Essay

Illegal fisheries, environmental crime, and the

conservation of marine resources
Eréndira Aceves-Bueno ,1 Andrew J. Read ,2 and Miguel A. Cisneros-Mata 3

1
School of Marine and Environmental Affairs, University of Washington, 3707 Brooklyn Avenue NE, Seattle, WA 98105, U.S.A.,
email [email protected]
2
Duke University Marine Lab, 135 Duke Marine Lab Road, Beaufort, NC 28516, U.S.A.
3
Centro Regional de Investigación Acuícola y Pesquera, Calle 20-Sur 605, Col. Cantera, Guaymas, Sonora, CP 85400, Mexico

Abstract: The illegal harvest of marine species within exclusive economic zones can have a strong impact
on the function of local ecosystems and livelihoods of coastal communities. The complexity of these problems
is often overlooked in the development of solutions, leading to ineffective and sometimes harmful social and
environmental outcomes. One-dimensional, oversimplified perspectives can lead to conservation prescriptions
that exacerbate social stressors. This is particularly critical in the case of international illegal trade of endangered,
high-value species, which generate a value chain in which artisanal fishers are the first operational and often
the weakest link of an intricate web. We examined 2 illegal fisheries, totoaba (Totoaba macdonaldi) and sea
cucumber (Isostichopus badionotus and Holothuria floridana), in Mexico. Although these are 2 separate and
independent fisheries, important ecological (resource condition, fishery impacts at the ecosystem level) and social
(governance, markets) similarities improve understanding of their complexity. Our findings are relevant globally
and show the need for interdisciplinary decision-making groups, community engagement, and the development
of demand reduction measures.

Keywords: environmental crime, food security, overexploitation, sea cucumber, small-scale fisheries, transna-
tional crime, wildlife trafficking

Pesquerías Ilegales, Crímenes Ambientales y la Conservación de los Recursos Marinos

Resumen: La cosecha ilegal de especies marinas dentro de las zonas económicas exclusivas puede tener un im-
pacto serio sobre la función de los ecosistemas locales y el economia de las comunidades costeras. La complejidad
de estos problemas generalmente se ignora durante el desarrollo de soluciones, lo que conlleva a resultados ambi-
entales y sociales poco efectivos y algunas veces dañinos. Las perspectivas unidimensionales y sobresimplificadas
pueden derivar en prescripciones de conservación que empeoran las condiciones sociales sociales. Lo anterior es
particularmente crítico para el caso del mercado ilegal de especies en peligro y de alto valor, lo que genera una
cadena de valores en la que los pescadores tradicionales son el primer eslabón operativo y con frecuencia el más
débil de una red intrincada. Examinamos dos pesquerías ilegales, la de la totoaba (Totoaba macdonaldi) y la del
pepino de mar (Isostichopus badionotus y Holothuria floridana), en México. Aunque estas dos pesquerías son
diferentes e independientes, las importantes similitudes ecológicas (estado del recurso, impactos de la pesquería
a nivel de ecosistema) y sociales (governancia, mercados) mejoran el conocimiento de su complejidad. Nuestros
hallazgos son relevantes a escala global y muestran la necesidad de tener grupos interdisciplinarios para tomar
decisiones, la participación de la comunidad y el desarrollo de medidas para reducir la demanda por el producto
pesquero.

Palabras Clave: crimen ambiental, crimen trasnacional, pepino de mar, pesquerías a pequeña escala, seguridad
alimentaria, sobreexplotación, tráfico de fauna

Article Impact Statement: Understanding the complexity of illegal fisheries and environmental crime is a key step in developing effective
solutions.
Paper submitted May 23, 2020; revised manuscript accepted November 24, 2020.
1120
Conservation Biology, Volume 35, No. 4, 1120–1129
© 2020 Society for Conservation Biology
DOI: 10.1111/cobi.13674
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Aceves-Bueno et al. 1121

: , 

,   
     ,
   ,   , 
, (Totoaba macdonaldi) (Isostichopus badionotus
Holothuria floridana), (, 
)(, )
,   : ; 
: 

