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Citation: Thumpakattu, Joshy (2021). The BBC’s Portrayal of India: An Analysis of how the
International News Coverage of India Changed in the Digital Era. (Unpublished Doctoral
thesis, City, University of London)

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City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected]
City, University of London

Department of Journalism

The BBC’s Portrayal of India

An Analysis of how the International News Coverage of India

Changed in the Digital Era

Submitted by: Joshy Joseph Thumpakattu

10 Northampton Square
London EC1V 0HB
February 2021

Supervisors: Professor Suzanne Franks and Dr Melanie Bunce

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of:

Journalism PhD
Table of Contents

Introduction ..........................................................................................................................................13

Contextualising the Research.............................................................................................................14

The Objective and Research Questions .............................................................................................16

Research Overview ............................................................................................................................17

Thesis Structure .................................................................................................................................18

Justification for this Research.............................................................................................................19

Conclusion..........................................................................................................................................20

Chapter 1: The Development of International News Coverage ........................................................22

Introduction.........................................................................................................................................22

The History of International News Coverage ......................................................................................22

The Pursuit of a New World Information and Communication Order ..................................................29

News Coverage of the Global South by the Global North ..................................................................34

Post-Colonial News Coverage............................................................................................................42

Conclusion..........................................................................................................................................45

Chapter 2: Media Representation of India in Foreign Media ............................................................48

The International Media Coverage of India.........................................................................................48

The Visual Representation .................................................................................................................54

The BBC’s Relationship with India .....................................................................................................58

The Complexity of the BBC’s News Coverage ...................................................................................67

The Changes in Indian Media Ecology since the 1970s .....................................................................71

The Changes in Indian Media Ecology and the BBC in India .............................................................74

Conclusion..........................................................................................................................................75

Chapter 3: The BBC, Online Journalism and the Social Media ........................................................76

Introduction.........................................................................................................................................76

The Emergence of Online Journalism ................................................................................................76

2
 The Rise of User Generated Content (UGC) ......................................................................................78

Twitter and Journalism .......................................................................................................................80

Social media and India .......................................................................................................................83

BBC’s Digital Broadcasts....................................................................................................................85

The Influence of Twitter in BBC’s News Coverage .............................................................................87

Conclusion..........................................................................................................................................89

Chapter 4: Gatekeeping Theory in the Digital Era .............................................................................92

Introduction.........................................................................................................................................92

Gatekeeping Theory ...........................................................................................................................93

Levels of Analysis in Gatekeeping......................................................................................................95

The Relevance of Gatekeeping in the Digital Era ...............................................................................97

Sociology of News ..............................................................................................................................99

Conclusion........................................................................................................................................101

Chapter 5: Methodology ....................................................................................................................103

Introduction.......................................................................................................................................103

Research Overview ..........................................................................................................................104

Data Collection: Mixed Methods .......................................................................................................105

Data Collection: Quantitative Content Analysis ................................................................................107

The Duration, the Sources and the Sample......................................................................................110

Coding ..............................................................................................................................................115

Qualitative Method -- Interviews .......................................................................................................118

Ethical Considerations ......................................................................................................................123

Chapter 6: Results ..............................................................................................................................124

Introduction.......................................................................................................................................124

Data Analysis: BBC Radio World News Service...............................................................................124

Sources ............................................................................................................................................132

3
 Significant Topics of BBC Radio Indian News Coverage .................................................................139

Major Featured Topics–Detailed ......................................................................................................143

A Comparative Analysis of BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019 .......................................147

Sources ............................................................................................................................................150

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Significant Topics in the Indian News Coverage .....156

Data Analysis of Online Indian News in BBC, CNN and AJE ...........................................................160

Sources ............................................................................................................................................168

BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Significant Topics in the Indian News Coverage ........................176

Major Featured Topics–Detailed ......................................................................................................181

Conclusion........................................................................................................................................188

Chapter 7: The Indian News Coverage of BBC Radio World News Service ..................................189

Introduction.......................................................................................................................................189

BBC Radio World News Service news coverage of India in 1977, 1997 and 2019 ..........................191

The comparison of the Indian news coverage of BBC Radio WNS and BBC Online 2019 ..............205

BBC Online News Coverage of India compared to CNN and AJE in the year 2019 .........................212

Chapter 8: The BBC Journalists Reporting India in an Era of Digital Technology .......................218

Introduction.......................................................................................................................................218

Digital Media Opens New Horizons ..................................................................................................218

Digital Media Changed the Newsroom Environment ........................................................................225

Conclusion........................................................................................................................................230

Chapter 9: Findings and Conclusion ................................................................................................232

Major Findings ..................................................................................................................................232

Digital Technology, Journalistic Practices and Gatekeeping Theory ................................................238

Limitations and Recommendations ..................................................................................................243

Recommendations for Further Study ................................................................................................245

Concluding Summary .......................................................................................................................245

4
References ..........................................................................................................................................248

Appendix 1: Data Sources ................................................................................................................265

Appendix 2: List of Interviewees .......................................................................................................285

Appendix 3: Comparison between the BBC Online pages accessed from India and the UK ...........286

Appendix 4: Codebook .....................................................................................................................290

Appendix 5: Semi-structured Interview Guidelines ..........................................................................302

Appendix 6: Consent Form ...............................................................................................................303

Appendix 7: Participant Information Sheet .......................................................................................304

5
Table of Tables

(Table 1: The total number of units featured on BBC Radio in 1977, 1997 and 2019) .............................................. 125

(Table 2: BBC Radio WNS 1977, 1997 and 2019–A panoramic view of analysis) .................................................... 126

(Table 3: The total number of days of Indian news coverage on BBC Radio in 1977, 1997 and 2019) ...................... 126

(Table 4: Number of Indian news items covered by BBC Radio WNS in 1977, 1997 and 2019)................................ 128

(Table 5: BBC Radio World News Service–Duration of news items) ........................................................................ 129

(Table 6: BBC Radio World News Service–Placement of Indian news items)........................................................... 131

(Table 7: BBC Radio World News Service–Name of the Correspondent)................................................................. 132

(Table 8: BBC Radio World News Service–Indian Official Government Agencies) ................................................... 133

(Table 9: BBC Radio World News Service–Views of experts and those involved) .................................................... 136

(Table 10: BBC Radio World News Service–Significant Topics) .............................................................................. 140

(Table 11: BBC Radio World News Service–Human Welfare Issues) ...................................................................... 143

(Table 12: BBC Radio World News Service–Indian Government Policies) ............................................................... 144

(Table 13: BBC Radio World News Service–Indian politics) .................................................................................... 145

(Table 14: : BBC Radio World News Service–Law and Order)................................................................................. 146

(Table 15: BBC Radio WNS 2019 and BBC Online 2019–A panoramic view of analysis) ......................................... 148

(Table 16: BBC Online news and Radio WNS 2019–The total number of days of Indian news coverage)................. 148

(Table 17: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Number of Indian news items) ................................................. 149

(Table 18: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Name of the Correspondent) ................................................... 150

(Table 19: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Indian Government Official Agencies) ...................................... 151

(Table 20: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–International Politicians and Diplomats).................................... 152

(Table 21: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Views of Experts and those involved)....................................... 154

(Table 22: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Media Sources) ....................................................................... 155

(Table 23: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–First Source) ........................................................................... 155

(Table 24: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Social Media)..................................................................................... 156

(Table 25: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Geographical Focus of Indian News Items) .............................. 156

Table 26: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Significant Topics) .................................................................... 157

(Table 27: BBC Online 2019, CNN Online 2019 and AJE Online 2019–A panoramic view of analysis) ..................... 161

6
(Table 28: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–The total number of days of Indian news coverage) ............................ 161

(Table 29: The BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–The total number of Indian news) ............................................... 162

(Table 30: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–The Type of Indian News Coverage) .................................................. 163

(Table 31: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–The Length of online news items) ....................................................... 163

(Table 32: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Placement of Indian news items)........................................................ 165

(Table 33: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Name of the Correspondent) .............................................................. 167

(Table 34: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Indian Government Official Agencies) ................................................ 168

(Table 35: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–International Politicians and Diplomats) .............................................. 170

(Table 36: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Views of Experts and those involved) ................................................. 172

(Table 37: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Media Sources) ................................................................................. 174

(Table 38: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Social Media)..................................................................................... 176

(Table 39: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Geographical Focus of Indian news items) ......................................... 177

(Table 40: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Significant Topics) ............................................................................. 178

(Table 41: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Human Welfare Issues) ..................................................................... 182

(Table 42: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Indian Government Policies) .............................................................. 183

(Table 43: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Politics (Indian domestic politics) ........................................................ 184

(Table 44: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Law and Order) ................................................................................. 185

(Table 45: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Business and Economy) .................................................................... 186

(Table 46: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–International Conflict) ......................................................................... 186

(Table 47: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Science, Environment and Information Technology) ........................... 187

7
Table of Figures

(Figure 1: BBC 1977–Proportion of days in the sample when there was a news item about India).....................127

(Figure 2: BBC 1997–Proportion of days in the sample when there was a news item about India).....................127

(Figure 3: BBC 2019–Proportion of days in the sample when there was a news item about India).....................127

(Figure 4: BBC Radio World News Service 1977–Duration of news items) .........................................................129

(Figure 5: BBC Radio World News Service 1997–Duration of news items) .........................................................129

(Figure 6: BBC Radio World News Service 2019–Duration of news items) .........................................................130

(Figure 7: BBC Radio World News Service 1997–Indian Official Government Agencies) ...................................133

(Figure 8: BBC Radio World News Service 2019–Indian Official Government Agencies) ...................................133

(Figure 9: BBC Radio World News Service 1997– Views of Experts and those involved) ...................................136

(Figure 10: BBC Radio World News Service 2019–Views of Experts and those involved) ..................................136

(Figure 11: BBC Radio World News Service 1977–Significant Topics) ...............................................................140

(Figure 12: BBC Radio World News Service 1997–Significant Topics) ...............................................................141

(Figure 13: BBC Radio World News Service 2019–Significant Topics) ..............................................................141

(Figure 14: BBC Online 2019–Indian Government Official Agencies)..................................................................151

(Figure 15: BBC Radio WNS 2019–Indian Government Official Agencies) .........................................................151

(Figure 16: BBC Online 2019–International Politicians and Diplomats) ...............................................................152

(Figure 17: BBC Radio WNS 2019–International Politicians and Diplomats).......................................................152

(Figure 18: BBC Online 2019–Views of Experts and those involved) ..................................................................154

(Figure 19: BBC Radio WNS 2019–Views of Experts and those involved) ..........................................................154

(Figure 20: BBC Online 2019–Significant Topics) ................................................................................................158

(Figure 21: BBC Radio WNS 2019–Significant Topics)........................................................................................158

(Figure 22: BBC Online 2019–Length of news items) ..........................................................................................164

(Figure 23: CNN Online 2019–Length of news items) ..........................................................................................164

(Figure 24: AJE Online 2019–Length of news items) ...........................................................................................164

(Figure 25: BBC Online 2019–Placement of Indian news item) ...........................................................................165

(Figure 26: CNN Online 2019–Placement of Indian news item) ...........................................................................165

(Figure 27: AJE Online 2019–Placement of Indian news item) ............................................................................166

8
(Figure 28: BBC Online–Indian Government Official Agencies) ...........................................................................169

(Figure 29: CNN Online–Indian Government Official Agencies) ..........................................................................169

(Figure 30: AJE Online–Indian Government Official Agencies) ...........................................................................169

(Figure 31: BBC Online 2019–Views of Experts and those involved) ..................................................................172

(Figure 32: CNN Online 2019–Views of Experts and those involved) ..................................................................173

(Figure 33: AJE Online 2019–Views of Experts and those involved) ...................................................................173

(Figure 34: BBC Online 2019–Significant Topics) ................................................................................................178

(Figure 35: CNN Online 2019–Significant Topics)................................................................................................179

(Figure 36: AJE Online 2019–Significant Topics) .................................................................................................179

9
Table of Images

(Image 1: Example of BBC PasBs of 15 August 1977, news at 13.00 hours)......................................................108

(Image 2: ‘Home page’ of the BBC accessed from India) ....................................................................................286

(Image 3: ‘Home page’ of the BBC accessed from UK) .......................................................................................286

(Image 4: ‘World page’ of the BBC accessed from India) ....................................................................................287

(Image 5: ‘World page’ of the BBC accessed from UK) .......................................................................................287

(Image 6: ‘Asia page’ of the BBC accessed from India) .......................................................................................288

(Image 7: ‘Asia page’ of the BBC accessed from UK) ..........................................................................................288

(Image 8: ‘India page’ of the BBC accessed from India) ......................................................................................289

(Image 9: ‘India page’ of the BBC accessed from UK) .........................................................................................289

10
Acknowledgements

This dissertation would not have been possible without the support and the
encouragement of many people. Many have helped me in my research, and any
accomplishment in this effort is in great measure due to them. First and foremost, I would
like to extend my sincere appreciation to my supervisors Professor Suzanne Franks and
Dr Melanie Bunce. I am immensely grateful to Professor Suzanne Franks for the insightful
comments on this work and her constant support and kindness throughout this long
process. A great ‘Thank you’ goes to Dr Melanie Bunce for the constructive critique and
meticulous observations during this journey.

