The New Science of the Mind;

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 Contributors

The Dangerous Passion: Why Jealousy is as Necessary as Love and Sex; The Murderer Next Door: Why
the Mind is Designed to Kill; and Why Women Have Sex (with Cindy Meston). Buss has roughly
300 scientific publications, and he has been cited as one of the 30 most influential living
psychologists.

Raymond R. Corrado is a Full Professor in the School of Criminology at Simon Fraser University
and was an associate faculty member in the Psychology department and the Faculty of Health
Sciences. He is a Visiting Fellow at Clare Hall College and the Institute of Criminology,
University of Cambridge. He is a founding member of the Mental Health, Law, and Policy
Institute at Simon Fraser University. He has published over 100 articles and book chapters on a
wide variety of policy issues, including juvenile justice, violent young offenders, mental health,
adolescent psychopathy, Aboriginal victimisation, child/adolescent case management strategies
and terrorism.

James Densley is an Associate Professor of Criminal Justice at Metropolitan State University

(USA), part of the Minnesota State system, and an Associate of the Extra-Legal Governance
Institute at the University of Oxford (UK). He has received local, national and international
media attention for his work on street gangs, criminal networks, violence and policing.
Dr Densley is the author of How Gangs Work: An Ethnography of Youth Violence and over
20 refereed articles and book chapters in leading social science outlets. He earned his doctorate
in sociology from the University of Oxford.

Louise Dixon, PhD, CPsychol is a Reader in Forensic Psychology at Victoria University of

Wellington and a UK-registered forensic psychologist. She specialises in the prevention
of interpersonal aggression and violence. Primarily, her research has centred on the study of
intimate partner violence and abuse, and the overlap with child maltreatment in the family.
Dr Dixon has received funding from prestigious UK research councils such as the Economic
and Social Research Council, Higher Education Funding Council for England and Police
Knowledge fund. She is a series editor to the What Works in Offender Rehabilitation book series
for Wiley-Blackwell.

Joshua Duntley, PhD, is an Associate Professor of Criminal Justice and Associated Faculty in the
Psychology Program at Stockton University. His research and publications examine homicide,
non-lethal violence, stalking, victimisation and human mating strategies. He co-edited the
volume Evolutionary Forensic Psychology and is co-author of the book Research Stories for Introductory
Psychology. Joshua is also the Director of Stockton University’s Honors Program and Co-Director
of the Stockton CSI summer camp for high school students.

Dorothy L. Espelage, PhD, is Professor of Psychology at the University of Florida. She is

the recipient of the APA Lifetime Achievement Award in Prevention Science and the 2016
APA Award for Distinguished Contributions to Research in Public Policy, and is a fellow
of APS, APA and AERA. She earned her PhD in Counseling Psychology from Indiana
University in 1997. Over the last 20 years, she has authored over 140 peer-reviewed articles,
five edited books and 30 chapters on bullying, homophobic teasing, sexual harassment,
dating violence and gang violence. Her research focuses on translating empirical findings into
prevention and intervention programming and she has secured six and half million dollars of
external funding.

xvii
Contributors

Douglas P. Fry is Professor and Chair of the Anthropology Department at the University of
Alabama at Birmingham and concurrently Docent in the Developmental Psychology Program
at Åbo Akademi University in Finland. Professor Fry earned his doctorate in Anthropology
from Indiana University in 1986. Fry has written extensively on aggression, conflict resolution
and war and peace. He is author of Beyond War: The Human Potential for Peace and co-editor of
Keeping the Peace: Conflict Resolution and Peaceful Societies Around the World and Cultural Variation
in Conflict Resolution: Alternatives to Violence. He is an associate editor of the Encyclopedia of
Violence, Peace, and Conflict. Dr Fry’s own cross-cultural research showing a paucity of war among
nomadic forager societies has been published in Science. He is the recipient of the 2015 Peace
Scholar-Educator Award, of the Peace and Justice Studies Association.

Theresa A. Gannon, DPhil, CPsychol (Forensic) is Professor of Forensic Psychology and

Director of CORE-FP at the University of Kent, UK. Theresa also works as a practitioner
consultant forensic psychologist for Kent and Medway NHS and Social Care Partnership Trust,
UK. Theresa has published over 100 chapters, articles, books and other scholarly works in
the areas of male- and female-perpetrated sexual offending. She is particularly interested
in research relating to both the treatment needs and overall supervision of sexual offenders.
Theresa is editor of Psychology Crime and Law and associate editor of Sexual Abuse: A Journal of
Research and Treatment.

Jason Gravel is a PhD candidate in the Department of Criminology, Law, and Society at the
University of California, Irvine. He completed his master’s thesis on criminal versatility in street
gang networks at Simon Fraser University in 2013. His research interests include social network
analysis, street gangs, co-offending, gun violence and crime prevention and intervention. His
recent work has been published in Criminology & Public Policy, Journal of Quantitative Criminology,
Injury Prevention and Criminal Justice & Behavior.

Neil Gredecki, PhD, is a registered forensic psychologist with over 14 years’ experience of
working in prisons and a variety of NHS and private sector settings. This includes high, medium
and low secure psychiatric hospitals as well as working with adolescents and in community and
inpatient settings. He holds the role of Registrar and Chief Supervisor for the British Psychological
Society’s Qualification in Forensic Psychology and currently has a senior role within Her
Majesty’s Prison & Probation Service (HMPPS). In addition to working in clinical posts, Neil
has extensive experience of supervision and management and conducts research with staff
working in forensic settings. He is co-editor of the Journal of Forensic Practice.

Margaret Guyer, PhD, a clinician and researcher, has worked with people with severe mental
illness for more than 20 years. As an administrator with the Massachusetts Department of Mental
Health she is responsible for the identification, evaluation and dissemination of evidence-based
practices within the Department of Mental Health and among community providers. She serves
as the Chair for the Massachusetts Department of Mental Health Institutional Review Board,
manages the Department’s Training Grants and Research Centers of Excellence as well as serving
as the liaison with the Department of Public Health concerning suicide.

Kerensa Hocken, PhD, is a registered forensic psychologist and British Psychological Society
Chartered Psychologist. She has worked with people convicted of sexual offences for 17 years
and specialises in working with those who have intellectual disabilities. Kerensa is currently the
Midlands Lead Psychologist for people convicted of sexual offences in Her Majesty’s Prison &

xviii
 Contributors

Probation Service (HMPPS) where she has been involved in the development of HMPPS
treatment programmes for sexual offending. Kerensa is a trustee and co-founder of the Safer
Living Foundation (SLF), a charity which sets out to prevent sexual abuse by working with those
who have offended or are at risk of committing a sexual offence.

Jun Sung Hong, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the School of Social Work at Wayne State
University and an Adjunct Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Welfare at
Sungkyunkwan University in Seoul, South Korea. He is a recipient of the Academy of Scholars
Junior Faculty Award at Wayne State University (2017–2018) and the Alberti Center Early
Career Award at the Alberti Center for Bullying Abuse Prevention (2017–2018). He has
authored numerous peer reviewed articles and book chapters. He is currently on the editorial
boards for the Journal of Family Violence, the Journal of Child and Family Studies, the Journal of Youth
and Adolescence and Psychology of Violence. He is currently a guest editor for the American Journal
of Orthopsychiatry and the Journal of Child and Family Studies. He holds an MSW and a PhD in
Social Work from the University of Michigan and the University of Illinois at Urbana-
Champaign, respectively.

Deborah Horowitz, MSW, is a licensed independent clinical social worker with more than
20 years of experience as a clinician, researcher and educator in the health care field. Currently
a clinical training specialist with the Massachusetts Department of Mental Health, she is the lead
author of Safety, Hope, and Healing (SHH); a curriculum designed to facilitate culture change
around the concepts of trauma, violence and recovery. Ms Horowitz is also the statewide chair
of the First Aid Support Team (FAST) a staff-to-staff tertiary response to workplace trauma and
the companion programme to SHH.

Simon C. Hunter, PhD, works at the University of Strathclyde in Glasgow where he is a Senior
Lecturer in the School of Psychological Sciences and Health, and he is also a Centre for Health
Policy Fellow in the International Public Policy Institute. He is also an Honorary Research
Fellow in the Faculty of Education at the University of Western Australia. Simon earned his
PhD at the University of Strathclyde in 2004, and has since published over 40 peer-reviewed
articles on topics including bullying, atypical development and health. He is also an associate
editor at the British Journal of Developmental Psychology.

Keir Irwin-Rogers is a lecturer in Criminology with The Open University. He has conducted a
range of research on gangs and youth violence and presented his most recent project on gang
violence and online social media activity to the UK Home Office, the National Police Chiefs’
Council and the Youth Justice Board Gangs Forum. Irwin-Rogers has published on a number
of criminal justice-related subjects, including gangs and youth violence, sentencing, community
sanctions and deterrence. He completed a PhD in Criminal Justice at the University of Sheffield
and is currently studying for a BSc in Mathematics and Statistics.

David V. James is a consultant forensic psychiatrist and was formerly a Senior Lecturer in
Forensic Psychiatry at University College London (UCL). He was co-founder of the Fixated
Threat Assessment Centre (FTAC), a novel joint police/National Health Service unit for the
assessment and management of concerning and threatening behaviour towards politicians and
the Royal Family. He was co-founder of the UK’s National Stalking Clinic. He is author or
co-author of 60 papers in the specialist literature and 15 book chapters. He is a co-author of the
Stalking Risk Profile and of the Communications Threat Assessment Protocol. He is currently a director

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Contributors

of Theseus LLP, a company which provides an FTAC-style threat management service to private
individuals and institutions.

Roxanne Khan, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in Forensic Psychology at the University of Central
Lancashire. She is also a Chartered Psychologist and Chartered Scientist, with experience of
working with perpetrators and victims of violence in secure and community settings. Primarily
an aggression researcher, Dr Khan maintains a long-standing research interest in family and
community violence, and this is reflected in her publication profile. She has authored work that
examines intimate partner violence, child and adult sexual abuse, including sexual coercion and
exploitation. Her research interest extends to sibling victimisation and the psychology of
‘honour’-based violence.

