Unit 2

Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development.

Poet Nora Perry asks, “Who knows the thoughts of a child?” As much as anyone, Piaget knew. Th
rough careful observations of his own three children—Laurent, Lucienne, and Jacqueline— and
observations of and interviews with other children, Piaget reached ground-breaking conclusions
regarding the ways children think about the world. Piaget’s theory is a general, unifying story of how
biology and experience sculpt cognitive development. Piaget thought that, just as our physical
bodies have structures that enable us to adapt to the world, we build mental structures that help us
adapt to the world. Adaptation involves adjusting to new environmental demands. Piaget stressed
that children actively construct their own cognitive worlds; information is not just poured into their
minds from the environment. He sought to discover how children at different points in their
development think about the world and how systematic changes in their thinking occur. PROCESSES
OF DEVELOPMENT What processes do children use as they construct their knowledge of the world?
Piaget developed several concepts to answer this question; especially important among them are
schemes, assimilation, accommodation, organization, equilibrium, and equilibration. Schemes As the
infant or child seeks to construct an understanding of the world, said Piaget (1954), the developing
brain creates schemes. Th ese are actions or mental representations that organize knowledge. In
Piaget’s theory, behavioral schemes (physical activities) characterize infancy and mental schemes
(cognitive activities) develop in childhood (Lamb, Bornstein, & Teti, 2002). A baby’s schemes are
structured by simple actions that can be performed on objects, such as sucking, looking, and
grasping. Older children have schemes that include strategies and plans for solving problems. By the
time we have reached adulthood, we have constructed an enormous number of diverse schemes,
ranging from driving a car to balancing a budget to the concept of fairness. Assimilation and
Accommodation To explain how children use and adapt their schemes, Piaget offered two concepts:
assimilation and accommodation. Assimilation occurs when children use their existing schemes to
deal with new information or experiences. Th ink about a toddler who has learned to use the word
car to identify the family’s car. Th e toddler might call all moving vehicles on roads “cars,” including
motorcycles and trucks; the child has assimilated these objects to his or her existing scheme.
Accommodation occurs when children adjust their schemes to take account of new information and
experiences. Th e child soon learns that motorcycles and trucks are not cars and fi ne-tunes the
category to exclude motorcycles and trucks, accommodating the scheme. Assimilation and
accommodation operate even in very young infants. Newborns reflexively suck everything that
touches their lips; they assimilate all sorts of objects into their sucking scheme. By sucking different
objects, they learn about their taste, texture, shape, and so on. After several months of experience,
though, they construct their understanding of the world differently. Some objects, such as fingers
and the mother’s breast, can be sucked, and others, such as fuzzy blankets, should not be sucked. In
other words, they accommodate their sucking scheme. Organization To make sense of their world,
said Piaget, children cognitively organize their experiences. Organization in Piaget’s theory is the
grouping of isolated behaviors and thoughts into a higher-order system. Continual refinement of this
organization is an inherent part of development. A child who has only a vague idea about how to use
a hammer may also have a vague idea about how to use other tools. After learning how to use each
one, the child relates these uses, organizing his knowledge. Equilibration and Stages of Development
Assimilation and accommodation always take the child to a higher ground, according to Piaget. In
trying to understand the world, the child inevitably experiences cognitive conflict, or disequilibrium.
That is, the child constantly encounters inconsistencies and counterexamples to his or her existing
schemes. For example, if a child believes that pouring water from a short and wide container into a
tall and narrow container changes the amount of water, then the child might be puzzled by where
the “extra” water came from and whether there is actually more water to drink. The puzzle creates
disequilibrium; for Piaget, an internal search for equilibrium creates motivation for change. The child
assimilates and accommodates, adjusting old schemes, developing new schemes, and organizing and
reorganizing the old and new schemes. Eventually, the organization is fundamentally different from
the old organization; it is a new way of thinking. In short, according to Piaget, children constantly
assimilate and accommodate as they seek equilibrium. Th ere is considerable movement between
states of cognitive equilibrium and disequilibrium as assimilation and accommodation work in
concert to produce cognitive change. Equilibration is the name Piaget gave to this mechanism by
which children shift from one stage of thought to the next. Th e result of these processes, according
to Piaget, is that individuals go through four stages of development. A different way of
understanding the world makes each stage more advanced than the previous one. Cognition is
qualitatively different in one stage compared with another. In other words, the way children reason
at one stage is different from the way they reason at another stage. Figure 6.1 provides a brief
description of the four Piagetian stages. SENSORIMOTOR STAGE Th e sensorimotor stage lasts from
birth to about 2 years of age. In this stage, infants construct an understanding of the world by
coordinating sensory experiences (such as seeing and hearing) with physical, motoric actions—hence
the term “sensorimotor.” At the beginning of this stage, newborns have little more than reflexes
with which to work. By the end of the sensorimotor stage, 2-year-olds can produce complex
sensorimotor patterns and use primitive symbols.

Substages Piaget divided the sensorimotor stage into six substages: (1) simple reflexes; (2) first
habits and primary circular reactions; (3) secondary circular reactions; (4) coordination of secondary
circular reactions; (5) tertiary circular reactions, novelty, and curiosity; and (6) internalization of
schemes. Simple reflexes, the first sensorimotor substage, corresponds to the first month After birth.
In this substage, sensation and action are coordinated primarily through reflexive behaviors, such as
rooting and sucking. Soon the infant produces behaviors that resemble reflexes in the absence of the
usual stimulus for the reflex. For example, a newborn will suck a nipple or bottle only when it is
placed directly in the baby’s mouth or touched to the lips. But soon the infant might suck when a
bottle or nipple is only nearby. Even in the first month of life, the infant is initiating action and
actively structuring experiences. First habits and primary circular reactions is the second
sensorimotor substage, which develops between 1 and 4 months of age. In this substage, the infant
coordinates sensation and two types of schemes: habits and primary circular reactions. A habit is a
scheme based on a reflex that has become completely separated from its eliciting stimulus. For
example, infants in substage 1 suck when bottles are put to their lips or when they see a bottle.
Infants in substage 2 might suck even when no bottle is present. A circular reaction is a repetitive
action. A primary circular reaction is a scheme based on the attempt to reproduce an event that
initially occurred by chance. For example, suppose an infant accidentally sucks his fingers when they
are placed near his mouth. Later, he searches for his fingers to suck them again, but the fingers do
not cooperate because the infant cannot coordinate visual and manual actions. Habits and circular
reactions are stereotyped—that is, the infant repeats them the same way each time. During this
substage, the infant’s own body remains the infant’s centre of attention. Th ere is no outward pull by
environmental events. Secondary circular reactions is the third sensorimotor substage, which
develops between 4 and 8 months of age. In this substage, the infant becomes more object
oriented, moving beyond preoccupation with the self. The infant’s schemes are not intentional or
goal-directed, but they are repeated because of their consequences. By chance, an infant might
shake a rattle. The infant repeats this action for the sake of its fascination. This is a secondary
circular reaction: an action repeated because of its consequences. The infant also imitates some
simple actions, such as the baby talk or burbling of adults, and some physical gestures. However, the
baby imitates only actions that she is already able to produce Coordination of secondary circular
reactions is Piaget’s fourth sensorimotor substage, which develops between 8 and 12 months of age.
To progress into this substage, the infant must coordinate vision and touch, hand and eye. Actions
become more outwardly directed. Significant changes during this substage involve the coordination
of schemes and intentionality. Infants readily combine and recombine previously learned schemes in
a coordinated way. They might look at an object and grasp it simultaneously, or they might visually
inspect a toy, such as a rattle, and finger it simultaneously, exploring it tactilely. Actions are even
more outwardly directed than before. Related to this coordination is the second achievement— the
presence of intentionality. For example, infants might manipulate a stick in order to bring a desired
toy within reach, or they might knock over one block to reach and play with another one. Tertiary
circular reactions, novelty, and curiosity is Piaget’s fifth sensorimotor substage, which develops
between 12 and 18 months of age. In this substage, infants become intrigued by the many
properties of objects and by the many things that they can make happen to objects. A block can be
made to fall, spin, hit another object, and slide across the ground. Tertiary circular reactions are
schemes in which the infant purposely explores new possibilities with objects, continually doing new
things to them and exploring the results. Piaget says that this stage marks the starting point for
human curiosity and interest in novelty. Internalization of schemes is Piaget’s sixth and final
sensorimotor substage, which develops between 18 and 24 months of age. In this substage, the
infant develops the ability to use primitive symbols. For Piaget, a symbol is an internalized sensory
image or word that represents an event. Primitive symbols permit the infant to think about concrete
events without directly acting them out or perceiving them. Moreover, symbols allow the infant to
manipulate and transform the represented events in simple ways. In a favourite Piagetian example,
Piaget’s young daughter saw a matchbox being opened and closed. Later, she mimicked the event by
opening and closing her mouth. This was an obvious expression of her image of the event. A
summary of Piaget’s six substages of sensorimotor development is shown in Figure 6.2. Object
Permanence Imagine how chaotic and unpredictable your life would be if you could not distinguish
between yourself and your world. This is what the life of a newborn must be like, according to
Piaget. Th ere is no differentiation between the self and world; objects have no separate, permanent
existence.

By the end of the sensorimotor period, objects are both separate from the self and permanent.
Object permanence is the understanding that objects continue to exist even when they cannot be
seen, heard, or touched. Acquiring the sense of object permanence is one of the infant’s most
important accomplishments, according to Piaget. How can anyone know whether an infant has a
sense of object permanence? Th e principal way that object permanence is studied is by watching an
infant’s reaction when an interesting object disappears (see Figure 6.3). If infants search for the
object, it is assumed that they believe it continues to exist. Object permanence is just one of the
basic concepts about the physical world developed by babies. To Piaget, children, even infants, are
much like little scientists, examining the world to see how it works. How can this view of children’s
development be assessed? Th e Connecting with Research interlude describes some of the ways in
which adult scientists try to discover what these “baby scientists” are finding out about the world.
Evaluating Piaget’s Sensorimotor Stage Piaget opened up a new way of looking at infants with his
view that their main task is to coordinate their sensory impressions with their motor activity.
However, the infant’s cognitive world is not as neatly packaged as Piaget portrayed it, and some of
Piaget’s explanations for the cause of change are debated. In the past several decades, sophisticated
experimental techniques have been devised to study infants, and there have been a large number of
research studies on infant development. Much of the new research suggests that Piaget’s view of
sensorimotor development needs to be modified (Baillargeon, 2014; Diamond, 2013; Johnson, 2012,
2013). The A-Not-B Error One modification concerns Piaget’s claim that certain processes are crucial
in transitions from one stage to the next. The data do not always support his explanations. For
example, in Piaget’s theory, an important feature in the progression into substage 4, coordination of
secondary circular reactions, is an infant’s inclination to search for a hidden object in a familiar
location rather than to look for the object in a new location. For example, if a toy is hidden twice,
initially at location A and subsequently at location B, 8- to 12-month-old infants search initially and
correctly at location A. But, when the toy is subsequently hidden at location B, they make the
mistake of continuing to search for it at location A. A-not-B error (also called AB error) is the term
used to describe this common mistake. Older infants are less likely to make the A-not-B error
because their concept of object permanence is more complete. Researchers have found, however,
that the A-not-B error does not show up consistently (Sophian, 1985). Th e evidence indicates that A-
not-B errors are sensitive to the delay between hiding the object at B and the infant’s attempt to
find it (Diamond, 1985). Th us, the A-not-B error might be due to a failure in memory. Another
explanation is that infants tend to repeat a previous motor behavior (Clearfield & others, 2006).
Perceptual Development and Expectations A number of theorists, such as Eleanor Gibson (2001) and
Elizabeth Spelke (2011), argue that infants’ perceptual abilities are highly developed very early in
life. Spelke argues that young infants interpret the world as having predictable occurrences. For
example, in Chapter 5, “Motor, Sensory, and Perceptual Development,” you read about research
that demonstrated the presence of intermodal perception—the ability to coordinate information
from two or more sensory modalities, such as vision and hearing—by 3½ months of age, much
earlier than Piaget would have predicted (Spelke & Owsley, 1979). Research also suggests that
infants develop the ability to understand how the world works at a very early age (Baillargeon, 2014;
Baillargeon & Carey, 2012; Scott & Baillargeon, 2013; Spelke, Bernier, & Snedeker, 2013). For
example, what kinds of expectations do infants form? Are infants born expecting the world to obey
basic physical laws, such as gravity, or if not, then when do they learn about how the world works?
Experiments by Elizabeth Spelke (1991, 2000; Spelke & Hespos, 2001) have addressed these
questions. She placed babies before a puppet stage and showed them a series of actions that are
unexpected if you know how the physical world works—for example, one ball seemed to roll
through a solid barrier, another seemed to leap between two platforms, and a third appeared to
hang in midair (Spelke, 1979). Spelke measured and compared the babies’ looking times for
unexpected and expected actions. She concluded that by 4 months of age, even though infants do
not yet have the ability to talk about objects, move around objects, manipulate objects, or even see
objects with high resolution, they expect objects to be solid and continuous. However, at 4 months
of age, infants do not expect an object to obey gravitational constraints (Spelke & others, 1992).
Similarly, research by Renée Baillargeon (1995, 2004, 2014; Baillargeon & others, 2011, 2012)
documents that infants as young as 3 to 4 months expect objects to be substantial (in the sense that
other objects cannot move through them) and permanent (in the sense that objects continue to
exist when they are hidden). In sum, researchers such as Baillargeon and Spelke conclude that
infants see objects as bounded, unitary, solid, and separate from their background, possibly at birth
or shortly thereaft er, but defi nitely by 3 to 4 months of age—much earlier than Piaget envisioned.
Young infants still have much to learn about objects, but the world appears both stable and orderly
to them. The Nature-Nurture Issue In considering the big issue of whether nature or nurture plays
the more important role in infant development, Elizabeth Spelke (Hyde & Spelke, 2012; Spelke,
2003, 2011; Spelke, Bernier, & Snedeker, 2013) comes down clearly on the side of nature. Spelke
endorses a core knowledge approach, which states that infants are born with domain-specific innate
knowledge systems. Among these domain-specific knowledge systems are those involving space,
number sense, object permanence, and language. Strongly influenced by evolution, the core
knowledge domains are theorized to be prewired to allow infants to make sense of their world. After
all, Spelke concludes, how could infants possibly grasp the complex world in which they live if they
didn’t come into the world equipped with core sets of knowledge? In this approach, the innate core
knowledge domains form a foundation around which more mature cognitive functioning and
learning develop. Th e core knowledge approach argues that Piaget greatly underestimated the
cognitive abilities of infants, especially young infants (Hyde & Spelke, 2012; Spelke, Bernier, &
Snedeker, 2013). In criticizing the core knowledge approach, British developmental psychologist
Mark Johnson (2008) says that the infants Spelke assesses in her research already have accumulated
hundreds, and in some cases even thousands, of hours of experience in grasping what the world is
about, which gives considerable room for the environment’s role in the development of infant
cognition (Highfield, 2008). According to Johnson (2008), infants likely come into the world with
“soft biases to perceive and attend to different aspects of the environment, and to learn about the
world in particular ways.” Although debate about the cause and course of infant cognitive
development continues, most developmentalists today agree that Piaget underestimated the early
cognitive accomplishments of infants and that both nature and nurture are involved in infants’
cognitive development (Aslin, 2012; Baillargeon, 2014; Diamond, 2013). Conclusions In sum, many
researchers conclude that Piaget wasn’t specific enough about how infants learn about their world
and that infants, especially young infants, are more competent than Piaget thought (Baillargeon,
2014; Bauer, 2013; Diamond, 2013; Johnson, 2012, 2013; Kinsler, Dupoux, & Spelke, 2013). As they
have examined the specific ways that infants learn, the field of infant cognition has become very
specialized. There are many researchers working on different questions, with no general theory
emerging that can connect all of the different findings. Their theories often are local theories,
focused on specific research questions, rather than grand theories like Piaget’s (Kuhn, 1998). Among
the unifying themes in the study of infant cognition are seeking to understand more precisely how
developmental changes in cognition take place, to answer questions about the relative importance
of nature and nurture, and to examine the brain’s role in cognitive development (Aslin, 2012). Recall
from Chapter 1 that exploring connections between brain, cognition, and development involve the
recently emerging field of developmental cognitive neuroscience (Bell, 2012; Cuevas & others, 2012;
Diamond, 2013; Morasch, Raj, & Bell, 2013; Zelazo, 2013). PREOPERATIONAL STAGE Th e cognitive
world of the preschool child is creative, free, and fanciful. Th e imaginations of preschool children
work overtime, and their mental grasp of the world improves. Piaget described the preschool child’s
cognition as preoperational. What did he mean? Th e preoperational stage, which lasts from
approximately 2 to 7 years of age, is the second Piagetian stage. In this stage, children begin to
represent the world with words, images, and drawings. They form stable concepts and begin to
reason. At the same time, the young child’s cognitive world is dominated by egocentrism and
magical beliefs. Because Piaget called this stage “preoperational,” it might sound like an
unimportant waiting period. Not so. However, the label preoperational emphasizes that the child
does not yet perform operations, which are reversible mental actions that allow children to do
mentally what before they could do only physically. Mentally adding and subtracting numbers are
examples of operations. Preoperational thought is the beginning of the ability to reconstruct in
thought what has been established in behavior. It can be divided into two substages: the symbolic
function substage and the intuitive thought substage. The Symbolic Function Substage Th e symbolic
function substage is the first substage of preoperational thought, occurring roughly between the
ages of 2 and 4. In this substage, the young child gains the ability to mentally represent an object
that is not present. Th is ability vastly expands the child’s mental world (Mandler & DeLoache, 2013).
Young children use scribble designs to represent people, houses, cars, clouds, and so on; they begin
to use language and engage in pretend play. However, although young children make distinct
progress during this substage, their thinking still has important limitations, two of which are
egocentrism and animism. Egocentrism is the inability to distinguish between one’s own perspective
and someone else’s perspective. Piaget and Barbel Inhelder (1969) initially studied young children’s
egocentrism by devising the three mountains task (see Figure 6.5). Th e child walks around the
model of the mountains and becomes familiar with what the mountains look like from different
perspectives and can see that there are different objects on the mountains. Th e child is then seated
on one side of the table on which the mountains are placed. Th e experimenter moves a doll to
different locations around the table, at each location asking the child to select from a series of
photos the one photo that most accurately reflects the view that the doll is seeing.