I owe a great deal of thanks to Dr Sally Stares and Dr Leonie Fleischmann for
guiding me through my Masters degree at City, University of London and motivating me
to do this thesis. I would also like to thank Dr Zahera Harb for her constructive feedback
on the MPhil/PhD transfer report and Dr Lindsey Blumell for her guidance during the
codebook preparation. My words of appreciation also. go to Abdullahi Tasiu for his support
in this journey. I am grateful to my colleagues at City, University of London, who have
been a great moral support, especially Nhlanhla Ndebele, Radwa Mabrook and
Aleksandra Raspopina. Words of appreciation also go to Richard Thornbury and Blessing
Theophilus-Israel for their help and support in administrative matters. I am grateful to Alex
Asman for her guidance in finding sources from the library.

I am indebted a great deal to my colleagues at the Society of St Paul for allowing

me to undertake this study. I would particularly like to thank Fr Michael Raj, Fr Varghese
Gnalian and Provincial teams in this capacity. I am grateful to Fr Sebastian Puthupally
and Rev Jereus Jose Bangcaya for their generous help and support, especially for
spending their time to proofread the thesis. I must also thank my supportive colleagues at
St Pauls London, for assisting me in the completion of this research.

I am indebted to all those who dedicated their time to this research, either as
interviewees, sources or advisors. In this capacity, particular acknowledgement goes to
Sir Mark Tully, David Loyn, William Crawley, Satish Jacob, Rupa Jha, Samanthi
Dissanayake, Ayeshea Perera, Els Boonen, Grace George and a number of BBC
journalists from BBC Indian bureau for their input and expertise.

Finally, I would like to thank my friends and family who have been a huge source
of support throughout the whole PhD process. I have no doubt that without their support,
this thesis may never have been a reality.

11
Abstract

Digital technologies continue to transform journalism practices worldwide. The

emergence of digital technologies have similarly transformed the BBC's news
coverage of India, with whom it has a longstanding relationship. In this context, this
thesis examines the BBC's international news reporting of India in a digital era and
assesses how new technologies have changed the practices of the BBC journalists
reporting on India. A mixed-methods approach is followed in this research, which
includes content analysis and semi-structured interviews. The content analysis
examines Programmes as Broadcast (PasBs) of BBC Radio World News Service
broadcasts of 1977 and 1997, which are compared to BBC Radio World News Service
news broadcasts of 2019. It also examines online Indian international news
broadcasts of the BBC, CNN and AJE in the year 2019. These content analyses
explore: the frequency of news, the sources used in news reports, the time/space
dedicated to the Indian news, the range of news reported and comparisons with other
news platforms. Meanwhile, semi-structured interviews with current and former BBC
journalists in India are used to research the changes in journalistic practices on
account of digital technologies. Additionally, this study looks at the significant
similarities and differences in online news reporting of India between the BBC, CNN
and Al-Jazeera English. This has served as a benchmark to analyse the global
standing of BBC online against other major media houses reporting from three
different viewpoints, i.e., the European (the BBC), the American (CNN) and the Asian
(AJE).
The research results show that, as communication technology changed, there
were more international news stories about India, a wider range of news topics were
addressed, and a greater range of news sources were included. The interviews
suggest that digital technologies are a core reason for this more diverse and broad
coverage, but variables such as geographical proximity, regional and national interests
and business prospects still play a significant role in the scope of news coverage and
broadcast, as do individual editorial policies.
The research demonstrates that in India, the BBC journalists adapted
themselves to the emerging digital technologies that changed the journalistic practices
from the reception of news information to dissemination of the news. The adaptation
of digital technologies enabled them to be forewarned of an emerging news story,
facilitated them to approach news stories from various dimensions or viewpoints, and
empowered them to access sources remotely while sitting in their offices with the
possibility of broadened scope of reachability. The journalists had to bear in mind that
the dissemination of news happened on multiple platforms in different formats, and so
the featured news item had to cater to different platforms through which it was
disseminated. When traditional journalism blended with digital technologies,
journalism's scope was redefined, and it empowered the journalists with a wider range
and newer feasibilities.
This research contributes to a body of literature examining the BBC's contemporary
reporting of India and the impact of new digital technologies on the BBC journalists
reporting on India. It also reinforces the earlier findings of Harcup and O'Neil (2017)
and Singer (2014) that journalists continue to be information gatekeepers even in a
digital media environment, with altered roles and duties.

12
 Introduction

The image of a country presented in the international sphere is of paramount

importance. The perceptions created through international news coverage have

manifold implications. For instance, it can challenge negative stereotypes, create

business opportunities, make new allies, alienate nations or bring them together.

International news coverage of a country plays a vital role in creating these

perceptions. The arrival of digital technologies has ensured faster and wider

dissemination of news to a large mass instantaneously. More than ever, as the various

news outlets have embraced using digital communication the international news

coverage of a nation has come under closer scrutiny, as the reach of news coverage

increases.

From the traditional form of print, radio and television, news broadcasting and

journalism practices have undergone tremendous transformation brought about by

developments in communication technology (Thussu 2007a). For instance, digital

technologies have revolutionised journalism practices worldwide, and have opened up

newer possibilities and noteworthy outcomes. Subsequently, news broadcasts and

journalism practices have embraced digital formats that provide some profound

technical and multiple advantages. This fast-paced digital climate continues to grow

and could continue to have myriad implications for news broadcasting and journalistic

practices. Given these possibilities, this study attempts to determine to what degree

these digital developments have impacted the British Broadcasting Corporation's

(henceforth BBC) international news reporting of India, and whether these

developments have diversified the practices of the BBC journalists reporting on India.

13
 A mixed-methods approach is followed in this research, which includes content

analysis and semi-structured interviews with the BBC journalists who either were part

of BBC reporting on India or are still working for BBC reporting on India. The content

analysis examines BBC news coverage of India in its various platforms and makes

comparison with other news platforms. This analysis includes Programmes as

Broadcast (PasBs) of BBC Radio World News Service (WNS) broadcasts of 1977 and

1997, BBC Radio World News Service news broadcasts of 2019, online Indian

international news broadcasts of the BBC, Cable News Network, Inc (henceforth CNN)

and Al-Jazeera English (henceforth AJE) in the year 2019. Meanwhile, the semi-

structured interviews focus on the changes in journalistic practices on account of

digital technologies.

Contextualising the Research

The BBC has a long-standing relationship with India, which began back in 1924 during

the British colonial era when its then general manager John Reith wanted to establish

a centralised system of broadcasting in India to connect the Indian Empire. However,

his dream was realised only in 1932 when the BBC finally launched its own English-

language Empire Service on shortwave radio, broadcast from London but with global

reach including India (Webb, no date). During the Second World War, the BBC's

services in India were boosted and broadened. The BBC launched a Hindi Language

service in 1940, followed by broadcasts in Bengali and Urdu (ibid.). Until recently, the

BBC's operations in India were done by a handful of people, including British expats,

with a network of stringers across India. For instance, there were only 27 journalists

working for the BBC in India in the year 1997. However, the number has risen to more

14
than 200 in 2019 (Interview: Loyn, 21 February 2020) with additional language

services added to the BBC’s services in India.

BBC Online was officially launched in December 1997 (Crisell, 2002, see also

Ramsey, 2018), which marked the beginning of the BBC's entry into the digital

broadcast, redefining the borders of traditional journalism. This was an early beginning

as the high-speed internet and accessibility were still a dream for many around the

globe. It was only a matter of time before journalists widely adopted digital technology.

It was during one of the deadliest terrorist attacks in the year 2001 — the destruction

of the World Trade Centre in New York — that online news sites were flooded with

service requests or news queries, which in a way marked the beginning of online

journalism (Belair-Gagnon, 2015).

By the middle of the first decade of the 21 st century, social media began to be

used widely, including breaking news and news updates. Added to this, a series of

events such as the London bombings of 2005, the Saffron Revolution in Myanmar in

2006, the Mumbai terror attacks of 2008, the Iranian election of 2009, and the Haiti

earthquake of 2010 (Belair-Gagnon, 2015) forced journalists to look for news sources

on social media as physical access to sources was not easy. In short, digital

technologies have transformed journalism practices around the world, and this fast

pace of changes is continued today. The media ecology has been changing drastically,

and it is in this context that this research is carried out to analyse how the BBC reports

on India.

Previous studies have analysed the long-standing relationship between BBC and

India. For instance, Suzanne Franks (2012), in her study "BBC Reporting in India in

the 1970s and 1980s: Globally Connected Media Ahead of Its Time", assessed the

15
Indian news reporting of the BBC in the 1970s and 1980s. Franks (2007), in her study

on “Famine, politics, and the media”, did a comparison of how the BBC covered two

developing parts of the world, i.e., Africa and India, differently. Daya Kishan Thussu

(2013b) in his work "India in the international media sphere" examined the changes in

the Indian media on account of the liberalisation of the Indian economy, privatisation

and deregulation of the media and communication sector, and the emerging

digitisation of media content. Moreover, Thussu (2013a) narrated in his book,

Communicating India's soft power: Buddha to Bollywood, the power of culture and

communication in which India's vibrant and pluralist media system had a significant

role to play. Studies have also explored news coverage of developing nations more

generally, finding that they often focus on negative topics and frames, as in the study

“'Suit, Tie and a Touch of Juju'—The Ideological Construction of Africa: A Critical

Discourse Analysis of News on Africa in the British Press” by Heather Jean Brookes

(Brookes, 1995). But there was a ray of hope as Bunce et al. (2017) found in their

study, Africa's media image in the 21st century: from the 'heart of darkness' to 'Africa

rising'. Bearing in mind all these aspects and the changing media environment, it is

worth exploring if there have been major differences in BBC’s Indian news coverage

compared to its earlier news coverage of India.

The Objective and Research Questions

This research aims to examine if new media platforms have changed the BBC's

reporting of India. It explores this question by analysing BBC Radio WNS broadcasts

of 1977, 1997, 2019, and online Indian news coverage of 2019. It also focuses on

digital technologies, especially social media, in the BBC's Indian news reporting. The

research does a comparative analysis to find out the similarities and differences in

16
online news reporting of India in the BBC, CNN and AJE. This gives an overview of

Indian news coverage from different viewpoints such as the European (the BBC), the

American (CNN) and the Asian (AJE). It also aims at determining if the changing media

environment and newsroom practices have increased the range of topics and sources

within the BBC's news coverage of India compared to the past. Therefore, the

questions asked in this research are:

RQ 1. How does BBC report India in the digital era?

RQ 1a. How does BBC Radio World News Service reporting of India
differ between the years 1977, 1997 and 2019?

RQ 1b. How does BBC Radio World News Service 2019 reporting of
India differ from that of BBC Online in 2019?

RQ 1c. How does BBC Online report on India compared to CNN Online
and AJE Online in 2019?

RQ 2. How have digital technologies changed the practices of the BBC

journalists reporting on India?

Research Overview

This research has examined through its content analysis and interviews the pattern in

BBC's Radio World News Service and BBC Online reporting of India over the years.

This includes the frequency of news, the sources used in news reports, the time/space

dedicated to the Indian news, and the range of news reported. It has also investigated

the use of digital technologies in the news coverage of India and the changes this has

prompted in the journalistic practices of the BBC journalists reporting on India.

Additionally, an attempt has been made in this study to see the significant similarities

and differences in the online news reporting of India in the BBC, CNN and AJE. This

has served as a benchmark to analyse the global standing of BBC online against other

17
major media houses. This was an opportunity to look at the Indian news online

coverage from three different viewpoints, i.e., the European (the BBC), the American

(CNN) and the Asian (AJE).

Thesis Structure

The thesis is divided into nine chapters.

Chapter 1 outlines the development of international news coverage. This

chapter is divided into two sections. The first section deals with the history of

international news coverage, and the second describes the media representation of

the global South by the global North.

Chapter 2 examines the media representation of India in foreign media in general

and BBC in particular.

Chapter 3 provides details of online journalism, social media, and how new

media technologies have changed BBC news production and its dissemination.

Chapter 4 introduces the theoretical framework in which the research is

situated, drawing on literature to describe gatekeeping theory, as explained by Lewin

(Lewin, 1947).

Chapter 5 outlines the methodology, which details the process of data

collection, including quantitative content analysis and qualitative analysis of the semi-

structured interviews.

Chapter 6 elaborates on the quantitative analysis of the data collected. It is

divided into three parts: a) the analysis of BBC Radio World News Service of 1977,

1997 and 2019, b) the comparison between BBC Radio WNS 2019 and BBC online

2019, and c) the analysis of BBC, CNN and AJE online news.