Robin Kowalski is a Trevillian Professor of Psychology at Clemson University. She obtained her
PhD in Social Psychology from the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Her research
interests focus on aversive interpersonal behaviours, most notably complaining and cyberbully-
ing. She is the author or co-author of several books including Complaining, Teasing, and Other
Annoying Behaviors, Aversive Interpersonal Behaviors and Cyber Bullying: Bullying in the Digital Age.
Dr Kowalski has received several awards including Clemson’s Award of Distinction, Clemson’s
College of Business and Behavioral Science Award for Excellence in Undergraduate Teaching,
the Phil Prince Award for Excellence and Innovation in the Classroom and Clemson’s College
of Business and Behavioral Science Senior Research Award. She was a finalist for the 2013 and
2014 South Carolina Governor’s Professor of the Year Awards.

Barbara Krahé is Professor of Social Psychology at the University of Potsdam, Germany. Her
research interests lie in the area of applied social psychology, in particular aggression research
(media violence, sexual aggression) and social cognition research applied to legal decision-
making. She is President-Elect of the International Society for Research on Aggression (ISRA)
and author of the textbook, The Social Psychology of Aggression. She is a fellow of the British
Psychological Society and the Association for Psychological Science and a member of the
Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences.

Ruschelle M. Leone is a doctoral student in Clinical Psychology at Georgia State University.

She is interested in identifying risk and protective factors to reduce alcohol-related aggression,
with a particular focus on bystander intervention. Much of her work has focused on dispositional
(e.g., adherence to traditional masculinity) and situational (e.g., peer norms) factors that interact
with alcohol to predict violence against women, sexual minorities and intimate partners.

Lynn O. Lightfoot is a psychologist in private practice in Oakville, Canada and has worked as
in independent consultant and practitioner for the last 25 years. She has been an adjunct faculty
member at Queen’s University and a Lecturer at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education.
She is the author of over 50 scientific articles, book chapters, conference proceedings and
government reports in the field of substance abuse. She has specialised in the development and
evaluation of substance abuse treatment programmes for forensic populations that have been
implemented nationally and internationally.

Jan Looman was employed by the Correctional Service of Canada from 1992 until 2015. He
served as the Program Director of the High Intensity Sexual Offender Treatment Program at
the Regional Treatment Centre (Ontario) from 1997 to 2011, and was responsible for that

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 Contributors

programme’s accreditation in 2002. He then served as the Clinical Manager for the Regional
Treatment Centre (Ontario), a hospital operated by the Correctional Service of Canada until
2015. Currently he is working as a psychologist in the Forensic Mental Health Service of
Providence Care Hospital.

Evan C. McCuish is an Assistant Professor at Simon Fraser University and is the Project Director
of the SSHRC-funded Incarcerated Serious and Violent Young Offender Study, the largest
and longest-running study on young offenders in Canada. His research interests include
criminal careers, desistance, developmental criminology, foster care, gang involvement,
psychopathy, sexual offending and violence. His work is published in the International Journal of
Forensic Mental Health, Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, Justice Quarterly and
Journal of Criminal Justice.

Shelby Elaine McDonald, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the School of Social Work at Virginia
Commonwealth University (VCU). She received her PhD in Social Work from the University
of Denver. Her research and publications focus on ethnocultural variations in women and
children’s exposure and response to intimate partner violence and human–animal interactions
in the context of welfare, health and socioecological justice. She has a specific interest in the
intersection of children’s exposure to intimate partner violence and concomitant animal cruelty.
Her current research uses advanced person-centred statistical techniques to explore heterogeneity
of adjustment among children who experience polyvictimisation.

Rachel D. MacKenzie is a senior psychologist at Forensicare, the forensic psychiatry provider to

the Australian state of Victoria. Additionally, she works in private practice. She specialises in
stalking and sex offences, treating both perpetrators and victims. She is author/co-author of eight
book chapters and 15 articles in peer-reviewed journals. She is the lead author of the Stalking
Risk Profile (SRP) – the leading manualised instrument for the assessment of risk in stalking and
harassment – as well as a co-author of the Communications Threat Assessment Protocol (CTAP)
and of the Screening Assessment of Stalking and Harassment (SASH). She has been on the board of
the Asia-Pacific Association of Threat Assessment Professionals since its inception.

Stephen James Minton is a chartered psychologist and a lecturer in Psychology of Education at

the School of Education, Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, where he serves as the School’s
Director of Undergraduate Teaching and Learning. He has extensive experience in the fields of
anti-bullying research and practice, focusing over the past decade on the prejudice-related
aggression and exclusion directed towards marginalised groups, including indigenous peoples,
LGBT people and members of alternative sub-cultures. Among other scholarly works, he is the
author of Marginalisation and Aggression from Bullying to Genocide: Critical Educational and Psychological
Perspectives and Using Psychology in the Classroom.

Randy J. Nelson is a Distinguished University Professor and holds the Brumbaugh Chair in Brain
Research and Teaching at The Ohio State University. He is also Professor and Chair of the
Department of Neuroscience. Professor Nelson earned his BA and MA degrees at the University
of California, Berkeley. He simultaneously earned a PhD in Psychology and a PhD in
Endocrinology from UC–Berkeley, then conducted postdoctoral research in reproductive
physiology at the University of Texas, Austin. Professor Nelson served on the faculty at The
Johns Hopkins University for 15 years before moving to Columbus. He has published over

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Contributors

400 research articles and several books describing studies in behavioural neuroendocrinology,
biological rhythms and motivated behaviours, especially aggressive behaviours.

Nikola Ninaus graduated with a distinction in the Bachelor of Criminology and Criminal Justice,
School of Social Sciences, University of New South Wales (UNSW), Australia, in 2012. She has
been employed as a research assistant (RA) in the School of Social Sciences and the School of
Psychology at UNSW as well as in the School of Social Sciences and Psychology at Western
Sydney University. In her RA roles, Niki has worked on a range of projects covering various
criminal justice issues including offender management, elderly offenders, housing, mental health
and stalking.

Ioan Ohlsson, PhD, is a Chartered Psychologist, Registered Forensic Psychologist and Associate
Fellow of the British Psychological Society. He currently works in a senior clinical position
within the National Health Service. He was previously one of the lead psychologists working in
a secure forensic mental health hospital. He had input into the assessment and treatment of
psychiatric patients upon admission and during their period of hospitalisation. Dr Ohlsson has
over 14 years’ experience of applied practice and has worked across the lifespan with offenders
in the community and in secure forensic settings. He also works part time at the University of
Central Lancashire, where he teaches on the MSc Psychology programme and supervises
students’ applied research projects. Dr Ohlsson regularly undertakes assessments and delivers
evidence-based interventions with individuals and families who present with histories of violence.

Karin Österman, PhD, is Associate Professor of Developmental Psychology at Åbo Akademi

University and Adjunct Professor (Docent) of Social Psychology at Helsinki University. She is
the Director of a Master’s Programme in Peace, Mediation, and Conflict Research at Åbo
Akademi University. Her research includes studies on the physical punishment of children, child
abuse, domestic aggression, aggression in the school context and conflict resolution.

Rebecca Ozanne is a PhD student at the University of Central Lancashire. She is currently a
research associate and trainee forensic psychologist in a secure setting. Rebecca completed her
master’s degree in Forensic Psychology at the University of Central Lancashire. Her research
interests include aggression, child abuse, mental health and trauma.

Dominic J. Parrott, PhD, is a Professor of Psychology at Georgia State University. His research
uses laboratory and survey methods to examine risk factors and mechanisms for aggression
perpetration, with a particular emphasis on the effects of alcohol on intimate partner violence,
aggression toward sexual minorities and sexual aggression. An end goal of his research programme
is to inform directly the development of interventions that prevent or reduce alcohol-related
violence. His work has been funded by the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism
and the Centers for Disease Control.

Debra J. Pepler is Distinguished Research Professor of Psychology, most familiar for her
ongoing research on aggression, bullying and victimisation among children and adolescents.
She also conducts research on children in families at risk through Breaking the Cycle – a
programme for substance-using mothers and their young children. She has co-authored many
books, journal articles, chapters and reports. Together with Dr Wendy Craig, Dr Pepler leads a
federally funded national network, PREVNet (Promoting Relationships and Eliminating
Violence Network) to promote healthy relationships and prevent bullying for children and youth
(www.prevnet.ca).

xxii
 Contributors

Matthew D. Phillips is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice and

Criminology at the University of North Carolina (UNC), Charlotte. His principal research
interests include data science, transnational organised crime, terrorism, drug trafficking, drug
offending and violence, life course criminology and interactional theory and quantitative and
statistical methods. He is also researching the application of big data initiatives to the analysis of
crime, particularly within the realm of national security. He has recently published in Intelligence
and National Security, Youth Violence & Juvenile Justice, Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and
Practice, Journal of Terrorism Research and Journal of Quantitative Criminology.

Craig Pinkney is a Lecturer in Youth, Communities and Families and Gangs Programme Leader
with University College Birmingham. He is director of Real ActionUK, an outreach organisation
based in Birmingham, which specialises in working with disaffected young people. Craig has
over 13 years’ experience as an outreach youth worker, working with some of Birmingham’s
most challenging young people, high-risk offenders and victims of gang violence. He has an MA
in Criminology and specialises in teaching on youth violence, urban street gangs, extremism,
trauma and desistance.

Devon L. L. Polaschek’s research interests include theory, intervention and intervention

evaluation with serious violent and sexual offenders, family violence, psychopathy, desistance,
reintegration and parole. She is the author of more than 110 journal articles, book chapters and
government reports, and a fellow of the Association for Psychological Science. Her research has
been supported by a decade of funding from the Department of Corrections, in order to develop
a better understanding of high-risk violent male prisoners: their characteristics and what works
to reduce their risk of future offending.

Robert A. Prentky is Professor of Psychology and Director of Forensic Training at Farleigh

Dickinson University. He has been engaged in research and writing on sexual offenders for
35 years, evaluated or supervised the evaluation of more than 2,000 offenders and has served as
an expert witness for over 20 years. He is a fellow of the American Psychological Association
and the Association for Psychological Science.

Shannon E. Reid is an Assistant Professor in the Criminal Justice and Criminology Department
at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Her main research interests are focused on
gang-involved and trauma-impacted youth and their interactions with the criminal justice
system. Her research has been published in Criminology, Legal and Criminal Psychology, Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice, Deviant Behavior and
Homicide Studies.

Benjamin Roebuck is Professor of Victimology at Algonquin College where he has coordinated

the graduate programme for five years. Currently, Benjamin is the principal investigator for a
Canada-wide research project on resilience and victims of violence funded by the Social Sciences
and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC). Benjamin’s previous work has focused
on youth homelessness, strength-based intervention and local adaptations of evidence-based
crime prevention programmes. He serves as the Vice-President of Youth Now Canada,
supporting young people with complex needs in the areas of youth justice, housing, community
support and engagement in agriculture.