: , ,  , , ,  , , 

Introduction ecological and social impacts. We examined the role of

these species in their ecosystems, the relevance, and evo-
In 2016, environmental crimes (ECs) were the fourth lution of the illegal fisheries; the species’ conservation
most lucrative category of crimes in the world after drug status; and current threats to them. We considered how
trafficking, counterfeiting, and human trafficking (Nelle- characteristics of end markets shape the complexity of
mann et al. 2016; McFann & Pires 2018). ECs are part managing and conserving ecologically and economically
of the emerging field of green criminology, including valuable species. We used as examples 2 illegal fisheries
wildlife trafficking (which generates US$7−23 billion an- in the EEZ of Mexico: totoaba (Totoaba macdonaldi) in
nually), and are closely linked to illegal trade by orga- the Upper Gulf of California and sea cucumbers (Isos-
nized crime groups that may also traffic in drugs and tichopus badionotus and Holothuria floridana) in the
weapons (Nurse 2017; South & Wyatt 2011). ECs nega- Yucatan Peninsula. Through analysis of these cases, we
tively affect species and ecosystems (WBG 2019) and can sought to highlight how these economic-driven transna-
provide financial returns to participants much greater tional activities are creating complex social problems
than those generated by legal activities (Duffey & St. that extend far beyond Mexico and are outside the scope
John 2013; Paudel et al. 2019). This is the case in both of traditional solutions—these are truly wicked prob-
terrestrial and aquatic systems. For example, the annual lems. In Mexico, as in many other countries, the devel-
value of illegal fish trafficking amounts to US$5–10 bil- opment of solutions to such pressing challenges is often
lion (Milner-Gulland 2018). led by biodiversity conservation organizations, journal-
Most previous examinations of the role of transna- ists, and academics (Bart 2017; Nurse 2017). However,
tional organized crime in marine ecosystems focused on the expertise and power of these groups often falls short
illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fisheries on in the presence of EC, and solutions that may be appro-
the high seas (e.g., Patagonian toothfish [Dissostichus priate under some conditions often fail in the presence
eleginoides] in the Southern Ocean) (e.g., Österblom of high levels of illegal activity by transnational organized
et al. 2011; Liddick 2014). Organized crime on the high criminal organizations (Blair et al. 2017). We aimed to
seas can have detrimental effects on pelagic species and present general pathways to address this pattern through
ecosystems, but criminal activities in national jurisdic- a detailed analysis of these specific cases.
tions can also have large consequences for coastal habi-
tats and ecosystems services that support local com-
munities (e.g., Ye & Valbo-Jørgensen 2012; Chapsos &
Hamilton 2018; Falautano et al. 2018). In these coastal Sea Cucumber
regions, categorizing IUU fishing as an EC can be contro-
versial, particularly because it promotes the involvement Two species of sea cucumber present in the Yucatan
of criminologists and law enforcement experts, which Peninsula (I. badionotus and H. floridana) (DOF 2015)
could leave fisheries managers outside decision-making (Figs. 1 & 2) were of minor importance to local fishing
processes (Page & Ortiz 2019). However, illegal fisheries communities until 2012, when new opportunities
may be indirectly or directly linked to organized crime emerged to supply Asian markets (Schachar 2018;
throughout the market chain, a situation that requires Vidal-Hernández et al. 2019), Hong Kong in particular
comprehensive solutions that are often outside the ex- (Bennett & Basurto 2018; Hernández-Flores et al. 2018).
pertise of fisheries scientists (Chapsos & Hamilton 2018; Entry into this new, unregulated fishery did not require
Belhabib et al. 2020; FAO 2020). previous fishing experience; the sedentary nature and
We analyzed two case studies of illegal fisheries in grouping behavior of sea cucumbers makes them very
which transnational organizations are promoting unsus- easy to catch even at low densities (Hernández-Flores
tainable practices and consequently having large adverse et al. 2018). Captured sea cucumbers are gutted, brined,

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1122 Environmental Crime and Marine Resources

Figure 1. Landing of sea cucumbers caught in the legal fishery. Photo by A. Poot-Salazar.