18
 Chapter 7 presents a discussion on how the BBC reported India in the digital era

and is divided into three sections. The first section combines what has been learned

in this research about BBC Radio World News Services of 1977, 1997, and 2019. The

second section's focal point is on the similarities and differences of BBC's Radio World

News Service 2019 and Online News Service 2019. The third section looks at the

Indian news reporting of online services of the BBC, CNN and AJE. In addition,

Chapter 7 critically discusses the findings from the analysis of Chapter 6 and looks

into how overall research is in agreement with existing literature connected to the area

of study.

Chapter 8 draws on the interview findings to answer the second research

question: ‘How have digital technologies changed the practices of the BBC journalists

reporting on India’? This is examined on the basis of data analysis and from the

interviews conducted as part of this research.

Chapter 9 (The Findings and the Conclusion) is divided into two sections. The

first section draws on the major findings and the second section reflects on the

limitations of the research and further recommendations for future study.

Justification for this Research

There were significant changes in the media environment over the past two decades.

These changes have greatly influenced the way that newsgathering and dissemination

take place. The BBC's operations in India also underwent some significant changes in

terms of the number of its language services, the number of personnel working for it,

the use of social media in its news coverage, and the multiple media platforms through

which the news is disseminated. Journalistic newsroom practices have also

undergone notable changes with the arrival of digital technology, which have blended

19
with traditional newsgathering and diffusion. Earlier, due to a lack of technological

innovation and development in communication technology, it was not easy to reach

across a subcontinent like India. This was one of the reasons for such limited Indian

news coverage on the global stage. This was evident in the words of Mark Tully1, who

played a predominant role in establishing the BBC Bureau across India, “We were

largely concerned inevitably with the main running story of the day, whatever that was”

(Interview: Tully, 14 May 2020). Satish Jacob2 (Interview: 19 June 2020) and David

Loyn3 (Interview: 21 February 2020), in their interviews which were done as part of

this research, reconfirm that lack of technology and personnel have limited the news

coverage of India by the BBC to a large extent. However, with the advancement of

communication technology, the non-reachability is currently non-existent to a great

extent. Therefore, a study on India's international news coverage by the BBC would

provide insights into the major changes in the news coverage in the new media

environment.

Conclusion

This research contributes to knowledge about the BBC's contemporary reporting of

India and the impact of new digital technologies on journalism practice. This thesis

has evaluated how BBC's Indian news coverage has progressed as the

communication technology developed over the years. The research has found that as

the communication technology advanced, the scope of news coverage broadened and

1
Sir William Mark Tully was the former Bureau chief of the BBC Delhi. He worked for the BBC
for 30 years beginning 1964.
2
Satish Jacob worked for the BBC Indian bureau for 20 years.
3
David Loyn joined BBC as a correspondent in India in 1993 and continued to report for the BBC
for the next 20 years.

20
that the digital technologies have enhanced the Indian news coverage of BBC with its

instant reachability and broader coverage.

The research has also delved into the changing nature of the BBC journalistic

practices in India. It has found that the BBC journalists in India have adapted digital

technologies that enabled remote access to sources, increasing the range of

viewpoints within news stories. In other words, the arrival of digital media has

transformed the mediascape of journalism. The comparative study of online news

reporting of the BBC, CNN and AJE found that their reporting pattern was similar

except for the total number of stories and the prominence given to the Indian news

coverage.

This introduction has given an overview of the main objectives of the thesis, its

overall structure, and the data collection methods. As mentioned earlier, the thesis

focuses on the BBC's international news coverage of India and the changing

journalistic practices of the BBC journalists reporting on India. In order to have a better

understanding of these, it is important to have a glimpse of earlier developments

related to the BBC reporting of India and the changing journalistic practices on account

of the arrival of digital technologies. The literature review gives a preview of the

historical development of communication, the media representation of the global

South by the global North which provides an overview of how developed countries

have covered developing countries, including India, and it looks into BBC's relationship

with India from its earlier days and the emergence of influence of social media in

journalistic practices. All these themes are addressed in the following literature review

chapters (Chapters 1–3).

21
 Chapter 1: The Development of International

News Coverage

Introduction

The international news system has evolved significantly since the Western ‘discovery’

and colonisation of distant lands. This chapter explores this evolution of news

coverage and is divided into two sections: the history of international news coverage

and the media representation of the global South by the global North.

Section 1

The History of International News Coverage

This section briefly examines the historical background of international newsgathering

and reporting, the link between trade, colonial expansion and international news

reporting.

The History of International News Reporting

The quest for information sowed the first seeds of news reporting. People began to

seek information for various reasons such as commercial, political, and religious.

During the medieval period, the mode of news transmission was through a trusted

messenger; and "regular access to news was the prerogative of those in circles of

power" (Pettegree, 2015, p. 3). The primary reason for gathering information from

distant lands was to boost commerce. In the "fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,

merchants were both the principal consumers of news and its most reliable suppliers"

22
(ibid.). Since it was meant for commercial purposes, the connectivity mostly linked the

commercial cities. This helped shape the future of newsgathering and its

dissemination. Commercial centres of distant lands were often more connected than

the cities within one region. The link between commerce and news flows is still evident

today, as Pietiläinen (2006, pp. 217–220) indicated in his study based on the data

collected on thirty-three countries. According to him, "trade between nations has been

found to be one of the most conducive factors in augmenting press coverage in foreign

countries".

However, the acquisition of information was not for commerce alone; it was also

motivated by political and religious factors. For instance, in the late Middle Ages, safe

routes were established to guarantee that the Church and the monarchs obtained the

information they required to pursue their affairs. In this period, foreign news sources

were mainly the political elites, diplomatic communiqués, and war news from officers

and commanders in the field. However, this was not yet a fool proofsystem as the

news inflow could still be disrupted by bad weather or inaccessibility.

The European nations' pursuit of colonial expansion gave a firm footing to the

organised gathering and the dissemination of international news. It was accompanied

by the realisation, that, "The acquisition of information could ultimately lead to power

and wealth, and information gathering was an element in the economic and industrial

exploration of the world by the Europeans" (Williams, 2011, p. 47).

The earlier accounts of the foreign lands came from the seafarers who ventured

into the distant lands for various reasons. However, these reports were not entirely

reliable as they contained exaggerated and sensationalised accounts which were

gathered in an unsystematic and unverified manner.

23
 It was essential for political, religious and commercial reasons to receive

reliable news from trustworthy sources (Arblaster, 2005, p. 21). By the sixteenth

century, the news market was "humming with conflicting reports, some incredible,

some all too plausible: lives, fortunes, even the fate of kingdoms could depend on

acting on the right information" (Pettegree, 2015, p. 3). The rapid flow of information

or news did not make things simpler, and many believed it exacerbated the situation.

The commercialisation of news, where it was exchanged for profit, sabotaged the

trustworthiness of news sources.

The News as a commodity

With the realisation of the commercial value of news, individuals began to trade news

for a price. This was a gradual development over the years. In the initial years, hand-

written news pamphlets were marketed for a price (Chalaby, 2002). However, the

invention of printing technology enabled the production in multiple copies, the news

that was the privilege of the rulers and the wealthy, became affordable to the ordinary

folks. "The printed news pamphlets of the sixteenth century were a milestone in the

development of the news market, but they further complicated issues of truth and

veracity" (Pettegree, 2015, p. 8). The arrival of printing technology paved way for

multiple copies of news pamphlets and these had to be sold. Therefore, in the efforts

to increase the commercial value of news pamphlets, exaggerated news accounts

were included which compromised reliability. Nevertheless, those involved business

and politics needed reliable information from afar, so they set up 'private postal

networks', and in the second half of the sixteenth century 'private newsgathering'

(Williams, 2011, p. 48; also see Pettegree, pp. 96-97) had been set up which ensured

a more reliable news flow. Over the years the newspaper industry evolved gradually.

24
Manuscript newsletter service was mechanised in 1600s, causing the birth of the

newspaper (Arblaster, 2005, p. 22). Despite these developments, it took well over a

hundred years since the beginning of the first newspaper (Raymond and Moxham,

2016, p. 7) before it became part of routine life which increased the political and social

consciousness.

Newspapers of the seventeenth century achieved a double broadening

of political consciousness: they increased the numbers of the politically
aware, and expanded their worldview. Newspapers also began to build
in their readers a habit of news. Great events would still unleash a storm
of pamphlets full of engaged advocacy, but readers came to value the
steady miscellany of information that arrived with the newspapers in
quieter times. For many in the seventeenth century, and for the price of
two pence a week, it was an affordable habit. In the years ahead, it would
increasingly become an addiction (Pettegree, 2015, p. 207).

As the newspaper industry became more established, some publishers began to

employ stringers to gather information and set up more network of communication and

postal networks for news flow (Schobesberger et al., 2016, pp. 19–23). Domestic and

political factors gave rise to more consistent international newsgathering. In the 1850s,

reporting foreign affairs was less risky for the correspondent than covering the

domestic ones. Europe was under the rule of monarchs, and the dynastic order did

not want the information about their affairs reaching the public unless it was screened.

Those printers and the publishers who went against their norms were severely

punished (Williams, 2011, p. 45). As a result, it was safer for them to report about

foreign affairs which they did vigorously. The commodity that was in the elites' private

domain and was influential in the fourteenth century had gone to the public realm at

the end of the eighteenth century. The developments in travel and postal networks

ensured that more information was shared and exchanged. The hunger for information

25
from around the world for various reasons only increased, and the news service

industry looked for easier and faster ways to satiate it. The readers valued the

newspapers because "the newspapers offered readers a glimpse into a world far

beyond the experience every day" (Pettegree, 2015, p.361). The realisation that

information is power, the rulers, the business people and the news industry itself

looked for ways and means to have the edge over others. Hence, the process of

gaining and sharing information was ever evolving, resulting in innovative information

technologies over the years.

The Professional and Technological Advancement in Newsgathering

The technologies enhanced the international newsgathering systems, including the

arrival of cable technology, telegraph and telex (Williams, 2011, p. 46). Newspapers

and Reuters were among the first and most significant recipients of transmitted

correspondence such as telegraphic communication globally (Bonea, 2014, p. 388).

Newspapers relied on news agencies for the foreign news, and these organisations

were dependent upon the extension of the telegraph net. The motto of Julius Reuter,

who established the Reuters, was to “follow the cable” (Rantanen, 1997, p. 613).

Bonea (2014, p. 389), in her study, reaffirms that there was a close link between cable

business and news agencies, and Julius Reuter was a vital proponent and beneficiary

of telegraphic expansion. The undersea cables linked Europe and America, and later,

in the 1860s it was extended to Africa and India, and then in the 1870s to China, South

America and Japan; Reuter followed the cable and started his agency in all these

places (Rantanen, 1997, p. 613). This was important not only for geopolitical and

commercial reasons but also for the global flows of news. In the words of Bonea (2014,

p. 389), "although London was very much the centre of telecommunications during

26
this period, the telegraph could facilitate the transformation of ‘geographic peripheries'

into 'information centres’ and vice versa". According to Carey (2009, p. 186), the

telegraph allowed messages to be separated from the physical movement of objects

facilitating greater control over the flow of the message from the sender to the receiver.

He continues, "The telegraph, then, not only altered the relation between

communication and transportation; it also changed the fundamental ways in which

communication was thought about. It provided a model for thinking about

communication—a model I have called a transmission model" (ibid.).

In the early nineteenth century, foreign news began to be collected

professionally, particularly in the UK and the US. Newspapers began to appoint

specialised correspondents in foreign lands. For example, Times appointed Henry

Crabb Robinson as the first correspondent who was sent abroad with the specific

purpose of covering the news (Hohenberg, 1995, p. 4). Robinson was instrumental in

persuading Times to set up a network of regular foreign correspondents which initiated

‘the era of great reportage’ (Williams, 2011, p. 49) in the latter part of the nineteenth

century. However, the newspapers, especially the smaller players in the newspaper

industry, found it challenging to employ a large number of foreign correspondents to

gather news for them, and consequently they began to rely on the news agencies for

the news. In the year 1832, Charles Havas established one of the first major private

news agencies, named L’Agence Havas. It was only a matter of time that others

followed suit and established private news agencies. The most developed countries

in Europe had news agencies by the 1870s (Rantanen, 1997, p. 609). Some of the

major ones which commenced in the following years were Reuters, Associated Press,

Wolff and Telgraphisches Bureau (Boyd-Barrett and Rantanen, 1998, p. 5).

27
 It is important to remember that the initial motivation for connecting distant lands

was to gain information for commercial purpose. The news agencies who were partly

funding the laying of cables across the continents limited the connectivity to the

important centres of the continents such as capitals or big industrial cities (Rantanen,

1997, p. 612; see also Thussu, 2006). Therefore, the connectivity was mainly between

major commercial capitals or big cities. Later on, when the commoditisation of the

news happened, the news providers who were initially dealing only with the

commercial information began to include more news about politics, wars and major

events as part of their transmission. However, the news reports were still often limited

to the commercial capitals or the main cities.

International communication played a crucial role in the imperial project. As

pointed out by Carey, “It was the cable and telegraph, backed, of course, by sea

power, that turned colonialism into imperialism: a system in which the centre of an

empire could dictate rather than merely respond to the margin” (Carey, 2009, p. 193).