Al-Karim Samnani is an Assistant Professor of Management in the Odette School of Business at

the University of Windsor. His primary research interests focus on aggression and bullying

xxiii
Contributors

in the workplace and examines its intersection with topics such as diversity, leadership and
cognitive and social psychology. He has published a number of articles in reputable journals such
as The Leadership Quarterly, Human Resource Management and Organizational Psychology Review,
among others.

Kathy Sanders, MD is the State Medical Director/Deputy Commissioner of Clinical and

Professional Services of the Massachusetts Department of Mental Health. She is a senior
psychiatrist in the Department of Psychiatry at Massachusetts General Hospital and is Instructor
in Psychiatry for Harvard Medical School. Her areas of focus include violence and aggression,
residency training, health and wellness, mindfulness and leadership.

Lynn A. Stewart is a registered psychologist and academic working most of her career in Canada’s
federal correctional system. Currently she is a senior research manager where she leads applied
research on correctional interventions and women offenders, examining how we can work
effectively to reduce offender recidivism within the criminal justice system. She has published
on issues related to evidence-based practice including correctional programme outcome studies,
domestic violence interventions, indigenous offender specific correctional interventions and
women-specific correctional programmes. Recently she has led research on the mental health
of offenders and its impact on their institutional and community outcomes.

Matthew Valasik is an Assistant Professor of Sociology and Criminology in the Department of

Sociology at Louisiana State University. His primary interests are the socio-spatial dynamics
of gang behaviour and problem-oriented policing strategies (e.g., gang units, civil gang
injunctions) used by law enforcement. His research can be found in Deviant Behavior, Homicide
Studies, Theoretical Criminology, Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice, Rural Sociology
and The Oxford Handbook of Environmental Criminology.

Irena Colakova Veljanova is a Lecturer in Sociology with the School of Social Sciences and
Psychology, Western Sydney University. She has completed her PhD in the field of Human
Welfare Studies and Services. Her research interests include: health sociology, social policy,
ethnic, migration and transnational studies, community health, disability studies, critical
gerontology and community participatory research. Some of her published works include
Health, Agency and Wellbeing and ‘Lifestyle science: Self-healing, co-production and DIY’, Health
Sociology Review.

Jenny S. West is a doctoral student in the Department of Criminology, Law and Society at the
University of California, Irvine. Her research focuses on street gang social networks and group
dynamics, patterns of crime displacement and dispute transformation on social media.

Jennifer Yang is an honours student with Simon Fraser University’s School of Criminology.
Her honours thesis concerns the adult offending outcomes of youth with a history of foster care
placement.

xxiv
 Preface
Human aggression: How far have we come?
Jane L. Ireland, Philip Birch and Carol A. Ireland

Monsters exist, but they are too few in number to be truly dangerous. More dangerous are the
common men, the functionaries ready to believe and to act without asking questions.
— Primo Levi (1919–1987)

It is fitting, in the face of the continuing tragedy of human aggression, to commence with an
insightful quote from a survivor of one of the most chilling and horrendous acts of sustained
aggression of our time, the Holocaust. Primo Levi, a renowned chemist, writer and Auschwitz
survivor authored If This Is Man in 1947, recounting his year spent in Auschwitz, driven by a
desire to ensure that the actions of humankind were never forgotten. This was in essence
the importance of the work, to act as a means of capturing events and ensuring that no one
forgets what humans are capable of. Levi also captures the distinction between being ‘human’
and ‘humanity’, with the latter where our potential for peace, empathy and concern as a
species resides.
An ability to recall through generations, past events and the horrors of where aggression has
sought refuge is both a gift and a curse for humans; we can look back at our past actions and
what we have inflicted on others, feel guilt and shame and then try to build our understanding
as to why our potential for inflicting harm through aggression continues.
The answer to this is not straightforward and is captured well by Primo Levi’s comments.
Arguments that aggression is the action of a few damaged or a disordered member of our species
(the ‘Monster’) is not accepted as a sufficient explanation for aggression. Undoubtedly there are
individuals who through genetic predisposition, social/familial influence or both continue to
inflict aggression, but equally there is a potential in all of us to engage in aggression (‘the
common men’), given the right circumstances.
The mechanism by which these circumstances develop and combine with predispositions to
create a fertile environment for aggression is not yet clearly known but there are considerable
in-roads into our understanding. We know, for example, that socially there is more acceptance
of some acts of aggression over others, leading to a minimisation of aggression in some
circumstances and the development of acceptance beliefs. Indirect aggression, where the
intention of the act is unclear and the identity of the aggressor(s) potentially unknown, is a salient

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Preface

example. Yet, who is to determine that ostracising, spreading rumours and/or malicious gossip
(i.e. indirect aggression) is not a concern? It certainly remains so to victims.
We further accept that essentially humans are social animals that do operate well within a
formed group (e.g. family, friendship circles, tribes) and yet we have seen social grouping acting
in a manner that promotes aggression (e.g. gang membership, riots, organised crime syndicates,
terrorist groups). Underpinning the human ability to operate within a social group is our evolved
skill in being able to quickly place individuals into groups. Take, for example, the classic in-group
out-group hostility argument, where humans are thought to be aggressive towards those groups
they consider the out-group, with this aggressive tendency somehow determined by evolution.
Whereas it is certainly the case that out-groups can be targeted and become the victims of
aggression from the in-group, the ability and choice to display aggression towards the out-group
is arguably not part of the evolutionary process; evolution has developed our skill at placing other
humans into groups but not to display aggression towards them. Our ability to consider the use
of aggression towards the out-group is born of other factors, both internal to an individual (e.g.
personality, attribution biases) and external (e.g. environmental factors, such as scarce resources).
Regardless of the debates that can be had, one undefeated acceptance is that human aggression
is a universal behaviour unrestricted by age or sex and one that takes a number of different
forms, appearing across a range of contexts. It is not inevitable, but it is a behaviour all are
capable of engaging in. Consequently, it is a topic that continues to fascinate scholars and
practitioners interested in understanding aggression, in reducing its occurrence and in trying to
limit the effects.
There have been significant advances made in the last 60 years with regards to how we
conceptualise, assess and treat aggression. For example, there has been a move away from
focusing purely on more direct forms of aggression that are easily defined (e.g. physical, sexual,
verbal) to the subtler forms of indirect aggression. Certain areas that have seen considerable
development in the last 15 years include relationship and family violence, our understanding
of gang-related control and aggression and also sexual violence. More recently there has been
increased consideration and acceptance of gender-neutral understandings of aggression, leading
to more consideration of aggression by women. The use of the term human and not mankind
is adopted here for this very reason.
There has also been a move away from combining antisocial behaviour and aggression as if
they were shared concepts, which can lead to an over-focus on criminalised aggression. This is an
essential point to draw out – since when was aggression considered criminalised? There are many
arguments that can be developed to support the adaptive (and non-criminal) element of
aggression; humans are clearly the dominant species on Earth and therefore the most successful.
Aggression has not, however, been phased out from our evolution so it must clearly retain an
adaptive purpose and cannot be described universally as ‘maladaptive’. It is without doubt that
some societies use aggression less than others but regardless of this aggression is retained.
The answer concerning the criminalisation of aggression perhaps lies in how human society
has developed and where they have drawn moral lines concerning what is and what is not
acceptable aggression; assaulting someone in the context of anger is legally and morally wrong,
but what of a parent defending their child physically against an adult who is intent on causing
their child physical harm? Legally the issue would focus on defensive aggression and the
proportionality of the reaction to the aggression displayed in order to determine criminal action,
but morally is such aggression deemed acceptable? Most likely yes by the ‘common men [sic]’.
Indeed, it is the moral judgement of humankind that has perhaps become the true judge of the
acceptability or otherwise of human aggression. The moral lines evolve along with societies’
development. Take, for example, the following reference to the value of duels:

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 Preface

A man may shoot the man who invades his character, as he may shoot him who attempts to break
into his house.
—Samuel Johnson (1709–1784)

Making duels illegal acts is barely 100 years old in some locations and they were often attended
by hundreds of spectators. Their aim was to prove courage and settle arguments. They were also
conducted with their own codes and designated equipment. They occurred when there was a
view that Courts were unable to provide justice. One of the most notable duels was likely that
between the US vice-president, Aaron Burr, and a political opponent, Alexander Hamilton, in
1804 that led to the latter being killed. The thought of resolving such political matters through
an act of aggression in this manner would draw clear disdain and condemnation where words
are now preferred. Equally though, political disputes are clearly still sometimes resolved through
aggression (e.g. war, riots) whereas the notion of one individual being allowed to murder an
opponent with the blessing of society through the act of a duel is seemingly not.
Our Courts certainly now act as the arena where alleged infringements on character are
settled, allowing for action to be taken through other routes (e.g. slander, libel action). Equally,
individuals may pursue to correct character damage through other means such as social media
(e.g. tweeting retorts, blogging defences), all of which introduce the potential for arguably more
subtle aggression (e.g. harassment) but would not equate to the social acceptance for killing or
seriously injuring someone that was part of a duel.
But of course, the question is then how much have we really evolved? We may not engage
in socially accepted events such as duels, but we still settle infringements on character through
aggressive means but in a more uncontrolled fashion:

Certainly dueling is bad, and has been put down, but not quite so bad as its substitute — revolvers,
bowie knives, blackguarding, and street assassinations under the pretext of self-defense.
—Colonel Benton (1782–1858)

Interestingly, the increasing lack of acceptance of duels is considered in part to have coincided
with wars where many young men were lost, leading to society becoming less tolerant of the
further loss of young men. One could speculate here that acts of mass violence (i.e. war) were
actually indirectly adaptive in preventing some forms of individual violence by allowing humans
to protect a valuable reproductive asset; young men.
The last 30 years of aggression research have certainly seen more focus on trying to understand
how we can understand and define aggression across time, focusing more on the function that
this behaviour serves, both at an individual and societal level. It has also led to increased
consideration of specific groups that utilise aggression (e.g. gangs, terrorist groups), with
developed academic interest into these areas advancing considerably in the last decade.
Nevertheless, there is increased acceptance that this is not a topic restricted to ‘special groups’
and the ‘monsters’ that Primo Levi refers to, but rather aggression is a common issue not
restricted by population.
Of great importance is that no matter how much evolutionary success a species has, behaviours
that serve an adaptive purpose will remain. Aggression is arguably one such example of this and
our interest in trying to understand it will continue. The first step in achieving this may be to
place a hold temporarily on moral judgements of aggression since morality is a human condition.
Whether all humans wish to accept it or not we remain animals, part of a larger kingdom of
animals, animals that willfully use aggression for adaptive purposes without the gift of moral
judgement or empathic concern towards others or wider society. When a cat attacks a mouse,