Figure 2. Transportation of I. badionotus. Photo by A. Poot-Salazar.

boiled, and dried, which makes the resulting product allowable catch, failed due to the lack of enforcement
easy to conceal and transport (Gamboa-Álvarez et al. (Poot-Salazar et al. 2015). Very quickly researchers
2019) (Fig. 3). Many people from the region, regardless observed a reduction in abundance of sea cucumbers. In
of their prior fishing experience, began to harvest sea Dzilam de Bravo, abundance decreased from 27,907 to
cucumbers as a way to overcome economic hardship. 8,505 t of wet weight from March to August 2013: a 70%
A race to fish developed, catches declined rapidly, reduction in biomass in 5 months (Hernández-Flores
and there were negative social and ecological conse- et al. 2018). The uncontrolled harvest had broader
quences (López-Rocha & Velázquez-Abunader 2019). ecosystem impacts because sea cucumbers remove
Management efforts, such as the establishment of a total organic matter from the sea floor and thus lessen

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Aceves-Bueno et al. 1123

Figure 3. Legal sea cucumber processing before transportation to final markets. Photo by A. Poot-Salazar.

development of anoxia (Conand 2018; Baker-Médard & in 1975 (Flanagan & Hendrickson 1976). From Febru-
Ohl 2019). The fishery also had huge social impacts. ary to May, adult totoaba congregate in large schools
Approximately 70% of the sea cucumber trade in the to spawn in the shallow (5–50 m) waters of the Up-
Yucatan Peninsula is illegal (Vidal-Hernández et al. 2019). per Gulf of California, which makes the species particu-
The race to fish pushed fishers to take increasingly larly vulnerable (Flanagan & Hendrickson 1976; Barrera-
greater risks while fishing. From 2014 to 2016, 166 cases Guevara 1990). Totoaba is currently listed as critically
of decompression sickness were recorded due to sea endangered by the Convention on International Trade in
cucumber fishing, a striking number considering that it Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora and the In-
accounts only for cases reported during the legal harvest ternational Union for Conservation of Nature and is listed
season, which lasts only about 17 d per year (Huchim- under the U.S. Endangered Species Act and the Mexi-
Lara et al. 2018). These numbers do not account for can norm for threatened species (NOM-059-SEMARNAT-
illegal fishers, who are active in the off season and 2010), which includes species considered at risk of ex-
take greater risks to avoid enforcement. Although the tinction (Scientific Authority CITES Mexico 2001; DOF
density of sea cucumbers in Yucatan differs by area, 2010; Valenzuela-Quiñonez et al. 2015). A recent in-
both species are overexploited (Poot-Salazar et al. 2015; crease in the illegal harvest of totoaba is a consequence
Vidal-Hernández et al. 2019). The sea cucumber fishery of the near extinction of the yellow croaker or Chi-
in Yucatan is now collapsed and permanently closed nese bahaba (Bahaba taipingenisis) in China (Sadovy &
for H. floridana (DOF 2015; Keb 2019; A. Poot-Salazar, Cheung 2003). The dried swim bladders of totoabas and
personal communication). bahabas are similar in size and appearance and can gar-
ner prices from US$1,500 to US$20,000/kg dried on the
black market in China (CITES 2016; Cisneros-Mata et al.
Totoaba 2020). Mexican authorities have increased surveillance
efforts but have not been able to stop the illegal fish-
Totoaba is an endemic sciaenid fish in the Upper Gulf ery. Criminal cartels are involved in supplying gillnets,
of California and was the most important finfish tar- purchasing, and smuggling dried swim bladders (CIRVA
get species in this region at the beginning of the 20th 2016). The high value of this product facilitates corrup-
century (Flanagan & Hendrickson 1976; Cisneros-Mata tion, and the black market is taking advantage of trad-
et al. 1995; Valenzuela-Quiñonez et al. 2015). After ing routes used for other illegal products, including nar-
40 years of harvest, the population showed signs of cotics (CIRVA 2016; Belhabib et al. 2020). The recent
overexploitation (e.g., Flanagan & Hendrickson 1976; increase in the use of illegal large-mesh gillnets to har-
Barrera-Guevara 1990; Márquez-Farías & Rosales-Juárez vest totoaba is the primary conservation threat to the
2013), and the Mexican government closed the fishery vaquita (Phocoena sinus), a small endemic porpoise that