The communication networks and the transport infrastructure developed between

1870 and the First World War served mostly the political, military and commercial

interests of the colonial powers. The colonies were seldom connected to one another,

and as a result, even after decolonisation, the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin

America had more difficulty communicating with their neighbours and one another

than they did with Europe's capital cities. In short, the international information order

was monopolised or customised by the interests of European traders, people in

business and colonial administrators (Williams, 2011, pp. 54–55; see also Thussu,

2006).

28
 As the European colonies expanded across the world, large numbers of

Europeans too settled in those colonies. The European settlers in these places

established their own newspapers that served the interest of the European community

and the native elites who adapted the European culture (Williams, 2011, p. 55). The

natives in some of the colonies were actively discouraged from launching a

newspaper, as it might inflame anti-colonial sentiments. For instance, the French

colonies in Africa up to the 1930s prevented anyone but a French citizen from starting

a newspaper (Mytton, 1983, p. 52).

The uneven development of the colonial press left a ‘discontinuity in

communication’ between the elite and the masses in many parts of the world which

remains even today (Mytton, 1983, p. 41). Even the disintegration of the western

empires did not eliminate the values, perceptions, and understanding of the colonial

era (Williams, 2011, pp. 61–62). Even after the decolonisation, the international news

coverage continued to concur with colonial perceptions. As a result, demand for a

more balanced news flow grew stronger and stronger.

The Pursuit of a New World Information and Communication

Order

A campaign for a balanced flow of information was initiated in the 1960s, on account

of the considerable misrepresentation of the Third World countries by the Western

media. It got its momentum in the mid-1970s, and the nations of the then Third World

expressed several concerns about the imbalance in international news flows, which

eventually led to the demand for a New World Information and Communication Order

(NWICO) (Frau-Meigs et al., 2013, p. 3).

29
 In 1974, during the Cold War, the Non-Aligned nations led by India
managed to convince the UN General Assembly to pass a resolution to
establish a New International Economic Order to create a more equitable
global economic system, followed in 1978 by the endorsement by the UN
of a New World Information and Communications Order, sponsored by
UNESCO to reduce the imbalances in the 'one-way flow of information'
from the West to the rest of the world (Thussu and Nordenstreng, 2020,
p. 1).

NWICO was an important step in the history of the communication field as it

highlighted the relationship of media to the geopolitical struggles between the

American-led 'West' and the Soviet-led 'East' on the one hand, and the industrialised

'North' and the developing 'South', on the other (Nordenstreng, 2013, p. 348;

Nordenstreng, 2013b).

The primary concerns raised at that time were the "concentration in the global

structure of newsgathering and dissemination, which more or less followed the global

flow of economic and political power" and the domination by four big Western news

agencies (AP, AFP, UPI, TASS), which could in a way set the international news

agenda (Paterson and Sreberny, 2004, p. 7; Tupper, 2013; Thussu, 2015).

The study commission found that the media flows were not fair, and they often

imposed stereotyped and biased reports on developing countries. The commission

called for a free, open and balanced approach in the communication of information,

and it also recommended that the world communication be decolonised and

democratised (MacBride, 1981). MacBride made a number of specific

recommendations to even out the flow of information between developed and

developing countries. Among the 82 suggestions that covered the scope of worldwide

communication issues included "democratisation" of communication. This advocated

30
"horizontal communication" and upheld "counter-information" to significant suppliers

of information and communication (Thussu, 2015, p. 254). The report encouraged

more national news agencies, supporting public service media, limiting the

concentration of media ownership and delivering a right of reply to misreporting

(Williams, 2011). As the foreword to the MacBride Report states:

It is essential that all men and women, in all social and cultural
environments should be given the opportunity of joining in the process of
collective thinking thus initiated, for new ideas must be developed, and
more positive measures must be taken to shake off the prevailing inertia.
We hope that these discussions will continue and will resonate among
and between nations and peoples (MacBride, 1981, p. xv).

In Boyd-Barrett and Rantanen's (2004, p. 42) view, since the 1981 International News

study, there had been significant changes in the relationship between national and

international news agencies. Together they have formed a nexus mainly based on the

exclusive exchange of news services. The UNESCO's international news study may

have succeeded to bring about greater awareness of the international news reporting,

but it has not fully democratised the news flow between the developed and the

developing nations. Denis Wu (2004, p. 106), in his study on international news

coverage of 44 countries, found that the most covered nations in the press are

countries with political and economic clout. Other than being a world power, the only

alternative way to be cast in the world's spotlight is to have large-scale disruptive

incidents. Franks (2006, p. 91), in her study on foreign reporting after the Cold War,

seems to confirm the existing trend or practice that "some areas of the globe are

bathed in light and regularly reported upon" (see also Cottle, 2009). However, this was

not the case all across the globe. In another study, Franks (2007, pp. 223–224)

negates the general notion that all the developing nations were inadequately reported

31
in 1960 to the late 1990s. For instance, South Africa received an extensive reporting

in the 1970s and 1980s. Hence, some elements in the communication order were

changed, but not to the extent it had hoped for.

The MacBride Commission Report was published at a time of media and

communication inadequacy across the globe, particularly in the developing world. The

geopolitical shift and the arrival of digital media brought about major shifts in the

communication environment globally. In the words of Padovani and Nordenstreng

(2005, p. 264), "Much has changed in the last quarter of a century, with the end of the

Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union: the Third World as we knew it

has ceased to exist -- the Non-Aligned Movement".

Besides, the emergence of newer media houses provided alternative narratives

to the global events. This was in addition to the existing one-way 'vertical flow' of

international media, and the emergence of multiple and 'horizontal traffic' provided a

'subaltern' (Thussu, 2015, p. 254) media content. The diversity of voices in the global

media sphere emerged with the arrival of new international news broadcasters such

as Al Jazeera English, CCTV News (state-run Chinese television news in English) and

Russia Today with its broadcasts in English, Spanish and Arabic (ibid., pp. 256-257).

These news channels have broadened the international communication flow, with

some of them providing alternative narratives to the Western narratives about some

of the international events.

In addition to the alternative international news channels, the growth and

expansion of entertainment material emanating from non-western countries such as

the Indian film industry, Brazil and Mexico's telenovelas, music and dramas from South

Korea, and films from Nigeria have given rise to the alternative media narration to the

32
global media arena which for long has been dominated by the West (Thussu, 2015, p.

257).

Unlike in the past, the non-western countries are less dependent on western

countries for communication technology, and at the same time, developing countries’

communication technology has increased media content flow between non-western

countries and western countries. With the convergence of mobile communications

technologies and content, the flow of media from non-western countries is likely to

increase exponentially via a multilingual internet (Thussu, 2015, p. 260; Mansell and

Nordenstreng, 2007).

The increased financial stability and independence of some developing countries

have made them less reliant on the West. Besides, non-western countries like China

and India became the largest donors from the developing countries (ibid., p. 259). The

rise of non-Western countries, together with the international political alliance of major

developing countries such as BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South

Africa) (Thussu and Nordenstreng, 2020, p. 2; Thussu, 2015) caused significant

changes not only in the information sphere but also in the political and economic

arena. In the words of Thussu and Nordenstreng (2020, p. 4), "The BRICS states

comprise approximately three billion people (40 per cent of the global population) and,

in terms of GDP, they account for nearly $17 trillion (22 per cent of the world's

economy)".

However, despite all these developments, the continued dominance of the

western media, though to a lesser degree, is here to stay. For instance, social media

networks, sports and entertainment media, news and current affairs, and online news

networks are even today under western domination (Thussu, 2015, p. 255). The

33
influence of the West may have weakened, but they still play a significant role in the

global information flow.

Even after many years of McBride report, many issues that it raised remain

significant despite the political, economic and technological transformation of the

world. The World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) in 2003 and 2005

acknowledges that the worldwide communication landscape has changed, but there

is a substantial disparity in communication capacities worldwide (Modoux, 2013, pp.

144–145). However, in this volatile media environment, "in a digitally connected, more

open, even democratised and poly-centric media globe, many more voices—some

faint, some vociferous—can be heard in 'one world'” (Thussu, 2015, p. 261). In the

age of internet and the increasingly digitised neoliberal environment, the global

information flow has changed and is changing, posing new challenges and

opportunities both for the developed and the developing nations.

After having briefly touched on the historical development of international

reporting, the next section explores the global North’s media representation of the

global South. This section draws on examples from Africa, China, Brazil, and

Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India.

Section 2

News Coverage of the Global South by the Global North

The discussion in section 1 shows that the news flow between the North and the South

was not mutual or reciprocal in terms of its quantity and quality. Most people agree

that global journalism is important and influences the people, yet in the same breath,

34
they also acknowledge that the international news coverage appears to be

imbalanced. “Research from the 1970s through to the 1990s demonstrated that

international representations of Africa were narrow, laden with stereotypes, and highly

dependent on Cold War frames and portrayals of an impoverished, often savage,

“other” (Bunce, Franks and Paterson, 2017, p. 1). The one-way flow of information

coupled with an outlook of “Afro-pessimism” (Bunce, Franks and Paterson, 2017, p.

2) did portray a negative view of Africa both for the researchers and for the

international audience across the globe.

Peterson (1980, p. 88), in her study on 'Third World news coverage by the

Western News Agencies and The Times’ (London), claims that although the Western

news agencies tended to report a higher proportion of conflict-related events from the

Third World than those in the First World, there were also a good number of events

from the Third World countries which were reported. Other scholars have reaffirmed

the existence of a higher proportion of conflict-related reports about the developing

countries. Hawk (1992, p. 6) too points out that most of the time the stories covered

by Western media about Africa were about “racial stories, coups and wars, and famine

and disease. Stories communicating African history, culture and values never reached

the American public”. Brooks (1995, pp. 462–465), in her study about the Western

media reporting of Africa, reconfirms that the news stories were mostly about violence,

helplessness, human rights abuses and lack of democracy resulting in the

construction of a 'stereotypical' representation of Africa in the minds of news

consumers. Nevertheless, Scott (2009) points out that considering a large number of

conflicts in Africa, journalistic ethics requires one to report more conflicts in the region.

35
 There is also a tendency among Western journalists to consider Africa as one

entity, although it consists of many countries. Nothias (2016, p. 7) in his study confirms

the propensity of Western journalists to relate an event located in one country as

events happening in another, or even to relate it to the continent as a whole. In his

study, Martin (1994) too illustrates that such a tendency persisted among Western

journalists. Moreover, people tended to see Africa, "not just as a real place, but as a

vast, blank mythic canvas onto which foreigners can project their personal dreams.

The correctness of Africa and its mosaic of peoples give way to the yearnings of the

writers" (Martin, 1994, p. 183).

The tendency to portray the developing countries in poor light was not limited to

Africa alone. Graeffet al. (2019), in their study of media portrayals of Brazil in nine

international media outlets during 2014 football World Cup, found that in general, these

acclaimed the 2014 football World Cup a success. However, apart from this, the

selected media outlets empathised with natural splendours and social problems such

as violence, inequality and social injustice. The issue of economic inequality was

mentioned regularly. The study concluded that the approach taken by the news outlets

studied "was consistent with traditional international constructions of Brazil’s overall

image as an underdeveloped country" (Graeffet al., 2019, p. 807).

Another concern that scholars have raised in their study of the North reporting

the South is the fact that there was an inclination among the Western reporters to

consider the South as the 'other' and the North as 'us'. For instance, in the coverage

of human rights issues by the North for Northern audiences "foreign matter that

concerns developing countries rarely applying human rights principles to their own

societies" (Paterson and Sreberny, 2004, p. 4). Having such a trend towards the

36
developing countries results in inaccurate reports with superficial claims and is often

subject to bias. For instance, in a study conducted on ‘The pictorial image of Pakistan

in Newsweek and Time: pre-and-post 9/11', a total of 280 images published in

Newsweek and Time during pre- and post-two years of 9/11 were evaluated by Durrani

and Sheikh (2010). The study indicated that the visual narrative's dominant theme

included political and religious extremism and terrorism with a strong flavour of

Orientalism and Islamophobia (ibid., p. 26). In other studies, too, the propensity to

consider the South as 'other' by the North was evident. Leung and Huang (2007, p.

675), in their study 'The paradox of journalistic representation of the other', found that

the "western news coverage on China corroborated the image of 'the other' in an

unfavourable light". According to them, one of the reasons for this distorted reporting

of the ‘other’ arises from the journalist's unfamiliarity with the foreign contexts. In

another study to analyse the media coverages in the US and Chinese media of

Chinese swimmer Ye Shiwen in the 2012 Olympic games, Bie and Billings (2015, p.

785), found the existence of a "us versus them" dichotomy which implies that the news

coverages of both countries were persuaded by the hostile ideologies beyond mere

Olympic performances.

However, such a tendency was not alien to the South as they themselves at

times were guilty of such practices as demonstrated by Angela and Stella (2011, pp.