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Preface

it is not considering the moral judgement of its actions but perhaps enjoying the base level
pleasure that is to be gained physiologically from aggression; humans, however, may seek
sometimes to remove themselves from other animals and vilify those that engage in aggression as
‘beasts’, ‘animals’ or ‘barbarians’. However, without ‘barbaric’ actions at some point along our
evolutionary development it would be difficult to see how humans could have advanced across
lands and secured resources from others. Nevertheless, we have a tendency to redraft ourselves
as ‘modern’ and not ‘barbaric’ but this does not absolve us of our responsibility to accept that we
will continue to use aggression and it will continue to have adaptive components for us.
Of course, with advanced cognitive development and a well-honed sense of self and others,
humans are certainly allowed to distance themselves from other animals, but not to the point
where we fail to recognise that aggressive potential is within all animals, regardless of our
evolutionary success in adaptation. Indeed, this is captured well by Primo Levi again who notes
the importance of remembering our capabilities for aggression:

We must be listened to: above and beyond our personal experience, we have collectively witnessed
a fundamental unexpected event, fundamental precisely because unexpected, not foreseen by
anyone. It happened, therefore it can happen again: this is the core of what we have to say. It can
happen, and it can happen everywhere.
—Primo Levi (1919–1987)

The Routledge International Handbook of Human Aggression simply serves to highlight our
understanding of aggression by focusing on one of the most interesting species in this regard –
humans. It seeks to outline how aggression can be enacted and judged by humans and human
societies, and how we can perhaps further our continued evolutionary adaption towards more
peaceful actions in circumstances where our aggression is not the most or only adaptive choice.
Human aggression is clearly, therefore, a topic of broad appeal with much left to study and
understand regarding its development, maintenance and resolution. The need to capture the
developments we have made in a text that covers the breadth of contexts where aggression
occurs is consequently essential. The Routledge International Handbook of Human Aggression seeks
to do this by presenting current opinions on core aspects of relevance to the field that will serve,
we hope, as an up-to-date resource for academics and practitioners working in this area. It aims
to achieve this through five sections, four that build around general and core areas of developed
study and practice (i.e. understandings of general aggression; bullying across contexts; relationship
and family violence; sexual aggression) and one capturing more contemporary issues of topical
interest such as understanding and appreciating victim responses, considering gang membership,
media influence and terrorist activities.
The ultimate aim of the Routledge International Handbook of Human Aggression is to promote
thoughtful reflection and a critical review of the field to allow us to continue our growth of
knowledge concerning how humankind can engage in aggression and/or allow aggression to
occur.

References
Levi, P. (1947). If This Is Man. Originally published by De Silva and translated into English in 1959. [See also
Levi, P. (2005). The Black Hole of Auschwitz. Edited by Marco Belpoliti, Translated by Sharon Wood.
Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.]
Samuel Johnson quote: see Krystal, A. (2007). ‘En Garde! The history of duelling’, March 12. New Yorker.
www.newyorker.com/magazine/2007/03/12 accessed 9 June 2017.
Colonel Benton quote: see ‘Duel and dueling’, The Encyclopedia Americana (1920). Chicago, IL.

xxviii
 Section I
Understanding general aggression
 1
The development of aggression in
childhood and adolescence
A focus on relationships

Debra J. Pepler

Research on the development of aggression highlights the central role of relationships in shaping
development. Children learn almost everything about themselves, others, and the world through
their experiences in relationships (National Scientific Council on the Developing Child, 2004).
When children’s relationships fail to support their social-emotional development, aggressive
behaviour patterns become consolidated and sustained across time and settings. Emerging
research reveals the complex ways in which children’s experiences become embedded in their
biology. Therefore, to understand the development of aggression, we need a binocular perspec-
tive, integrating one lens focused on individual children’s development and another lens focused
on the way in which others interact with children, creating the context for development (Pepler,
2006). This chapter starts with a consideration of the biological foundations for children’s devel-
opment, followed by a focus on the role of relationships in the development of aggression.
Observational and other research sheds light on what does and does not develop in the contexts
of the family, peer group, and school. The focus on relationships provides a window into the
complex and dynamic mechanisms that shape the development of aggression.

Theoretical perspectives on the development of aggression

The theoretical and empirical foundations for research on the development of aggression through
childhood and adolescence have expanded remarkably. Since 1994, when I co-authored a chapter
on the development of antisocial behaviour (Pepler & Slaby, 1994), there has been growing
understanding of the complex and dynamic interplay of biological, psychological, and social
processes that shape development. Research on what develops under the skin when children are
exposed to unpredictable, harsh, and stressful environments highlights biological processes under-
lying the development of aggression. Children’s biological inheritance is in constant interplay
with their experiences in relationships and together they shape not only children’s behavioural
style, but also their emotional character and physical health.
Based on an ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) or a developmental-contextual
perspective (Lerner, 1995), we have long recognised that children develop within influential
contexts including the family, school, peer group, neighbourhood, and broader society. In some

3
Debra J. Pepler

contexts, such as the family, children do not actively choose their relationships. In other contexts,
such as the peer group, children are freer to choose – and tend to gravitate to people, activities,
and settings where they have positive rather than aversive experiences (Snyder, 2002). The social
development model specifies that strong social bonds and positive social development occur
when children and youth are raised with positive interactions, positive involvement, adequate
skills, and reinforcements for positive behaviours (Catalano & Hawkins, 1996). From an
evolutionary perspective, aggression can be adaptive for youth who are skilled in using it to
obtain goals with relatively little personal or interpersonal cost (Volk, Camilleri, Dane & Marini,
2012). These individuals are often bi-strategic in using both prosocial and aggressive strategies
to maintain dominance and status (Hawley & Vaughn, 2003). Varying theoretical perspectives
call into question aggression as a stable trait and suggest diverse pathways in the development of
aggression that depend, in part, on the social context in which aggression is exhibited.

Development through relationships

Two questions arise in considering the mechanisms in relationships through which children
develop aggression: (1) What relationship capacities need to develop and do not develop for these
children, and (2) What aggressive tendencies develop instead? Emotional and behavioural regula-
tion is the cornerstone of healthy development, because other capacities depend on regulation
(Eisenberg, Valiente & Eggum, 2010). When regulated, children can initiate and maintain pro-
social interactions, solve problems flexibly, and move toward a balance of autonomy and
relatedness. These behavioural relationship capacities are underpinned by social-cognitive
relationship capacities. As they come to understand others and relationships, children develop a
theory of mind – recognising that others have thoughts and feelings that underlie their behaviours.
With this capacity, children can perspective-take and become empathic, which are precursors to
compassion. At the same time, children develop a positive understanding of themselves: a sense
of self-worth, competence, and positive identity, recognising that they both matter to and belong
with others. They learn to engage morally with others and set boundaries to protect themselves.
Children internalise social-cultural norms: if norms favour prosocial behaviour over aggression,
they learn that is how they should behave and that is how others should treat them.
Children who grow up in dysregulated, hostile, neglectful, or stressful contexts seldom have
support to develop these critical relationship capacities. Instead, they develop aggressive behav-
ioural styles, which in the moment may be adaptive, but over time mitigate success at school, in
peer relationships, and as productive adults. Growing up in hostile or unpredictable relationships
also leads children to view others with hostile attributions. Rather than becoming connected
and bonded, these children are at risk of becoming alienated from critical positive relationships.
They drift toward relationships in which they are recognised and appreciated – within deviant
peer groups, gangs, and other marginalised groups. Prior to focusing on relationship processes, it
is important to consider the individual factors that place children at risk for the development of
aggression.

Individual characteristics that place children at risk for aggression

Epigenetic research has shattered beliefs that inherited biological attributes, such as genes or
temperament, are fixed, by revealing the dynamic, complex, and multi-level processes that
transform biological processes, such as gene expression (cf. Buschdorf & Meaney, 2015). Genes
set parameters for development, but their effects are shaped by the nature of children’s experiences.
For example, Naumova and colleagues (2016) examined whether epigenetic mechanisms were

4
 The development of aggression

involved in sustaining the effects of negative parenting. Mother–child dyads were followed over
15 years from middle childhood to adolescence and early adulthood. They found significant
associations between changes in offsprings’ perception of rejecting parenting from middle
childhood to adulthood and DNA methylation in the offsprings’ adult genomes. The findings
suggest that changes in methylation, which turns genes on or off, may be a mechanism linking
negative parenting and offsprings’ adaptation.
Research on gene–environment interactions highlights how children’s genetic vulnerability
can be exacerbated by challenging relationships. Liu, Li and Guo (2014) conducted a meta-
analysis of gene environment interactions in the development of delinquency and violence. They
found that genetic contributions to delinquency and violence could be explained by an environ-
mental triggering or suppressing process: when youth grow up in adverse social conditions, there
is a larger genetic contribution to the development of delinquency and violence. Conversely,
when youth grow up in favourable conditions with stronger attachments and social controls,
there is a smaller contribution by the genes linked to delinquency and violence.
Temperament has long been considered key in the development of aggression (Loeber &
Hay, 1997). Problems emerging in the first weeks and months of life can set up patterns of
interaction that persist through relationships and across contexts. For example, infants with
difficult temperaments are difficult to soothe and tend to be highly reactive. These children
present challenges for parents’ attempts to regulate and manage their behaviours. Vitaro and
colleagues found that a difficult temperament in infancy was positively related to reactive
aggression in kindergarten (Vitaro, Barker, Boivin, Brendgen & Trembley, 2006). In addition,
harsh parenting was related to the development of both reactive and proactive aggression.
Emerging research is clarifying how children’s experiences in relationships shape genetic
expression, which is integrally and dynamically linked to brain development (Meloni, 2014).
When children live in a chaotic or non-nurturing environment it can disrupt brain development,
neuronal functioning, and connectivity, which in turn may underlie the propensity to be
aggressive (Lösel & Farrington, 2012). Given the plasticity of development, these neural
disruptions can be ameliorated. In a study of aggressive children referred to the SNAP® program
(Stop Now and Plan program), Lewis and colleagues (2008) found that their brain activation
differed from that of non-aggressive children in the ventral and dorsal regions indicating poorer
executive functioning. Following treatment, children with behavioural improvements also
showed brain activity that was similar to the non-aggressive children, suggesting increased func-
tioning and connectivity had developed through the program. Both aggressive children and their
parents participate in the program and learn regulation and problem-solving skills; therefore,
changes may emerge simultaneously in the children, parents, and family context.