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1124 Environmental Crime and Marine Resources

is “the world’s most endangered cetacean species” (Avila- causes of failure of a fishery closure meant to allow
Forcada et al. 2012). Only about 10 vaquitas remain (95% sea cucumber population recovery (Ibarra & Soberón
confidence interval [6, 22]) (CIRVA 2019). 2002). In the Upper Gulf of California, recent violent
encounters between authorities and local fishers high-
light the urgent need for better community engagement
Cascading Effects of Transnational Crime strategies, although experts have recognized this need
for a long time (e.g. Cisneros-Montemayor & Vincent
Our case studies share many similarities (Table 1). Par- 2016).
ticularly, there are strong similitudes in terms of the
end products, governance, and social context. In both
cases, the high-value fishery developed in rural areas Toward the Future
with high poverty levels. In both cases, there is de-
mand for a dried product, which facilitates transporta- We predict that the involvement of transnational orga-
tion. And, in both cases, the primary market for both nized crime in coastal marine fisheries will become more
illegal products is a foreign country with a growing econ- frequent, particularly in areas where demand already ex-
omy and rapidly expanding demand (China). Illegal fish- ists for products that are concealable, easily removed or
ing for sea cucumber and totoaba developed quickly caught, abundant, accessible, valuable, and disposable
and rapidly outpaced efforts to understand or control or of high commercial value (CRAAVED) (Petrossian &
it. Thus, in both cases, the problem is not merely the Clarke 2014; Petrossian 2015). Our two case studies un-
need for better management. There are additional com- derscore the vulnerability of resources that do not re-
monalities that deserve a broader vision: rapidly growing quire expensive processing, are nonperishable, and are
demand from international markets, high product value, easily resold (Petrossian 2015). Species that have been
corruption, existence of organized crime cartels with overexploited in other places and whose economic value
the resources and knowledge to supply those markets, is inversely related to abundance are particularly at risk.
lack of regulation and enforcement capacity, and, impor- Wildlife trafficking, although likely to flow extensively
tantly, a critical need to improve livelihoods of artisanal through legal ports of entry, such as major seaports, will
fishers. take advantage of corruption networks at these ports
The overexploitation of resources caused by these two of entry, some of which may have been originally de-
illegal harvests has had large adverse consequences for veloped for smuggling drugs (Petrossian 2015). Impor-
ecosystems, including the imminent extinction of the tantly, rarity can increase the value of such resources
vaquita in the Upper Gulf of California and degradation when they are overharvested, which further erodes tra-
of reef systems in the Yucatan Peninsula. In both commu- ditional approaches to management (Courchamp et al.
nities, the development of illegal fisheries was accom- 2006).
panied by social strife and violence, which precluded Wildlife trafficking scholars present two different
any possibility of regulation. In Yucatan, aside from paths to address this issue. Some support the idea of
widespread decompression sickness, local (Visión Penin- considering poaching a criminal activity, similar to other
sular 2016; Tribuna 2016) and national media (Michel forms of illicit trade (e.g., Hickey & Magrath 2015), and
2014; Boffil-Gómez 2015) have reported deadly encoun- draw lessons from other efforts to reduce crime, such
ters among fishing groups. In the Upper Gulf of Cali- as the so-called war on drugs. This conception is based
fornia, confrontations between fishers, authorities, and on the disassociation between poverty and poaching and
nonprofit organizations have left individuals severely proposes solutions based on regulation, enforcement,
wounded (La Silla Rota 2020). Totoaba fishing effort has and even militarization (Duffy et al. 2015; Hickey &
drastically increased despite efforts to stop it, and the Magrath 2015).
illegal fishery is now rampant, even during the daytime Other authors highlight the possible counterproduc-
inside conservation zones set up specifically to protect tive consequences of such perspectives (e.g., Duffy et al.
the vaquita (Mendez 2019). 2015; Felbab-Brown 2017). Poaching and poverty are
Lessons from these cases underscore the critical im- both directly and indirectly related (Duffy & St John
portance of community engagement. In Yucatan, the 2013). Poaching may be pursued to maintain traditions,
participation of the local community of Isla Arena in identity, and prestige (Duffy et al. 2016), but poverty
sea cucumber management has been linked to improved has a strong role in its development (Blair et al. 2017).
condition of the resource in this area, compared with Many fishing communities operate in already degraded
the rest of the state (Poot-Salazar et al. 2015). The im- environments with declining fisheries stocks and expe-
portance of community engagement was also evident rience displacement as a result of coastal development
in management of the Pacific sea cucumber, in which (Belhabib et al. 2020). These conditions exacerbate in-
the lack of enforcement and stakeholder participation equality, which is a key factor driving ECs (Lunstrum &
in decision making have been identified as the main Givá 2020). Intermediaries benefit from the huge wealth