20–21) in their examination of CNN and Channels TV on the news coverage of World

News. According to their study, it was found that both the Western and the Third World

nations were equally guilty of imbalanced news reports of foreign countries and biases

in their coverage of World News.

37
 Many factors shape news content. Mandira Banerjee (2001) has studied how

Asian countries were represented in the Asian news segment of the global channels—

BBC World and the CNN. Her research sample considered the Asian news segment

on BBC and the CNN for five weeks in which BBC World broadcast 102 stories and

CNN 118 stories. The study indicates that there are differences in how a country, or

an issue was portrayed depending on various factors. These include the national

interests, business prospects, diplomatic and cultural relations with a country. It was

also proved that the elements such as the mindset, definite lifestyle and political values

of the reporter influence the international news reporting. Moyo (2010) confirms this in

his study on 'The global citizen and the international media'. In his words, "Despite the

misleading belief in neutrality and objectivity, international journalists have a mindset,

definite lifestyles and political values which define the worldviews in their stories"

(Moyo, 2010, p. 204). National policies often determine the change in the international

news narratives of a country. For instance, the news narratives of China by the

American media outlets varied significantly over the years in accordance with

America's policy towards China. The narratives in American media about China

sometimes shifted rapidly and dramatically. In harmony with the changing U.S policy

towards China, the media coverage of China by U.S. media shifted from hostile to

friendly ally and vice versa (Carpenter, 2020, pp. 714–715). A similar study, 'Media

and Intervention: Examining Representations of Afghan Women in The New York

Times' (Hatef and Luqiu, 2021), suggested that the overall news coverage or theme

highlighted by The New York Times dominantly consisted of oppression and violence

experienced by Afghan women. Apart from this, the study also highlighted, "Beyond

highlighting the injustices Afghan women experience, media coverage in The New

York Times, we argue, support larger U.S. interests" (Hatef and Luqiu, 2021, p. 694).

38
It was also found that there is an apparent influence of the news media coverage in

shaping national or international policy within or between countries (Zhang, 2010).

Nothias' (2016) study analysis about Africa reconfirms this trend. According to

him, "the representations of Africa are entangled in complex structures of production,

where competing, even conflicting, values interact to shape sometimes reductive

representations, but also more empowering ones, or representations at odds with one-

sided negative ones" (Nothias, 2016, p. 5).

Nothias (2016) in his study points out that although there are different types of

news events happening throughout Africa, they are often reduced to an "Africa specific

system of linguistic, semiotic and symbolic" reference. He elaborates it further,

… metaphors and expressions such as "Dark continent", "in darkest

Africa", “out of Africa" or "heart of Darkness" have been regularly
observed in contemporary journalistic writing (Hawk, 1992; Spurr, 1993;
Brookes, 1995)." These phrases directly refer to the colonial literature of
the nineteenth-century travellers and colonisers and inscribe journalistic
discourse in a discursive continuum where literary and journalistic styles
collide. This process, as Fair (1993, 5) perfectly puts it, shows how 'fact'
and 'fiction' constantly reinforce each other in the construction of Africa
and Africans as the undifferentiated 'Other' (Nothias, 2016, p. 7).

Most often, the developing country received prime news coverage when there is

a major disaster or violence. Such reports were short and often remained in the public

span only for a short term. Besides, "the fireman-style reporting" wherein an

experienced reporter, who prepares and sends the report for various bulletins, is often

asked to cover a disaster that may have taken place in a remote area in a developing

39
country. Such a reporter can only cover the event scantly as he/she has limited time,

leaving very little room to find out more about the story. Franks elaborates it further,

The absence of sustained interest by the media in the developing world,

and Africa in particular, has been a subject of regular concern and fits
into an overall pattern. The problem is a recurrent one that where poorer,
developing countries are concerned, the news coverage is generally
episodic stories about war and disaster, (with the exception of royal or
celebrity visits) (Franks, 2006, p. 163).

Although there were many African expatriate communities in the West in the

1970s and 1980s, they did not exert their influence or voiced their concerns about the

way Africa was reported. For example, the African staff who worked within the BBC

did not coordinate among themselves to draw in all the available resources for the

news or the programmes presented (Franks, 2007).

Scott (2009, p. 534) argues that negative news reports about Africa originate

from ‘circumstantial and natural’ factors rather than human intervention. Scott asserts

that the different types of content indicate that the Western media's approach to

developing countries is not a 'homogeneous' one (Scott, 2009, p. 535) and is not

resulting from a collective mindset of journalists as it is generally perceived. Again,

"the use of negative frames does not necessarily support the argument that Western

media coverage of Africa is racist” (Scott, 2009, p. 554). It may be that the negative

events that occur compel the journalists to report the events. As pointed out by Martin

(1994, p. 186) “parts of Africa are places of famine and disease and not to report on

such topics would itself be a distortion”. For Nothias (2016), African voices are "not as

marginalised" as it is often argued in the literature. Nevertheless, a closer examination

of "African voices are given the most space, and how they are framed through quoting

40
verbs" shows the subtle biased approach in their frames and linguistic approach

(Nothias, 2016, p. 18). A related study, 'The two-way flow of news: A comparative

study of American and Chinese newspaper coverage of Beijing's air pollution' by Duan

and Takahashi (2017), reaffirms the increase in two-way news flow between China

and the USA despite the different media system prevailing in both countries.

The two-way news flow between the developed and developing nations may

have marginally increased since the arrival of digital technologies. However, the equity

in global communication, one of the major issues raised in the MacBride report, is far

from materialised due to social and economic structures. Even after many years since

the McBride report, many issues that it raised remain significant despite the world's

political, economic, and technological transformation. The World Summit on the

Information Society (WSIS) in 2003 and 2005 acknowledges that the worldwide

communication landscape has changed, but there is a substantial disparity in

communication capacities worldwide (Modoux, 2013, pp. 144–145). A decade later,

Vincent and Nordenstreng (2016, p. xiii) reaffirm further in their study that, "While

'imbalance' as the overall theme since the 1970s has been replaced by 'digital divide'

in the 2010s, the fundamental question is still equity". Because one half of the world's

population reside in areas where 3G mobile technology is accessible, while about 2.4

billion people live in the least connected countries (Vincent and Nordenstreng, 2016a,

pp. 209–210). In short, the initiative began with MacBride report for global

communication equity made some progressive movements but fell short of its actual

goals as it is mired in the complexities of global politics, economic policies, and

technological accessibilities.

41
Post-Colonial News Coverage

In the post-colonial era, former colonies continue to receive news coverage, but the

type of coverage, flow, and frequency vary significantly. Considering the African news

coverage after decolonisation, the news coverage of the continent has been

diminishing except on those occasions when there is a "western or white angle to the

story" (Franks, 2014, p. 161), or when there is a severe natural or human-made

calamity. Even on those occasions when the continent gets covered in the news, it is

inadequately covered.

The logistical complications and the considerable expense involved in having

someone to operate from Africa for a long time may have contributed to the isolation

of the African Continent. Therefore, the major media enterprises managed to send a

few special reporters who, lacking the background and the context of the event, ended

up covering only the events per se (Franks, 2014, pp. 161–166). In other words, they

end up reporting what has happened without really exploring why it has occurred. The

"episodic" international news is sometimes meaningless as it lacks contextualisation

(Franks, 2006, p. 98).

The isolation and the apathy towards the African Continent may have contributed

to the escalation of some of the tragic events in its history. For example, the Rwanda

genocide, the fighting in the Democratic Republic of the Congo which claimed four

million lives, the fighting in Northern Uganda where over a million people were

displaced into camp (Franks, 2014, pp. 162–165), are but some of the occurrences

that had their genesis over a long time and were mostly ignored by the western media

till they did happen.

42
 However, there are signs of positivity, and the winds of change have begun with

the information explosion era at the beginning of this new century. Bunce narrates in

her study that there has been a substantial increase in business reporting, sports,

travel and adventure (Bunce, 2017, p. 26). Her comparative analysis of newspaper

reports on Africa from two different years (1994 and 2013) illustrates this further.

According to her,

The tone of newspaper articles was substantively and consistently more

positive in the 2013 sample than it was in 1994. Between the two
samples, there was also a substantive rise in positive reporting: from only
10.8 per cent of stories in 1994 to 29 per cent in 2013. All the
newspapers had a higher portion of positive stories in 2013 than they did
in 1994 (Bunce, 2017, p. 23).

The findings of Hawk in the year 1992 about Africa’s media portrayal in the

mainstream international media were bleak and cynical. However, in the year 2017,

Hawk wrote, "Technological advances in communication are transforming information

about Africa and consequently the image of Africa around the world" (Hawk, 2017, p.

xvii). Now the content of news is produced not only locally (Africa), but also abroad by

the African Diaspora. In addition, there has been “the introduction of technologies that

allow local audiences to reclaim their representation” (Bunce et al., 2017, pp. 5–6).

Reclaiming the Lost Voice

The emergence of new media helps Africa "reclaim its voices in the global public

sphere", claims Jacobs (2017, p. 190). The new media gives the voiceless a platform

to voice their opinions fearlessly and effectively. It was not only the advancement in

the information technology that caused this shift; formerly traditional news outlets had

43
their Western foreign correspondents posted abroad to report the news or send a

special envoy to report a particular event, but now in their place, local journalists were

employed for the same (Bunce et al., 2017, pp. 4–5). This had a definite impact in the

gathering, framing and disseminating of the news. It is also due to the greater

awareness of criticism among the journalists about their reporting of Africa. "As the

criticism of Africa's image has become more widespread—both within and beyond

academia—it might be that foreign correspondents are increasingly attentive to the

issues of post-colonial representations" (Nothias, 2016, p. 18).

Besides, the monopoly enjoyed by the major international media houses has

been reduced due to the emergence of new players in the field, especially Al-Jazeera

English and the Chinese news agency Xinhua, which began to add different

dimensions to events in Africa (Bunce et al., 2017, p. 5). The geo-political shift too,

has caused these changes as Wasserman (2017) indicated in his study. For instance,

the formation of BRICS countries (namely Brazil, Russia, India, China and South

Africa) shifted Africa's international media coverage. As a result of this geo-political

shift, the Chinese media firms are establishing themselves in Africa for political and

economic reasons. Critics say this is an act of extending China's 'soft power' in the

African Continent (Wasserman, 2017, pp. 194–195), and that it may change the way

the content is reported. “The coverage of Chinese involvement in Africa in the Western

media has frequently been negative. It could be argued that the way that the Sino-

African relationship has been portrayed also displays a certain paternalistic attitude

towards Africa” (Wasserman, 2017, p. 195).

Moreover, there has been a considerable shift in the approach of researchers to

the international reporting of Africa. It has become clear that when the researchers

44
study only the hard news content, the results can reaffirm the finding that news

coverage is negative.

Scott (2009, pp. 465–467), in his study on the UK press coverage on Africa,

argues that while considering the total news coverage, 70 per cent of the news

coverage consisted of news items (hard news), and 30 per cent took other formats

(non-news articles). The hard news primarily consisted of news coverage on civil war,

conflict, terrorism, natural disasters, deplorable living conditions, health and disease,

human rights violations, and so on. The non-news articles included topics on the

wildlife, natural beauty, travel and tourism. Scott (2009, p. 550) goes on to say,

First, the UK press does not contain a significantly higher percentage of

negative news stories, the percentage of articles covering the civil war
and civil conflict are approximately the same as in the All Africa sample,
and the UK press even contains a far higher percentage of articles on
culture, religion and tourism. Second, far from being a deliberate and
systematic process, the disproportionate number of soft news stories
suggests that UK coverage is a product of financial and time constraints,
and the pressure from advertisers to deliver a certain audience size and
demographic, rather than any deliberate, process (Scott, 2009, p. 550).

Conclusion

International news reporting has gone through many evolutions in recent years. The

gathering of information, which was begun as a means to improve commercial

purposes, soon turned out to be a vital tool for establishing authority over distant lands.

The quest for political power and the desire to reinforce political and military strength

over the conquered land cemented the need for the systematic gathering of

information. The information system was mainly meant to pass information to and from

the colonial centres. It was also meant to communicate between the 'colonial diaspora'

45
and their native lands. However, as years passed the services were made available

to the general public as well, and as a result, the general audience became more

informed of news from distant lands. There were many factors that may have

contributed to the one-sided flow of information about developing countries. All of

which was not deliberate; the circumstances, geo-political factors and the economy,

seem to be the contributing factors.

Historically, gathering and disseminating news from abroad was very expensive.

Most of the media organisations could not afford to have their own news reporters on

the ground. Hence, they depended heavily on the news agencies for the inflow of

news. These news agencies which were primarily set up for commercial

newsgathering had their offices mainly in the commercial capitals or major cities. As a

result, the news from the rural areas often went unreported. In the eventuality of a

major incident or event, the foreign correspondents often did parachute reporting of

the developing countries, resulting in a cursory and inadequate report of the news.

Even after decolonisation, developing countries have continued to receive news

coverage through these sources.

