Disarmament

Disarmament, in international relations, any of four distinct conceptions: (1) the penal
destruction or reduction of the armament of a country defeated in war (the provision under
the Versailles Treaty [1919] for the disarmament of Germany and its allies is an example of
this conception of disarmament); (2) bilateral disarmament agreements applying to specific
geographic areas (naval disarmament in this sense is represented by the Rush-Bagot
Agreement between the United States and Great Britain, which, since 1817, has kept the Great
Lakes disarmed); (3) the complete abolition of all armaments, as advocated by utopian thinkers
and occasionally by governments; and (4) the reduction and limitation of national armament by
general international agreement through such international forums as the League of Nations, in
the past, and the United Nations, in the present. This last is the most frequent current use of the
term.

Disarmament became a more urgent and complicated issue with the rapid development
of nuclear weapons capable of mass destruction. Since the explosion of the first atomic bombs in
1945, the previous contention that armaments races were economically inexpedient and led
inevitably to war was replaced by the argument that the future use of nuclear weapons in quantity
threatened the continued existence of civilization itself. During the post-World War II period,
there were discussions at several levels aimed at limiting and controlling armaments. Efforts
ranged from continuous talks at the United Nations to such discussions between the United
States and the Soviet Union (later, Russia) as the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I and
II) of the 1970s, the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START I, II, and III) of the 1980s and
’90s, and the New Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (New START) of the early 2000s. See
also arms control.
 Arms control

Arms control is the broadest of the three terms and generally refers to mutually agreed upon
restraints or controls (usually between states) on the development, production, stockpiling,
proliferation, deployment and use of troops, small arms, conventional weapons and weapons of
mass destruction. Arms control includes agreements that increase the transparency of military
capabilities and activities, with the intention of reducing the risk of misinterpretation or
miscalculation.

Non-proliferation

For the Alliance, “non-proliferation refers to all efforts to prevent proliferation from occurring,
or should it occur, to reverse it by any other means than the use of military force". Non-
proliferation applies to both weapons of mass destruction (including nuclear,
radiological, chemical and biological weapons) and conventional capabilities such as missiles
and small arms.
 Strategic Importance of Indian Ocean

The Indian Ocean, which lies at the crossroads of Africa, Asia, and Australia, houses a
number of littorals that play critical roles in the region. The IOR is a vital sea lane with choke
points such the Strait of Hormuz, Strait of Malacca, Bab-el Mandeb, and so forth. These choke
points are of immense strategic importance, as huge volumes of trade pass through them. These
choke points are exposed to piracy, international disputes, political dissents, and accidents. To
ward off such threats and to gain/maintain a strong foothold in this resource rich region, regional
and external powers flex their muscles.

The islands in the Indian Ocean also work significantly to shape security architecture of
the IOR. These islands play a vital role along the sea lines of communication (SLOC) by giving
easy access to navies continued presence and allowing them to patrol and secure SLOCs during
the time of peace and war. The Indian Ocean acts as an intersection for the transport of oil from
the Middle East. This is also the reason why external powers are trying to strengthen their
footholds, making it a region for them to showcase their vigor and potentiality.

When talking about the geostrategic importance, “security dynamics” in the IOR play an
equally pivotal role. In the view of the same, the Persian Gulf in the Arabian Sea (northern
Indian Ocean) also plays an equally important role for the security perspective of India. The
main aim of India in this area is to protect the SLOCs, which are laden with piracy threats in the
Horn of Africa and the Red Sea. The Indian Navy has warships deployed in the Gulf of Oman
and Persian Gulf to provide safe passage for Indian-flagged vessels operating in the region. India
has also set up the Information Fusion Centre–Indian Ocean Region (IFC–IOR) to keep a close
watch on the movement of ships in the region. The IFC–IOR engages with partner nations to
develop comprehensive maritime domain awareness and share information on vessels of interest.