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 Aceves-Bueno et al.

a
Table 1. Characteristics of the totoaba and sea cucumber case studies.

Category Characteristic Sea cucumber Totoaba Reference

Market commodity whole specimen swim bladder DOF 2015; CITES 2016; Cisneros-Mata et al. 2020
processing mostly dried mostly dried DOF 2015; CITES 2016; Cisneros-Mata et al. 2020
b
firsthand value ($/kg) fresh: 2–4dried: 21–28 250–1400 Vidal-Hernández et al. 2019; Cisneros-Mata et al.
2020
secondhand value ($/kg) 132−358 $46,000 (max) CIRVA 2016; Purcell et al. 2018
end market Asia Asia DOF 2015; CITES 2016; Cisneros-Mata et al. 2020
Governance conservation status (International least concern critically endangered Scientific Authority CITES Mexico 2001; DOF 2010;
Union for Conservation of Valenzuela-Quiñonez et al. 2015
Nature)
regulation closed fishery closed fishery DOF 2015; Cisneros-Mata et al. 2020
Social context location Yucatan Peninsula Upper Gulf of California DOF 2015; Cisneros-Mata et al. 2020
people involved local community and local community and CIRVA 2016; Schachar 2018
organized crime organized crime
poverty level (% population 35–50c 14–35 CONEVAL 2018
statewide)
Social impacts direct impacts of the fishing decompression sickness none Huchim-Lara et al. 2018
activity
confrontations deaths from confrontations dangerous confrontations of 2014; Boffil-Gómez 2015: La Silla Rota 2020
(fishers vs. authorities fishers versus authorities
and legal vs. illegal
fishers)
Ecological impacts resource condition collapsed fishery signs of severe DOF 2015; Cisneros-Mata et al. 2020
overexploitation
direct impact on other species none bycatch of vaquita CIRVA 2016
impact on the ecosystem damage to the coral reef ghost nets and bycatch of DOF 2015; Cisneros-Mata et al. 2020
system other species
a
b
All monetary units are in U.S. dollars.
c
Value when bought directly from fishers.
Above the national poverty level of Mexico, which corresponds to 41.9% (CONEVAL 2018).

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1126 Environmental Crime and Marine Resources