It is also true that when the developing countries did receive the news coverage

very often, they largely consisted of hard news which was focussed mostly on

humanitarian issues consisting of violence, poverty and natural calamities resulting

ultimately in the negative portrayal of the same. Africa's news coverage is a typical

example, as Brooks (1995) pointed out in her study. This trend continued until the end

of the 20th century when the focus of both media reports and research began to

change. In the 2010s, Bunce et al. (2017) found significant changes in the news

reporting and the type of media coverage Africa received. Scott elaborated that the

46
earlier studies were mostly focussed on hard news which was negative in themselves;

nevertheless, in reality, when the full coverage is considered, the outcome was not as

bleak as it was made out to be. Franks (2007), in her study, affirms that not all the

developing nations were under-covered.

Historically, the international news coverage of developing countries was

controlled by the Northern media as they had the money and the technology. With the

arrival of new technologies in the early 21st century, however, the monopoly that the

North held over the South has been reduced, as the new technologies facilitated new

international and local players in the field. The reclamation of media space by

developing countries is a step towards an equal information order. Although it may still

be a long way off there has, at least, been some movement towards this goal.

Having discussed the international news coverage of developing countries

generally, the next chapter deliberates more specifically on the international media

coverage of India.

47
 Chapter 2: Media Representation of India in

Foreign Media

This chapter is divided into two sections: the international news coverage of India and

the BBC’s Relationship with, and Portrayal of, India. It primarily focuses on the US and

the UK media outlets as they have played a major role in the international news

coverage of India from earlier days.

Section 1

The International Media Coverage of India

The early stages of international media coverage of India began during the British

colonisation era. As mentioned earlier, the international newsgathering system was

strengthened with the arrival of cable technology, telegraph and telex (Williams, 2011,

p. 46), and the news agencies made use of the cable technology. The undersea

cables linked Europe and America, and later on, in the 1860s, it was extended to Africa

and India (Rantanen, 1997, p. 613). A few decades later, India witnessed the rapid

growth and expansion of print and broadcast media, which let the Indian audience

view foreign media and vice-versa. The deregulation of the Indian market in the year

1992 accelerated the growth and expansion of the Indian media further. The

emergence of new technologies like the internet enabled the digitalisation of the

media, which has ensured a multi-directional flow of information. The opening of the

Indian markets and globalisation created new opportunities and avenues for the

broadcast industry and the digital revolution further ensured an easy, smooth and

48
consistent dissemination of information across the globe on multiple platforms

(Thussu, 2007, p. 1; see also Banerjee, 2002; Singhal and Rogers, 2001; Thussu,

2013b; Ranganathan and Rodrigues, 2010).

The US and the UK Media Coverage of India

Long before digitalisation, English-language international news coverage of India was

mostly done by the US and the UK newspapers. Therefore, a brief analysis is done on

India's various media representation in these leading international newspapers,

magazines and, as technology evolved, movies made by Westerners about India, as

this has been a particular area of scholarly interest.

The relationship between India, the American News Agencies and the media

coverage of India in the US go back to the pre-independence era. In the early 1900s,

the American News coverage of India was very supportive of the Indian freedom

struggle. Chandrika Kaul (2014, p. 92), who is one of the leading researchers of the

history of press coverage of India, argues that The Chicago Tribune, for instance,

although it acknowledges the benefits of imperial rule, was nevertheless “critical of

specific policies and supported Indian demands for future self-government”. The

Chicago Tribune considered the nationalist movement by the Indians as

'revolutionary', and it supported the 'Gandhian nationalism'. Whenever there were

incidents in India relating to the Indian freedom struggle, The Chicago Tribune tended

to prefer to use the word 'revolution' while the British press preferred to describe such

incidents as 'civil disobedience' and 'riots' (Kaul, 2014, p. 93).

The Tribune did not hesitate to describe British repression as ‘atrocities’

and the word ‘war’ was also repeatedly used to analyse the state of
affairs between colonisers and colonised—for example, Shirer’s (one of

49
 The Tribune correspondent for India) piece entitled ‘War to Finish!
Gandhi Rejects British Terms’ (6 September 1930), or another entitled
“Gandhi Hushes his ‘Liberty for India’ War Cry" (20 August 1931) (ibid.,
p. 94).

The Chicago Tribune’s approach was designed to appeal to a popular readership

in the American Midwest that was mostly ignorant of India. The approach taken by

The Chicago Tribune helped to popularise support for the Indian freedom struggle.

The audience could identify themselves with the Indian freedom struggle as they had

undergone similar struggles a century ago. The Chicago Tribune repeatedly, through

its columns, narrated the images of violence the British rule inflicted on the Indians

(Kaul, 2014, p. 94).

UK newspapers took different approaches. The Times (London) had its own

correspondents reporting from India and sent special correspondents to cover

important events in India, and its reports were highly respected among Indians. The

Morning Post's reports reflected its preference for aristocratic government and

monarchy, and as a consequence, the colonial reporting was strongly imperialistic in

tone. The Guardian, published from Manchester, had its own views on Indian affairs.

Although the paper often offered its readers only editorial opinion with inadequately

supported facts, the paper staunchly advocated constitutional reform for India and

shared many Indian sentiments (Kaul, 2003, pp. 61–72).

The Daily Mail was distinctively supportive of the British Empire as its reports

most often reflected such an approach. As Kaul (2003, p. 80) describes it, “The Mail

was confident of the benefits of British rule and optimistic for the future. ... In general

the paper assumed that British rule was a necessary condition for Indian progress,

50
reflecting which it welcomed the steady, but slow, moves to extending political rights

to Indians and criticised heavy-handed display of military force”.

The International Media Coverage of Indian Independence

The media coverage of Indian Independence by foreign media, especially the British

media, is worth mentioning here. According to Kaul (2008, p. 681–682), the British

press was able to portray Independence as a British achievement. In most local British

newspapers, the overarching theme during the Indian Independence coverage was

the self-congratulatory tone. It portrayed the transfer of power as the fulfilment of the

British mission. For example, The Guardian reported that the purpose of Britain going

to India was for trade, and it was also to facilitate Indians to have contact with the

outside world, and to enable the recovery of their lost confidence. Having achieved

these aims, the Empire was returning India’s power back to them. The Observer was

convinced of the “moral and material benefits” that the Raj had brought to India. The

Express, Daily Mail, Telegraph and Herald focussed mainly on the gratitude expressed

towards Britain by Indian leaders. "The imagery of the grateful imperial subject/student

and the wise and benevolent colonial master/ teacher was a recurrent underlying motif

in many newspaper accounts" (ibid., p. 682).

The absence of any detailed discussion of Indian nationalism or the freedom

struggle during the Indian independence coverage was notable except for a few

references mentioned in the liberal and labour papers. The local papers in the UK held

India responsible for it's partition and the creation of Pakistan. The Guardian, one of

the long stalwarts of Indian nationalism observed, "We have handed over India to the

Indians: they have chosen what seems a second best— a divided India. But it is their

choice; if they come together, well and good, but their destiny is in their own hands"

51
(Kaul, 2008, p. 683). Most papers were unanimous in highlighting the role British

played to unify India into a nation from its many princely kingdoms (ibid., p. 683–691).

India’s Non-Alignment Policy and the Media Response

The international news coverage of India changed during the cold war. The Time

magazine’s cover portraits and articles from 1951 to 1962 featuring the then Prime

Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, narrate the US media's mixed responses towards

India and its non-alignment policy, especially during the Cold War. When India got its

freedom in the year 1947, the US expected India to be its natural ally on account of

the historical similarities and shared political values. Singh (2014, pp. 525–526) writes:

"As a fellow secular democracy and former British colony, India's support in the

ideological tussle between communism and democracy had seemed inevitable. It is

possible that the US also saw in India's push for freedom elements of her own

revolution against Britain in the eighteenth century and expected India to feel a similar

kinship". But India, after years of colonisation, was wary of entangling itself with other

countries' foreign policies. And India dreaded a "new kind of imperialism" by the

"powerfully expansionist" post-war American economy (ibid., p. 525). The non-

alignment strategy adapted by the new Indian government sent out conflicting signals

to the US administration.

Although the Time was especially attentive to India and its affairs, India's non-

alignment move led to the former aligning itself with the US administration's scepticism

towards India. Forty years later, India's foreign policy towards US administration began

to change in the first decade of the 21st century, and so did the media representations.

In its reports, Time indicated that America and India sought to "define a new sort of

52
relationship" (Singh, 2014, p. 523) and recognised India as a crucial partner to the US’

strategic relationship.

In the year 2011, the "New York Times launched its first-ever country-specific

site: "India Ink," (Singh, 2014, p. 523) a blog by journalists from the paper and writers

from India seeking to produce "unbiased, authoritative reporting on the country and its

place in the world" (ibid.). The Economist released a special report on India in

September 2012 followed by an online debate on India's economy in October 2012”

(ibid.).

The News Coverage of the 2010 Commonwealth Games

Although digital technology transformed news production processes, in the 1990s and

2000s, news content continued to have negative depictions of India. In a study which

examined the news coverage of the Commonwealth Games in India in 2010 by the

major newspapers in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the UK, Mishra (2012)

points out the heavy use of negative stereotype narratives and the bias in the news

reports of the event. The study analysed 144 news articles published in 2010 in five

newspapers, namely, the Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), the New Zealand

Herald, The Globe and The Mail (Canada), The Daily Telegraph and The Times (UK).

According to Mishra (2012, p. 882), “The coverage of the Games reflects the general

'bad news' bias of the media; however, a close examination of the text shows more

than just a bad news bias. In the selection of the stories and how the stories were told,

the coverage reflects a cultural and at times racist ideology that emphasises the

inferiority of 'others' and the superiority of 'us'”. Mishra acknowledges that the

problems stated in news reports were present during the game preparations;

53
furthermore, he contends that the media disproportionately focussed on the negative

news and prejudicial coverage. In the words of Mishra:

… the Western press functioned to re-establish the hegemony of the

West through its coverage by highlighting the deficiencies and problems
in India. In some ways the press helped maintain the old, social and
symbolic order established during colonial times. Through subtle
strategies that involved a polarisation of 'us' and 'them', and through the
focus on social, economic and cultural problems, negative topics, and
positive self-presentation, the Western press highlighted the difference
between India and the West (Mishra, 2012, pp. 883–884).

The international perception of a country is not only influenced by the

international news coverage but also the visual media representation. The visual

narration of a country through documentaries, films, or any visual medium has more

significant implications when these become the main channels of representation of the

country. For India, as for any other country, its international visual representation

through visual media is of paramount importance. The mass media, culture, and

popular cinema help generate awareness of India globally (Thussu, 2020, p. 193).

Therefore, along with the international news narratives of India, a glimpse into the

Indian visual representation would be valuable in providing a better representation of

India globally.

The Visual Representation

Other cultural products, such as films, photography and novels, reinforced the

stereotypes about India for an international audience. Ramasubramanian (2005, pp.

244–248) studied randomly selected films about India from 1930-2000 in the US and

the UK to analyse how India and its people were represented. Her study disclosed that

54
people from India were often portrayed in condescending, negative, and stereotypical

ways. The stereotypical representations of India date back to the colonial rule, but are

still carried on in the post-colonial narratives. Some movies portray India in

condescending ways, showing "clashes of civilisations" where the Western characters

"saved" India from uncivilised practices and social injustices. Often the Indian adult

characters take villainous and anti-Western roles. However, Indian children are

presented as innocent and pro-Western.

The few films presented to the American audience added further dimensions to

the already existing image of India “not just as a country of confusing dualities, but one

with a dangerous capacity for deceit” (Singh, 2014, p. 526). Therefore, India's image

in US' popular literature and films was of a country difficult to comprehend, surrounding

several inconsistencies, and possessing a scary likelihood for violent betrayal. India's

non-alignment during the Cold War only reiterated the perceptions prevailing in

popular literature and films. The American public in the 1950s had minimal knowledge

of India, which came mainly through books and a few films. These presented India as

a “country with its dual identity as a secular democracy with deeply religious customs,

its public worship of female deities alongside systematic gender discrimination against

women and its juxtaposition of immense wealth with abject poverty” (ibid., p. 526).

Ananda Mitra (1999), in his book India through Western Lens, analyses the films

produced on South Asia, especially on India by Western film-makers for six decades

beginning from 1930. According to Mitra, most of the films produced during this period

have portrayed India and its people in the backdrop of either the colonial times or the

post-colonial period. The images created through films remain longer in the people's

minds, and the audience tends to associate the people of the place as depicted in the

55
film. For example, the movies A Passage to India, The Jungle Book, and The Man

Who Would Be King depict the exuberant landscapes and India's natural beauty.

However, the film City of Joy directed by Roland Joffe evokes an image of a poverty-

stricken people who struggle for their livelihood and the deplorable living conditions of

Calcutta's slums. Meera Nair's film Mississippi Masala mimics the South Asian who

has been placed into the niche of Western societal structure—an outsider attempting

to integrate into the Western public sphere. Meera Nair’s film tells the story of a love

affair between an Indian-American woman and an African-American man. (Mitra,

1999, pp. 205–206).