Chinese Presence in the Backyard

The Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean remains a major concern across the region.
Beijing is eager to have strong footholds in the IOR, Africa, and other island nations, through the
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The presence of China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy
(PLAN) and other Chinese commercial vessels in the Indian Ocean, the Chinese interpretation of
the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea, and so forth remain challenges to those
who subscribe to the ideal of a free and open Indo-Pacific. 1 The geopolitical theory of the “String
of Pearls” explains China’s potentials and intentions of establishing commercial and
infrastructural projects in India’s backyard. China has invested in several projects from the Horn
of Africa to the ASEAN nations and the Pacific Island nations.
The revival of the Chinese Maritime Silk Route can be seen through China’s investment
in the port of Hambantota in Sri Lanka, which Beijing gained control of through debt-trap
lending, and the development of Pakistan’s Gwadar Port as a part of China–Pakistan Economic
Corridor (CPEC).2 In the Maldives, China had financed the China–Maldives Friendship Bridge,
linking Malé to the island of Hulhumale and Hulhule. It is the first sea-crossing bridge for the
Maldives and could play a vital role in the island nation’s long-term economic development. The
Maldives has also leased an uninhabited island, Feydhoo Finolhu, to a Chinese enterprise for 50
years at a price of around 4 million USD, with plans to develop infrastructure for
tourism.3 Along the African coastal belt, one-quarter of all Chinese investment is concentrated in
Nigeria and Angola. Nigeria has received relatively large funds from China for railways. Abuja
also hopes that China will support peacekeeping in the Niger Delta region, which would better
secure oil investments there. Beijing is backing two major rail projects—one from Lagos to
Kano and the other from Lagos to Calabar.4
China’s ambitious BRI,5 a 1 trillion USD investment project, is aimed at infrastructural
developments. However, many have criticized Beijing’s promises to build roadways, railways,
and ports to revive the trade route linking China to Asia, Africa, and Europe as based upon debt-
trap lending that financially burdens comparatively weak economies, allowing China to
essentially gain sovereignty over portions of these countries. The CPEC, which is a BRI project,
has been a great concern for India, as it passes through the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. China
has often enticed leaders from countries with unstable economies to allow Chinese investment in
their territories. However, India has always dissented against the same on grounds of security
concerns.
Counterbalancing the Dragon on the Seas
The Chinese dragon might be obstructing India on land, disputing New Delhi’s claim of
the Line of Actual Control (LAC). However, Beijing’s predominant geopolitical strategy of the
great game lies in the Indian Ocean, where China has engaged in massive infrastructure projects
for some time now. To counter the rise of China, India needs to up its game in the maritime
sphere. New Delhi has been increasing India’s military investments since the Modi government
first came to power in 2014.

In the Bay of Bengal (BoB), India has modernized facilities in the Andaman Islands and
at a base in Campbell Bay in the Nicobar Islands. In 2019, an infrastructure development plan
worth 56.5 billion INR aimed at allowing additional warships, aircraft, troops, and drones to be
stationed in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands was finalized. On 24 January 2019, the Indian
Navy commissioned the new naval station INS Kohassa in the BoB islands. 6 While there has
been a lot of stir claiming that this upgrade was aimed at countering the Chinese expansion at the
IOR, Ding Hao, deputy director of the Asian–African Military Affairs Office of the Foreign
Military Studies Department of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s Academy of Military
Sciences, said the Andaman and Nicobar Islands are overseas territories of the Dominion of
India and that it is a normal move for the Indian military to establish military bases there. Beijing
has defended China’s moves in the IOR by stating that it aims for peace and stability in the
region.
To counter the rise of China in the Indian Ocean, India needs to emerge as a strong
maritime power, which would be possible with support from the island nations in the region.
India has recently undertaken infrastructure development projects with dual-use logistics
facilities in Mauritius and Seychelles. India aims to upgrade facilities on the Agaléga Islands of
Mauritius. In 2015, India and Mauritius had signed a MoU to improve air and sea facilities at the
Agaléga Island.7 Even though the Agaléga islanders know that construction of naval base would
lead to their displacement, the Mauritian government have ignored this as they want India to
continue routing its money through Mauritius, which is their largest source of FDI. India can
take this to its advantage and get logistic helps from Mauritius as well. The 87 million USD
project has been awarded to two companies: Afcons Infrastructure Limited and Rail India
Technical and Economic Services (RITES) Ltd., a Government of India enterprise. As per a
memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed in 2015 by Indian prime minister Narendra Modi
and his Mauritian counterpart, India would set up infrastructure for improving air and sea
connectivity.8 Even though construction of the naval base would lead to the displacement of
Agaléga Islanders, the Mauritian government is eager for India to continue routing its money
through Mauritius, as it represents the nation’s largest source of foreign direct investment. New
Delhi can use this to India’s advantage to gain logistical assistance from Mauritius as well.
With Seychelles, India has agreed on developing infrastructure on Assumption Island.
India has also helped Victoria with ocean mapping to protect Seychelles exclusive economic
zone and has donated aircraft and launched a radar project.9
However, it is also important to note that Mauritius and Seychelles, being the small
islands that they are, may not align with India to the point of isolating China completely in the
IOR. The United States, on the other hand, can definitely provide India with logistics. The
Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) between Washington and New Delhi
would enable India to gain logistical support from the many US facilities located throughout the
Indo-Pacific.10
India is a part of several bilateral and multilateral military exercises in the Indian Ocean.
Naval Exercise MILAN, hosted by the Indian Navy and most recently held on 8 November 2019,
was attended by delegates from 17 foreign navies. The 2020 edition of the exercise has been
postponed in the wake of COVID-19 pandemic but is expected to be the largest iteration of the
exercise, with the projected participation of 30 foreign navies. Exercise Malabar is a trilateral
maritime event between India, Japan, and the United States and aims at strengthening
cooperation and enhancing interoperability among participants. In 2020, India prepared to
expand the grouping by including Australia as well. Previously, India had been reluctant to invite
Australia as it would appear to be connected to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), an
informal strategic forum among these same four nations, aimed straightforwardly against the
China’s rise. However, given the June 2020 Sino-India clashes at the LAC in eastern Ladakh’s
Galwan Valley, India is expected to make the decision of inviting Australia and in doing so
enhance its strategic position vis-à-vis Beijing. Military exercises in the IOR are significant due
to the increasing Chinese threat. Separately, in June 2020, the Indian Navy increased its
surveillance and operational deployment in the IOR, with the Galwan clash as a backdrop. The
Indian Navy also held an important exercise with its Japanese counterparts in the IOR, where
Chinese naval vessels and submarines make persistent incursions. China’s ventures in the IOR
are seen as one of the most vital reasons for the Indian Navy to assert its preparedness to ward
off security threats in the region.