gap between the economic need of poachers and the plex. It is critical to account for the particular challenges
relative affluence of consumers (Lunstrum & Givá 2020). of illegal fishing that we have illustrated: unlike other
If poaching is considered an activity performed only by illegally traded commodities, such as drugs, time is a
criminals, important societal injustices are ignored, and critical variable when considering actions against ille-
interventions can accentuate the conditions of exclusion gal fishing because of the possibility of species extinc-
and marginalization that incentivize illegal activities in tion or reduction to critical levels; illegal fishing can
the first place (Duffy et al. 2015; Felbab-Brown 2017). have large impacts not only on the targeted species, but
Violent displacement or lethal measures may backfire on entire ecosystems; enforcement is particularly chal-
due to local rejection of authorities and the intensifica- lenging in marine ecosystems; fisheries products can be
tion of illegal actions. For example, imprisoning a large easily processed, transported, and transformed into a
number of poachers can have negative consequences not different commodity, making traceability almost impos-
just economically; disruption of the social dynamics in sible; illegal fishing can be a highly profitable activity
local communities can lead to mobilizations against en- that requires little monetary investment, which makes it
forcement (Felbab-Brown 2017). Thus, mitigation mea- particularly attractive to organized crime (Felbab-Brown
sures based on demand reduction and community en- 2017; Petrossian 2019; Belhabib et al. 2020). Further-
gagement to reduce poverty are preferred over top-down more, it is necessary to understand the nature of the or-
governmental, force-driven control measures that could ganized crime group and networks elements. Preliminary
increase poverty (Felbab-Brown 2017; Lunstrum & Givá efforts exist for sea cucumbers (Vidal-Hernández et al.
2020). 2019), but a larger effort to characterize these systems is
This seems to be the current situation in Mexico: local needed to support the design of appropriate intervention
communities affected by poverty harvest products for strategies.
wealthy consumers in other countries, which fuels the In the future, managers need to be able to develop
power of criminal groups. Often, otherwise honest fish- the ability to predict the potential evolution of such
ers are unable to resist the attraction of such lucrative il- activities and develop a portfolio of policy tools with
legal activities. The earnings obtained from illegal fishing which to combat illegal harvest. The literature on inter-
are often not reinvested in legal activities but are instead national wildlife trade can be very helpful in this regard.
used to finance IUU fishing or other illegal undertakings, Illegal fishing is highly concentrated in space and these
which can create larger social problems (Belhabib et al. hotspots share some characteristics that can help identify
2020). Therefore, conservation policies should reflect and prevent the development of future problems. Illegal
the local context by considering the diversity of stake- fishing is likely to occur in areas where products can be
holders and their historical background. Such policies easily sold on a black market; high levels of corruption
should be developed most effectively with input from and low levels of enforcement exist; there is a high de-
researchers and interested parties from multiple fields, pendency on fisheries for local livelihoods; and other ille-
such as anthropology, social sciences, and criminology. gal activities occur (Petrossian 2019). Future policy tools
Addressing such a wicked problem requires a com- should also include strong institutions and reduction of
bination of comprehensive socioecological approaches corruption. Corruption can occur in many stages of the
(Kaplan-Hallam et al. 2017; McFann & Pires 2018). Cur- fishing process, including when regulations and catch
rent policy options include bans, interdiction and law en- limits are determined; when permits are distributed; at
forcement, legalizing trade, involvement of local commu- harvest (when illegalities are ignored); and at different
nities (community-based fisheries management), efforts stages in the market chain. Corruption affects not only
to fight money laundering, and demand-reduction strate- the implementation of management strategies, but also
gies (Felbab-Brown 2017). At present, none of these in- the science behind these strategies by creating informa-
terventions are working effectively. In particular, inter- tion gaps on actual harvest levels, which can lead to the
dictions, which can be a useful tool when directed to in- creation of catch limits higher than the appropriate for
termediaries, should be designed carefully. As with other the resource (Sumaila et al. 2017).
commodities, the financial impact of interdictions can be Local conditions and solutions are important, but the
counterbalanced by poachers with an increase in supply. increase of illegal fishing is largely driven by international
This can lead to an increase in fishing effort and of the forces and the economic growth of market countries. A
product’s value due to its consequent scarcity (Felbab- long history of resource exploitation in rich countries
Brown 2018). has created local scarcity, incentivizing the illegal extrac-
There is no silver bullet—each case will need a re- tion of marine resources in countries with low capacity
sponse tailored to local socioeconomic conditions and for the enforcement of regulations (Petrossian 2019). In
consider externalities (e.g., foreign markets) that in- Mexico, this situation is evidenced by the exploitation of
fluence conditions on the ground. These problems totoaba as a substitute for the bahaba to supply markets
are often perceived as either conservation or fisheries in China. The demand for these products grows together
management problems when, in fact, they are more com- with the market power of developed countries. Thus, a

Conservation Biology
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Aceves-Bueno et al. 1127

strong understanding of how wealth of developed coun- Acknowledgments

tries (in addition to poverty) drives poaching around the
world is needed (Duffy et al. 2015). E. Ojea provided useful feedback on an early draft of this
Developed countries also have a historical responsi- manuscript. We sincerely thank A. Poot-Salazar for the
bility to help solve poaching problems. Poverty in most sea cucumber fishery images and L. Merrill for editing
developing countries is not innate to the nature of the them.
place, but the result of a long history of colonialist activ-
ities, inequality, and even wars (Kates & Dasgupta 2007;
Lunstrum & Givá 2020). Furthermore, conservation mea-
sures imposed through international efforts have in some Literature Cited
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