Relationships in the development of aggression

With increased understanding of what is happening under the skin when children are exposed
to adverse relationships, we next focus on what is happening in repeated interactions within
those relationships that shapes not only genetic expression and brain development, but also social
and emotional development. Focusing on the relationship experiences of children begins to
elucidate the dynamic mechanisms that shape the development of aggression within the proximal
contexts of the family, peer group, and school. We can consider what children are learning in
the moment that supports the development of skills and the capacity for relationships or,
conversely, undermines healthy development.
Baumrind (1991) identified two dimensions of parenting that promote optimal develop-
ment: providing responsive love and guiding, and setting expectations and limits for children’s

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Debra J. Pepler

behaviours. Research suggests that children require these forms of adult support across all contexts
(e.g., day-care, schools, community organisations, sports). In a review of protective processes,
Lösel and Farrington concluded that: “an emotionally warm, attentive, accepting, norm-oriented
supervising and structure-giving upbringing encourages the positive development of children”
(2012, p. S14). They note that these positive practices, which align with Baumrind’s model, also
mitigate the development of violence in the face of risk. Drawing from research on children’s
relationships across family, peer, and school contexts, we can begin to piece together a picture
of how relationship experiences accumulate to undermine healthy development and divert
children onto aggressive developmental pathways. As Dodge and colleagues (2009) noted, the
combination of child vulnerabilities and adverse social contexts sets up a developmental cascade
of failure and risk for antisocial and illegal behaviours. In the following section, the mechanisms
through which this developmental cascade occurs are considered.

What critical relationship capacities do not develop and what problematic

behaviours do develop through relationships?
Without the benefit of nurturing relationships, children may fail to develop capacities that are
essential for engaging in and sustaining positive relationships including: (1) a positive orientation
in relationships, (2) emotional and behavioural regulation, (3) prosocial behaviour and problem
solving, and (4) understanding of and concern for others. Next research is considered that points
to the failure of relationships to support the development of these capacities, which involves
not only children’s lack of skill development, but also how others support or fail to support
children’s healthy development, respond, and create processes that support the development of
aggression.

Positive orientation in relationships

To become effective social beings, children need to develop a positive orientation to others and
a sense of enjoyment in the company of others. Given reciprocity in relationships, others need
to think positively about and like being with these children (Pepler, 2006). The dynamic
mechanisms shown to undermine aggressive children’s positive experiences of relationships
within the family, peer group, and school are important.
Family processes. Children’s social lives begin with attachment processes to primary caregivers.
When children are well nurtured, they come to understand that they can trust others, give and
receive from others, and sustain relationships through disruptions. Parents’ behaviours shape
children’s perceptions of relationships, which in turn shape their cognitive, emotional, and
behavioural functioning in relationships (Moretti & Obsuth, 2013). Children who develop
aggression in the preschool years are likely to have insecure attachments with their parents
(Speltz, Deklyen & Greenberg, 1999). Buist and colleagues found similar links for adolescents
between negative experiences in relationships with their parents and aggressive and delinquent
behaviours (Buist, Deković, Meeus & van Aken, 2004). The links between negativity in the
mother–child relationship and children’s aggression can be bi-directional. Zadeh and colleagues
found that mothers’ negativity influenced children’s aggressive (externalising) behaviour over
time; however, the impact of children’s aggressive behaviours on mothers’ negativity was
stronger than the reciprocal effect. In addition, children’s influences on their mothers became
stronger as the children grew older (Zadeh, Jenkins & Pepler, 2010).
When parents and children do not have positive perceptions and relationships with each
other, their interactions become increasingly strained. Smith, Dishion, Shaw and Wilson (2015)

6
 The development of aggression

studied parents’ relational schemas regarding how they understand and react to their children’s
behaviours. With a negative schema, parents interpret children as purposefully provoking or
resisting them. Parents’ negative schemas were linked to coercive parent–child dynamics and to
children’s oppositional and aggressive behaviours five and six years later in middle childhood.
These findings suggest that when parents lack positive orientations in relationships with their
children, children become non-compliant and develop aggressive behaviour problems, perhaps
as a function of their own negative relational schemas. Trentacosta and Shaw (2008) found that
the effects of early parent–child relationship problems are long lasting: rejecting parenting in early
childhood predicted antisocial behaviour in early adolescence.
Peer processes. Children are positively motivated to interact with peers even when they have
weak family attachments. In observations on the school playground, we found that aggressive
children initiated more interactions with their peers than non-aggressive children (Pepler, Craig
& Roberts, 1998). Contrary to expectations, aggressive children spent as much time as non-
aggressive children interacting with peers. Conversely, peers were equally interactive with
aggressive and non-aggressive children; however, aggressive children were more likely to respond
antisocially to peer initiations. In adolescence, aggressive youth tend to have friends with similar
antisocial attitudes and behaviours, leading to increases in antisocial behaviour through deviancy
training (Dishion, Spracklen, Andrews & Patterson, 1996). A similar process occurs as aggressive
youth seek romantic partners: both boys and girls who bully start dating earlier and are more
advanced in dating than non-bullying adolescents (Connolly, Pepler, Craig & Taradash, 2000).
Youth who bullied, however, view their friends and romantic partners less positively and equi-
tably than non-bullying youth (Connolly et al., 2000). In the case of peer relationships, therefore,
a positive orientation to peers may promote and maintain the development of aggression, rather
than mitigate it.
Although aggressive children may be eager to belong in a peer group, they are frequently
rejected by peers – their disruptive behaviours make it difficult for peers to like and play with
them. Aggressive children are frequently rejected by unfamiliar peers (Dodge, 1983). Their
physically and verbally aggressive behaviour, exclusion of peers, and inappropriate play may elicit
peer disliking. As with reciprocal effects in parent–child interactions – children’s aggression
exacerbates peer relationship problems and peer relationship problems exacerbate aggressive
children’s dysregulation and negative relationship schemas. When rejected, aggressive children
tend to drift to the margins of the social group, where they are accepted by other aggressive and
rejected children. Within this peer context, they tend to develop increasingly troublesome
behaviours through deviancy training (Dodge, Dishion & Lansford, 2006).
School processes. Aggressive children are generally unprepared for the academic, behavioural,
and social demands of school, leading to a range of problems. Aggressive children begin to
develop strained relationships with teachers starting at school entry and increasing over the
school year (Doumen et al., 2008). If students are not engaged with school and attached to
teachers, they tend to struggle academically, as well as socially, morally, and behaviourally
(Kuperminc, Leadbeater & Blatt, 2001). Aggressive behaviour problems may be both the cause
and consequence of weak bonds to school (Hoffman, Erickson & Spence, 2013). When students
are disengaged, their negative orientation may foster strained relationships with school staff and
peers alike. When teachers have a low preference for students, it leads not only to declining
grades, but also to increased loneliness at school (Mercer & DeRosier, 2008). The experiences
of being rejected by both staff and students may underlie youths’ disengagement. There is
mounting evidence that the process of disengagement starts at school entry and comprises the
primary developmental process that underlies antisocial behaviour, school failure, and dropout
rates (Hirschfeld & Gasper, 2011).

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Debra J. Pepler

Emotional and behavioural control

The ability to control emotions and behaviour develops through childhood and adolescence and
is essential for most activities, especially in times of stress. Aggressive children tend to have
limited capacity to regulate, which is elicited and impeded by complex relational processes
within the family, peer group, and school.
Family processes. Families that struggle to provide the essential elements of love and guidance
(Baumrind, 1991) tend to fail in scaffolding for children’s social-emotional development.
Through observational research, Patterson (1982) identified coercive processes as a key mechanism
in the development of aggression. In coercive processes, either the parents, children or both use
dysregulated and aversive behaviours to gain short-term control over the other’s behaviour. In
this dynamic, children act so disruptively that parents give up asking for compliance or parents
act so disruptively that children finally comply, at least momentarily. Patterson postulated that as
these coercive moment-to-moment interactions accumulate, children learn that sustaining
disruptive behaviours can be successful in getting parents to withdraw demands. With limited
guidance to develop emotional and behavioural regulation, children learn that aggression can be
effective. Parents learn that their children are increasingly difficult and better left alone or rejected,
at least in the moment. Granic and Lougheed (2016) revisited Patterson’s theory and proposed
that parents’ unpredictable switches between permissive and hostile responses elicit anxiety in
children, which in turn triggers aggressive behaviour. They note that as children move into peer
relationships and school, their difficulties in the family further exacerbate anxiety, which may
elicit aggressive outbursts that function to regulate distressing emotions.
Dysregulated parent–child dynamics have been identified in many studies of children’s
aggression. Becht and colleagues (2016) examined links between parents’ over-reactivity and
girls’ and boys’ trajectories of aggression and rule breaking from childhood to adolescence. They
defined over-reactive parenting as tendencies to respond with anger, frustration, and meanness
to children’s problem behaviour. They found three developmental trajectories for aggression:
low decreasing, high decreasing, and high increasing. Youth in the high increasing and high
decreasing aggression trajectory groups had parents with higher over-reactivity than those in the
low trajectory group. Becht and colleagues note that parents’ over-reactivity may create an
unpredictable and inconsistent environment for children. Consistent with coercion theory, they
noted that over-reactive parents may negatively reinforce children’s aggressive tendencies by
taking away demands when children respond to them with hostility, which predisposes children
to develop high levels of aggression over time.
Family interactions also contribute to children’s lack of self-regulation. Meldrum and col-
leagues (2016) studied boys’ self-control and aggression in relation to parents’ self-control and
ineffectiveness (harsh punishment and ability to structure for the child). They found that over
time mothers’ ineffective parenting was linked to their sons’ aggression through the boys’ low
levels of self-control. Furthermore, mothers’ self-control was not directly related to children’s
self-control, rather it was mediated through parenting ineffectiveness. Similar to mothers, fathers’
self-control was negatively related to effective parenting, but did not significantly relate to
boys’ self-control and aggression. From a developmental perspective, this study suggests that boys
fail to develop self-control because their mothers have low self-control, which makes them inef-
fective parents. In addition, mothers’ harsh punishment and lack of positive structuring was
linked to boys’ aggression.
Peer processes. Within peer groups, interactional processes can contribute to aggressive
children’s struggle to achieve emotional and behavioural regulation. Our observations revealed
that aggressive children have less predictable interaction styles than non-aggressive children