Children in the preoperational stage often pick their own view rather than the doll’s view. Preschool
children frequently show the ability to take another’s perspective on some tasks but not others.
Animism, another limitation of preoperational thought, is the belief that inanimate objects have
lifelike qualities and are capable of action (Gelman & Opfer, 2004). A young child might show
animism by saying, “Th at tree pushed the leaf off , and it fell down” or “Th e sidewalk made me
mad; it made me fall down.” A young child who uses animism fails to distinguish the appropriate
occasions for using human and nonhuman perspectives (Opfer & Gelman, 2011). Possibly because
young children are not very concerned about reality, their drawings are fanciful and inventive. Suns
are blue, skies are yellow, and cars float on clouds in their symbolic, imaginative world. One 3½-year-
old looked at a scribble he had just drawn and described it as a pelican kissing a seal (see Figure
6.6a). The symbolism is simple but strong, like abstractions found in some modern art. Twentieth-
century Spanish artist Pablo Picasso commented, “I used to draw like Raphael but it has taken me a
lifetime to draw like young children.” In the elementary school years, a child’s drawings become
more realistic, neat, and precise (see Figure 6.6b). Suns are yellow, skies are blue, and cars travel on
roads (Winner, 1986). The Intuitive Thought Substage The intuitive thought substage is the second
substage of preoperational thought, occurring between approximately 4 and 7 years of age. In this
substage, children begin to use primitive reasoning and want to know the answers to all sorts of
questions. Consider 4-year-old Tommy, who is at the beginning of the intuitive thought substage.
Although he is starting to develop his own ideas about the world he lives in, his ideas are still simple,
and he is not very good at thinking things out. He has difficulty understanding events that he knows
are taking place but that he cannot see. His fantasized thoughts bear little resemblance to reality. He
cannot yet answer the question “What if?” in any reliable way. For example, he has only a vague
idea of what would happen if a car were to hit him. He also has difficulty negotiating traffic because
he cannot do the mental calculations necessary to estimate whether an approaching car will hit him
when he crosses the road. By the age of 5, children have just about exhausted the adults around
them with “why” questions. Th e child’s questions signal the emergence of interest in reasoning and
in figuring out why things are the way they are. Following are some samples of the questions
children ask during the questioning period of 4 to 6 years of age (Elkind, 1976): What makes you
grow up? Who was the mother when everybody was a baby? Why do leaves fall? Why does the sun
shine?

Piaget called this substage intuitive because young children seem so sure about their knowledge and
understanding yet are unaware of how they know what they know. Th at is, they know something
but know it without the use of rational thinking. Centration and the Limits of Preoperational Thought
One limitation of preoperational thought is centration, a centering of attention on one characteristic
to the exclusion of all others. Centration is most clearly evidenced in young children’s lack of
conservation, the awareness that altering an object’s or a substance’s appearance does not change
its basic properties. For example, to adults, it is obvious that a certain amount of liquid stays the
same, regardless of a container’s shape. But this is not at all obvious to young children. Instead, they
are struck by the height of the liquid in the container; they focus on that characteristic to the
exclusion of others. Th e situation that Piaget devised to study conservation is his most famous task.
In the conservation task, children are presented with two identical beakers, each filled to the same
level with liquid (see Figure 6.7). They are asked if these beakers have the same amount of liquid,
and they usually say yes. Then the liquid from one beaker is poured into a third beaker, which is
taller and thinner than the first two. Th e children are then asked if the amount of liquid in the tall,
thin beaker is equal to that which remains in one of the original beakers. Children who are younger
than 7 or 8 years old usually say no and justify their answers in terms of the differing height or width
of the beakers. Older children usually answer yes and justify their answers appropriately (“If you
poured the water back, the amount would still be the same”). In Piaget’s theory, failing the
conservation-of-liquid task is a sign that children are at the preoperational stage of cognitive
development. The failure demonstrates not only centration but also an inability to mentally reverse
actions. To understand this concept, see the conservation-of-matter example shown in Figure 6.8. In
the row labelled “matter” you’ll see that preoperational children say the longer shape has more clay
because they “I still don’t have all the answers, but I’m beginning to ask the right questions.” The
awareness that altering the appearance of an object or a substance does not change its basic
properties. (a) assume that “longer is more.” Preoperational children cannot mentally reverse the
clay-rolling process to see that the amount of clay is the same in both the shorter ball shape and the
longer stick shape. In Figure 6.8 you can see that, in addition to failing the conservation-of-liquid
task, preoperational children also fail to conserve number, matter, and length. However, children
often vary in their performance on different conservation tasks. Th us, a child might be able to
conserve volume but not number. A recent fMRI brain imaging study of conservation of number
revealed that advances in a network in the parietal and frontal lobes were linked to 9- and 10-year-
olds’ conservation success in comparison with non-conserving 5- and 6-year-olds (Houde & others,
2011). Some developmentalists do not believe Piaget was entirely correct in his estimate of when
children’s conservation skills emerge. For example, Rochel Gelman (1969) showed that when the
child’s attention to relevant aspects of the conservation task is improved, the child is more likely to
conserve. Gelman has also demonstrated that attentional training on one dimension, such as
number, improves the preschool child’s performance on another dimension, such as mass. Th us,
Gelman noted that conservation appears earlier than Piaget thought and that attention is especially
important in explaining conservation.

CONCRETE OPERATIONAL STAGE Piaget proposed that the concrete operational stage lasts from
approximately 7 to 11 years of age. In this stage, children can perform concrete operations, and they
can reason logically as long as reasoning can be applied to specific or concrete examples. Remember
that operations are mental actions that are reversible, and concrete operations are operations that
are applied to real, concrete objects. When a child adds two apples together with four apples and
concludes that there are now six apples, she is performing a concrete operation. Th e conservation
tasks described earlier indicate whether children are capable of concrete operations. Concrete
operations allow the child to consider several characteristics rather than to focus on a single
property of an object. In the clay example, the preoperational child is likely to focus on height or
width. Th e concrete operational child coordinates information about both dimensions What other
abilities are characteristic of children who have reached the concrete operational stage? One
important skill is the ability to classify or divide things into different sets or subsets and to consider
their interrelationships. Consider the family tree of four generations that is shown in Figure 6.9
(Furth & Wachs, 1975). Th is family tree suggests that the grandfather (A) has three children (B, C,
and D), each of whom has two children (E through J), and that one of these children (J) has three
children (K, L, and M). A child who comprehends the classification system can move up and down a
level, across a level, and up and down and across within the system. Th e concrete operational child
understands that person J can at the same time be father, brother, and grandson, for example.
Children who have reached the concrete operational stage are also capable of seriation, which is the
ability to order stimuli along a quantitative dimension (such as length). To see if students can
serialize, a teacher might haphazardly place eight sticks of different lengths on a table. Th e teacher
then asks the students to order the sticks by length. Many young children end up with two or three
small groups of “big” sticks or “little” sticks, rather than a correct ordering of all eight sticks. Another
mistaken strategy they use is to evenly line up the tops of the sticks but ignore the bottoms. Th e
concrete operational thinker who is capable of seriation simultaneously understands that each stick
must be longer than the one that precedes it and shorter than the one that follows it. Another
aspect of reasoning about the relations between classes is transitivity, which is the ability to logically
combine relations to reach certain conclusions. In this case, consider three sticks (A, B, and C) of
differing lengths. A is the longest, B is intermediate in length, and C is the shortest. Does the child
understand that, if A is longer than B and B is longer than C, then A is longer than C? In Piaget’s
theory, concrete operational thinkers who are capable of transitivity do; preoperational thinkers do
not.

FORMAL OPERATIONAL STAGE So far, we have studied the first three of Piaget’s stages of cognitive
development: sensorimotor, preoperational, and concrete operational. What are the characteristics
of the fourth and final stage? Th e formal operational stage, which appears between 11 and 15 years
of age, is the fourth and final Piagetian stage. In this stage, individuals move beyond concrete
experiences and think in abstract and more logical ways. As part of thinking more abstractly,
adolescents develop images of ideal circumstances. They might think about what an ideal parent is
like and compare their parents to their ideal standards. They begin to entertain possibilities for the
future and are fascinated with what they can become. In solving problems, formal operational
thinkers are more systematic and use logical reasoning. Abstract, Idealistic, and Logical Thinking Th e
abstract quality of the adolescent’s thought at the formal operational level is evident in the
adolescent’s verbal problem-solving ability. Whereas the concrete operational thinker needs to see
the concrete elements A, B, and C to be able to make the logical inference that if A = B and B = C,
then A = C, the formal operational thinker can solve this problem merely through verbal
presentation. Another indication of the abstract quality of adolescents’ thought is their increased
tendency to think about thought itself. One adolescent commented, “I began thinking about why I
was thinking about what I was. Then began thinking about why I was thinking about what I was
thinking about what I was.” If this sounds abstract, it is, and it characterizes the adolescent’s
enhanced focus on thought and its abstract qualities. Accompanying the abstract nature of formal
operational thought in adolescence is thought full of idealism and possibilities. Although children
frequently think in concrete ways, or in terms of what is real and limited, adolescents begin to
engage in extended speculation about ideal characteristics—qualities they desire in themselves and
in others. Such thoughts often lead adolescents to compare themselves with others in regard to such
ideal standards. And the thoughts of adolescents are often fantasy flights into future possibilities. It
is not unusual for the adolescent to become impatient with these newfound ideal standards and to
become perplexed over which of many ideal standards to adopt.

As adolescents are learning to think more abstractly and idealistically, they are also learning to think
more logically. Children are more likely to solve problems in a trial-and-error fashion. Adolescents
begin to think more as a scientist thinks, devising plans to solve problems and systematically testing
solutions. They use hypothetical-deductive reasoning—that is, they develop hypotheses, or best
guesses, and systematically deduce, or conclude, which is the best path to follow in solving the
problem. Assimilation (incorporating new information into existing knowledge) dominates the initial
development of formal operational thought, and these thinkers perceive the world subjectively and
idealistically. Later in adolescence, as intellectual balance is restored, these individuals
accommodate to the cognitive upheaval that has occurred (they adjust to the new information).
Some of Piaget’s ideas on formal operational thought are being challenged, however (Byrnes, 2012;
Keating, 2004; Kuhn, 2009). Th ere is much more individualvariation in formal operational thought
than Piaget envisioned (Kuhn, 2009). Only about one in three young adolescents is a formal
operational thinker. Many American adults never become formal operational thinkers, and neither
do many adults in other cultures. Adolescent Egocentrism In addition to thinking more logically,
abstractly, and idealistically—characteristics of Piaget’s formal operational thought stage—in what
other ways do adolescents change cognitively? David Elkind (1978) described how adolescent
egocentrism governs the way that adolescents think about social matters. Adolescent egocentrism is
the heightened self- consciousness of adolescents, which is reflected in their belief that others are as
interested in them as they are themselves, and in their sense of personal uniqueness and
invincibility. Elkind argued that adolescent egocentrism can be dissected into two types of social
thinking—imaginary audience and personal fable. Th e imaginary audience refers to the aspect of
adolescent egocentrism that involves feeling that one is the center of everyone’s attention and
sensing that one is on stage. An adolescent boy might think that others are as aware as he is of a few
hairs that are out of place. An adolescent girl walks into her classroom and thinks that all eyes are
riveted on her complexion. Adolescents especially sense that they are “on stage” in early
adolescence, believing they are the main actors and all others are the audience. According to Elkind,
the personal fable is the part of adolescent egocentrism that involves an adolescent’s sense of
personal uniqueness and invincibility. Adolescents’ sense of personal uniqueness makes them
believe that no one can understand how they really feel. For example, an adolescent girl thinks that
her mother cannot possibly sense the hurt she feels because her boyfriend has broken up with her.
As part of their effort to retain a sense of personal uniqueness, adolescents might craft stories about
themselves that are filled with fantasy, immersing themselves in a world that is far removed from
reality. Personal fables frequently show up in adolescent diaries. To read further about adolescent
egocentrism, see Connecting with Adolescents on page 204. One study of sixth- through twelfth h-
graders revealed that a sense of invincibility was linked to engaging in risky behaviors, such as
smoking cigarettes, drinking alcohol, and engaging in juvenile delinquency, whereas a sense of
personal uniqueness was related to depression and suicidal thoughts (Aalsma, Lapsley, & Flannery,
2006). However, some research studies suggest that, rather than perceiving themselves to be
invulnerable, many adolescents view themselves as vulnerable (Reyna & Rivers, 2008). For example,
in a recent study, 12- to 18-year-olds were asked about their chance of dying in the next year and
prior to age 20 (Fischoff & others, 2010). Th e adolescents greatly overestimated their chance of
dying. Some researchers have questioned the view that invulnerability is a unitary concept and
argued rather that it consists of two dimensions (Duggan, Lapsley, & Norman, 2000; Lapsley & Hill,
2010): • Danger invulnerability, which involves adolescents’ sense of indestructibility and tendency
to take on physical risks (driving recklessly at high speeds, for example) • Psychological
invulnerability, which captures an adolescent’s felt invulnerability related to personal or
psychological distress (getting one’s feelings hurt, for example)

A recent study revealed that adolescents who scored high on a danger invulnerability scale were
more likely to engage in juvenile delinquency or substance abuse, or to be depressed (Lapsley & Hill,
2010). In this study, adolescents who scored high on psychological invulnerability were less likely to
be depressed, had higher self-esteem, and maintained better interpersonal relationships. In terms of
psychological invulnerability, adolescents often benefit from the normal developmental challenges
of exploring identity options, making new friends, asking someone to go out on a date, and learning
a new skill. All of these important adolescent tasks involve risk and failure as an option but, if
successful, result in enhanced self-image

Applying and Evaluating Piaget’s Theory

What are some applications of Piaget’s theory to education? What are the main contributions and
criticisms of Piaget’s theory? PIAGET AND EDUCATION Piaget was not an educator, but he provided a
sound conceptual framework for viewing learning and education. Here are some ideas in Piaget’s
theory that can be applied to teaching children (Elkind, 1976; Heuwinkel, 1996): 1. Take a
constructivist approach. Piaget emphasized that children learn best when they are active and seek
solutions for themselves. Piaget opposed teaching methods that treat children as passive receptacles
for knowledge. Th e educational implication of Piaget’s view is that, in all subjects, students learn
best by making discoveries, reflecting on them, and discussing them, rather than by blindly imitating
the teacher or doing things by rote. 2. Facilitate rather than direct learning. Effective teachers design
situations that allow students to learn by doing. These situations promote students’ thinking and
discovery. Teachers listen, watch, and question students, to help them gain better understanding. 3.
Consider the child’s knowledge and level of thinking. Students do not come to class with empty
minds. They have concepts of space, time, quantity, and causality. Th ese ideas differ from the ideas
of adults. Teachers need to interpret what a student is saying and respond in a way that is not too
far from the student’s level. Also, Piaget suggested that it is important to examine children’s
mistakes in thinking, not just what they get correct, to help guide them to a higher level of
understanding. 4. Promote the student’s intellectual health. When Piaget came to lecture in the
United States, he was asked, “What can I do to get my child to a higher cognitive stage sooner?” He
was asked this question so often here compared with other countries that he called it the American
question. Piaget emphasized that children’s learning should occur naturally. Children should not be
pushed and pressured into achieving too much too early in their development, before they are
maturationally ready. Some parents spend long hours every day holding up large flash cards with
words on them to improve their baby’s vocabulary. In the Piagetian view, this is not an effective way
for infants to learn. It places too much emphasis on speeding up intellectual development, involves
passive learning, and will not lead to positive outcomes. 5. Turn the classroom into a setting of
exploration and discovery. What do actual classrooms look like when the teachers adopt Piaget’s
views? Several first- and second-grade math classrooms provide some good examples (Kamii, 1985,
1989). Th e teachers emphasize students’ own exploration and discovery. Th e classrooms are less
structured than what we think of as a typical classroom. Workbooks and predetermined assignments
are not used. Rather, the teachers observe the students’ interests and natural participation in
activities to determine what the course of learning will be. For example, a math lesson might be
constructed around counting the day’s lunch money or dividing supplies among students. Often,
games are prominently used in the classroom to stimulate mathematical thinking. For example, a
version of dominoes teaches children about even-numbered combinations. A variation on tic-tac-toe
involves replacing Xs and Os with numbers. Teachers encourage peer interaction during the lessons
and games because students’ different viewpoints can contribute to advances in thinking.
EVALUATING PIAGET’S THEORY What were Piaget’s main contributions? Has his theory withstood
the test of time? Piaget’s Contributions Piaget, the founder of the study of children’s cognitive
development, was a giant in the field of developmental psychology (Miller, 2011). Psychologists are
indebted to him for devising a long list of masterful concepts of enduring power and fascination:
assimilation, accommodation, object permanence, egocentrism, conservation, and others.
Psychologists also owe him for instilling the current vision of children as active, constructive thinkers.
And they have a debt to him for creating a theory that has generated a huge volume of research on
children’s cognitive development. Piaget also was a genius when it came to observing children. His
careful observations showed us inventive ways to discover how children act on and adapt to their
world. Piaget pointed out some important things to look for in cognitive development, such as the
shift from preoperational to concrete operational thinking. He also showed us how children need to
make their experiences fit their schemes (cognitive frameworks) yet simultaneously adapt their
schemes to fit their experiences. Piaget revealed that cognitive change is more likely to occur if the
context is structured to allow gradual movement to the next higher level. Concepts do not emerge
suddenly, full-blown, but instead develop through a series of partial accomplishments that lead to
increasingly comprehensive understanding. Criticisms of Piaget’s Theory Piaget’s theory has not
gone unchallenged (Miller, 2011). Questions are raised about estimates of children’s competence at
different developmental levels, stages, the training of children to reason at higher levels, and culture
and education. Estimates of Children’s Competence Researchers have found that some cognitive
abilities emerge earlier than Piaget thought (Baillargeon, 2014; Bauer, 2013; Diamond, 2013;
Johnson, 2012, 2013). For example, as previously noted, some aspects of object permanence emerge
earlier than he believed. Even 2-year-olds are nonegocentric in some contexts. When they realize
that another person will not see an object, they investigate whether the person is blindfolded or
looking in a different direction. Some understanding of the conservation of number has been
demonstrated as early as age 3, although Piaget did not think it emerged until 7. Young children are
not as uniformly “pre” this and “pre” that (precausal, preoperational) as Piaget thought. Other
cognitive abilities also can emerge later than Piaget thought (Kuhn, 2009, 2011). Many adolescents
still think in concrete operational ways or are just beginning to master formal operations. Even many
adults are not formal operational thinkers. In sum, recent theoretical revisions highlight more
cognitive competencies of infants and young children and more cognitive shortcomings of
adolescents and adults (Johnson, 2012, 2013). Stages In terms of timing and stages, some cognitive
abilities have been found to emerge earlier than Piaget had thought, others later (Baillargeon 2014;
Byrnes, 2012; Spelke, Bernier, & Snedeker, 2013). Evidence does not support Piaget’s view that prior
to age 11 children don’t engage in abstract thinking and that from 11 years on they do (Kuhn, 2009,
2011). Thus, adolescents’ cognitive development is not as stage-like as Piaget envisioned (Siegler,
2012)

Effects of Training Some children who are at one cognitive stage (such as preoperational) can be
trained to reason at a higher cognitive stage (such as concrete operational). Th is discovery poses a
problem for Piaget’s theory. He argued that such training is only superficial and ineffective unless the
child is at a maturational transition point between the stages (Gelman & Williams, 1998). Culture
and Education Culture and education exert stronger influences on children’s development than
Piaget maintained (Gauvain, 2013; Goncu & Gauvain, 2012). For example, the age at which children
acquire conservation skills is related to how much practice their culture provides in these skills. An
outstanding teacher who provides instruction in the logic of math and science can promote concrete
and formal operational thought. An Alternative View Neo-Piagetian argue that Piaget got some
things right but that his theory needs considerable revision. They give more emphasis to how
children use attention, memory, and strategies to process information (Case, 1987, 1999). They
especially stress that a more accurate portrayal of children’s thinking requires attention to children’s
strategies; the speed at which children process information; the specific task involved; and the
division of problems into smaller, more precise steps (Morra & others, 2007). In Chapter 7,
“Information Processing,” we further discuss these aspects of children’s thought.

Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development

As Freud became widely read, he attracted many followers. However, Freud’s pupils did not always
agree with him, and eventually they began to modify some of his ideas and became important
theorists in their own right. Among the best known of these scholars was Erik Erikson. Comparing
Erikson with Freud Although Erikson (1963, 1982) accepted many of Freud’s ideas, he differed from
Freud in two important respects. First, Erikson (1963) stressed that children are active, curious
explorers who seek to adapt to their environments, rather than passive reactors to biological urges
who are moulded by their parents. A second critical difference between Erikson and Freud is that
Erikson places much less emphasis on sexual urges and far more emphasis on social and cultural
influences than Freud did. For this reason, we label Freud’s theory psychosexual and Erikson’s theory
psychosocial. Eight Life Crises (or Psychosocial Stages) Erikson believed that people face eight major
crises, which he labelled psychosocial stages, during the course of their lives. Each crisis emerges at a
distinct time dictated by biological maturation and the social demands that developing people
experience at particular points in life. Each crisis must be resolved successfully to prepare for a
satisfactory resolution of the next life crisis. Table 2.2 briefly describes the psychosocial stages and
lists the Freudian psychosexual stage to which it corresponds. Notice that Erikson’s developmental
stages do not end at adolescence or young adulthood as Freud’s do. Erikson believed that the
problems of adolescents and young adults are very different from those faced by parents who are
raising children or by the elderly who may be grappling with retirement, a sense of uselessness, and
the end of their lives. Most contemporary developmentalists agree (Sheldon & Kasser, 2001;
Sigelman & Rider, 2006).

Contributions and Criticisms of Erikson’s Theory Many people prefer Erikson’s theory to Freud’s
because they do not believe that people are dominated by sexual instincts. A theory like Erikson’s,
which stresses our rational, adaptive nature, is much easier to accept. Also, Erikson’s theory
emphasizes social conflicts and personal dilemmas that people may remember, are currently
experiencing, and can easily anticipate or observe in people they know. On the other hand, Erikson’s
theory can be criticized for being vague about the causes of development. What kinds of experiences
must people have in order to successfully TABLE 2.2 Erikson’s and Freud’s Stages of Development
Approximate Erikson’s stage or Erikson’s viewpoint: Corresponding age “psychosocial” crisis
Significant events and social influences Freudian stage Birth to 1 year Basic trust versus Infants must
learn to trust others to care for their basic needs. If caregivers are Oral mistrust rejecting or
inconsistent, the infant may view the world as a dangerous place filled with untrustworthy or
unreliable people. The primary caregiver is the key social agent. 1 to 3 years Autonomy versus
shame Children must learn to be “autonomous”—to feed and dress themselves, to look after Anal
and doubt their own hygiene, and so on. Failure to achieve this independence may force the child to
doubt his or her own abilities and feel ashamed. Parents are the key social agents. 3 to 6 years
Initiative versus guilt Children attempt to act grown up and will try to accept responsibilities that are
Phallic beyond their capacity to handle. They sometimes undertake goals or activities that conflict
with those of parents and other family members, and these conflicts may make them feel guilty.
Successful resolution of this crisis requires a balance: The child must retain a sense of initiative and
yet learn not to impinge on the rights, privileges, or goals of others. The family is the key social
agent. 6 to 12 years Industry versus Children must master important social and academic skills. This
is a period when Latency inferiority the child compares him- or herself with peers. If sufficiently
industrious, children acquire the social and academic skills to feel self-assured. Failure to acquire
these important attributes leads to feelings of inferiority. Significant social agents are teachers and
peers. 12 to 20 years Identity versus role This is the crossroad between childhood and maturity. The
adolescent grapples with Early genital confusion the question “Who am I?” Adolescents must
establish basic social and occupational (adolescence) identities, or they will remain confused about
the roles they should play as adults. The key social agent is the society of peers. 20 to 40 years
Intimacy versus isolation The primary task at this stage is to form strong friendships and to achieve a
sense Genital (young adulthood) of love and companionship (or a shared identity) with another
person. Feelings of loneliness or isolation are likely to result from an inability to form friendships or
an intimate relationship. Key social agents are lovers, spouses, and close friends (of both sexes). 40
to 65 years Generativity versus At this stage adults face the tasks of becoming productive in their
work and raising Genital (middle adulthood) stagnation their families or otherwise looking after the
needs of young people. These standards of “generativity” are defined by one’s culture. Those who
are unable or unwilling to assume these responsibilities become stagnant and self-centred.
Significant social agents are the spouse, children, and cultural norms. Old age Ego integrity versus
The older adult looks back at life, viewing it as either a meaningful, productive, and Genital despair
happy experience or a major disappointment full of unfulfilled promise and unrealized goals. One’s
life experiences, particularly social experiences, determine the outcome of this final life crisis. 46
Part One | Introduction to Developmental Psychology resolve various psychosocial conflicts? How
does the outcome of one psychosocial stage influence personality at a later stage? Erikson is not
very explicit about these important issues. So his theory is really a descriptive overview of human
social and emotional development that does.
Bowlby and Ainsworth attachment theory:

Attachment theory focuses on relationships and bonds (particularly long-term) between people,
including those between a parent and child and between romantic partners.

History of the Attachment Theory

British psychologist John Bowlby was the first attachment theorist. He described attachment
as a "lasting psychological connectedness between human beings."1 Bowlby was interested
in understanding the anxiety and distress that children experience when separated from their
primary caregivers.

Some of the earliest behavioral theories suggested that attachment was simply a learned
behavior. These theories proposed that attachment was merely the result of the feeding
relationship between the child and the caregiver. Because the caregiver feeds the child and
provides nourishment, the child becomes attached.

Bowlby observed that feedings did not diminish separation anxiety.2 Instead, he found that
attachment was characterized by clear behavioral and motivation patterns. When children are
frightened, they seek proximity from their primary caregiver in order to receive both comfort
and care.

Understanding Attachment
Attachment is an emotional bond with another person. Bowlby believed that the earliest
bonds formed by children with their caregivers have a tremendous impact that continues
throughout life. He suggested that attachment also serves to keep the infant close to the
mother, thus improving the child's chances of survival.

Bowlby viewed attachment as a product of evolutionary processes.3 While the behavioral

theories of attachment suggested that attachment was a learned process, Bowlby and others
proposed that children are born with an innate drive to form attachments with caregivers.

Throughout history, children who maintained proximity to an attachment figure were more
likely to receive comfort and protection, and therefore more likely to survive to adulthood.
Through the process of natural selection, a motivational system designed to regulate
attachment emerged.

So what determines successful attachment? Behaviorists suggest that it was food that led to
forming this attachment behavior, but Bowlby and others demonstrated that nurturance and
responsiveness were the primary determinants of attachment.

What Is Attachment?

The central theme of attachment theory is that primary caregivers who are available and
responsive to an infant's needs allow the child to develop a sense of security. The infant
learns that the caregiver is dependable, which creates a secure base for the child to then
explore the world.

Ainsworth's "Strange Situation"

In her research in the 1970s, psychologist Mary Ainsworth expanded greatly upon Bowlby's
original work. Her groundbreaking "strange situation" study revealed the profound effects of
attachment on behavior. In the study, researchers observed children between the ages of 12
and 18 months as they responded to a situation in which they were briefly left alone and then
reunited with their mothers.4

Based on the responses the researchers observed, Ainsworth described three major styles of
attachment: secure attachment, ambivalent-insecure attachment, and avoidant-insecure
attachment. Later, researchers Main and Solomon (1986) added a fourth attachment style
called disorganized-insecure attachment based on their own research.5

A number of studies since that time have supported Ainsworth's attachment styles and have
indicated that attachment styles also have an impact on behaviors later in life.

Maternal Deprivation Studies

Harry Harlow's infamous studies on maternal deprivation and social isolation during the
1950s and 1960s also explored early bonds. In a series of experiments, Harlow demonstrated
how such bonds emerge and the powerful impact they have on behavior and functioning.6

In one version of his experiment, newborn rhesus monkeys were separated from their birth
mothers and reared by surrogate mothers. The infant monkeys were placed in cages with two
wire-monkey mothers. One of the wire monkeys held a bottle from which the infant monkey
could obtain nourishment, while the other wire monkey was covered with a soft terry cloth.

While the infant monkeys would go to the wire mother to obtain food, they spent most of
their days with the soft cloth mother. When frightened, the baby monkeys would turn to their
cloth-covered mother for comfort and security.

Harlow's work also demonstrated that early attachments were the result of receiving comfort
and care from a caregiver rather than simply the result of being fed.

The Stages of Attachment

Researchers Rudolph Schaffer and Peggy Emerson analyzed the number of attachment
relationships that infants form in a longitudinal study with 60 infants. The infants were
observed every four weeks during the first year of life, and then once again at 18 months.

Based on their observations, Schaffer and Emerson outlined four distinct phases of
attachment, including:7
Pre-Attachment Stage

From birth to 3 months, infants do not show any particular attachment to a specific caregiver.
The infant's signals, such as crying and fussing, naturally attract the attention of the
caregiver and the baby's positive responses encourage the caregiver to remain close.

Indiscriminate Attachment

Between 6 weeks of age to 7 months, infants begin to show preferences for primary and
secondary caregivers. Infants develop trust that the caregiver will respond to their needs.
While they still accept care from others, infants start distinguishing between familiar and
unfamiliar people, responding more positively to the primary caregiver.

Discriminate Attachment

At this point, from about 7 to 11 months of age, infants show a strong attachment and
preference for one specific individual. They will protest when separated from the primary
attachment figure (separation anxiety), and begin to display anxiety around strangers
(stranger anxiety).

Multiple Attachments

After approximately 9 months of age, children begin to form strong emotional bonds with
other caregivers beyond the primary attachment figure. This often includes a second parent,
older siblings, and grandparents.

Factors That Influence Attachment

While this process may seem straightforward, there are some factors that can influence how
and when attachments develop, including:

 Opportunity for attachment: Children who do not have a primary care figure, such as those
raised in orphanages, may fail to develop the sense of trust needed to form an attachment.
 Quality caregiving: When caregivers respond quickly and consistently, children learn that
they can depend on the people who are responsible for their care, which is the essential
foundation for attachment. This is a vital factor.

Attachment Styles
There are four patterns of attachment, including:8

 Ambivalent attachment: These children become very distressed when a parent leaves.
Ambivalent attachment style is considered uncommon, affecting an estimated 7% to 15% of
U.S. children. As a result of poor parental availability, these children cannot depend on their
primary caregiver to be there when they need them.
 Avoidant attachment: Children with an avoidant attachment tend to avoid parents or
caregivers, showing no preference between a caregiver and a complete stranger. This
attachment style might be a result of abusive or neglectful caregivers. Children who are
punished for relying on a caregiver will learn to avoid seeking help in the future.
  Disorganized attachment: These children display a confusing mix of behavior, seeming
disoriented, dazed, or confused. They may avoid or resist the parent. Lack of a clear
attachment pattern is likely linked to inconsistent caregiver behavior. In such cases, parents
may serve as both a source of comfort and fear, leading to disorganized behavior.
 Secure attachment: Children who can depend on their caregivers show distress when
separated and joy when reunited. Although the child may be upset, they feel assured that
the caregiver will return. When frightened, securely attached children are comfortable
seeking reassurance from caregivers. This is the most common attachment style.

The Lasting Impact of Early Attachment

Research suggests that failure to form secure attachments early in life can have a negative
impact on behavior in later childhood and throughout life.9

Children diagnosed with oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), conduct disorder (CD), or
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) frequently display attachment problems, possibly due
to early abuse, neglect, or trauma. Children adopted after the age of 6 months may have a
higher risk of attachment problems.

Although attachment styles displayed in adulthood are not necessarily the same as those seen
in infancy, early attachments can have a serious impact on later relationships. Adults who
were securely attached in childhood tend to have good self-esteem, strong romantic
relationships, and the ability to self-disclose to others.

Children who are securely attached as infants tend to develop stronger self-esteem and better
self-reliance as they grow older. These children also tend to be more independent, perform
better in school, have successful social relationships, and experience less depression and
anxiety.
Bioecological theory propops000ed by Bronfenbrenner:

American psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner offers an exciting new perspective on child and
adolescent development that addresses many of the shortcomings of earlier “environmentalist”
approaches. Behaviourists John Watson and B. F Skinner had defined “environment” as any and all
external focuses that shape the individual’s development. Although modern learning theorists such
as Bandura (1986, 1989) have backed away from this view by acknowledging that environments both
influence and are influenced by developing individuals, they continued to provide only vague
descriptions of the environmental contexts in which development takes place. What
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1989, 1993, 2005; Brofenbrenner & Morris, 2006)
provides is a detailed analysis of environmental influences. This approach also concurs that a
person’s biologically influenced characteristics interact with environmental forces to shape
development, so it is probably more accurate to describe this perspective as a bioecological theory
(Bronfenbrenner, 1995).

Bronfenbrenner’s Contexts for Development

Bronfenbrenner (1979) begins by assuming that natural environments are the major source of
influence on developing persons—and one that is often overlooked by researchers who choose to
study development in the highly artificial context of the laboratory. He defines environment (or the
natural ecology) as “a set of nested structures, each inside the next, like a set of Russian dolls” (p.
22). In other words, the developing person is said to be at the center of and embedded in several
environmental systems, ranging from immediate settings such as the family to more remote
contexts such as the broader culture (see Figure 2.5). Each of these systems is thought to interact
with the others and with the individualto influence development in important ways (see also Cole,
2005). Let’s take a closer look.

The Microsystem Bronfenbrenner’s innermost environmental layer, or microsystem, refers to the

activities and interactions that occur in the person’s immediate surroundings. For most young
infants, the microsystem may be limited to the family. Yet, this system eventually becomes much
more complex as children are exposed to day care, preschool classes, youth groups, and
neighborhood playmates. Children are influenced by the people in their microsystems. In addition,
their own biologically and socially influenced characteristics—their habits, temperaments, physical
characteristics, and capabilities—influence the behavior of companions (that is, their microsystem)
as well. For example, a temperamentally difficult infant can alienate her parents or even create
friction between them that may be sufficient to damage their marital relationship (Belsky,
Rosenberger, & Crnic, 1995). And interactions between any two individuals in microsystems are
likely to be influenced by third parties. Fathers, for example, clearly influence mother-infant
interactions: happily married mothers who have close supportive relationships with their husbands
tend to interact much more patiently and sensitively with their infants than mothers who experience
marital tension, little support from their spouses, or feel that they are raising their children on their
own (Cox et al., 1989, 1992). So microsystems are truly dynamic contexts for development in which
each person influences and is influenced by all other persons in the system.
The Mesosystem

The second of Bronfenbrenner’s environmental layers, or mesosystem, refers to the connections or

interrelationships among such microsystems as homes, schools, and peer groups. Bronfenbrenner
argues that development is likely to be optimized by strong, supportive links between microsystems.
For example, youngsters who have established secure and harmonious relationships with parents
are especially inclined to be accepted by peers and to enjoy close, supportive friendships during
childhood and adolescence (Clark & Ladd, 2000; Hodges, Finnegan, & Perry, 1999). A child’s ability to
learn at school depends on the quality of instruction that his teachers provide and also on the extent
to which parents value scholastic activities and consult or cooperate with teachers (Gottfried,
Fleming, & Gottfried, 1998; Luster & McAdoo, 1996). Nonsupportive links between microsystems can
spell trouble. For example, when peer groups devalue academics, they often undermine an
adolescent’s scholastic performance, despite the best efforts of parents and teachers to encourage
academic achievement (Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992)

The Exosystem

Bronfenbrenner’s third environmental layer, or exosystem, consists of contexts that children and
adolescents are not a part of but that may nevertheless influence their development. For example,
parents’ work environments are an exosystem influence. Children’s emotional relationships at home
may be influenced considerably by whether or not their parents enjoy their work (Greenberger,
O’Neal, & Nagel, 1994). Similarly, children’s experiences in school may also be affected by their
exosystem—by a social integration plan adopted by the school board, or by a factory closing in their
community that results in a decline in the school’s revenue.

The Macrosystem Bronfenbrenner also stresses that development occurs in a macrosystem—that is,
a cultural, subcultural, or social class context in which microsystems, mesosystems, and exosystems
are imbedded. The macrosystem is really a broad, overarching ideology that dictates (among other
things) how children should be treated, what they should be taught, and the goals for which they
should strive. These values differ across cultures (and subcultures and social classes) and can greatly
influence the kinds of experiences children have in their homes, neighbourhoods, schools, and all
other contexts that affect them, directly or indirectly. To cite one example, the incidence of child
abuse in families (a microsystem experience) is much lower in those cultures (or macrosystems) that
discourage physical punishment of children and advocate nonviolent ways of resolving interpersonal
conflict (Belsky, 1993; Gilbert, 1997). Finally, Bronfenbrenner’s model includes a temporal
dimension, or chronosystem, which emphasizes that changes in the child or in any of the ecological
contexts of development can affect the direction that development is likely to take. Cognitive and
biological changes that occur at puberty, for example, contribute to increased conflict between
young adolescents and their parents (Paikoff & Brooks-Gunn, 1991; Steinberg, 1988). And the effects
of environmental changes also depend upon the age of the child. For example, even though a
divorce hits hard at youngsters of all ages, adolescents are less likely than younger children to
experience the guilty sense that they were the cause of the breakup (Hetherington & Clingempeel,
1992).

Contributions and Criticisms of Ecological Systems Theory The ecological perspective provides a
much richer description of environment (and environmental influences) than anything offered by
learning theorists. Each of us functions in particular microsystems that are linked by a mesosystem
and embedded in the larger contexts of an exosystem and a macrosystem. It makes little sense to an
ecological theorist to study environmental influences in laboratory contexts. Instead, they argue that
only by observing transactions between developing children and their ever-changing natural settings
will we understand how individuals influence and are influenced by their environments.
Bronfenbrenner’s detailed analysis of environmental influences has suggested many ways in which
the development of children and adolescents might be optimized. To illustrate, imagine a working
mother who is having a tough time establishing a pleasant relationship with her temperamentally
difficult infant. At the level of the microsystem, a successful intervention might be to assist the
father to become a more sensitive companion who assumes some of the drudgery of child care and
encourages the mother to be more responsive to and patient with their baby (Howes & Markman,
1989). At the level of the exosystem, mothers (and fathers) can often be helped to improve their
relationships with their children if their community has parenting classes or groups where parents
can express their concerns, enlist others’ emotional support, and learn from each other how to elicit
more favorable reactions from their children (Lyons-Ruth et al., 1990). And at the level of the
macrosystem, a social policy guaranteeing parents the right to take paid or unpaid leave from their
jobs to attend to family matters may be an especially important intervention indeed, allowing
distressed parents more time to resolve difficulties that arise with their children (Clarke et al., 1997).
Yet, despite its strengths, the ecological systems theory falls far short of being a complete account of
human development. It is characterized as a bioecological model, but it really has very little to say
about specific biological contributors to development. The emphasis on complex transactions
between developing persons and their ever-changing environments is both a strength and a
weakness of ecological systems theory (Dixon & Lerner, 1992). Where are the normative patterns of
development? Must we formulate different theories for persons from different environments—one
for Thai women born in the 1940s, and another for Hispanic Americans born in the 1970s? If unique
individuals influence and are influenced by their unique environments, is each life span unique? In
sum, ecological systems theory may focus too heavily on ideographic aspects of change to ever
provide a coherent normative portrait of human development; for this reason, it qualifies as an
important complement to rather than a replacement for other developmental theories
List the types of temperament proposed by Thomas and chess:

Temperament

So far, we’ve talked as if all babies are alike. But if you’ve seen a number of babies together, you
know that isn’t true. Perhaps you’ve seen some babies who were quiet most of the time alongside
others who cried often and impatiently? Maybe you’ve known infants who responded warmly to
strangers next to others who seemed shy? These characteristics of infants indicate a consistent style
or pattern to an infant’s behavior, and collectively they define an infant’s temperament

Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess (Thomas & Chess, 1977; Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1968)
pioneered the study of temperament with the New York Longitudinal Study, in which they traced the
lives of 141 individuals from infancy through adulthood. Thomas and Chess interviewed parents
about their babies and had individuals unfamiliar with the children observe them at home. From
these interviews and observations, Thomas and Chess suggested that infants’ behavior varied along
nine temperamental dimensions. One dimension was activity, which referred to an infant’s typical
level of motor activity. A second was persistence, which referred to the amount of time an infant
devoted to an activity, particularly when obstacles were present.