The images of religion presented in some of the earlier movies would have the

viewers believe in widow burning (Sati), human sacrifice and other similar strange

rituals although this is not the actual image of the religion in its entirety. In movies like

Gunga Din, Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom and Around the world in 80 days,

religious practices are depicted as a cause of paranoia and fear. However, in the

movie Gandhi it is the celebration of Hinduism (Mitra, 1999, pp. 161–163).

In the movies such as City of Joy and Salaam Bombay, the people are portrayed

as living in extreme poverty. Calcutta is a 1969 French documentary film

about Calcutta (now Kolkata), directed by Louis Malle, which explored Calcutta's

extremity and vivacity. Although Malle tried to present the life he saw in Calcutta in its

entirety, it failed to be a comprehensive and balanced view of Calcutta. “Malle's eye

lingered on the poor and the destitute languishing in the city's slums, while largely

avoiding the city's industrious working classes" (Pinkerton, 2008a, p. 539). It is also

true that some of the Indian movies created in India by the Indians propagated the

images as mentioned above. For example, the Hindi movie Padmavat released in

56
2018 has shown the practice of Sati (wife immolating herself in the pyre of her

husband).

The international acceptance of Indian movies is growing. "The Indian films are

increasingly being watched by international audiences, shown in more than 70

countries - from Egypt to Nigeria and from Russia to Thailand" (Thussu, 2013b, p.

157). New Indianised programmes are being produced around the world with a multi-

national media partnership. For example, with the Bollywood collaboration, a Beijing-

based film group is to produce China's first Bollywood film, and "the famous Brazilian

opera, India—A Love Story” was screened in prime-time on TV Globo. This winner of

the 2009 International Emmy Award for Best Telenovela was set in both India and

Brazil and dealt with Indian themes, including caste, gender and class, with Brazilian

actors playing the Indian characters" (Thussu, 2013b, p. 157). The Slumdog Millionaire

directed by the British director Danny Boyle won eight categories at the 81 st Oscar

awards, and is one of the best examples of working beyond national borders in cinema

(Jaikumar, 2010, p. 23).

The Indian tolerance towards accepting the different perceptions about its life

has increased over the years or has a critical approach. For instance, the celebrated

feel-good film the Slumdog Millionaire portrays India's urban poverty (in Mumbai) in a

bad light endorsing the West's existing perceptions about India. The Indian audience

and the Diaspora were divided in their views on the movie. At the same time, some

were appreciative of the movie, while on the other hand, some criticised it for

portraying India's urban poverty and life in a slum in an unrealistic manner. However,

Danny Boyle did not face a severe criticism compared to Joffe, who had directed The

City of Joy. The City of Joy had to face stern criticism and opposition alleging that it

57
had portrayed the slums and the life in Calcutta (now Kolkata) in a bad light. Ironically,

both movies had portrayed urban life in a similar fashion (Sengupta, 2010, pp. 603–

613).

Having examined India's international media representation, the next section

looks at the BBC's relationship with, and media portrayal of, India.

Section 2

The BBC’s Relationship with India

The British Broadcasting Corporation (the BBC) is one of the most influential media

organisations in the world. As Kavanagh (1999, p. 82) writes: "The BBC has been a

unique element in twentieth-century British society, (and globally) not only in reflecting

aspects of that society but also as a player in its own right". Over the years, it has

played a significant role in reaching out to the masses in Britain, Europe and British

colonies. It has served as a bridge to connect those in the Diaspora with their

motherland. This section considers the relationship between the BBC and India, and

the BBC's representation of India in both the pre- and post-colonial period.

BBC Radio Services and India

Radio services are a crucial part of the relationship between the BBC and India. From

the 1920s through the 1970s, radio services were a major part of BBC's overseas

services. Recognising the reach and the impact of radio services, the Government of

India (British Raj) in the 1920s began to make efforts to have its own local radio

stations in India. After many years of struggle, the Indian Broadcasting Company's

58
(IBC's) Bombay station began its transmission on 23 July 1927 (Pinkerton, 2008b, p.

167).

The BBC's plan to establish radio broadcast across India was not a smooth one.

There were financial, political and administrative hurdles to be addressed. In the year

1932, the then Director-General of the BBC John Reith saw the radio broadcast as a

means to foster friendship and relationship between the people of India and Britain;

the British Raj or the colonial Government of India (GoI) at that time saw it as a medium

of threat which would consolidate masses against its colonial rule. It took yet another

decade for the Government of India to realise the vast potential of radio broadcast and

its influence on the masses, while the Russian and German radio broadcasters were

already exploiting the vast Indian population for their own interests (Gillespie et al.,

2010, p. 7). "With the foundation of BBC services in South Asian languages, starting

with Hindustani (the Urdu/Hindi hybrid used as the language of imperial command in

British India) in May 1940, the period between 1939 and 1945 might be regarded as

the initiation proper of an active relationship between the BBC and its South Asian

audiences" (Gillespie et al., 2010, p. 8).

Radio broadcast in India was both an opportunity and a challenge for the BBC.

The geopolitical opportunity that existed in India and the sheer size of the potential

audience was too big to be ignored. Nevertheless, the fear of the government of India

(British Raj) that the spread of radio services would cause the national movements to

explode could not be ignored (Pinkerton, 2008b, p. 167). In other words, the authorities

did not want the nationalist voices to be heard far and wide using radio for their

propaganda purposes (Thiranagama, 2010, p. 41).

59
 BBC broadcast, especially the radio world service, was initiated as a medium to

connect Britain with "the Diaspora of Britons overseas" (Gillespie et al., 2010, p. 7; see

also Hill, 2010) who either was working as part of the Empire or independently. The

aim was to take British radio programmes to white British people scattered across the

colonies and dominions, and foster reciprocal links that would strengthen the imperial

community (Robertson, 2008, p. 460). As Gillespie et al. (2010, p. 6) point out, "The

BBC Empire Service was constituted and financed around a doubly, not to say

duplicitously, 'imperial' as well as diasporic mission".

It was not merely the desire to reach out to Britain's Diaspora that reinforced the

act of an Empire Service, but also other media organisations' presence. Because, by

the time of the Empire Service's launch, the Netherlands was already operating an

international service (the first such service, active since 1927), along with the Soviet

Union and a few companies from the United States whose short-wave broadcasts

possessed an international reach (Hill, 2010, p. 29).

For the Indians, in remote villages, the entertainment opportunities after their

daily hard work were very scarce. The arrival of radio provided them with much-

needed entertainment and a mode to connect them with the outside world. The radio

service also became a source of entertainment and information for those households,

"whom social custom debars from taking part in recreation outside their own homes"

(Pinkerton, 2008b, p. 167). For the remote villages in India, the radio service was not

merely a source of news and information, but also it was their window to the rest of

the world, an exposure to the outside world from their 'cocooned' village life.

Recognising this demand, the BBC in South Asia, increasingly broadcast news

material generated in local languages like Urdu, Bengali or Hindi, which initiated more

60
significant localisation of BBC coverage in the years to follow (Crawley, 2010, p.77).

As part of this research in an interview with Satish Jacob who worked for the BBC

Indian Bureau for 20 years beginning from 1975 has this to say,

…the BBC service although it was primarily in the English language,

there were also broadcasts in a few Indian languages, and Urdu, which
is also a common language between India and Pakistan. But there were
a huge number of Indians who used to listen to BBC broadcasts in their
own languages. English language broadcast was translated by the Hindi
broadcasters who are professionals – exactly the replica of the script in
English, whether they were Hindi or Urdu, or any other language, even
Tamil and Nepalese (Interview: Jacob, 19 June 2020).

Mark Tully spoke of the influence of the BBC among the Indians as it turned out

to be one of the primary sources of both local and international information. Mark Tully

stated this during his interview which was conducted as part of this research,

I was working and reporting for the BBC, which was basically from 1970
to 1994. It was a historic time for the BBC anyway because transistor
radios had come in and there was a big increase in short-wave radio
listening. Television was just coming in and had not really come in, and
there was no radio other than All India Radio, the Indian based radio. And
so, people turned to foreign stations to follow the news. And although we
had rivals, I can say that most people turned to the BBC. So we were in
a way a local broadcast that influenced the sort of stories created and
that made us much more interested in stories in India itself and stories
about South Asia and in much more detail than otherwise would have
been the case (Interview: Tully, 14 May 2020).

61
 The localisation of the BBC services, especially in South Asia, reaffirms that the

BBC was not merely a mouthpiece of the British Empire as the general public believed

it to be. In the words of William Crawley4 who worked for BBC in India for 12 years,

As far as the language services are concerned, fabulous bulletins were

written centrally in the BBC newsroom, taking account of the interests of
the region. There were also current affairs programmes in Hindi and Urdu
and equivalent programmes in Bengali and other Asian languages
available from the region, with the contribution of stringers both in English
and in regional languages (Interview: Crawley, 12 June 2020).

Throughout the history of the BBC, it has been under intense scrutiny from

various groups. These include governments of India over the years, the Diaspora, and

indeed audiences from across the globe. Time and again the BBC's neutrality was

questioned and at times alleged to be the 'mouthpiece of Empire'. In the words of

Crawley,

Questions were asked about whether the BBC was essentially a

reformed - or unreformed - 'colonial' organisation. Were its staff and
contributors simply mouthpieces of the machine in which they had no
input, or were they seen as committed broadcasters whose viewpoints
mattered or whose own political and ideological inclinations may have
clashed with BBC concepts of 'impartial' reporting? (Crawley, 2010, p.
77).

The BBC, being aware that they were being watched by many agencies, mostly

from South Asia, took extra care when it came to broadcast news items in India and

Pakistan, ensuring that the news was accurate and authentic. One way to ensure the

accuracy of the information was to cross-check the information by a "two-way

4
William Crawley had worked for BBC in India for 12 years.

62
exchange of information" between Western journalists and British diplomatic sources

in India and Pakistan and to check the authenticity with other news organisations

(Crawley, 2010, p. 85).

The communication revolution with the arrival of the transistor enhanced the

reach of the BBC, especially in India, where the communication system was in its

infancy stage. William Crawley in his interview reconfirmed about the BBC's expedited

growth in India on account of the technological advancement and some of the events

that accelerated the BBC's wider acceptance in the subcontinent.

The technology has changed, of course, so rapidly since the BBC began
and in the 1930s, and through the 1950s, right up to the time what we
call the transistor revolution in the 1960s. The transistor revolution took
roots from the mid-60s onwards, so, by the mid-70s, the actual audience
of BBC broadcast in English and in Indian languages was very much
greater than it had been ten years earlier. And I think from the 70s
onwards a number of events gave a great boost to BBC listening, such
as the India-Pakistan war, the establishment of Bangladesh which
brought about a huge increase particularly in the BBC Bengali service
audience (Interview: Crawley, 12 June 2020).

The technological changes helped the BBC reach out to its larger public both as

news providers and reach out to the different sources for their news coverage. The

quality of transmission improved, and the technology helped to have more sources

added to the news coverage. The BBC with its improved technology had the

advantage of in-depth news coverage, and at times it helped them to be the foremost

in breaking major news events as indicated by William Crawley in his interview,

Technological changes which have contributed to BBC audiences have

been particularly the improvement in quality in transmission lines and

63
 interview lines between India and Britain. Suppose that what used to be
reporting largely on telex or equivalent dispatches from India were sent
by telex and they were voiced by someone else in the studio in London.
Through the 1970s and 1980s, there was much more direct contact
between producers in London and correspondence in India. Not just the
established BBC correspondents in Delhi, but the whole network of what
we call stringers in different parts of India, who had long been supplying
information basically by telex to the correspondent in Delhi, who would
then sort of put it together and send dispatches for transmission to
London. And that, of course, has continued. But increasingly giving both
speed and accuracy and credibility to the BBC, there was the possibility
of an actuality of correspondence on the spot providing reports way
ahead of others. So it gave the BBC a big sort of advantage in being first,
which is always one of the prime considerations in a radio broadcast or
any journalism when one gets there first. In 1984 when Mrs Gandhi was
assassinated, the news was heard by Rajiv Gandhi, who was in Calcutta
on the BBC quite a time before it was confirmed that she died. And
people were listening to the BBC then, and they did give it considerable
credibility (Interview: Crawley, 12 June 2020).

It was not merely based on the technological advancement that gave the BBC

strong footage in India. Along with technological advancement, there was a strong

network of stringers which gave the BBC a strong presence in India. David Loyn in his

interview (as part of this research), confirmed this further:

Mark Tully had set up a network of really good quite senior journalists
right around India. And so, if I wanted to go to Lucknow to meet the chief
minister, I phoned up Tripathi, who was the then BBC man in Lucknow.
He was a senior journalist who could get me in to see the chief minister.
So, we had this really strong network of journalists and who were our
eyes and ears. We could phone them up and ask what is going on
(Interview: Loyn, 21 February 2020).