8
 The development of aggression

(Pepler et al., 1998). They exhibit more mixed behaviours in which they initiate an aggressive
(or prosocial) behaviour, fail to wait for a response, and immediately switch to a prosocial (or
aggressive) behaviour directed at a peer. With unpredictable switches between prosocial and
aggressive behaviours, classmates likely perceive aggressive children as difficult. Given aggressive
children’s dysregulated interactional style, other children may actively avoid playing with them,
eliciting subsequent feelings of rejection and shame that further compromise the development
of emotional and behavioural regulation.
As children move into peer relationships and school, their difficulties in these contexts can
further exacerbate anxiety in social interactions. Granic and Lougheed (2016) contend that when
children experience contempt from peers and subsequent shame, they often react with anger and
aggression. These reactive behaviours can serve to override distressing emotions of anxiety
and shame, thereby mitigating the development of emotional and behavioural regulation.
School processes. School readiness comprises three domains: emotional self-regulation, social
competence, and family/school involvement (Webster-Stratton, Jamila Reid & Stoolmiller,
2008). When children enter school, there are new, explicit expectations for emotional and
behavioural regulation. Children who exhibit aggressive behaviour upon school entry often lack
regulatory capacities for sustained attention and behavioural control, which are essential for
academic success. Aggressive children tend to be disruptive and engage in bullying behaviours
in the classroom (Atlas & Pepler, 1998). These troublesome behaviours may elicit increased
negative attention from both teachers and their classmates. For aggressive children at school, as
in the home, negative attention may be more reinforcing than no attention at all.
When children are genetically vulnerable to be aggressive, they are at increased risk for
relationship problems at school. Brendgen and colleagues (2011) found that children who were
genetically vulnerable to be aggressive were at risk of being victimised by their peers. Their
relationships with teachers moderated peer relationships. When aggressive children had posi-
tive relationships with teachers, they were less likely to be victimised by peers; when they had
high conflict and low closeness with teachers, they were more likely to be victimised by peers.
Brendgen and colleagues raised concern for the transactional nature of these relationship dynamics.
Children’s genetic vulnerability to be aggressive can elicit victimisation from peers, which may
lead to more aggression, creating vicious cycles of increasing mutual aggression between
vulnerable children and their peers.
There is growing evidence that experiences of victimisation can lead to bullying. Without
adequate emotional and behavioural regulation, children may be highly reactive when bullied,
which can lead to further victimisation and reactivity. We found a sequential relationship
between aggression and victimisation: when youth started to be victimised, they started to
become aggressive and bully others (Goldbaum, Craig, Pepler & Connolly, 2003). Children who
are chronically victimised may model aggressive strategies from those whom they view as more
powerful. Furthermore, they may begin to bully as a way of coping with the anxiety and hostility
elicited by being victimised.

Prosocial behaviour and problem solving

In her poem, Children Learn What They Live, Dorothy Law Nolte (1972), highlighted the central
role that relationship experiences play in children’s development: “If children live with criticism,
they learn to condemn. If children live with hostility, they learn to fight. . . . If children live with
sharing, they learn generosity . . . If children live with fairness, they learn justice.” In the follow-
ing section, we consider the challenges and dynamic mechanisms within the family, peer group,
and school that impede the development of prosocial behaviours and effective problem solving.

9
Debra J. Pepler

Family processes. Children growing up in dysfunctional families, with few models of prosocial
behaviour and positive problem solving, will learn what they live. Living with inter-parental
violence and child maltreatment are two cogent and stressful experiences that impact children.
Gustafsson and colleagues (2014) examined the relative influence of inter-parental violence and
physical maltreatment on children’s behaviour problems at school entry. They found that both
types of family violence had a unique negative influence on children’s functioning. It is likely
that both the modeling and the stress that children experience through family violence undermine
the development of prosocial behaviour and positive problem solving.
Ineffective problem solving often arises from inflexibility and negative dynamics. Granic and
colleagues assessed the problem-solving of mothers and aggressive children before and following
the SNAP® program (Granic, O’Hara, Pepler & Lewis, 2007). They compared dyads in which
children improved through treatment with those who did not improve. After treatment, dyads
in the non-improved group failed to show increases in flexible problem-solving, but increased in
time spent “stuck” in one emotional state. Although dyads in the improved group still expressed
negative emotions, they acquired skills to repair conflicts and to shift from negative interactions
to mutually positive patterns. In a complementary study assessing changes in aggressive children
through the SNAP® program, Lewis and colleagues (2008) found that children who had improved
through treatment showed a reduction in ventral prefrontal activation at the time when inhibitory
control was required. They speculated that for aggressive children with comorbid anxiety, the
anxiety-related mechanisms may be primary, with aggressive behaviour modulating anxiety.
With strained relationships, children may be unmotivated to interact prosocially and posi-
tively. Many have noted that children’s motivation to meet adults’ expectations depends on the
quality of their relationships. Kochanska and colleagues found that mothers’ responsiveness to
their children was linked to their children’s willingness to comply with requests (Kochanska,
Kim, Boldt & Yoon, 2013). When adults are attuned, children may have a sense of being rele-
vant and valued; therefore, respond appropriately to sustain adults’ positive regard. McKinnon
(2008) has written about this dynamic in his clinical work with substance-addicted youth. He
noted that until youth know that you “recognise”, value, and understand them, they are resistant
to clinical guidance.
Peer processes. Peer interactions can contribute to the lag in acquiring prosocial behaviours and
problem solving. Our observations of bullying provide evidence for peer dynamics that promote
aggressive behaviours, rather than prosocial ones. We found that peers were present in 85 per cent
of bullying episodes and they spent 75 per cent of the time paying attention to the child who was
bullying (Craig & Pepler, 1997). Peers played an active role in exacerbating aggression: when
a peer joins in bullying, the child who initiated the bullying becomes increasingly aggressive
and aroused (O’Connell, Pepler & Craig, 1999). Furthermore, negative peer influences are
bi-directional: bystanders are more likely to join bullying when incited by the child who initially
bullied (O’Connell, Pepler & Craig, 1999). In these ways, peers fail to contribute to prosocial
behaviours and are highly reinforcing of aggressive behaviours.
Peers tend to respond negatively toward aggressive children. Because aggressive children
initiate aggression more frequently than non-aggressive children, they are on the receiving end
of retaliation more often than peers (Pepler et al., 1998). Hence, aggressive children’s peer
interactions not only elicit and maintain antisocial behaviours, but also fail to promote prosocial
behaviours. At the margins of the peer group, aggressive children have restricted opportunities to
be with prosocial peers. Instead, they interact with other marginalised peers, who also tend
to be aggressive and disruptive. Having aggressive friends creates problems: youth who maintained
high levels of bullying over elementary and high school were significantly more likely than non-
bullying students to have friends who also bullied (Pepler, Jiang, Craig & Connolly, 2008).

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 The development of aggression

Similarly, Adams and colleagues found that highly aggressive children who had an aggressive
friend remained aggressive during the following year. Conversely, those who were initially
aggressive and had non-aggressive friends were less likely to be aggressive in the following year
(Adams, Bukowski & Bagwell, 2005). These findings are consistent with deviancy training
among aggressive children, but also suggest that non-aggressive friends can help promote the
development of prosocial behaviour and positive problem solving.
In their seminal review of negative peer influences, Dishion, McCord and Poulin (1999)
concluded that high-risk youth are susceptible to deviancy training with peers and that friendships
among deviant peers predict increases in delinquency, substance use, violence, and maladjustment
in adulthood. They highlighted two deviancy training mechanisms: problem behaviours increase
when youth are reinforced for deviant behaviour by peers; high-risk youth come to value
deviance and become increasingly motivated to engage in problem behaviour.
School processes. For children who have not developed prosocial behaviours and positive
problem solving, society depends on schools to be the socialising institutions and pick up where
parents left off. Children who lag in social-emotional development are at risk, not only because
of their deficits in a wide range of communication, social, and cognitive capacities, but also
because of the ways that others interact with them, further constraining them to a troubled
pathway.
Aggressive, disruptive and non-compliant children are difficult to teach and manage. When
teachers are not highly attuned to the needs of challenging children and mindful of their own
responses to these children, it may be especially difficult to support prosocial development. As
Boyce and colleagues (2012) have shown, teachers’ child-centred practices buffer the psychosocial
difficulties of children who are vulnerable. When teachers create supportive classroom climates
for vulnerable children, the deleterious effects of being marginalised within the peer group are
mitigated. These findings led Boyce and colleagues to call for “more supportive, egalitarian, and
generous social environments” (2012, p. 17171). In contrast, when teachers actively model low
liking of aggressive students, other classmates increase in their dislike and rejection of aggressive
students (Mercer & DeRosier, 2008). When actively rejected, aggressive children have few
opportunities and reinforcements to respond prosocially and effectively when confronted with
social problems. If aggressive children are further marginalised by being removed from mainstream
classrooms and aggregated in special “behavioural” classes, deviancy training tends to flourish
and students’ problem behaviours are exacerbated (Dodge et al., 2006).
As leaders in the classroom, teachers shape the social climate and students’ relationships. If the
classroom climate is negative, aggressive children may struggle to develop positive peer
relationships and the requisite social skills. In a longitudinal study, Sprott (2004) found that youth
who developed violent behaviours during early adolescence had often been in elementary school
classrooms with limited emotional support from teachers and classmates. School relationships,
however, can be protective and supportive for students with troubled family relationships if these
students can become engaged and develop a positive attitude and attachment to school (Sprott,
Jenkins & Doob, 2005).