The New York Longitudinal Study launched research on infant temperament, but today we know
that Thomas and Chess overestimated the number of temperamental dimensions. Instead of nine
dimensions, scientists now propose from two to six dimensions. For example, Mary K. Rothbart
(2007) has devised an influential theory of temperament that includes three different dimensions:

 Surgency/extroversion refers to the extent to which a child is generally happy, active, and
vocal and regularly seeks interesting stimulation.

• Negative affect refers to the extent to which a child is angry, fearful, frustrated, shy, and not easily
soothed.

• Effortful control refers to the extent to which a child can focus attention, is not readily distracted,
and can inhibit responses.

These dimensions of temperament emerge in infancy, continue into childhood, and are related to
dimensions of personality that are found in adolescence and adulthood (Gartstein, Knyazev, &
Slobodskaya, 2005). However, the dimensions are not independent: Infants who are high on effortful
control tend to be high on surgency/extroversion and low on negative affect. In other words, babies
who can control their attention and inhibit responses tend to be happy and active but not angry or
fearful.

Hereditary and Environmental Contributions to Temperament

Temperament reflects both heredity and experience (Caspi, Roberts, & Shiner, 2005). The influence
of heredity is shown in twin studies: Identical twins are more alike in most aspects of temperament
than are fraternal twins (Goldsmith, Pollak, & Davidson, 2008). If, for example, one identical twin is
temperamentally active, then the other usually is, too. However, the impact of heredity also
depends on the temperamental dimension and the child’s age. For example, negative affect is more
influenced by heredity than are the other dimensions, and temperament in childhood is more
influenced by heredity than is temperament in infancy (Wachs & Bates, 2001)

The environment also contributes to children’s temperament. Positive emotionality— youngsters

who laugh often, seem to be generally happy, and express pleasure often— seems to reflect
environmental influences (Goldsmith et al., 1997). What’s more, infants are less emotional when
parents are responsive (Gudmundson & Leerkes, 2012; Leerkes, Blankson, & O’Brien, 2009).
Conversely, infants become increasingly fearful when their mothers are depressed (Gartstein et al.,
2010). And some temperamental characteristics are more common in some cultures than in others.
Asian babies tend to be less emotional than European American babies. For instance, Asian babies
cry less often and less intensely than European American babies, but Russian infants are more fearful
and emotionally negative (Gartstein, Slobodskaya, & Kinsht, 2003; Kagan et al., 1994).

Of course, in trying to determine the contributions of heredity and environment to temperament,

the most likely explanation is that both contribute (Henderson & Wachs, 2007). In fact, one view is
that temperament may make some children particularly susceptible to environmental influences—
either beneficial or harmful (Belsky, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & van IJzendoorn, 2007). For example,
in one study (Kochanska, Aksan, & Joy, 2007), emotionally fearful children were more likely to cheat
in a game when their parents’ discipline emphasized asserting power (e.g., “Do this now and don’t
argue!”). Yet these children were least likely to cheat when parents were nurturing and supportive.
In other words, temperamentally fearful preschoolers can become dishonest or honest, depending
on their parents’ disciplinary style.

There’s no question that heredity and experience cause babies’ temperaments to differ, but how
stable is temperament? We’ll find out in the next section.

Stability of Temperament

Do calm, easy going babies grow up to be calm, easy going children, adolescents, and adults? Are
difficult, irritable infants destined to grow up to be cranky, whiny children? In fact, temperament is
moderately stable throughout infancy, childhood, and adolescence (Janson & Mathiesen, 2008;
Wachs & Bates, 2001). For example, newborns who cry under moderate stress tend, as 5-month-
olds, to cry when they are placed in stressful situations (Stifter & Fox, 1990). In addition, when
inhibited toddlers are adults, they respond more strongly to unfamiliar stimuli (Schwartz et al.,
2003).

Thus, evidence suggests that temperament is at least somewhat stable throughout infancy and the
toddler years (Lemery et al., 1999). Of course, the links are not perfect. Sam, an emotional 1-
yearold, is more likely to be emotional as a 12-year-old than Dave, an unemotional 1-year-old.
However, it’s not a “sure thing” that Sam will still be emotional as a 12-year-old. Instead, think of
temperament as a predisposition. Some infants are naturally predisposed to be sociable, emotional,
or active; others can act in these ways, too, but only if the behaviors are nurtured by parents and
others. Although temperament is only moderately stable during infancy and toddlerhood, it can still
shape development in important ways. For example, an infant’s temperament may determine the
experiences that parents provide. Parents may read more to quiet babies but play more physical
games with their active babies. These different experiences, driven by the infants’ temperament,
contribute to each infant’s development despite the fact that the infants’ temperament may change
over the years. Thus, although infants have many features in common, temperament characteristics
remind us that each baby also seems to have a unique personality from the very start.
Vygotsky contribution to the development of cognition and language:

VYGOTSKY’S THEORY

Piaget’s theory is a major developmental theory. Another developmental theory that focuses on
children’s cognition is Vygotsky’s theory. Like Piaget, Vygotsky (1962) emphasized that children
actively construct their knowledge and understanding. In Piaget’s theory, children develop ways of
thinking and understanding by their actions and interactions with the physical world. In Vygotsky’s
theory, children are more often described as social creatures than in Piaget’s theory. They develop
their ways of thinking and understanding primarily through social interaction. Their cognitive
development depends on the tools provided by society, and their minds are shaped by the cultural
context in which they live (Gredler, 2008; Holzman, 2009). We briefly discussed Vygotsky’s theory in
Chapter 1. Here we take a closer look at his ideas about how children learn and his view of the role
of language in cognitive development.

The Zone of Proximal Development Vygotsky’s belief in the importance of social influences,
especially instruction, on children’s cognitive development is reflected in his concept of the zone of
proximal development. Zone of proximal development (ZPD) is Vygotsky’s term for the range of
tasks that are too difficult for the child to master alone but that can be learned with guidance and
assistance of adults or more-skilled children. Thus, the lower limit of the ZPD is the level of skill
reached by the child working independently. The upper limit is the level of additional responsibility
the child can accept with the assistance of an able instructor (see Figure 7.8). The ZPD captures the
child’s cognitive skills that are in the process of maturing and can be accomplished only with the
assistance of a more skilled person (Alvarez & del Rio, 2007). Vygotsky (1962) called these the
“buds” or “flowers” of development, to distinguish them from the “fruits” of development, which
the child already can accomplish independently.

Scaff olding Closely linked to the idea of the ZPD is the concept of scaffolding. Scaffolding means
changing the level of support. Over the course of a teaching session, a more-skilled person (a
teacher or advanced peer) adjusts the amount of guidance to fi t the child’s current performance
(Daniels, 2007). When the student is learning a new task, the skilled person may use direct
instruction. As the student’s competence increases, less guidance is given.

Language and Thought The use of dialogue as a tool for scaffolding is only one example of the
important role of language in a child’s development. According to Vygotsky, children use speech not
only to communicate socially but also to help them solve tasks. Vygotsky (1962) further believed that
young children use language to plan, guide, and monitor their behavior. This use of language for self-
regulation is called private speech. For Piaget, private speech is egocentric and immature, but for
Vygotsky it is an important tool of thought during the early childhood years (JohnSteiner, 2007).

Vygotsky said that language and thought initially develop independently of each other and then
merge. He emphasized that all mental functions have external, or social, origins. Children must use
language to communicate with others before they can focus inward on their own thoughts. Children
also must communicate externally and use language for a long period of time before they can make
the transition from external to internal speech. This transition period occurs between 3 and 7 years
of age and involves talking to oneself. After a while, the self-talk becomes second nature to children,
and they can act without verbalizing. When they gain this skill, children have internalized their
egocentric speech in the form of inner speech, which becomes their thoughts.
Vygotsky reasoned that children who use a lot of private speech are more socially competent than
those who don’t. He argued that private speech represents an early transition in becoming more
socially communicative. For Vygotsky, when young children talk to themselves, they are using
language to govern their behavior and guide themselves. For example, a child working on a puzzle
might say to herself, “Which pieces should I put together fi rst? I’ll try those green ones fi rst. Now I
need some blue ones. No, that blue one doesn’t fi t there. I’ll try it over here.” Piaget maintained
that self-talk is egocentric and reflects immaturity. However, researchers have found support for
Vygotsky’s view that private speech plays a positive role in children’s development (Winsler, Carlton,
& Barry, 2000). Researchers have found that children use private speech more when tasks are
difficult, after they have made errors, and when they are not sure how to proceed (Berk, 1994). They
also have revealed that children who use private speech are more attentive and improve their
performance more than children who do not use private speech (Berk & Spuhl, 1995).

Teaching Strategies Vygotsky’s theory has been embraced by many teachers and has been
successfully applied to education (Daniels, 2007; Holzman, 2009). Here are some ways Vygotsky’s
theory can be incorporated in classrooms: 1. Assess the child’s ZPD. Like Piaget, Vygotsky did not
recommend formal, standardized tests as the best way to assess children’s learning. Rather,
Vygotsky argued that assessment should focus on determining the child’s zone of proximal
development. The skilled helper presents the child with tasks of varying difficulty to determine the
best level at which to begin instruction.

2. Use the child’s ZPD in teaching. Teaching should begin toward the zone’s upper limit, so that the
child can reach the goal with help and move to a higher level of skill and knowledge. Offer just
enough assistance. You might ask, “What can I do to help you?” Or simply observe the child’s
intentions and attempts and provide support when it is needed. When the child hesitates, offer
encouragement. And encourage the child to practice the skill. You may watch and appreciate the
child’s practice or offer support when the child forgets what to do.

3. Use more-skilled peers as teachers. Remember that it is not just adults who are important in
helping children learn. Children also benefit from the support and guidance of more-skilled children.

4. Place instruction in a meaningful context. Educators today are moving away from abstract
presentations of material; instead, they provide students with opportunities to experience learning
in real-world settings. For example, rather than just memorizing math formulas, students work on
math problems with real-world implications.

5. Transform the classroom with Vygotskian ideas. What does a Vygotskian classroom look like? The
Kamehameha Elementary Education Program (KEEP) in Hawaii is based on Vygotsky’s theory (Tharp,
1994). The ZPD is the key element of instruction in this program. Children might read a story and
then interpret its meaning. Many of the learning activities take place in small groups. All children
spend at least 20 minutes each morning in a setting called “Center One.” In this context, scaffolding
is used to improve children’s literary skills. The instructor asks questions, responds to students’
queries, and builds on the ideas that students generate.

Connecting Development to Life further explores the implications of Vygotsky’s theory for children’s
education.

Evaluating Vygotsky’s Theory Even though their theories were proposed about the same time, most
of the world learned about Vygotsky’s theory later than they learned about Piaget’s theory. Thus,
Vygotsky’s theory has not yet been evaluated as thoroughly. However, Vygotsky’s view of the
importance of sociocultural influences on children’s development fi ts with the current belief that it
is important to evaluate the contextual factors in learning (Holzman, 2009).

We already have discussed several comparisons of Vygotsky’s and Piaget’s theories, such as
Vygotsky’s emphasis on the importance of inner speech in development and Piaget’s view that such
speech is immature. Although both theories are constructivist, Vygotsky’s takes a social
constructivist approach, which emphasizes the social contexts of learning and the construction of
knowledge through social interaction. In moving from Piaget to Vygotsky, the conceptual shift is one
from the individual to collaboration, social interaction, and sociocultural activity (Halford, 2008). The
endpoint of cognitive development for Piaget is formal operational thought. For Vygotsky, the
endpoint can differ depending on which skills are considered to be the most important in a particular
culture. For Piaget, children construct knowledge by transforming, organizing, and reorganizing
previous knowledge. For Vygotsky, children construct knowledge through social interaction (Rogoff
& others, 2007). The implication of Piaget’s theory for teaching is that children need support to
explore their world and discover knowledge. The main implication of Vygotsky’s theory for teaching
is that students need many opportunities to learn with the teacher and more-skilled peers. In both
Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories, teachers serve as facilitators and guides, rather than as directors
and molders of learning. Figure 7.10 compares Vygotsky’s and Piaget’s theories. Criticisms of
Vygotsky’s theory also have surfaced (Karpov, 2006). Some critics point out that Vygotsky was not
specific enough about age-related changes (Gauvain, 2008; Gauvain & Parke, 2010). Another
criticism is that Vygotsky did not adequately describe how changes in socioemotional capabilities
contribute to cognitive development (Gauvain, 2008). Yet another criticism is that he
overemphasized the role of language in thinking. Also, his emphasis on collaboration and guidance
has potential pitfalls. Might facilitators be too helpful in some cases, as when a parent becomes too
overbearing and controlling? Further, some children might become lazy and expect help when they
might have done something on their own.

NFORMATION PROCESSING

Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories provided important ideas about how young children think and how
their thinking changes. More recently, the information-processing approach has generated research
that illuminates how children process information during the preschool years (Galotti, 2010). What
are the limitations and advances in the young child’s ability to pay attention to the environment, to
remember, to develop strategies and solve problems, and to understand their own mental processes
and those of others?

Attention Recall that in Chapter 5 we defined attention as the focusing of mental resources on select
information. The child’s ability to pay attention improves significantly during the preschool years
(Posner & Rothbart, 2007). Toddlers wander around, shift attention from one activity to another,
and seem to spend little time focused on any one object or event. By comparison, the preschool
child might be observed watching television for a half hour. Young children especially make
advances in two aspects of attention—executive attention and sustained attention (Rothbart &
Gartstein, 2008). Executive attention involves action planning, allocating attention to goals, error
detection and compensation, monitoring progress on tasks, and dealing with novel or difficult
circumstances. Sustained attention is focused and extended engagement with an object, task, event,
or other aspect of the environment. Mary Rothbart and Maria Gartstein (2008, p. 332) recently
described why advances in executive and sustained attention are so important in early childhood:
The development of the . . . executive attention system supports the rapid increases in effortful
control in the toddler and preschool years. Increases in attention are due, in part, to advances in
comprehension and language development. As children are better able to understand their
environment, this increased appreciation of their surroundings helps them to sustain attention for
longer periods of time. In at least two ways, however, the preschool child’s control of attention is
still deficient: • Salient versus relevant dimensions. Preschool children are likely to pay attention to
stimuli that stand out, or are salient, even when those stimuli are not relevant to solving a problem
or performing a task. For example, if a fl ashy, attractive clown presents the directions for solving a
problem, preschool children are likely to pay more attention to the clown than to the directions.
After the age of 6 or 7, children attend more efficiently to the dimensions of the task that are
relevant, such as the directions for solving a problem. This change reflects a shift to cognitive control
of attention, so that children act less impulsively and reflect more.

• Planfulness. When experimenters ask children to judge whether two complex pictures are the
same, preschool children tend to use a haphazard comparison strategy, not examining all of the
details before making a judgment. By comparison, elementary school age children are more likely to
systematically compare the details across the pictures, one detail at a time (Vurpillot, 1968) (see
Figure 7.11). In Central European countries, such as Hungary, kindergarten children participate in
exercises designed to improve their attention (Mills & Mills, 2000; Posner & Rothbart, 2007). For
example, in one eye-contact exercise, the teacher sits in the center of a circle of children and each
child is required to catch the teacher’s eye before being permitted to leave the group. In other
exercises created to improve attention, teachers have children participate in stop-go activities during
which they have to listen for a specific signal, such as a drumbeat or an exact number of rhythmic
beats, before stopping the activity. Computer exercises recently have been developed to improve
children’s attention (Jaeggi, Berman, & Jonides, 2009; Tang & Posner, 2009). For example, one study
revealed that five days of computer exercises that involved learning how to use a joystick, working
memory, and the resolution of conflict improved the attention of 4- to 6-year-old children (Rueda &
others, 2005). The ability of preschool children to control and sustain their attention is related to
school readiness (Posner & Rothbart, 2007). For example, a study of more than 1,000 children
revealed that their ability to sustain their attention at 54 months of age was linked to their school
readiness (which included achievement and language skills) (NICHD Early Child Care Research
Network, 2005). And in a recent study children whose parents and teachers rated them higher on a
scale of having attention problems at 54 months of age had a lower level of social skills in peer
relations in the first and third grades than their counterparts who were rated lower on the attention
problems scale at 54 months of age (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2009).

Memory Memory—the retention of information over time—is a central process in children’s

cognitive development. In Chapter 5, we saw that most of an infant’s memories are fragile and, for
the most part, short-lived—except for the memory of perceptual-motor actions, which can be
substantial (Mandler, 2004). Thus, we saw that to understand the infant’s capacity to remember we
need to distinguish implicit memory from explicit memory. Explicit memory itself, however, comes in
many forms. One distinction occurs between relatively permanent or long-term memory and
shortterm memory. Short-Term Memory In short-term memory, individuals retain information for up
to 30 seconds if there is no rehearsal of the information. Using rehearsal (repeating information
after it has been presented), we can keep information in short-term memory for a much longer
period. One method of assessing short-term memory is the memory-span task. You hear a short list
of stimuli—usually digits—presented at a rapid pace (one per second, for example). Then you are
asked to repeat the digits. Research with the memory-span task suggests that short-term memory
increases during early childhood. For example, in one investigation memory span increased from
about 2 digits in 2- to 3-year-old children to about 5 digits in 7-year-old children, yet between 7 and
13 years of age memory span increased only by 1½ digits (Dempster, 1981) (see Figure 7.12). Keep in
mind, though, that memory span varies from one individual to another. Why does memory span
change with age? Rehearsal of information is important; older children rehearse the digits more
than younger children do. Speed—especially the speed with which memory items can be identified
—and efficiency of processing information are important, too (Schneider, 2004). The speed-of-
processing explanation highlights a key point in the informationprocessing perspective: The speed
with which a child processes information is an important aspect of the child’s cognitive abilities, and
there is abundant evidence that the speed with which many cognitive tasks are completed improves
dramatically across the childhood years (Kail, 2007). How Accurate Are Young Children’s Long-Term
Memories? While the toddlers’ short-term memory span increases during the early childhood years,
their memory also becomes more accurate. Young children can remember a great deal of
information if they are given appropriate cues and prompts. Increasingly, young children are even
being allowed to testify in court, especially if they are the only witnesses to abuse, a crime, and so
forth. Several factors can influence the accuracy of a young child’s memory (Bruck & Ceci, 1999): •
There are age differences in children’s susceptibility to suggestion. Pre-schoolers are the most
suggestible age group in comparison with older children and adults (Lehman & others, 2010; Pipe,
2008). For example, preschool children are more susceptible to believing misleading or incorrect
information given after an event (Ghetti & Alexander, 2004). Despite these age differences, there is
still concern about the reaction of older children when they are subjected to suggestive interviews
(Ceci & others, 2007). • There are individual differences in susceptibility. Some pre-schoolers are
highly resistant to interviewers’ suggestions, whereas others immediately succumb to the slightest
suggestion. A recent study revealed that preschool children’s ability to produce a high-quality
narrative was linked to their resistance to suggestion (Kulkofsky & Klemfuss, 2008). • Interviewing
techniques can produce substantial distortions in children’s reports about highly salient events.
Children are suggestible not just about peripheral details but also about the central aspects of an
event (Bruck, Ceci, & Hembrooke, 1998). In some cases, children’s false reports can be tinged with
sexual connotations. In laboratory studies, young children have made false claims about “silly
events” that involved body contact (such as “Did the nurse lick your knee?” or “Did she blow in your
ear?”). A significant number of preschool children have falsely reported that someone touched their
private parts, kissed them, and hugged them, when these events clearly did not happen in the
research. Nonetheless, young children are capable of recalling much that is relevant about an event
(Fivush, 1993). When young children do accurately recall information about an event, the
interviewer often has a neutral tone, there is limited use of misleading questions, and there is an
absence of any motivation for the child to make a false report (Bruck & Ceci, 1999). In sum, whether
a young child’s eyewitness testimony is accurate or not may depend on a number of factors such as
the type, number, and intensity of the suggestive techniques the child has experienced. It appears
that the reliability of young children’s reports has as much to do with the skills and motivation of the
interviewer as with any natural limitations on young children’s memory (Ceci & others, 2007).