Conclusion
As a move to strengthen itself at the IOR, India has increased its military capacity from
operating only in the neighborhood to operating in the entire region—from the Malacca Strait to
the waters off the African coasts. In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, when the world order
is expected to witness a geostrategic shift, India will aim at further strengthening its presence in
the IOR. In this dynamic, India will look forward to building up the gambit with Indian Ocean
littorals such as Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius, and Seychelles to scrutinize the rise of China.
India is also likely to develop a strategic plan with the United States, without overtly professing
such measures as “anti-Chinese moves.”

The Indian Ocean will remain one of the world’s most strategic locations, with more than
75 percent of the world’s maritime trade and 50 percent of daily global oil transfers passing
through the region. As a result, India’s primary aim will be to maintain a stable and peaceful
India Ocean, with a focus toward economic and military alterations obviating the menacing
Chinese threat.
 Nuclear Non Proliferation Regime
The international nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime comprises principles,
norms, rules and practices regulating nuclear weapons. Historically, the regime is built on the
1968 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).
The NPT, which entered into force in 1970 and was extended indefinitely in 1995, seeks to
prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, to promote peaceful uses of nuclear energy and to move
towards nuclear disarmament. These goals are often described as the NPT’s ‘three pillars’. The
non-proliferation commitments of non-nuclear weapon states are verified through International
Atomic Energy Agency Safeguards. While regarded as the cornerstone of the international non-
proliferation and disarmament regime, the NPT has been undermined by the lack of
implementation of its disarmament pillar.
A new treaty, the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), seeks to promote
disarmament in line with the NPT’s disarmament pillar by strengthening the stigma around
nuclear weapons. The TPNW was negotiated in 2017 and entered into force in January 2021. It
establishes a comprehensive prohibition on nuclear weapons, including their possession, use and
threat of use. Nuclear-armed states and their allies, however, have opposed the new treaty,
arguing that it could undermine the NPT by creating parallel norms and weakening the alleged
international stability created by nuclear deterrence.
SIPRI conducts research to facilitate both nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, and it
analyses developments related to the NPT and the TPNW, including the interrelationship
between the two treaties. SIPRI follows efforts to bring the 1996 Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty (CTBT) into force and to negotiate a proposed Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty
(FMCT).
 Alliances
In international relations, an alliance is a formal agreement or treaty between two or more
countries to cooperate on a range of issues of mutual concern, such as defense, economic
development, and cultural exchange. Alliances are often formed to enhance the security and
prosperity of the participating countries and to deter potential adversaries.

Military alliances

They are agreements between countries to provide mutual defense in the event of an attack by
another country. These alliances often include a commitment to come to the aid of an ally that is
under attack, and may also involve the sharing of military resources and intelligence. Examples
of military alliances include NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), which is a collective
defense organization made up of several European and North American countries, and the
Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), which is a military alliance of several post-
Soviet states in Eastern Europe and Central Asia.