Understanding of and concern for others

Children’s social understanding and concern for others develop through relational experiences
that help them gradually understand themselves and differentiate themselves from others (Hoffman,
2001). Children with aggressive behaviour problems often fail to develop positive expecta-
tions of others (Dodge, 2006) and the moral understanding that underlies positive behaviours
(Bandura, 1999). This section focuses on the dynamic mechanisms within the family, peer group,

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Debra J. Pepler

and school that may undermine aggressive children’s development of understanding and concern
for others.
Family processes. Dysfunctional family processes contribute to the development of a hostile
social-cognitive style (Dodge, 2006). In the early years, if attachment processes are disruptive,
children fail to develop trust and mutually positive interactions. With harsh punishment and
maltreatment, children learn that others cannot be relied on to interact positively, so they come
to expect hostile interactions. In these dynamics, parents not only model aggression, but may
also express hostile attributions about their children’s behaviours. Through ongoing hostile
interactions within the family, children come to interpret parents’ behaviours as arising from
hostile intent and then transfer these attributions to the behaviours of others. Longitudinal
research reveals that hostile attributional biases, developed in the early years at home, are linked
to aggressive behaviour problems many years later in school (Dodge, Pettit, Bates & Valente,
1995). It follows that if children learn that others are likely to be hostile, they tend to react with
hostility and aggression.
Moral understanding and concern for the impact of one’s behaviours on others develop
through childhood and adolescence. In the early years, children’s behaviours are regulated by
the expectations of adults. If they are raised with consistent modelling and expectations of what
is right and wrong, they come to understand these standards and behave accordingly (Bandura,
1999). In dysfunctional families with harsh parenting, inconsistent reinforcement patterns, and
limited scaffolding for social understanding, children lack critical building blocks for moral
reasoning and behaviour. As Bandura has described, moral disengagement develops when
children learn to: (1) justify their hurtful behaviour, (2) ignore or minimise the consequences of
their hurtful behaviour, and (3) attribute blame to the person whom they have hurt. As discussed
in the peer section next, the lack of understanding and concern for others can lead to bullying
and problems in peer relationships.
Children who live with inter-parental violence may learn that interpersonal aggression is both
justifiable and acceptable. In a study of children living in a shelter following exposure to intimate
partner violence, Jouriles and colleagues (2014) found that children’s beliefs about the justifiabil-
ity of aggression were positively associated over time with aggressive behaviour problems.
Children’s fears and worries about their mothers’ conflict with intimate partners also related to
their aggressive behaviour problems. Whereas some mothers are able to maintain positive par-
enting, others struggle under the burden of abuse. If abused mothers report frequently using
insults with their children, their children are three times more likely to have serious clinical
problems than children whose mothers never used insults (Moore & Pepler, 2006). When chil-
dren are chronically exposed to the stress of inter-parental hostility, they may be particularly
vulnerable to their mothers’ disparaging comments, leading to insecurity, self-blame, and acting
out behaviours.
Peer processes. In his early research on aggressive children’s social cognitive processes, Dodge
(1980) created scenarios in which a peer’s intent could be interpreted as hostile, benign, or
ambivalent. Compared to non-aggressive children, aggressive children interpreted ambivalent
behaviour as more hostile. Observations of aggressive children’s peer interactions suggest that
their tendency to infer hostile intent may reflect their lived experiences, which are relatively
more hostile than those of their non-aggressive peers. Although peers did not respond
differentially to the antisocial behaviours of aggressive and non-aggressive children, aggressive
children initiated more antisocial behaviours and, therefore, received more antisocial responses
(Pepler et al., 1998). Negative peer interaction dynamics on the school playground may
contribute to an understanding that aggression is one of the hazards of everyday life and useful
as a means for interpreting and solving social problems.

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 The development of aggression

When children lack understanding of others, they may be less able to synchronise their
behaviours within the peer group, adding to their peer relationship difficulties. In a longitudinal
study of the development of aggressive behaviour problems between grades 4 and 8, Ettekal and
Ladd (2015) found that children who were consistently high on both relational and physical
aggression had the most strained peer relationships, with few reciprocated friends and a high
likelihood of being rejected by peers. They noted that these children may have had social-
cognitive and emotional deficits. Without being able to interpret how peers perceived them and
adjust accordingly, they continued to behave aggressively to an extent that was not accepted by
peers. Ettekal and Ladd (2015) inferred that these children were not using aggression strategically
and beneficially. Furthermore, aggressive children’s peer relationships worsened over time, with
decreasing friendships and increasing levels of peer rejection, suggesting the bi-directional
relationship processes that cumulatively constrain aggressive children on a troubled pathway.
For aggressive children, the experience of being increasingly marginalised and isolated in
the peer group may contribute to their lack of social attunement and synchrony. Building on
Dodge’s research on hostile attributions, Downey and colleagues examined whether negative
attributions are motivated by children’s expectations of rejection by peers. They identified
“rejection sensitivity” as the defensive tendency to expect, readily interpret, and overreact to
social rejection (Downey, Lebolt, Rincón & Freitas, 1998). Over time, children who were
sensitive to rejection increased in disruptive, oppositional, and conflict behaviour. These children
had difficulties with both peers and teachers with increasing absences, suspensions, and disen-
gagement from school, as well as poorer grades. Aggressive children appear to develop a
hypervigilant and hostile perspective of those in their proximal environments, which arises from
their experiences within relationships.
Aggressive children may also develop strategies to disengage morally from their own hurtful
behaviours. Both Menesini and colleagues (2003) and Hymel and colleagues (2005) have shown
that children who bully reason with some of the moral disengagement strategies identified by
Bandura (1999). They are more likely to justify their hurtful behaviour by minimising personal
advantages (Menesini et al., 2003) and attribute blame to the person whom they have hurt
(Hymel, Rocke-Henderson & Bonanno, 2005). Bandura (1999) noted that the process of moral
disengagement is gradual; however, a consideration of the bi-directional peer processes that
marginalise and alienate aggressive children sheds light on the potential social and cognitive
mechanisms that underlie the entrenchment of aggressive behaviour problems.
School processes. As indicated previously, children who develop aggressive problems over the
early years may lag in their understanding and concern for others. At school entry, there is an
expectation that children will be ready not only academically, but also socially and emotionally.
Although schools provide systematic scaffolding for the development of literacy and numeracy
skills, the inclusion of specific supports for social-emotional learning is just beginning (Collaborative
for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning: CASEL, 2015). Without essential regulation,
attentional, and social skills, children with aggressive behaviours are likely to experience repeated
failure in both academic and social spheres. In contrast to their peers who move through school
relatively smoothly, children who lack the capacities for school performance fall increasingly
behind. With experiences of failure in these important life tasks, aggressive children are less likely
to become engaged not only in their studies, but also in protective relationships with teachers
and peers.
The process of disengaging from school cognitively, emotionally, and behaviourally unfolds
gradually over the school years. In a study examining engagement, delinquency, and school
dropout, Wang and Fredricks (2014) found that dropping out of school is predicted by lower
behavioural and emotional engagement and higher problem behaviours. As a result, the most

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Debra J. Pepler

vulnerable youth in society become truant and eventually drop out of school. The process of
disengagement leading to truancy and dropout is dynamic, bi-directional, and embedded in the
relationships at school. In a study of school leavers, Ferguson and colleagues (2005) found that
relationships figured prominently in students’ perceptions of why they dropped out of school.
Many youths who had dropped out reported receiving both direct and indirect messages from
principals, vice-principals, teachers, and guidance counsellors indicating that they were not
wanted in the school. Relationships with other students were also strained and perceived as
contributing to the process of disengagement. According to Ferguson and colleagues (2005),
“young people described troubled school cultures due to severe and ongoing bullying and
violence. When these issues were not clearly and swiftly addressed, students began the process
of skipping school, detentions, suspensions and early leaving” (p. 27). Given that children with
aggressive behaviour problems drift to the margins of the peer network, where they associate
with other marginalised children, it is not surprising that they develop hostile attributions about
their school experiences.

Conclusion
This chapter has aimed to build an understanding of the complex and dynamic processes that
contribute to the development of aggressive behaviour problems. Biological and social processes
interact inseparably to shape the development of aggression. With an increasingly comprehensive
understanding of the individual and relationship processes that contribute to the development
of aggressive behaviour problems, a critical question is what can be done to prevent and address
these problems. Interventions have come a long way in the last 30 years. In the 1980s, aggressive
children were perceived as “deficient in many of the social and social-cognitive skills required
for successful peer interactions” (Pepler, King & Byrd, 1991, p. 361); therefore, interventions
focused only on children to ‘fill them up’ with skills they were lacking. Current evidence-based
interventions for children with aggressive behaviour problems, such as the Stop Now and Plan
program (SNAP®; Augimeri et al., 2007) are developmental, systemic, and relational. There is a
widespread understanding that to sustain any improvement through treatment, changes in
developmental contexts and processes are essential.
Kazdin (1997) identified parent training as the most effective means of intervening with
aggressive children. The question then arises: Whose responsibility is it to support families in
effective child rearing and how is this best done? Many parents of aggressive children grew up
in strained and stressful families and lacked models of positive nurturing. If society failed them
by not providing safe and supportive contexts for their development, does the responsibility now
rest with society to support those who are struggling to raise healthy children? With a growing
understanding of how aggressive behaviour problems develop, there has been an increased focus
on the role of healthy relationships in promoting healthy development. In their article on the
critical role of nurturing environments for promoting human well-being, Biglan and colleagues
(2012) identified five communication and marketing strategies for broad social-cultural change.
These include:

1. Mobilizing relevant national organizations to influence local action, 2. Forging a widely

shared view of the societal change needed, 3. Using media to influence individual behaviour
and organizational and policy change, 4. Diffusing practices at the local level to support
change efficiently, and 5. Creating a surveillance system that focuses attention on the targeted
change and indicates what works and what does not.
p. 264

14
 The development of aggression

In Canada, the author and colleagues have worked collectively within a multi-sector national
network (Promoting Relationships to Eliminate Violence Network, PREVNet www.prevnet.
ca) to mobilise efforts that align with these five strategies for social change (Pepler et al., in press).
We have indications that our nationwide collaborative efforts over the past 10 years are beginning
to prevent and address aggressive behaviour problems: the proportion of students who report
bullying others has decreased by 62 per cent and the proportion of students who report both
bullying others and being victimised has dropped by 44 per cent. The proportion of students
who report being victimised, however, has increased by 16 per cent over this time (Craig, Lambe
& McIver, 2016).
A focus on relationships highlights the potential moment-to-moment experiences in the lives
of children with aggressive behaviour problems that either engage and support their positive
development or accumulate to alienate them and enable them to drift away from potentially
protective relationships. Over the past few decades there have been great strides in research and
practice related to the development of aggression and the rates of youth violence have decreased.
Nevertheless, there are children and youth in society who are vulnerable and often very
challenging. These are the children who need to be identified early and supported across all
contexts in their lives, with both nurturance and guidance to promote their social-emotional
development and their capacity to engage in healthy relationships for healthy development
through the lifespan.