Strategies and Problem Solving In Chapter 1, we discussed that informationprocessing theory

emphasizes the importance of using good strategies. Strategies consist of deliberate mental
activities to improve the processing of information. For example, rehearsing information and
organizing it are two typical strategies that older children and adults use to remember more
effectively. For the most part, young children do not use rehearsal and organization to remember
(Miller & Seier, 1994). During early childhood, the relatively stimulus-driven toddler is transformed
into a child capable of flexible, goal-directed problem solving (Zelazo & Müller, 2004). For example,
3- to 4-year-olds cannot understand that a single stimulus can be described in incompatible ways
from two different perspectives (Perner & others, 2002). Consider a problem in which children must
sort stimuli using the rule of color. In the course of the color sorting, a child may describe a red
rabbit as “a red one” to solve the problem. However, in a subsequent task, the child may need to
discover a rule that describes the rabbit as just “a rabbit” to solve the problem. If 3- to 4-year-olds
fail to understand that it is possible to provide multiple descriptions of the same stimulus, they
persist in describing the stimulus as “a red rabbit.” Researchers have found that at about 4 years of
age, children acquire the concept of perspectives, which allows them to appreciate that a single
stimulus can be described in two different ways (Frye, 1999). Some developmental psychologists use
their training in areas such as cognitive development to pursue careers in applied areas. To read
about the work of Helen Hadani, an individualwho followed this path, see Connecting With Careers .

The Child’s Theory of Mind Even young children are curious about the nature of the human mind
(Gelman, 2009). They have a theory of mind, which refers to awareness of one’s own mental
processes and the mental processes of others. Studies of theory of mind view the child as “a thinker
who is trying to explain, predict, and understand people’s thoughts, feelings, and utterances” (Harris,
2006, p. 847). Developmental Changes Children’s theory of mind changes as they develop through
childhood (Gelman, 2009; Lagattuta, Nucci, & Bosacki, 2010). Some changes occur quite early in
development, as we see next. From 18 months to 3 years of age, children begin to understand three
mental states: • Perceptions. By 2 years of age, a child recognizes that another person will see
what’s in front of her own eyes instead of what’s in front of the child’s eyes (Lempers, Flavell, &
Flavell, 1977), and by 3 years of age, the child realizes that looking leads to knowing what’s inside a
container (Pratt & Bryant, 1990). • Emotions. The child can distinguish between positive (for
example, happy) and negative (sad, for example) emotions. A child might say, “Tommy feels bad.” •
Desires. All humans have some sort of desires. But when do children begin to recognize that
someone else’s desires may differ from their own? Toddlers recognize that if people want
something, they will try to get it. For instance, a child might say, “I want my mommy.” Two- to three-
year-olds understand the way that desires are related to actions and to simple emotions. For
example, they understand that people will search for what they want and that if they obtain it, they
are likely to feel happy, but if they don’t, they will keep searching for it and are likely to feel sad or
angry (Wellman & Woolley, 1990). Children also refer to desires earlier and more frequently than
they refer to cognitive states such as thinking and knowing (Bartsch & Wellman, 1995). One of the
landmark developments in understanding others’ desires is recognizing that someone else may have
different desires from one’s own (Doherty, 2008). Eighteen-month-olds understand that their own
food preferences may not match the preferences of others—they will give an adult the food to
which she says “Yummy!” even if the food is something that the infants detest (Repacholi & Gopnik,
1997). As they get older, they can verbalize that they themselves do not like something but an adult
might (Flavell, & others, 1992). Between the ages of 3 to 5, children come to understand that the
mind can represent objects and events accurately or inaccurately. The realization that people can
have false beliefs—beliefs that are not true—develops in a majority of children by the time they are
5 years old (Wellman, Cross, & Watson, 2001) (see Figure 7.13).

This point is often described as a pivotal one in understanding the mind—recognizing that beliefs are
not just mapped directly into the mind from the surrounding world, but that different people can
also have different, and sometimes incorrect, beliefs (Gelman, 2009). In a classic false-belief task,
young children were shown a BandAids box and asked what was inside (Jenkins & Astington, 1996).
To the children’s surprise, the box actually contained pencils. When asked what a child who had
never seen the box would think was inside, 3-year-olds typically responded, “Pencils.” However, the
4- and 5-year-olds, grinning at the anticipation of the false beliefs of other children who had not
seen what was inside the box, were more likely to say “Band-Aids.” In a similar task, children are told
a story about Sally and Anne: Sally places a toy in a basket and then leaves the room (see Figure
7.14). In her absence, Anne takes the toy from the basket and places it in a box. Children are asked
where Sally will look for the toy when she returns. The major finding is that 3-year-olds tend to fail
false-belief tasks, saying that Sally will look in the box (even though Sally could not know that the toy
has moved to this new location). Four-year-olds and older children tend to pass the task, correctly
saying that Sally will have a “false belief”—she will think the object is in the basket, even though that
belief is now false. The conclusion from these studies is that children younger than 4 years old do
not understand that it is possible to have a false belief. However, there are many reasons to
question the focus on this one supposedly pivotal moment in the development of a theory of mind.
For example, the false-belief task is a complicated one that involves a number of factors such as the
characters in the story and all of their individual actions (Bloom & German, 2000). It is only beyond
the preschool years—at approximately 5 to 7 years of age— that children have a deepening
appreciation of the mind itself rather than just an understanding of mental states. For example, they
begin to recognize that people’s behaviors do not necessarily reflect their thoughts and feelings
(Flavell, Green, & Flavell, 1993). Not until middle and late childhood do children see the mind as an
active constructor of knowledge or processing center (Flavell, Green, & Flavell, 1998) and move from
understanding that beliefs can be false to realizing that the same event can be open to multiple
interpretations (Carpendale & Chandler, 1996). For example, in one study, children saw an
ambiguous line drawing (for example, a drawing that could be seen as either a duck or a rabbit); one
puppet told the child she believed the drawing was a duck while another puppet told the child he
believed the drawing was a rabbit (see Figure 7.15). Before the age of 7, children said that there was
one right answer, and it was not okay for both puppets to have different opinions. Although most
research on children’s theory of mind focuses on children around or before their preschool years, at
7 years of age and beyond there are important developments in the ability to understand the beliefs
and thoughts of others. Although understanding that people may have different interpretations is
important, it is also necessary to recognize that some interpretations and beliefs may still be
evaluated on the basis of the merits of arguments and evidence (Kuhn, Cheney, & Weinstock, 2000).
In early adolescence, children begin to understand that people can have ambivalent feelings (Flavell
& Miller, 1998). They start to recognize that the same person can feel both happy and sad about the
same event. They also engage in more recursive thinking: thinking about what other people are
thinking about. Individual Differences As in other developmental research, there are individual
differences in when children reach certain milestones in their theory of mind (Pellicano, 2010). For
example, children who talk with their parents about feelings frequently as 2-year-olds show better
performance on theory of mind tasks (Ruffman, Slade, & Crowe, 2002), as do children who
frequently engage in pretend play (Harris, 2000).

Language Development

Toddlers move rather quickly from producing two-word utterances to creating three-,four-, and five-
word combinations. Between 2 and 3 years of age, they begin the transition from saying simple
sentences that express a single proposition to saying complex sentences. As young children learn the
special features of their own language, there are extensive regularities in how they acquire that
particular language (Berko Gleason, 2009). For example, all children learn the prepositions on and in
before other prepositions. Children learning other languages, such as Russian or Chinese, also
acquire the particular features of those languages in a consistent order.

UNDERSTANDING PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY During the preschool years, most children
gradually become more sensitive to the sounds of spoken words and become increasingly capable of
producing all the sounds of their language. By the time, children are 3 years of age, they can produce
all the vowel sounds and most of the consonant sounds (Menn & Stoel-Gammon, 2009). By the time
children move beyond two-word utterances, they demonstrate a knowledge of morphology rules
(Tager-Flusberg & Zukowski, 2009). Children begin using the plural and possessive forms of nouns
(such as dogs and dog’s ). They put appropriate endings on verbs (such as -s when the subject is
thirdperson singular and -ed for the past tense). They use prepositions (such as in and on), articles
(such as a and the), and various forms of the verb to be (such as “I was going to the store”). Some of
the best evidence for changes in children’s use of morphological rules occurs in their
overgeneralization of the rules, as when a preschool child says “foots” instead of “feet,” or “goed”
instead of “went.” In a classic experiment that was designed to study children’s knowledge of
morphological rules, such as how to make a plural, Jean Berko (1958) presented preschool children
and first-grade children with cards such as the one shown in Figure 7.16. Children were asked to look
at the card while the experimenter read aloud the words on the card. Then the children were asked
to supply the missing word. This might sound easy, but Berko was interested in the children’s ability
to apply the appropriate morphological rule, in this case to say “wugs” with the z sound that
indicates the plural. Although the children’s answers were not perfect, they were much better than
chance. What makes Berko’s study impressive is that most of the words were made up for the
experiment. Thus, the children could not base their responses on remembering past instances of
hearing the words. That they could make the plurals or past tenses of words they had never heard
before was proof that they knew the morphological rules.

CHANGES IN SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS

Preschool children also learn and apply rules of syntax (Lieven, 2008; Tager-Flusberg & Zukowski,
2009). They show a growing mastery of complex rules for how words should be ordered. Consider
wh- questions, such as “Where is Daddy going?” or “What is that boy doing?” To ask these questions
properly, the child must know two important differences between wh- questions and affirmative
statements (for instance, “Daddy is going to work” and “That boy is waiting on the school bus”).
First, a wh word must be added at the beginning of the sentence. Second, the auxiliary verb must be
inverted—that is, exchanged with the subject of the sentence. Young children learn quite early
where to put the wh- word, but they take much longer to learn the auxiliary-inversion rule. Thus,
preschool children might ask, “Where Daddy is going?” and “What that boy is doing?” Gains in
semantics also characterize early childhood. Vocabulary development is dramatic (Pan & Uccelli,
2009). Some experts have concluded that between 18 months and 6 years of age, young children
learn about one new word every waking hour (Gelman & Kalish, 2006)! By the time they enter first
grade, it is estimated that children know about 14,000 words (Clark, 1993).

ADVANCES IN PRAGMATICS

Changes in pragmatics also characterize young children’s language development (Bryant, 2009). A 6-
year-old is simply a much better conversationalist than a 2-yearold is. What are some of the
improvements in pragmatics during the preschool years? Young children begin to engage in
extended discourse (Akhtar & Herold, 2008, p. 581). For example, they learn culturally specific rules
of conversation and politeness and become sensitive to the need to adapt their speech in different
settings. Their developing linguistic skills and increasing ability to take the perspective of others
contribute to their generation of more competent narratives. As children get older, they become
increasingly able to talk about things that are not here (grandma’s house, for example) and not now
(what happened to them yesterday or might happen tomorrow, for example). A preschool child can
tell you what she wants for lunch tomorrow, something that would not have been possible at the
two-word stage of language development. Around 4 to 5 years of age, children learn to change their
speech style to suit the situation. For example, even 4-year-old children speak differently to a 2-year-
old than to a same-aged peer; they use shorter sentences with the 2-year-old. They also speak
differently to an adult than to a same-aged peer, using more polite and formal language with the
adult (Shatz & Gelman, 1973).

YOUNG CHILDREN’S LITERACY

The concern about the ability of U.S. children to read and write has led to a careful examination of
preschool and kindergarten children’s experiences, with the hope that a positive orientation toward
reading and writing can be developed early in life (Jalongo, 2011; Wagner, 2010). Parents and
teachers need to provide young children a supportive environment for them to develop literacy skills
(Christie, Enz, & Vukelich, 2011; Reese, Sparks, & Leyva, 2010). Children should be active participants
and be immersed in a wide range of interesting listening, talking, writing, and reading experiences
(Beaty & Pratt, 2011). A recent study revealed that children whose mothers had more education had
more advanced emergent literacy levels than children whose mothers who had less education
(Korat, 2009). Another recent study found that literacy experiences (such as how often the child was
read to), the quality of the mother’s engagement with her child (such as attempts to cognitively
stimulate the child) and provision of learning materials (such as age-appropriate learning materials
and books) were important home literacy experiences in lowincome families that were linked to the
children’s language development in positive ways (Rodriguez & others, 2009). Instruction should be
built on what children already know about oral language, reading, and writing. Further, early
precursors of literacy and academic success include language skills, phonological and syntactic
knowledge, letter identification, and conceptual knowledge about print and its conventions and
functions (Morrow, 2009; Otto, 2010). The following three longitudinal studies indicate the
importance of early language skills and children’s school readiness: • Phonological awareness, letter
name and sound knowledge, and naming speed in kindergarten were linked to reading success in the
first and second grade (Schattschneider & others, 2004). • Children’s early home environment
influenced their early language skills, which in turn predicted their readiness for school (Forget-
Dobois & others 2009). • The number of letters children knew in kindergarten was highly correlated
(.52) with their reading achievement in high school (Stevenson & Newman, 1986).
Various stages of moral development:

MORAL DEVELOPMENT

Remember from Chapter 8 our description of Piaget’s view of moral development. Piaget proposed
that younger children are characterized by heteronomous morality— but that by 10 years of age
they have moved into a higher stage called autonomous morality. According to Piaget, older children
consider the intentions of the individual, believe that rules are subject to change, and are aware that
punishment does not always follow wrongdoing. A second major perspective on moral development
was proposed by Lawrence Kohlberg (1958, 1986). Piaget’s cognitive stages of development serve as
the underpinnings for Kohlberg’s theory, but Kohlberg suggested that there are six stages of moral
development. These stages, he argued, are universal. Development from one stage to another, said
Kohlberg, is fostered by opportunities to take the perspective of others and to experience conflict
between one’s current stage of moral thinking and the reasoning of someone at a higher stage.
Kohlberg arrived at his view after 20 years of using a unique interview with children. In the
interview, children are presented with a series of stories in which characters face moral dilemmas.
The following is the most popular Kohlberg dilemma: In Europe a woman was near death from a
special kind of cancer. There was one drug that the doctors thought might save her. It was a form of
radium that a druggist in the same town had recently discovered. The drug was expensive to make,
but the druggist was charging ten times what the drug cost him to make. He paid $200 for the
radium and charged $2,000 for a small dose of the drug. The sick woman’s husband, Heinz, went to
everyone he knew to borrow the money, but he could only get together $1,000 which is half of what
it cost. He told the druggist that his wife was dying and asked him to sell it cheaper or let him pay
later. But the druggist said, “No, I discovered the drug, and I am going to make money from it.” So
Heinz got desperate and broke into the man’s store to steal the drug for his wife. (Kohlberg, 1969, p.
379) This story is one of 11 that Kohlberg devised to investigate the nature of moral thought. After
reading the story, the interviewee answers a series of questions about the moral dilemma. Should
Heinz have stolen the drug? Was stealing it right or wrong? Why? Is it a husband’s duty to steal the
drug for his wife if he can get it no other way? Would a good husband steal? Did the druggist have
the right to charge that much when there was no law setting a limit on the price? Why or why not?
The Kohlberg Stages Based on the answers interviewees gave for this and other moral dilemmas,
Kohlberg described three levels of moral thinking, each of which is characterized by two stages (see
Figure 10.1). Preconventional reasoning is the lowest level of moral reasoning, said Kohlberg. At this
level, good and bad are interpreted in terms of external rewards and punishments. • Stage 1.
Heteronomous morality is the first stage of preconventional reasoning. At this stage, moral thinking
is tied to punishment. For example, children think that they must obey because they fear
punishment for disobedience. • Stage 2. Individualism, instrumental purpose, and exchange is the
second stage of preconventional reasoning. At this stage, individuals reason that pursuing their own
interests is the right thing to do but they let others do the same. Thus, they think that what is right
involves an equal exchange. They reason that if they are nice to others, others will be nice to them in
return. Conventional reasoning is the second, or intermediate, level in Kohlberg’s theory of moral
development. At this level, individuals apply certain standards, but they are the standards set by
others, such as parents or the government. • Stage 3. Mutual interpersonal expectations,
relationships, and interpersonal conformity is Kohlberg’s third stage stage, individuals value trust,
caring, and loyalty to others as a basis of moral judgments. Children and adolescents often adopt
their parents’ moral standards at this stage, seeking to be thought of by their parents as a “good girl”
or a “good boy.” • Stage 4. Social systems morality is the fourth stage in Kohlberg’s theory of moral
development. At this stage, moral judgments are based on understanding the social order, law,
justice, and duty. For example, adolescents may reason that in order for a community to work
effectively, it needs to be protected by laws that are adhered to by its members. Postconventional
reasoning is the highest level in Kohlberg’s theory of moral development. At this level, the individual
recognizes alternative moral courses, explores the options, and then decides on a personal moral
code. • Stage 5. Social contract or utility and individual rights is the fifth Kohlberg stage. At this
stage, individuals reason that values, rights, and principles undergird or transcend the law. A person
evaluates the validity of actual laws, and social systems can be examined in terms of the degree to
which they preserve and protect fundamental human rights and values. • Stage 6. Universal ethical
principles is the sixth and highest stage in Kohlberg’s theory of moral development. At this stage, the
person has developed a moral standard based on universal human rights. When faced with a conflict
between law and conscience, the person reasons that conscience should be followed, even though
the decision might bring risk. Kohlberg maintained that these levels and stages occur in a sequence
and are age-related: Before age 9, most children use level 1, preconventional reasoning based on
external rewards and punishments, when they consider moral choices. By early adolescence, their
moral reasoning is increasingly based on the application of standards set by others. Most
adolescents reason at stage 3, with some signs of stages 2 and 4. By early adulthood, a small number
of individuals reason in postconventional ways. What evidence supports this description of
development? A 20-year longitudinal investigation found that use of stages 1 and 2 decreased with
age (Colby & others, 1983) (see Figure 10.2). Stage 4, which did not appear at all in the moral
reasoning of 10-year-olds, was reflected in the moral thinking of 62 percent of the 36-yearolds. Stage
5 did not appear until age 20 to 22 and never characterized more than 10 percent of the individuals.
Thus, the moral stages appeared somewhat later than Kohlberg initially envisioned, and reasoning at
the higher stages, especially stage 6, was rare. Although stage 6 has been removed from the
Kohlberg moral judgment scoring manual, it still is considered to be theoretically important in the
Kohlberg scheme of moral development. Influences on the Kohlberg Stages What factors influence
movement through Kohlberg’s stages? Although moral reasoning at each stage presupposes a
certain level of cognitive development, Kohlberg argued that advances in children’s cognitive
development did not ensure development of moral reasoning. Instead, moral reasoning also reflects
children’s experiences in dealing with moral questions and moral conflict. Several investigators have
tried to advance individuals’ levels of moral development by having a model present arguments that
reflect moral thinking one stage above the individuals’ established levels. This approach applies the
concepts of equilibrium and conflict that Piaget used to explain cognitive development. By
presenting arguments slightly beyond the children’s level of moral reasoning, the researchers
created a disequilibrium that motivated the children to restructure their moral thought. The upshot
of studies using this approach is that virtually any plus-stage discussion, for any length of time,
seems to promote more advanced moral reasoning (Walker, 1982). Kohlberg emphasized that peer
interaction and perspective taking are critical aspects of the social stimulation that challenges
children to change their moral reasoning. Whereas adults characteristically impose rules and
regulations on children, the give-and-take among peers gives children an opportunity to take the
perspective of another person and to generate rules democratically. Kohlberg stressed that in
principle, encounters with any peers can produce perspective-taking opportunities that may advance
a child’s moral reasoning. A recent research review of crosscultural studies involving Kohlberg’s
theory revealed strong support for a link between perspective-taking skills and more advanced
moral judgments (Gibbs & others, 2007). Kohlberg’s Critics Kohlberg’s theory provoked debate,
research, and criticism (Gibbs, 2009; Narvaez & Lapsley, 2009; Walker & Frimer, 2011). Key criticisms
involve the link between moral thought and moral behavior, the roles of culture and the family in
moral development, and the significance of concern for others. Moral Thought and Moral Behavior
Kohlberg’s theory has been criticized for placing too much emphasis on moral thought and not
enough emphasis on moral behavior (Walker, 2004). Moral reasons can sometimes be a shelter for
immoral behavior. Corrupt CEOs and politicians endorse the loftiest of moral virtues in public before
their own behavior is exposed. Whatever the latest public scandal, you will probably find that the
culprits displayed virtuous thoughts but engaged in immoral behavior. No one wants a nation of
cheaters and thieves who can reason at the postconventional level. The cheaters and thieves may
know what is right yet still do what is wrong. Heinous actions can be cloaked in a mantle of moral
virtue. Culture and Moral Reasoning Kohlberg emphasized that his stages of moral reasoning are
universal, but some critics claim his theory is culturally biased (Gibbs, 2009; Miller, 2007). Both
Kohlberg and his critics may be partially correct. One review of 45 studies in 27 cultures around the
world, mostly non-European, provided support for the universality of Kohlberg’s first four stages
(Snarey, 1987). Individuals in diverse cultures developed through these four stages in sequence as
Kohlberg predicted. Stages 5 and 6, however, have not been found in all cultures (Gibbs & others,
2007; Snarey, 1987). Furthermore, Kohlberg’s scoring system does not recognize the higher-level
moral reasoning of certain cultures and thus that moral reasoning is more culture-specific than
Kohlberg envisioned (Snarey, 1987). In sum, although Kohlberg’s approach does capture much of the
moral reasoning voiced in various cultures around the world, his approach misses or misconstrues
some important moral concepts in particular cultures (Gibbs, 2009). Families and Moral
Development Kohlberg argued that family processes are essentially unimportant in children’s moral
development. As noted earlier, he argued that parent-child relationships usually provide children
with little opportunity for give-and-take or perspective taking. Rather, Kohlberg said that such
opportunities are more likely to be provided by children’s peer relations. Did Kohlberg
underestimate the contribution of family relationships to moral development? Most experts on
children’s moral development conclude that parents’ moral values and actions influence children’s
developing moral thoughts (Laible & Thompson, 2007; Walker & Frimer, 2011). Nonetheless, most
developmentalists agree with Kohlberg and Piaget that peers play an important role in the
development of moral reasoning.
Unit 3

Stages of prenatal development:

if you mention pregnancy in a room full of women, each one who has borne a child will have a story
to tell. There will be laughter about food cravings, body shape, and balance issues. There will be
tales of babies who arrive early and attend their own showers, as well as recollections of induced
labors that jettisoned infants who were reluctant to leave the womb. There will be complaints about
advice from the medical world that was later discovered to be prenatally hazardous. Young, healthy
women who had never smoked or ingested alcohol, who carefully consumed a nutrient-rich variety
of fruits, vegetables and other foods, who made sure they were well rested, and who enjoyed the
support of spouse, friends, and family may talk about miscarriage, premature births, or other life-
threatening complications that accompanied their pregnancies. Older mothers, or those who
inadvertently or intentionally drank alcohol, smoked cigarettes or marijuana, and who paid little
heed to their diets, will boast about plump, Gerber-baby newborns that are now at the top of their
high school classes. While these women express relief that their offspring seem to have dodged the
bullets that they themselves launched, others speak of how they deal with consequences they might
have avoided. A few of the women in the room may sit quietly and reflect upon what it was like to
be pregnant as a teenager, a single parent, or a widow. As an observer, you will note that nearly
every woman in the room was, or has become, keenly aware that a mother’s behavioral choices
during pregnancy may affect the outcome of her child. In this chapter we will discuss normal
prenatal development as well as the things that can go wrong. You will see that the timetable inside
the womb differs drastically from what we observe externally as the three familiar trimesters that
demark the experience of the pregnant woman. Inside the womb, there are three stages as well, but
these stages pass quickly as the organism becomes a zygote, then an embryo, and finally a fetus. The
transition from embryo to fetus occurs at 8 weeks, a full month before the pregnant woman enters
the second trimester of her pregnancy and, often, before she is aware that she is pregnant. At this
point, all of the embryo’s major organs are formed. The rest of the prenatal period is a time of
growth, developing function, and the refinement of organs and structures that already exist. This
means that a woman may pass through the most critical periods of pregnancy before she even
knows she is pregnant. Even though she may be aware that behaviors such as ceasing to consume
alcohol or monitoring the nutritional value of her diet are beneficial, her window of opportunity for
minimizing risk may pass before she realizes that she has reason to make behavioral changes. In this
chapter, we present information about both maternal and paternal behaviors that may impact the
course of prenatal development. Some of these behaviors are associated with negative impacts,
such as low birth weight, cognitive deficits, or birth defects. Others are associated with healthy
newborn outcomes and positive outcomes for the maturing child. Just because a risk or benefit is
associated with a certain behavior does not mean that engaging in the behavior will ensure that
outcome. For example, both increasing maternal age and alcohol consumption during pregnancy are
associated with severe cognitive deficits in newborns, but, as noted above, many women who wait
to conceive or who drink alcohol while pregnant, bear perfectly healthy, bright newborns. In
addition, although good nutrition, adequate amounts of sleep, and support from the baby’s father
are associated with positive newborn outcomes, young women with healthy lifestyles who receive
both emotional and behavioral support from a spouse or partner may still bear newborns with birth
defects or low IQs. The behavioral information in this chapter provides a means for prospective
parents to minimize the risks that threaten healthy prenatal development, but perhaps the most
important message of the chapter is that all sexually active men and women should be aware of the
possibility of a pregnancy, the critical period of the early weeks of pregnancy, and the wisdom of
adjusting their lifestyles to provide a healthy prenatal environment, just in case.

. From Conception to Birth

In Chapter 3 we learned that development begins in the fallopian tube when a sperm penetrates the
wall of an ovum, forming a zygote. From the moment of conception, it will take approximately 266
days for this tiny, one-celled zygote to become a fetus of some 200 billion cells that is ready to be
born. Prenatal development is often divided into three major phases. The first phase, called the
period of the zygote, lasts from conception through implantation, when the developing zygote
becomes firmly attached to the wall of the uterus. The period of the zygote normally lasts about 10
to 14 days (Leese, 1994). The second phase of prenatal development, the period of the embryo, lasts
from the beginning of the third week through the end of the eighth. This is the time when virtually
all the major organs are formed and the heart begins to beat (Corsini, 1994). The third phase, the
period of the fetus, lasts from the ninth week of pregnancy until the baby is born. During this phase,
all the major organ systems begin to function, and the developing organism grows rapidly (Malas et
al., 2004).

The Period of the Zygote

As the fertilized ovum, or zygote, moves down the fallopian tube toward the uterus, it divides by
mitosis into two cells. These two cells and all the resulting cells continue to divide, forming a ball-like
structure, or blastocyst, that will contain 60 to 80 cells within 4 days of conception (see Figure 4.1).
Cell differentiation has already begun. The inner layer of the blastocyst will become the embryo,
whereas the outer layer of cells will develop into tissues that protect and nourish the embryo

Implantation
 As the blastocyst approaches the uterus 6 to 10 days after conception, small, burrlike tendrils
emerge from its outer surface. Upon reaching the uterine wall, these tendrils burrow inward,
tapping the mother’s blood supply. This is implantation. Implantation is quite a development in
itself. There is a specific “window of implantation” during which the blastocyst must communicate
(biologically) with the uterine wall, position itself, attach and invade. This implantation choreography
takes about 48 hours and occurs 7 to 10 days after ovulation, with the entire process completing
about 10 to 14 days after ovulation (Hoozemans et al., 2004). Once the blastocyst is implanted it
looks like a small translucent blister on the wall of the uterus (see Figure 4.1). Only about half of all
fertilized ova are firmly implanted, and perhaps as many as half of all such implants are either
genetically abnormal and fail to develop, or burrow into a site incapable of sustaining them and are
miscarried (Moore & Persaud, 1993; Simpson, 1993). So nearly three zygotes out of four fail to
survive the initial phase of prenatal development

Development of Support Systems

Once implanted, the blastocyst’s outer layer rapidly forms four major support structures that
protect and nourish the developing organism (Sadler, 1996). One membrane, the amnion, is a
watertight sac that fills with fluid from the mother’s tissues. The purposes of this sac and its amniotic
fluid are to cushion the developing organism against blows, regulate its temperature, and provide a
weightless environment that will make it easier for the embryo to move. Floating in this watery
environment is a balloon-shaped yolk sac that produces blood cells until the embryo is capable of
producing its own. This yolk sac is attached to a third membrane, the chorion, which surrounds the
amnion and eventually becomes the lining of the placenta—a multipurpose organ that we will
discuss in detail (see Figure 4.2). A fourth membrane, the allantois, forms the embryo’s umbilical
cord.

Purpose of the Placenta

Once developed, the placenta is fed by blood vessels from the mother and the embryo, although its
hairlike villi act as a barrier that prevents these two bloodstreams from mixing. This placental barrier
is semipermeable, meaning that it allows some substances to pass through, but not others. Gases
such as oxygen and carbon dioxide, salts, and various nutrients such as sugars, proteins, and fats are
small enough to cross the placental barrier. However, blood cells are too large (Gude et al., 2004).
Maternal blood flowing into the placenta delivers oxygen and nutrients into the embryo’s
bloodstream by means of the umbilical cord, which connects the embryo to the placenta. The
umbilical cord also transports carbon dioxide and metabolic wastes from the embryo. These waste
products then cross the placental barrier, enter the mother’s bloodstream, and are eventually
expelled from the mother’s body along with her own metabolic wastes. Thus, the placenta plays a
crucial role in prenatal development because this organ is the site of all metabolic transactions that
sustain the embryo

Purpose of the Placenta

Once developed, the placenta is fed by blood vessels from the mother and the embryo, although its
hairlike villi act as a barrier that prevents these two bloodstreams from mixing. This placental barrier
is semipermeable, meaning that it allows some substances to pass through, but not others. Gases
such as oxygen and carbon dioxide, salts, and various nutrients such as sugars, proteins, and fats are
small enough to cross the placental barrier. However, blood cells are too large (Gude et al., 2004).
Maternal blood flowing into the placenta delivers oxygen and nutrients into the embryo’s
bloodstream by means of the umbilical cord, which connects the embryo to the placenta. The
umbilical cord also transports carbon dioxide and metabolic wastes from the embryo. These waste
products then cross the placental barrier, enter the mother’s bloodstream, and are eventually
expelled from the mother’s body along with her own metabolic wastes. Thus, the placenta plays a
crucial role in prenatal development because this organ is the site of all metabolic transactions that
sustain the embryo and hair. The middle layer, or mesoderm, will become the muscles, bones, and
circulatory system. The inner layer, or endoderm, will become the digestive system, lungs, urinary
tract, and other vital organs such as the pancreas and liver. Development proceeds at a breathtaking
pace during the period of the embryo. In the third week after conception, a portion of the ectoderm
folds into a neural tube that soon becomes the brain and spinal cord. By the end of the fourth week,
the heart has not only formed but has already begun to beat. The eyes, ears, nose, and mouth are
also beginning to form, and buds that will become arms and legs suddenly appear. At this point, the
embryo is only about 1 ⁄4th of an inch long, but already 10,000 times the size of the zygote from
which it developed. At no time in the future will this organism ever grow as rapidly or change as
much as it has during the first prenatal month.

The Second Month

During the second month, the embryo becomes much more human in appearance as it grows about
1/30th of an inch per day. A primitive tail appears (see Figure 4.3), but it is soon enclosed by
protective tissue and becomes the tip of the backbone, the coccyx. By the middle of the fifth week,
the eyes have corneas and lenses. By the seventh week, the ears are well formed, and the embryo
has a rudimentary skeleton. Limbs are now developing from the body outward; that is, the upper
arms appear first, followed by the forearms, hands, and then fingers. The legs follow a similar
pattern a few days later. The brain develops rapidly during the second month, and it directs the
organism’s first muscular contractions by the end of the embryonic period. During the seventh and
eighth prenatal weeks, the embryo’s sexual development begins with the appearance of a genital
ridge called the indifferent gonad. If the embryo is a male, a gene on its Y chromosome triggers a
biochemical reaction that instructs the indifferent gonad to produce testes. If the embryo is a
female, the indifferent gonad receives no such instructions and will produce ovaries. The embryo’s
circulatory system now functions on its own, for the liver and spleen have assumed the task of
producing blood cells. By the end of the second month, the embryo is slightly more than an inch long
and weighs less than 1/4th of an ounce. Yet it is already a marvelously complex being. At this point,
all the major structures of the human are formed and the organism is beginning to be recognizable
as a human (Apgar & Beck, 1974).

The Period of the Fetus

The last seven months of pregnancy, or period of the fetus, is a period of rapid growth (see Figure
4.4) and refinement of all organ systems. This is the time during which all major organ systems begin
to function and the fetus begins to move, sense, and behave (although not intentionally). This is also
a time when individuality emerges as different fetuses develop unique characteristics, such as
different patterns of movement and different facial expressions.

The Third Month

During the third prenatal month, organ systems that were formed earlier continue their rapid
growth and become interconnected. For example, coordination between the nervous and muscular
systems allow the fetus to perform many interesting maneuvers in its watery environment—kicking
its legs, making fists, twisting its body—although these activities are far too subtle to be felt by the
pregnant woman. The digestive and excretory systems are also working together, allowing the fetus
to swallow, digest nutrients, and urinate (El-Haddad et al., 2004; Ross & Nijland, 1998). Sexual
differentiation is progressing rapidly. The male testes secrete testosterone—the male sex hormone
responsible for the development of a penis and scrotum. In the absence of testosterone, female
genitalia form. By the end of the third month, the sex of a fetus can be detected by ultrasound and
its reproductive system already contains immature ova or sperm cells. All these detailed
developments are present after 12 weeks even though the fetus is a mere 3 inches long and still
weighs less than an ounce.

The Fourth through Sixth Months

Development continues at a rapid pace during the 13th through 24th weeks of pregnancy. At age 16
weeks, the fetus is 8 to 10 inches long and weighs about 6 ounces. From 15 or 16 weeks through
about 24 or 25 weeks, simple movements of the tongue, lips, pharynx, and larynx increase in
complexity and coordination, so that the fetus begins to suck, swallow, munch, hiccup, breathe,
cough, and snort, thus, preparing itself for extrauterine life (Miller, Sonies, & Macedonia, 2003). In
fact, infants born prematurely may have difficulty breathing and suckling because they exit the
womb at an early stage in the development of these skills—simply put, they haven’t had enough
time to practice (Miller, Sonies, & Macedonia, 2003). During this period the fetus also begins kicking
that may be strong enough to be felt by the pregnant woman. The fetal heartbeat can easily be
heard with a stethoscope, and as the amount of bone and cartilage increases as the skeleton
hardens (Salle et al., 2002) the skeleton can be detected by ultrasound. By the end of the 16th week,
the fetus has assumed a distinctly human appearance, although it stands virtually no chance of
surviving outside the womb. During the fifth and sixth months, the nails harden, the skin thickens,
and eyebrows, eyelashes, and scalp hair suddenly appear. At 20 weeks, the sweat glands are
functioning, and the fetal heartbeat is often strong enough to be heard by placing an ear on the
pregnant woman’s abdomen. The fetus is now covered by a white cheesy substance called vernix
and a fine layer of body hair called lanugo. Vernix protects fetal skin against chapping during its long
exposure to amniotic fluid and lanugo helps vernix stick to the skin. By the end of the sixth month,
the fetus’s visual and auditory senses are clearly functional. We know this because preterm infants
born only 25 weeks after conception become alert at the sound of a loud bell and blink in response
to a bright light (Allen & Capute, 1986). Also, magnetoencephalography (MEG) has been used to
document changes in the magnetic fields generated by the fetal brain in response to auditory
stimuli. In fact, the use of MEG has revealed that the human fetus has some ability to discriminate
between sounds. This ability may indicate the presence of a rudimentary, fetal short-term memory
system (Huotilainen et al., 2005). These abilities are present 6 months after conception, when the
fetus is approximately 14 to 15 inches long and weighs about 2 pounds.