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Research, 92: 86–99.
Augimeri, L. K., Farrington, D. P., Koegl, C. J., and Day, D. M. (2007). ‘The SNAP® Under 12 Outreach
Project: Effects of a community based program for children with conduct problems’. Journal of Child and
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Boyce, W. T., Obradović, J., Bush, N. R., Stamperdahl, J., Kim, Y. S., and Adler, N. (2012). ‘Social
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the National Academy of Sciences, 109: 17168–17173.
Brendgen, M., Boivin, M., Dionne, G., Barker, E. D., Vitaro, F., Girard, A., Tremblay, R., and Pérusse,
D. (2011). ‘Gene–environment processes linking aggression, peer victimization, and the teacher–child
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Brendgen, M., Girard, A., Vitaro, F., Dionne, G., and Boivin, M. (2015). ‘Gene-environment correlation
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Buist, K. L., Deković, M., Meeus, W., and van Aken, M. A. (2004). ‘The reciprocal relationship between
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Buschdorf, J. P. and Meaney, M. J. (2015). ‘Epigenetics/programming in the HPA axis’. Comprehensive
Physiology, 6: 87–110.

15
Debra J. Pepler

Catalano, R. F. and Dawkins, J. D. (1996). ‘The social development model: A theory of antisocial behavior’.
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Dishion, T. J., Spracklen, K. M., Andrews, D. W., and Patterson, G. R. (1996). ‘Deviancy training in male
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Dodge, K. A. (1983). ‘Behavioral antecedents of peer social status’. Child Development, 54: 1386–1399.
Dodge, K. A. (2006). ‘Translational science in action: Hostile attributional style and the development of
aggressive behaviour problems’. Development and Psychopathology, 18: 791–814.
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Dodge, K. A., Malone, P. S., Lansford, J. E., Miller, S., Pettit, G. S., and Bates, J. E. (2009). ‘A dynamic
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Dodge, K. A., Pettit, G. S., Bates, J. E., and Valente, E. (1995). ‘Social information-processing patterns
partially mediate the effect of early physical abuse on later conduct problems’. Journal of Abnormal
Psychology, 104: 632–643.
Doumen, S., Verschueren, K., Buyse, E., Germeijs, V., Luyckx, K., and Soenens, B. (2008). ‘Reciprocal
relations between teacher–child conflict and aggressive behavior in kindergarten: A three-wave
longitudinal study’. Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology, 37: 588–599.
Downey, G., Lebolt, A., Rincón, C., and Freitas, A. L. (1998). ‘Rejection sensitivity and children’s
interpersonal difficulties’. Child Development, 69: 1074–1091.
Eisenberg, N., Valiente, C., and Eggum, N. D. (2010). ‘Self-regulation and school readiness’. Early
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trajectories on peer rejection, acceptance, and friendships: Variations by aggression subtypes, gender,
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Child Psychology, 35: 845–857.
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29: 773–781.
Hawley, P. H. and Vaughn, B. E. (2003). ‘Aggression and adaptive functioning: The bright side to bad
behaviour’. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 49: 239–242.

16
 The development of aggression

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18
The development of aggression in childhood and adolescence
Adams, R. E. , Bukowski, W. M. , and Bagwell, C. (2005). ‘Stability of aggression during early adolescence
as moderated by reciprocated friendship status and friend’s aggression’. International Journal of Behavioural
Development, 29: 139–145.
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Educational Research, 92: 86–99.
Augimeri, L. K. , Farrington, D. P. , Koegl, C. J. , and Day, D. M. (2007). ‘The SNAP® Under 12 Outreach
Project: Effects of a community based program for children with conduct problems’. Journal of Child and
Family Studies, 16: 799–807.
Bandura, A. (1999). ‘Moral disengagement in the perpetration of inhumanities’. Personality and Social
Psychology Review, 3: 193–209.
Baumrind, D. (1991). ‘The influence of parenting style on adolescent competence and substance use’. The
Journal of Early Adolescence, 11: 56–95.
Becht, A. I. , Prinzie, P. , Dekovic´, M. , Van den Akker, A. L. , and Shiner, R. L. (2016). ‘Child personality
facets and overreactive parenting as predictors of aggression and rule-breaking trajectories from childhood
to adolescence’. Development and Psychopathology, 28: 399–413.
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(2011). ‘Gene–environment processes linking aggression, peer victimization, and the teacher–child
relationship’. Child Development, 82: 2021–2036.
Brendgen, M. , Girard, A. , Vitaro, F. , Dionne, G. , and Boivin, M. (2015). ‘Gene-environment correlation
linking aggression and peer victimization: Do classroom behavioural norms matter?’ Journal of Abnormal
Child Psychology, 43: 19–31.
Buist, K. L. , Dekovic´, M. , Meeus, W. , and van Aken, M. A. (2004). ‘The reciprocal relationship between
early adolescent attachment and internalizing and externalizing problem behaviour’. Journal of Adolescence,
27: 251–266.
Buschdorf, J. P. and Meaney, M. J. (2015). ‘Epigenetics/programming in the HPA axis’. Comprehensive
Physiology, 6: 87–110.
Catalano, R. F. and Dawkins, J. D. (1996). ‘The social development model: A theory of antisocial behavior’.
In J. D. Dawkins (Ed.), Delinquency and Crime: Current Theories. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
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Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional, Learning (CASEL ). ‘Policy recommendations to sustain
SEL’. Retrieved on February 17, 2015 from www.casel.org/policy/recommendations
Connolly, J. , Pepler, D. , Craig, W. , and Taradash, A. (2000). ‘Dating experiences of bullies in early
adolescence’. Child Maltreatment, 5: 299–310.
Craig, W. and Pepler, D. (1997). ‘Observations of bullying and victimization in the schoolyard’. Canadian
Journal of School Psychology, 2: 41–60.
Craig, W. , Lambe, L. , and McIvor, T. (2016). ‘Bullying and fighting’. In J. G. Freeman , M. King , and W.
Pickett (Eds), Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children (HBSC) in Canada: Focus on Relationships. Public
Health Agency Canada. Retrieved from http://healthycanadians.gc.ca/publications/science-research-
sciences-recherches/health-behaviour-children-canada-2015-comportements-sante-jeunes/index-eng.php
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Dishion, T. J. , Spracklen, K. M. , Andrews, D. W. , and Patterson, G. R. (1996). ‘Deviancy training in male
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Dodge, K. A. (1980). ‘Social cognition and children’s aggressive behavior’. Child Development, 51: 162–170.
Dodge, K. A. (1983). ‘Behavioral antecedents of peer social status’. Child Development, 54: 1386–1399.
Dodge, K. A. (2006). ‘Translational science in action: Hostile attributional style and the development of
aggressive behaviour problems’. Development and Psychopathology, 18: 791–814.
Dodge, K. A. , Dishion, T. J. , and Lansford, J. E. (2006). ‘Deviant peer influences in intervention and public
policy for youth’. Social Policy Report, 20.
Dodge, K. A. , Malone, P. S. , Lansford, J. E. , Miller, S. , Pettit, G. S. , and Bates, J. E. (2009). ‘A dynamic
cascade model of the development of substance use onset’. Monograph of the Society for Research in Child
Development, 74: vii–119.
Dodge, K. A. , Pettit, G. S. , Bates, J. E. , and Valente, E. (1995). ‘Social information-processing patterns
partially mediate the effect of early physical abuse on later conduct problems’. Journal of Abnormal
Psychology, 104: 632–643.
Doumen, S. , Verschueren, K. , Buyse, E. , Germeijs, V. , Luyckx, K. , and Soenens, B. (2008). ‘Reciprocal
relations between teacher–child conflict and aggressive behavior in kindergarten: A three-wave longitudinal
study’. Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology, 37: 588–599.
Downey, G. , Lebolt, A. , Rincón, C. , and Freitas, A. L. (1998). ‘Rejection sensitivity and children’s
interpersonal difficulties’. Child Development, 69: 1074–1091.
Eisenberg, N. , Valiente, C. , and Eggum, N. D. (2010). ‘Self-regulation and school readiness’. Early
Education and Development, 21: 681–698.
Ettekal, I. and Ladd, G. W. (2015). ‘Costs and benefits of children’s physical and relational aggression
trajectories on peer rejection, acceptance, and friendships: Variations by aggression subtypes, gender, and
age’. Developmental Psychology, 51: 1756–1770.
Ferguson, B. , Tilleczek, K. , Boydell, K. , Rummens, J. A. , Edney, D. R. , and Michaud, J. (2005). Early
School Leavers: Understanding the Lived Reality of Student Disengagement from Secondary School. Report
submitted to the Ontario Ministry of Education and Training, Special Education Branch.
Goldbaum, S. , Craig, W. M. , Pepler, D. , and Connolly, J. (2003). ‘Developmental trajectories of
victimization: Identifying risk and protective factors’. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 19: 139–156.
Granic, I. and Lougheed, J. P. (2016). ‘The role of anxiety in coercive family processes with aggressive
children’. In The Oxford Handbook of Coercive Relationship Dynamics. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press,
p. 231.
Granic, I. , O’Hara, A. , Pepler, D. , and Lewis, M. D. (2007). ‘A dynamic systems analysis of parent–child
changes associated with successful “real-world” interventions for aggressive children’. Journal of Abnormal
Child Psychology, 35: 845–857.
Gustafsson, H. C. , Barnett, M. A. , Towe-Goodman, N. R. , Mills-Koonce, W. R. , Cox, M. J. , and Family
Life Project Key Investigators. (2014). ‘Family violence and children’s behaviour problems: Independent
contributions of intimate partner and child-directed physical aggression’. Journal of Family Violence, 29:
773–781.
Hawley, P. H. and Vaughn, B. E. (2003). ‘Aggression and adaptive functioning: The bright side to bad
behaviour’. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 49: 239–242.
Hirschfield, P. J. and Gasper, J. (2011). ‘The relationship between school engagement and delinquency in
late childhood and early adolescence’. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 40: 3–22.
Hoffman, M. L. (2001). ‘Toward a comprehensive empathy-based theory of prosocial moral development’. In
A. C. Bohart and D. J. Stipek (Eds), Constructive and Destructive Behaviour: Implications for Family, School,
and Society. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, pp. 61–86.
Hoffmann, J. P. , Erickson, L. D. , and Spence, K. R. (2013). ‘Modeling the association between academic
achievement and delinquency: An application of interactional theory’. Criminology, 51: 629–660.
Hymel, S. , Rocke-Henderson, N. , and Bonanno, R. A. (2005). ‘Moral disengagement: A framework for
understanding bullying among adolescents’. Journal of Social Sciences, 8: 1–11.
Jouriles, E. N. , Vu, N. L. , McDonald, R. , and Rosenfield, D. (2014). ‘Children’s appraisals of conflict, beliefs
about aggression, and externalizing problems in families characterized by severe intimate partner violence’.
Journal of Family Psychology, 28: 915–924.
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