The Seventh through Ninth Months

The last 3 months of pregnancy comprise a “finishing phase” during which all organ systems mature
rapidly, preparing the fetus for birth. Indeed, somewhere between 22 and 28 weeks after conception
(usually in the seventh month), fetuses reach the age of viability— the point at which survival
outside the uterus is possible (Moore & Persund, 1993). Research using fetal monitoring techniques
reveals that 28- to 32-week-old fetuses suddenly begin to show better organized and more
predictable cycles of heart rate activity, gross motor activity, and sleepiness/waking activity, findings
that indicate that their developing nervous systems are now sufficiently well organized to allow
them to survive should their birth be premature (DiPietro et al., 1996; Groome et al., 1997).
Nevertheless, many fetuses born this young will still require oxygen assistance because the tiny
pulmonary alveoli (air sacs) in their lungs are too immature to inflate and exchange oxygen for
carbon dioxide on their own (Moore & Persaud, 1993)

By the end of the seventh month, the fetus weighs nearly 4 pounds and is about 16 to 17 inches
long. One month later, it has grown to 18 inches and put on another 1 to 2 pounds. Much of this
weight comes from a padding of fat deposited just beneath the skin that later helps to insulate the
newborn infant from changes in temperature. By the middle of the ninth month, fetal activity slows
and sleep increases (DiPietro et al., 1996; Sahni et al., 1995). The fetus is now so large that the most
comfortable position within a restricted, pear-shaped uterus is likely to be a head-down posture at
the base of the uterus, with the limbs curled up in the so-called fetal position. At irregular intervals
over the last month of pregnancy, the pregnant woman’s uterus contracts and then relaxes—a
process that tones the uterine muscles, dilates the cervix, and helps to position the head of the fetus
into the gap between the pelvic bones through which it will soon be pushed. As the uterine
contractions become stronger, more frequent, and regular, the prenatal period draws to a close. The
pregnant woman is now in the first stage of labor, and within a matter of hours she will give birth. A
brief overview of prenatal development is presented in Table 4.1. Note that the stages of
development through which the developing organism passes do not correspond to the trimester
stages used to describe the pregnant woman’s experience. In fact, the developing organism passes
through all three stages of prenatal development in the pregnant woman’s first trimester.
Furthermore, because the organism becomes a fetus at about 8 weeks after conception, it is not at
all uncommon for a woman not to realize she is pregnant before the periods of the zygote and
embryo have passed.
The influence of teratogens and environmental hazards on prenatal development:

Teratogens

The term teratogen refers to any disease, drug, or other environmental agent that can harm a
developing embryo or fetus by causing physical deformities, severely retarded growth, blindness,
brain damage, and even death. The list of known and suspected teratogens has grown frighteningly
long over the years, making many of today’s parents quite concerned about the hazards their
developing embryos and fetuses could face (Friedman & Polifka, 1996; Verp, 1993). Before
considering the effects of some of the major teratogens, let’s emphasize that about 95 percent of
newborn babies are perfectly normal and that many of those born with defects have mild,
temporary, or reversible problems (Gosden, Nicolaides, & Whitling, 1994; Heinonen, Slone, &
Shapiro, 1977). Let’s also lay out a few principles about the effects of teratogens that will aid us in
interpreting the research that follows: ■ The effects of a teratogen on a body part or organ system
are worst during the period when that structure is forming and growing most rapidly. ■ Not all
embryos or fetuses are equally affected by a teratogen; susceptibility to harm is influenced by the
embryo’s or fetus’s and the pregnant woman’s genetic makeup and the quality of the prenatal
environment. ■ The same defect can be caused by different teratogens. ■ A variety of defects can
result from a single teratogen. ■ The longer the exposure to or higher the “dose” of a teratogen, the
more likely it is that serious harm will be done. ■ Embryos and fetuses can be affected by fathers’ as
well as by pregnant women’s exposure to some teratogens. ■ The long-term effects of a teratogen
often depend on the quality of the postnatal environment. ■ Some teratogens cause “sleeper
effects” that may not be apparent until later in the child’s life. Let’s look more closely at the first
principle from the list because it is very important. Each major organ system or body part has a
sensitive period when it is most susceptible to teratogenic agents, namely, the time when that
particular part of the body is forming. Recall that most organs and body parts are rapidly forming
during the period of the embryo (weeks 3 through 8 of prenatal development). As we see in Figure
4.5, this is precisely the time—before a woman may even know that she is pregnant—that most
organ systems are most vulnerable to damage. The most crucial period for gross physical defects of
the head and central nervous system is the third through the fifth prenatal weeks. The heart is
particularly vulnerable from the middle of the third through the middle of the sixth prenatal week;
the most vulnerable period for many other organs and body parts is the second prenatal month. Is it
any wonder, then, that the period of the embryo is often called the critical phase of pregnancy?
Once an organ or body part is fully formed, it becomes somewhat less susceptible to damage.
However, as Figure 4.5 also illustrates, some organ systems (particularly the eyes, genitals, and
nervous system) can be damaged throughout pregnancy. Several years ago, Olli Heinonen and his
associates (Heinonen, Slone, & Shapiro, 1977) concluded that many of the birth defects found
among the 50,282 children in their sample were anytime malformations—problems that could have
been caused by teratogens at any point during the 9-month prenatal period. So it seems that the
entire prenatal period could be considered a sensitive period for human development. Teratogens
can have subtle effects on babies’ behavior that are not obvious at birth but nevertheless influence
their psychological development. For example, we will see that babies whose mothers consumed as
little as an ounce of alcohol a day while pregnant usually display no obvious physical deformities;
however, they are often slower to process information and may score lower on IQ tests later in
childhood than children whose mothers did not drink (Jacobson & Jacobson, 1996). These results
may reflect subtle effects of alcohol on the development of the fetal brain. But there is another
possibility. Postnatally, caregivers may have been less inclined to stimulate a sluggish baby who was
slow to respond to their bids for attention. And, over time, those depressed levels of stimulation
(rather than any effect of alcohol on the brain) may have stunted the child’s intellectual
development. With these principles in mind, let’s now consider some of the diseases, drugs,
chemicals, and other environmental hazards that can adversely affect prenatal development or have
other harmful consequences.

Environmental Hazards

Another class of teratogens is environmental hazards. These include chemicals in the environment
that the pregnant woman cannot control and may not even be aware of. There are also
environmental hazards that the pregnant woman can regulate. Let’s examine these teratogens and
their effects.

Radiation.

Soon after the atomic blasts of 1945 in Japan, scientists became painfully aware of the teratogenic
effects of radiation. Not one pregnant woman who was within one-half mile of these explosions gave
birth to a live child. In addition, 75 percent of the pregnant women who were within a mile and a
quarter of the blasts had seriously handicapped children who soon died, and the infants who did
survive were often mentally retarded (Apgar & Beck, 1974; Vorhees & Mollnow, 1987). We don’t
know exactly how much radiation it takes to harm an embryo or fetus. Even if an exposed child
appears normal at birth, the possibility of developing complications later in life cannot be dismissed.
For these reasons, pregnant women are routinely advised to avoid X-rays, particularly of the pelvis
and abdomen, unless they are crucial for their own survival.

Chemicals and Pollutants.

Pregnant women routinely come in contact with potentially toxic substances in their everyday
environments, including organic dyes and coloring agents, food additives, artificial sweeteners,
pesticide , and cosmetic products, some of which are known to have teratogenic effects in animals
(Verp, 1993). Unfortunately, the risks associated with a large number of these common chemical
additives and treatments remain to be determined

There are also pollutants in the air we breathe and the water we drink. For example, pregnant
women may be exposed to concentrations of lead, zinc, or mercury discharged into the air or water
by industrial operations or present in house paint and water pipes. These “heavy metals” are known
to impair the physical health and mental abilities of adults and children and to have teratogenic
effects (producing physical deformities and mental retardation) on developing embryos and fetuses.
Polluting chemicals called PCBs (polychlorinated biphenyls), now outlawed but once widely used in
plastics and carbon paper, represent another hazard. Joseph Jacobson and his colleagues (1984,
1985) found that even low-level exposure to PCBs, resulting from mothers’ eating of contaminated
fish from Lake Michigan, was enough to make newborns smaller on average and less responsive and
neurologically mature than babies whose mothers did not eat polluted fish. At age 4, these children
still performed poorly on tests of short-term memory and verbal reasoning ability, with the extent of
their deficits corresponding to the “dose” of PCB that they received before birth (Jacobson,
Jacobson, & Humphrey, 1990; Jacobson et al., 1992). In other studies, prenatal PCB exposure has
been associated with difficulty in maintaining attention and slower reaction times (Grandjean et al.,
2001), and with problems with spatial reasoning skills (Guo et al., 1995). Furthermore, these effects
may be compounded by lactational exposure to PCB post birth (Vreugdenhil et al., 2004). In one
study, 9-year-olds were asked to complete a complex task that required planning and integration
skills, as well as sustained attention and the use of spatial working memory. During conception,
pregnancy, and the nursing period, the mothers of the children tested lived in a highly industrial
section of Rotterdam, where they were exposed to varying levels of PCB, thus exposing their children
prenatally, and augmenting the exposure if the mothers chose to breast-feed their newborns.
Children who were exposed to higher levels of PCB performed more poorly on the complex task than
did children who were exposed to lower levels of PCB. In addition, 9-year-olds who were breast-fed
performed more poorly than children who were formula-fed. In fact, the children who were least
proficient at the task were those who had been exposed to high levels of PCB in utero and whose
mothers had breast-fed them for longer periods of time (see Figure 4.6) (Vreugdenhil et al., 2004).
Even a father’s exposure to environmental toxins can affect a couple’s children. Studies of men in a
variety of occupations reveal that prolonged exposure to radiation, anesthetic gases, and other toxic
chemicals can damage a father’s chromosomes, increasing the likelihood of his child’s being
miscarried or displaying genetic defects (Gunderson & Sackett, 1982; Merewood, 2000; Strigini et al.,
1990). And even when expectant mothers do not drink alcohol or use drugs, they are much more
likely to deliver a low-birth-weight baby or one with other defects if the father is a heavy drinker or
drug user (Frank et al., 2002; Merewood, 2000). Why? Possibly because certain substances (for
example, cocaine and maybe even alcohol, PCBs, and other toxins) can apparently bind directly to
live sperm or cause mutations in them, thereby altering prenatal development from the moment of
conception (Merewood, 2000; Yazigi, Odem, & Polakoski, 1991). Taken together, these findings
imply that (1) environmental toxins can affect the reproductive system of either parent so that (2)
both mothers and fathers should limit their exposure to known teratogens.
Unit 4:

Physical characteristics of a newborn:

infancy. or the period of the newborn, is, according to standard dictionaries, the beginning or
the early period of existence as an individual rather than as a parasite in the mother s body.
Dictionaries also define an infant as a child in the first period of life.
According to legal standards, an infant is an individual who is a minor until reaching the age
of legal maturity, which, in America today, is eighteen years.
According to medical terminology, an infant is a
young child, but no specific age limits are placed on
when the individual ceases to be an infant and becomes a child.

Many psychologists use the word infant in much the same way as members of the medical
profession do and, like them, fail to set an age limit on infancy. This gives the period an
ambiguous status in the life spans. The word infant suggests extreme helplessness,
and it will be limited in this book to the first few weeks of life. During this period, the
newborn's complete helplessness gradually gives way to increasing independence.

SUBDIVISIONS OF INFANCY

Period of the Partunate (from birth to fifteen

to thirty minutes after birth). This period begins
when the fetal body has emerged from the
mother's body and lasts until the umbilical
Cord has been cut and tied. Until this is done,
the infant continues to be a parasite and makes
no adjustments to the postnatal environment
the environment outside the mother's body.

Period of the Neonate (from the cutting and

tying of the umbilical cord to approximately

the end of the second week of postnatal lite).
The infant is now a separate, independent Individual and is no longer a parasite. During this
period, the infant must make adjustments to the
new environment outside the mother's body.

Physical Development
Infants differ greatly in appearance and physioiogical functions at birth and in their early
adjustments after birth.

Size At birth, the average infant weighs 72 pounds

and measures 19% inches in length. Weight in relation to height is less at birth, on the
average, in the
more active fetuses than in those who have been less
active during the latter part of the fetal period. Boys,
on the whole, are slightly longer and heavier than
girls There are marked individual differences,
however, in infants of both sexes.
Infantile features
the birth of the new born infant are soft, small and uncontrolled. at the time of birth, less
development has taken place in the muscles of the neck and legs than in those of the hands
and arms. The bones, like the muscles, are soft and
flexible because they are composed chiefly of cartilage or gristle. Because of their softness,
they can readily be misshapen. The skin is soft and often
blotchy. The flesh is firm and elastic. The skin of
white infants becomes lighter as they grow older
while that of non-whites becomes darker (77).
Frequently, soft downy hair is found on the
head and back, though the latter soon disappears.
The eyes of white newborns are usually a bluish
gray, though they gradually change to whatever their
permanent color will be. Infants with dark skin have
dark brown eyes but they also change, becoming
darker in time. Natal teeth occur approximately once
in every 2,000 births. They are the "baby type and
are usually lower central incisors.

Physical Proportions The newborn is not a miniature adult. This is illustrated in Figure 3-3.
The head is
approximately one-fourth of the body length; the
adult head, by comparison, is approximately one-seventh of the total body length. The cranial
region, the
area over the eyes, is proportionally much larger than
the rest of the head, while the chin is proportionally
much too small. By contrast, the eyes are almost mature in size. The nose is very small and
almost flat on
the face, while the tiny mouth may look like a slit it
the lips are narrow.

The neck is so short that it is almost invisible,

and the skin covering it lies in thick folds or creases.

In the trunk, the shoulders are narrow, while the abdomen is large and bulging.
Proportionally, the arms
and legs of the infant are much too short for the head
and trunk. The hands and feet are miniature.

Physiological functions: because of the undeveloped state of The autonomic Nervous system at
birth, the Infant is unable to maintain homeostasis, which is one of the causes of the high mortality
rate at this time.
With the birth cry ,the lungs are inflated and respiration begins. The respiration rate at first ranges
from 40 to 45 breathing movements per minute . by the end of the first week of life, it normally
drops to approximately 35 per minute and is more stable than it was at first.

Neonatal Heartbeat is more Rapid than that of the adult because the Infant heart is small compared
with the arteries when body movements and restricted by means of swaddling the infant's body
there is an increase in stability of the heartbeat. As a result the Infant is quieter, sleeps more and has
a lower heart rate. even in a healthy infant the temperature is higher and more variable than in the
adult.

Reflex sucking movement occur when the Infant is hungry or when the lips are touched. There is an
increase in the rate of sucking and in the amount of nutrients consumed with each passing day,
partly because of maturation and partly because of learning.

Weight

At the age of tour months, the baby's weight has

At doubled. At one year, babies weigh, on

pounds Increase in weight

comes mainly from an increase

the average, three times as much as they did at

birth, or approximately 21 pounds. At the age of

aO, the typical American baby weighs 25

during babyhood

in fat tissue.

Height

At four months, the baby measures between 23

and 24 inches; at one year, between 28 and 30

inches; and at two years, between 32 and 34

inches.
Physical Proportions

Head growth slows down in babyhood, while

trunk and limb growth increases. Thus the baby

gradually becomes less top-heavy and appears

more slender and less chunky by the end of baby-

hood. See Figure 4-2.

Bones

The number of bones increases during babyhood.

Ossification begins in the early part of the first

year, but is not completed until puberty. The frontal, or soft spot on the skull, has closed in ap-

proximately 50 percent of all babies by the age at

eighteen months, and in almost all babies by the

age of two years,

Muscles and Fat

Muscle fibers are present at birth but in very undeveloped forms. They grow slowly during baby-

Old and are weak, By contrast, fat tissue develops rapidly during babyhood, due partly to the

content of milk, the main ingredient in a baby's diet

Body Builds

During the second year of life, as body proportions

change, babies begin to show tendencies toward

characteristic body builds. The three most com-

mon forms of body build are ectomorphic, which

tends to be long and slender, endomorphic, which

tends to be round and tat, and mesomorphic

which tends to be heavy, hard, and rectangular.

Teeth

The average baby has four to six of the twenty temporary teeth by the age of one and sixteen by the

age of two. The first teeth to cut through are those

in the front, the last to appear are the molars. The

last four of the temporary teeth usually erupt during the first year of early childhood.

Nervous System

At birth, brain weight is one-eighth of the baby's

total weight. Gain in brain weight is greatest during the first two years of life, thus accounting for

the baby's top-heavy appearance. The cerebellum,

which plays an important role in body balance

and postural control, triples in weight during the

first year of postnatal life. This is true also for the

cerebrum. Immature cells, present at birth,

continue to develop after birth but relatively few

new cells are formed.

Sense Organ Development

By the age of three months, the eye muscles are

well-enough coordinated to enable babies to see

things clearly and distinctly and the cones are

well-enough developed to enable them to see

colours. Hearing develops rapidly during this time.

Smell and taste, which are well developed at birth,

Continue to improve during babyhood. Babies are

highly responsive to all skin stimuli because of the

thin texture of their skin and because all sense organs relating to touch, pressure, pain, and
temperature are present in well-developed forms.

Types of reflexes in a newborn:

Reflexes:

Most of the important reflexes of the body, search as the pupillary reflexes, reflexes of the lips and
tongue sucking, knee jerk, sneezing, and others are present at birth. The first reflexes to appear have
distinct survival value. The others appear within a few hours or days after birth. With practice, the
reflexes become stronger.
The newborn is not completely helpless. Among other things, it has some basic reflexes. For
example, the newborn automatically holds its breath and contracts its throat to keep water out.
Reflexes are built-in reactions to stimuli; they govern the newborn’s movements, which are
automatic and beyond the newborn’s control. Reflexes are genetically carried survival mechanisms.
They allow infants to respond adaptively to their environment before they have had the opportunity
to learn. The rooting and sucking reflexes are important examples. Both have survival value for
newborn mammals, who must find a mother’s breast to obtain nourishment. The rooting reflex
occurs when the infant’s cheek is stroked or the side of the mouth is touched. In response, the infant
turns its head toward the side that was touched in an apparent effort to find something to suck. The
sucking reflex occurs when newborns automatically suck an object placed in their mouth. This reflex
enables newborns to get nourishment before they have associated a nipple with food and also
serves as a self-soothing or self-regulating mechanism. Another example is the Moro reflex, which
occurs in response to a sudden, intense noise or movement (see Figure 4.13 ). When startled, the
newborn arches its back, throws back its head, and flings out its arms and legs. Then the newborn
rapidly closes its arms and legs. The Moro reflex is believed to be a way of grabbing for support while
falling; it would have had survival value for our primate ancestors. Some reflexes—coughing,
sneezing, blinking, shivering, and yawning, for example—persist throughout life. They are as
important for the adult as they are for the infant. Other reflexes, though, disappear several months
following birth, as the infant’s brain matures, and voluntary control over many behaviours develops
(Pedroso, 2008). The rooting and Moro reflexes, for example, tend to disappear when the infant is 3
to 4 months old. The movements of some reflexes eventually become incorporated into more
complex, voluntary actions. One important example is the grasping reflex, which occurs when
something touches the infant’s palms (see Figure 4.13 ). The infant responds by grasping tightly. By
the end of the third month, the grasping reflex diminishes, and the infant shows a more voluntary
grasp. As its motor development becomes smoother, the infant will grasp objects, carefully
manipulate them, and explore their qualities. Although reflexes are automatic and inborn,
differences in reflexive behavior are soon apparent. For example, the sucking capabilities of
newborns vary considerably.

Some newborns are efficient at forceful sucking and obtaining milk; others are not as adept and get
tired before they are full. Most infants take several weeks to establish a sucking style that is
coordinated with the way the mother is holding the infant, the way milk is coming out of the bottle
or breast, and the infant’s temperament (Blass, 2008). Paediatrician T. Berry Brazelton (1956)
observed how infants’ sucking changed as they grew older. Over 85 percent of the infants engaged
in considerable sucking behavior unrelated to feeding. They sucked their fi nger, their fists, and
pacifiers. By the age of 1 year, most had stopped the sucking behavior, but as many as 40 percent of
children continue to suck their thumbs after they have started school (Kessen, Haith, & Salapatek,
1970). Most developmentalists do not attach a great deal of significance to this behavior.
Major motor milestones in infancy:

The First Year: Motor Development Milestones and Variations Figure 4.15 summarizes important
accomplishments in gross motor skills during the first year, culminating in the ability to walk easily.
The timing of these milestones, especially the later ones, may vary by as much as two to four
months, and experiences can modify the onset of these accomplishments (Eaton, 2008). For
example, since 1992, when paediatricians began recommending that parents place their babies on
their backs when they sleep, fewer babies crawled, and those who did crawled later (Davis & others,
1998). Also, some infants do not follow the standard sequence of motor accomplishments. For
example, many American infants never crawl on their belly or on their hands and knees. They may
discover an idiosyncratic form of locomotion before walking, such as rolling, or they might never
locomote until they get upright (Adolph & Joh, 2009). In the African Mali tribe, most infants do not
crawl (Bril, 1999). According to Karen Adolph and Sarah Berger (2005), “the old-fashioned view that
growth and motor development reflect merely the age-related output of maturation is, at best,
incomplete. Rather, infants acquire new skills with the help of their caregivers in a real-world
environment of objects, surfaces, and planes.”

Development in the Second Year

The motor accomplishments of the first year bring increasing independence, allowing infants to
explore their environment more extensively and to initiate interaction with others more readily. In
the second year of life, toddlers become more motorically skilled and mobile. Motor activity during
the second year is vital to the child’s competent development, and few restrictions, except for
safety, should be placed on their adventures. By 13 to 18 months, toddlers can pull a toy attached to
a string and use their hands and legs to climb up a number of steps. By 18 to 24 months, toddlers
can walk quickly or run stiffly for a short distance, balance on their feet in a squat position while
playing with objects on the floor, walk backward without losing their balance, stand and kick a ball
without falling, stand and throw a ball, and jump in place. Can parents give their babies a head start
on becoming physically fit and physically talented through structured exercise classes? Most infancy
experts recommend against structured exercise classes for babies. But there are other ways of
guiding infants’ motor development. Caregivers in some cultures handle babies vigorously and this
might advance motor development. Mothers in developing countries, for example, tend to stimulate
their infants’ motor skills more than mothers in more modern countries (Hopkins, 1991). In many
African, Indian, and Caribbean cultures, mothers massage and stretch their infants during daily baths
(Adolph, Karasik, & Tamis-LeMonda, 2010). Jamaican and Mali mothers regularly massage their
infants and stretch their arms and legs (Adolph, Karasik, & Tamis-LeMonda, 2010). Mothers in the
Gusii culture of Kenya also encourage vigorous movement in their babies (Hopkins & Westra, 1988).
Do these cultural variations make a difference in the infant’s motor development? When caregivers
provide babies with physical guidance by physically handling them in special ways (such as stroking,
massaging, or stretching) or by giving them opportunities for exercise, the infants often reach motor
milestones earlier than infants whose caregivers have not provided these activities (Adolph, Karasik,
& Tamis-LeMonda, 2010). For example, Jamaican mothers expect their infants to sit and walk alone
two to three months earlier than English mothers do (Hopkins & Westra, 1990).

Nonetheless, even when infants’ motor activity is restricted, many infants still reach the milestones
of motor development at a normal age. For example, Algonquin infants in Quebec, Canada, spend
much of their first year strapped to a cradle board. Despite their inactivity, these infants still sit up,
crawl, and walk within an age range similar to that of infants in cultures who have had much greater
opportunity for activity.
FINE MOTOR SKILLS

Whereas gross motor skills involve large muscle activity, fi ne motor skills involve finely tuned
movements. Grasping a toy, using a spoon, buttoning a shirt, or anything that requires finger
dexterity demonstrates fi ne motor skills. Infants have hardly any control over fi ne motor skills at
birth, but newborns do have many components of what will become finely coordinated arm, hand,
and finger movements. The onset of reaching and grasping marks a significant achievement in
infants’ ability to interact with their surroundings (van Hof, van der Kamp, & Savelsbergh, 2008).
During the first two years of life, infants refi ne how they reach and grasp (Barrett & Needham, 2008;
Needham, 2009). Initially, infants reach by moving their shoulders and elbows crudely, swinging
toward an object. Later, when infants reach for an object they move their wrists, rotate their hands,
and coordinate their thumb and forefinger. Infants do not have to see their own hands in order to
reach for an object (Clifton & others, 1993). Cues from muscles, tendons, and joints, not sight of the
limb, guide reaching by 4-month-old infants. Infants refi ne their ability to grasp objects by
developing two types of grasps. Initially, infants grip with the whole hand, which is called the palmer
grasp. Later, toward the end of the first year, infants also grasp small objects with their thumb and
forefinger, which is called the pincer grip. Their grasping system is very flexible. They vary their grip
on an object depending on its size, shape, and texture, as well as the size of their own hands relative
to the object’s size. Infants grip small objects with their thumb and forefinger (and sometimes their
middle finger too), whereas they grip large objects with all of the fingers of one hand or both hands.
Perceptual-motor coupling is necessary for the infant to coordinate grasping (Barrett, Traupman, &
Needham, 2008). Which perceptual system the infant is most likely to use in coordinating grasping
varies with age. Four-month-old infants rely greatly on touch to determine how they will grip an
object; 8-month-olds are more likely to use vision as a guide (Newell & others, 1989). This
developmental change is efficient because vision lets infants preshape their hands as they reach for
an object. Experience plays a role in reaching and grasping. In one study, three-month-old infants
participated in play sessions wearing “sticky mittens”— “mittens with palms that stuck to the edges
of toys and allowed the infants to pick up the toys” (Needham, Barrett, & Peterman, 2002, p. 279)
(see Figure 4.16 ). Infants who participated in sessions with the mittens grasped and manipulated
objects earlier in their development than a control group of infants who did not receive the “mitten”
experience.

The experienced infants looked at the objects longer, swatted at them more during visual contact,
and were more likely to mouth the objects. Just as infants need to exercise their gross motor skills,
they also need to exercise their fi ne motor skills (Barrett, Davis, & Needham, 2007; Needham,
2009). Especially when they can manage a pincer grip, infants delight in picking up small objects.
Many develop the pincer grip and begin to crawl at about the same time, and infants at this time
pick up virtually everything in sight, especially on the floor, and put the objects in their mouth. Thus,
parents need to be vigilant in regularly monitoring what objects are within the infant’s reach (Keen,
2005).
Define social referencing and explain the emotional development during infancy and toddlerhood:

Social Referencing

Another important social cognitive accomplishment in infancy is developing the ability to “read” the
emotions of other people (Kim, Walden, & Knieps, 2010). Social referencing is the term used to
describe “reading” emotional cues in others to help determine how to act in a particular situation.
The development of social referencing helps infants to interpret ambiguous situations more
accurately, as when they encounter a stranger and need to know whether to fear the person
(Thompson, 2006). By the end of the first year, a mother’s facial expression—either smiling or fearful
—influences whether an infant will explore an unfamiliar environment. Infants become better at
social referencing in the second year of life. At this age, they tend to “check” with their mother
before they act; they look at her to see if she is happy, angry, or fearful. For example, in one study
14- to 22-month-old infants were more likely to look at their mother’s face as a source of
information for how to act in a situation than were 6- to 9-month-old infants (Walden, 1991).

EMOTIONAL BEHAVIOR IN BABYHOOD

At birth, the emotions appear in simple, almost completely undifferentiated forms. With age,
emotional responses become less diffuse, less random, and more differentiated, and they can be
aroused by a wide variety of stimuli.

There are two distinctive characteristics of babyhood emotions. First, they differ markedly from

those of adolescents and adults and often from those of older children. They are, for example,
accompanied by behaviour responses that are proportionally

too great for the stimuli that gave rise to them, especially in the case of anger and fear. They are
brief in duration, though intense while they last. They appear

frequently, but are transitory and give way to other

emotions when the baby's attention is distracted.

Second, emotions are more easily conditioned

during babyhood than at later ages. The reason for

this is that because babies' intellectual abilities are

limited, they respond easily and quickly to stimuli that

have given rise to an emotional response in the past.

Sometimes, for example, they may be reluctant to

enter a doctor's office if they had an inoculation on

their last visit.

Common Emotional Patterns

There are certain emotional patterns that are

commonly found among babies. Box 4-5 lists these

responses and the usual stimuli that give rise to them

(35,55,88,95,111). However, as was pointed out

above, since the baby's emotions are especially susceptible to conditioning, there are variations in
these

patterns as well as in the stimuli that evoke them. Different babies respond emotionally to different
stimuli,

depending to a certain extent upon their past experiences. For example, babies who are exposed to
few

people outside the home or who are cared for almost

exclusively by members of their families are far more

likely to experience a pronounced "shy age" than

those who are exposed to many outsiders are who are cared for by grandparents and baby-sitters as
well as parents and siblings shows the percentage of a group of babies showing fear of strangers at
different ages.

Variations in emotional responses begin to ap-

pear in babyhood and are influenced by a number of

factors, mainly the physical and mental conditions of

babies at the time when the stimulus occurs and how

successful a given response formerly was in meeting

their needs. It, in the past, babies were punished for

pulling, biting, or tearing something, they will satisfy

their curiosity by a more hands-off approach, merely

looking at an object and touching it.

Emotional Dominance In Babyhood

One of the most important variations in emotional responses involves the dominance of pleasant
or unpleasant emotions. Some babies experience

many more pleasant than unpleasant emotions, while

the reverse is true for others, depending mainly on the

baby's physical condition and conditions in the environment.

For example, babies who cry from anger or tear

more often than they smile or show other pleasant

emotions may be sickly or they may live in an environment where they are neglected or treated
punitively. By contrast, babies whose dominant emotions

are pleasant may be in a better physical condition or

they may live in an environment that stimulates pleas

ant emotions and in which they are protected from

stimuli that would normally give rise to such unpleasant emotions as tear and anger.

At all ages a dominance of the pleasant emotions is a guarantee of better adjustments than a
dominance of the unpleasant emotions. At no age is this

more true than during babyhood. Babies who experience a dominance of the pleasant emotions are
laying foundations for good personal and social adjustments and for patterns of behaviour that will
lead to happiness,

Anger

Common stimuli that gives rise to anger in babies

interference with attempted movements

thwarting of some Wish, not letting them do what

they want to do, and not letting them make

themselves understo0d. Typically, the angry response takes the form of screaming, kicking the

legs, waving the arms, and hitting or kicking any

thing within reach. During the second year, babies

may also jump up and down, throw themselves on

the floor, and hold their breath.

Fear
The stimuli most likely to arouse fear in babies are

loud noises; strange persons, objects, and situations; dark rooms; high places; and animals. Any

stimulus which occurs suddenly or unexpectedly

or which is different from what the baby is accustomed to gives rise to fear. The typical tear
response in babyhood consists of an attempt to with

draw from the frightening stimulus, accompanied

Dy whimpering, crying, temporary holding of the

ear, and checking the activity engaged in when

the baby became frightened.

Curiosity

anything new or unusual acts as a stimulus to curiosity, unless the newness is so pronounced that it
gives rise to fear. As tear wanes, it is replaced by

curiosity. Young babies express Curiosity mainly

through their facial expressions tensing the facial muscles, opening the mouth, and protruding

the tongue. Later, babies grasp the objects that

aroused their curiosity and handle, shake, bang, or

suck them.

Joy

Joy is stimulated by physical well-being. By the

second or third month of life, babies react to being

played with, being tickled, and watching or listening to others. They express their pleasure or joy by

smiling, laughing, and moving their arms and legs.

When joy is intense, babies coo, gurgle, or even

shout with glee, and all bodily movements are intensified.

Affection

Anyone who plays with babies, takes care of their bodily needs, or shows them affection will be aa
stimulus for their affection. Later, toys and the family pet may also become love objects for them.

Typically, babies express their affection by hugging, patting, and kissing the loved object or person.

The Hunger Rhythm does not develop until several weeks after birth. The Hunger demands of the
new born are therefore irregular, not only in regard to interval between feeding but also in regard to
amount. Because the Hunger contraction of the Infant are more vigorous than those of the adult,
the Infant experiences real pain when hungry.

Elimination of waste products begins a few hours after birth. Many voiding’s occur during periods of
wakefulness and when the Infant is quiet, usually within an hour after feeding. Defecation likewise
occur when the Infant is awake and quiet, shortly after feeding.

In no physiological function is lack of homeostasis more appear and then in sleep. Neonatal sleep is
broken by short waking period which occur every two or three hours, with fewer and shorter waking
periods during the night than during the day. Throughout the neonatal Period there is a General
increase in bodily movements during sleep as well as during the time the Infant is awake.

There are marked variations in infant posture during the sleep. However, the characteristic posture
when prone is similar to that does during intrauterine life. By the end of the first month of life, this
posture is generally outgrown, owing to the tone of the baby's musculature.
Process of language development from infancy to toddlerhood

Process of language development:

Speech development

Speech is a tool for communication. To be able to communicate with others all individualmust be
capable of two separate and distinct functions, the ability to comprehend the meaning of what
others are trying to communicate to them and the ability to communicate to others in terms they
can comprehend. Communication can be in any form of language - written spoken, gesticultative,
musical and artistic expression, etc. but for the most part spoken language is the most efficient
because it is least likely to be understood

Both aspects of communication -comprehension of what others are trying to communicate and the
ability to communicate one thought and feelings to others in terms they can understand- are difficult
and mastered quickly. however, the foundations for both are laid during the babyhood years, though
ability to comprehend is generally greater when babyhood comes to a close then is the ability to
speak.

comprehension.

The first task in learning to communicate with others is learning to comprehend what they say. At
every age children comprehend the meaning of what other say to them more readily than they can
put their own thoughts and feelings into words. this is even true of babyhood then of the childhood
years. the speaker’s facial expression, tone of voice and gestures, help babies to understand what is
being said to them. pleasure anger, and fear it has been found can we comprehend as early as the
third month of life.

Until babies are 18 months old, word must be reinforced with gestures set as a pointing to an object.
age of 2, according to the Terman- Merrill scale of intelligence test, the average baby should
comprehend well enough to respond correctly to 2 out of 6 simple commands, such as "give me the
Kitty" and " put the phone in the cup". When the object is within easy reach. however, how great the
comprehension will be will depend partly upon the babies own intellectual abilities and partly on
how others stimulate and encourage the baby to try to comprehend what they are saying.

Learning to speak:

The second task in learning to communicate with others is learning to speak. because learning to
speak is a long and difficult task and because babies are not mature enough for such difficult and
complicated learning the first year of life, nature provides substitute forms of communication to be
used until they are ready to speak. many babies during the first and into the second years there
lives, try to make known they are needs and wants by these means. These substitute forms of
communication are known as " Pre speech forms “.

Pre-speech forms of communication:

Four pre-speech forms normally appear in the developmental pattern of learning to talk: crying,
babbling, gesturing and the use of emotional expressions. crying is the most frequently used form
during the early months of life, though from the long-range point of view, babbling is the most
important because real speech eventually develop from it.

Crying:

as Ostwald and Pelzman has pointed out, " crying is one of the first ways in which the Infant is able
to communicate with the world at large." while people may not always be accurate in their
interpretation of what babies are trying to communicate, their cries are an indication they are
attempting to communicate. in addition, they have explained that "crying is one of the first social
app the Infant. it makes the shift on the Infant part from being slightly dependent on the mother to
being able to communicate with the world at large.

The price of the new born infant gradually become differentiated, so that by the third or fourth week
of life it is possible to tell what the cry signifies from its tone and intensity and from the bodily
movement accompanying it. pain, for example, is expressed by loud cries, interrupted by groaning
and whimpering. hunger cries are loud and interrupted by sucking movements. Cries from colic are
accompanied by a peculiar, high-pitched scream , with alternate and Forceful flexion and extension
of legs. before they are 3 months old, most babies have learned that crying is a sure way attention.

Crying during the early months of life also serve another useful purpose; he tells whether the baby is
normal and healthy or whether there is something wrong. for example, a high-pitched cry of low
intensity and long duration often means the baby is suffering from malnutrition or from the brain
damage.

Babbling

As the focal mechanism develops, babies become capable of producing a large number of explosive
sounds. some of these sounds are retained and eventually develop into babbling or lallation. in time
some will form the basis of real speech. the number of sounds produced in babbling gradually
increases.
Most babies can, by the time they are 6 months old, combine certain vowel and consonant sounds
such as "ma-ma", "da-da" and "Na-na." Babbling Begins during the second or third month of life,
reaches its peak by the eighth month and then gradually gives way to real speech. babbling has
completely disappeared by the time babyhood comes to an end.

Gesturing:

Babies use gestures as substitute for speech, not as a supplement to speech, as do most older
children adolescents and adults, even after they are able to say a few words, many babies continue
to use gestures, combining them with words to make the sentences. by outstretching their arms and
smiling, baby can readily communicate the idea that they want to be picked up. when they push
away their plate at the same time saying no it is obvious that they are trying to communicate to
others that they do not want the food.

Emotional expressions:

Unquestionably one of the most effective free speech forms of communication is emotional
expression. this is because nothing is more expressive than facial gestures, which baby use to
communicate their emotional state to others. when babies are happy for example they relax their
bodies wave their arms and legs, smile and make cooing sound as form of laughter.

Emotional expressions are a useful pre-speech form of communication for two reasons. first because
babies have not yet learnt to control their emotions it is easy for other to know by their facial and
bodily expressions what emotions they are experiencing. second baby find it easier understand
what others are trying to communicate to them facial expression then from there word the word I
am angry for example may mean little or nothing to a baby but an Angry expression on someone's
face is quickly understood.

Tasks in Learning to Speak

Learning to speak involves three unrelated and

difficult tasks. Babies are learning how to pronounce words, building a vocabulary by associating
meanings with words that can be used to communicate meanings to others, and Combining words
into sentences that are understandable to others. These tasks

involve not only control over the vocal mechanism but also the ability to comprehend meanings and
to associate them with words which act as symbols for meanings.

Because these tasks are far more difficult than may at first be apparent, it is understandable that
only the foundation skills involved in speech will be laid. While many babies say words long before
babyhood ends, they often do not associate the correct meanings with the words nor are they able
to combine the words into meaningful sentences. Learning to communicate with others by speech in
this a developmental task for the childhood years.

TASKS INVOLVED IN LEARNING TO SPEAK

Pronunciation

The baby learns to pronounce words partly by trial and error but mainly by imitating adult speech.
Consonants and consonant blends are more difficult for babies to pronounce than vowels and
diphthongs. Much of the baby's speech is incomprehensible up to the age of eighteen months, after
which there is gradual but marked improvement.

Vocabulary Building

Babies learn the names of people and objects

first, and then verbs such as "give" and "take.

Just before babyhood ends, they learn few adjectives such as "nice" and "naughty," as well

as a few adverbs. Prepositions, conjunctions,

and pronouns are generally not learned until

early childhood. Vocabulary increases with

age. Figure 4-5 shows how words are learned.

Sentences

The baby's first "sentences," which appear

between twelve and eighteen months, generally consist of one word accompanied by a

gesture. Gradually more words creep into the

sentences, but gestures predominate until well

into childhood.