64
 More importantly, there was this compelling reason for the spread of the BBC.

During the 1970s and subsequent years, the Indian news channels were mostly

controlled by state-run machinery adhering to the government policies. Lack of

independent private channels propelled the Indians to rely on the BBC for independent

news, especially during wars (Crawley, 2010). The BBC's credibility, especially during

a crisis coverage, is very high from the BBC's early news coverages. Crawley.

maintained this during an interview:

In times of crisis, I think the BBC has had great credibility. I mean, the
enormous boost to the audience brought by the 1970-1971 Bangladesh
crisis was one example. Of course, there was a lot of scepticism in
Pakistan about the reporting of events at that time and a lot of anger,
which after it was over, people recognise that the anger should have
been turned on their own military regime because it was they who were
distorting the news rather than the BBC. Secondly, the emergency in
India was an enormous boost to the BBC audience because the Indian
media were openly censored at that point in time. I am sure that it
provided a balance to the weight of public information in India itself, which
will always be dominated by the government. But it can provide a voice
which is not just an external voice, but as I say, a reinforcement within
India itself, which you have not necessarily heard at that time (Interview:
Crawley, 12 June 2020).

The reliable information that the BBC provided to the Indian audience both from

within and outside India was accepted across the Indian subcontinent. In the words of

Mark Tully, “I think we had a reputation for reliability. We have a big audience because

we were thought to be reliable news sources. That was a very important aspect of our

standing in the country and our work. The credibility of the BBC was high for various

reasons. We were credible because we had some monopoly and fewer other

channels” (Interview: Tully, 14 May 2020).

65
 Such confidence of the general public in the BBC is not limited to the BBC's

historical past, but rather it is prevalent even in the digital era. Whenever there is an

international crisis, the BBC is looked up-to as one of the major news platforms where

credible news is provided. This was evident in an interview with Ayeshea Perera 5, the

head of the digital operations in India, who said,

When a major incident happens, the traffic of BBC digital has seen a
massive uptick in Indian audiences because I think, primarily, the one
thing that has not gone away is the fact that people think that the BBC is
a brand they can trust, that it is authoritative, that it will give both sides of
the story. So, for instance, when there was a tension between India and
Pakistan over Kashmir in February 2019, we had record India audiences
visiting our online English platform for news. So many Indians say that
they were coming to us because they felt they could get both sides of the
story. So, I think when it comes to big news events or big geopolitical
events, people still come to us (Interview: Perera, 23 June 2020).

The presence of the BBC journalists across different parts of the world provides

the opportunity to have varied sources of information from different perspectives and

views. This gives the BBC the opportunity to have balanced and reliable news of

various events or news. For instance, in an event involving India and Pakistan, as

Samanthi Dissanayake6 in her interview for this research puts it, “Our Urdu service

gives us accessibility to sources in Pakistan, and likewise the Hindi service provides

access to connections with the Indian government and sources from India" (Interview:

Dissanayake, 20 February 2020). It is this balanced and reliable news sources which

make the BBC acceptable to many. In the words of Satish Jacob, “The most important

5
Ayeshea Perera is the Digital Editor of BBC for India.
6
Samanthi Dissanayake is the Asia Editor-BBC Online.

66
thing the Indians appreciated about the BBC broadcast was that in BBC broadcast, no

matter what language, there was no political slant. It was not anti-government or pro-

government" (Interview: 19 June 2020).

The BBC's centralisation in India with its Bureau in New Delhi may have given

face to the BBC Indian bureau much-needed recognition which has many Indian

regional language services under it. However, the BBC's institutionalisation like any

other media platform or reorganisation of the operations in India of late may have

caused the BBC to rob itself of its long-established quality network of journalists and

stringers. David Loyn has this to say, “…So what happened in the mid to late 1990s

was that this really strong group of regional stringers, people who were on — some of

them on salary, some of them just on an ad hoc basis, were paid by the BBC. They

were let go because the decision was made that you could do it all from a core

newsroom. And actually, I think the coverage of it reduced in quality because of that”

(Interview: 21 February 2020). This has resulted in homogenised news service like

any other news provider or a media platform.

The Complexity of the BBC’s News Coverage

As a global broadcaster, the BBC sometimes finds itself in complex and controversial

situations. For instance, as Gillespie et al. (2010, p. 10) illustrate, "in occupied Europe,

BBC's Overseas Services were revered as voices of liberation; in India, by contrast,

BBC voices appeared to herald a continued 'alien domination' of the subcontinent”.

There are people of different nationalities working within BBC in various

capacities because of its multi-ethnicity and linguistic broadcasts. There existed a

cordial working relationship among the BBC's staff, even among those whose native

67
countries were fighting each other. As indicated by Crawley (2010, p. 76–77), "The

relationship between the BBC's broadcast staff from India, Bangladesh and Pakistan,

their British colleagues and the 'machine' at Bush House was one of 'collegiality'".

Thiranagama (2010) reaffirms the genuine collegiality and friendship between the

British and Indian staff in the BBC:

On the eve of Indian and Pakistani Independence, broadcasters,

engineers, writers, technicians and propagandists were all asked who
and what they were, Indian or Pakistani? Their decisions were
consequential. Such decisions profoundly shaped the development of
state broadcast cultures in India and Pakistan. There was a large
redistribution of staff from AIR and the BBC, who opted for one country
or another. AIR was left with most radio stations, infrastructure and
equipment, but lost many prominent staff, given that a large number of
the most talented broadcasters in AIR had been well educated Muslims
who then migrated to Pakistan (Thiranagama, 2010, p.45).

The vast geopolitical area and different languages would further escalate the

difficulties of reaching the masses on a practical level. BBC radio service also had to

tread a tight path to avoid the 'discourse of the master' (Hill, 2010, p. 25). However,

being aware of the BBC's influence and presence as one of the major media players

in the world, the organisation has taken extra care to be impartial in its reporting of the

events.

As a global media actor, especially in South Asia, the BBC had to do a tightrope

walk with its contents broadcast on multiple platforms, speaking to 'power relations

across national and transnational cultural and social spaces' (Gillespie et al., 2010, p.

5). The organisation also had to be careful in its approach not to be heard as an

imperialist voice. Despite all these policies, the BBC is sometimes alleged to be

68
imperialist in its approach. Some of these allegations are confirmed in studies

conducted by Alasdair Pinkerton (2008a). He describes a new kind of imperialism by

the BBC through its media coverage as 'claimed' by the Indian authorities. When the

'territorial logic of power' ceased, there emerged the 'capitalist logic of power' (Brenner,

2006). When this move too began to vanish, giant media houses began to exert power

through its media coverage. But this had a wider impact than what it was imagined to

be. Therefore some of the questionable approaches taken by the BBC over the years

came under the scrutiny of the Indian government. Some of these approaches taken

by the BBC, especially during the Goa crisis in 1961, the Ahmadabad riots in 1969,

and the Indo-Pak conflict in 1965, propelled the government of India to think that the

BBC was not genuine and authentic in its reports (Pinkerton, 2008a, p. 541).

The Louis Malle episode in 1970 (the BBC broadcast the UK première of

Calcutta, a documentary film by French director Louis Malle, which was shot in and

around Calcutta between 1968 and 1969) impelled the government of India to expel

the BBC from the country. Although the BBC was not directly accountable for the Louis

Malle films, firstly, it was held liable for broadcasting it on BBC, and for the South Asian

Services’ ‘hostility’ towards India in its news reporting.

From the history of the BBC's reporting of India, it is evident that there are stark

differences in the BBC's treatment of Indian issues between pre- and post-

independence era. For instance, in 1943 when India was still under the reign of the

British Empire, the Bengal famine caused the death of nearly three million people but

was largely ignored by the BBC because Britain in a way had allowed this to happen

by delaying the food supply (Polya, 2011; Sites.google.com, 2017). But the 1965-1966

famine in Bihar was portrayed by the BBC as the most tragic and significant disaster

69
in India during that era, although as compared to the Bengal famine it was much

smaller (Magan, 2013). Later on, when the BBC produced ‘The Story of India’

(Hindustan Times, 2013), it failed to mention one of the biggest tragedies–the 1943

Bengal famine–which happened during the British rule in India, a clear indication that

the BBC had been partial when it was faced with protecting its own interest.

It is also true that some of the post-independence foreign policies of the Indian

government and some of the events that followed during the era fuelled the differences

between the BBC and the government of India. When India gained its independence

after many years of colonisation, Indian leaders were resolute that the new nation

evaded the predicaments of other countries’ foreign policies. In other words, the fear

of a "new kind of imperialism" (Singh, 2014, p. 525) by the powerful countries led them

to adopt their foreign policies that would steer them away from the web of other

countries’ interests. Translating the Gandhian principles of non-violence into foreign

policy agendas, such as Non-alignment or Principles of Peaceful Co-existence (or

Panchsheel) (Mahapatra, 2016, p. 6), made some countries and media outlets weary

of India, because some of them considered India their natural ally, but it was not to be

so. The Indian government was extra-cautious about the news coverage of India at

international news outlets, particularly in UK and by the BBC, for its colonial legacy.

When Morarji Desai was Prime Minister of India, he monitored the permissions granted

for documentaries/films and "defended the right of developing countries to restrict

filming, e.g., where it was thought it might cause a riot" (Franks, 2012, p. 208). On

another occasion, when the BBC refused to withdraw Louis Malle documentaries

(documentary series about India), its operations were suspended, and correspondent

Ronald Robson was expelled from India.

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 In the BBC's overseas operations, the threat of expulsion from the country was

always a possibility, especially if the news coverage/programme offended the

authorities (Walker, 1992, p. 103). When the BBC was allowed to operate again in

India in 1972, the government laid out strict guidelines in the treatment of news and

other programmes. All non-news programmes were strictly monitored, and previews

were held before the transmission for amending the factual errors, if any. During Indian

emergency (Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared state emergency from 1975 to

1977) foreign news coverage came under tight restrictions and censorship (Aikat,

2019). For refusing to comply with the proposed new code, the BBC was forced to

withdraw from India until the emergency was lifted. There were a few other events that

further escalated the row between the Indian government and the BBC. These include

the BBC coverage of the death of Sanjay Gandhi, the film on Muria tribal people, the

increased restrictions on visiting film crews who were required to sign an undertaking

for a film shoot (Franks, 2012, pp. 210–216). The news coverage of BBC World News

Service covering many nations across the globe, the news coverage has to be finely

balanced, especially in times of conflict/wars between nations, as it has the potential

to turn a country friendly or hostile to the BBC and its operations (Walker, 1992, pp.

114–115).

The Changes in Indian Media Ecology since the 1970s

Broadcasting in India has been growing and evolving since it first began in the 1920s

ranging from radio and television to digital broadcast. The shift from the government-

owned and controlled media system resulted in a multi-channel system in India.

"Broadcasting, building on the telecoms infrastructure developed in the 1980s,

including satellites, technological developments were rapid and, after liberalisation

71
and privatisation in the 1990s, the broadcasting system grew exponentially, from one

state-owned broadcaster, Doordarshan (Indian state-owned public television

broadcast) into a vast network of both public and private radio and television stations"

(Sanjay, 2020, p. 109). Since the opening of the Indian economy in the 1990s for

foreign investment, India's media arena changed to a large extent. Today in India,

more than 800 television channels (ibid., p. 116) offer various genres, including news

channels, movies, music, sports, kids, lifestyle and devotional, and more than 80,000

registered newspapers (Rao, 2019, p. 2).

Two decades later, with the emergence of digital technology, India's media

ecology was up for further exponential expansion. In the words of Thussu and

Nordenstreng (2020, p. 7), "in 2000, only 5.5 million Indians (with a penetration rate of

0.5 per cent of the population) were online; by 2019, that figure had climbed to 600

million (and the penetration rate had crossed 45 per cent of the population) (KPMG

Report, 2019)". The Indian government, to expand the digital connectivity to the rural

masses, subsidised the setting up of 'Communication Information Centres' in each of

the 600,000 villages across the country (Arora, 2019, p. 34), which expedited the surge

in internet penetration. However, Rao (2019, p. 4) asserts that only 8 per cent of the

Indians have reliable connectivity to the internet, and about 19 per cent of them have

occasional connectivity. Urban India has close to 60 per cent internet penetration,

mirroring a substantial level of saturation, but still, there are 750 million users in rural

India who remain disconnected from the digital sphere. In the words of Rao (2019, p.

4) "India may be an information technology powerhouse for the rest of the world, but

its projects under successive governments to bridge the gap between digital haves

and have-nots have fallen woefully short of stated targets".

72
 Another reason for this surge in digitalisation is the easy availability of low-cost

smartphones with internet data which played a significant part in making rural India

connected. In the words of Arora (2019, p. 74), "In March 2016, India launched the

world's cheapest smartphone, selling for less than US$5". Till the arrival of mobile

phone in India, telephone connectivity was a complex service to attain. In 1980, India

had only 2.5 million telephones to serve 700 million people or one phone for every 280

people. There were only 12,000 public telephones across the country. However, by

the mid-1990s, the numbers grew dramatically to 20 million telephone services. By

2012 India welcomed 3G mobile technology, which ensured faster connectivity. By

2015 4G technology arrived in India, and millions of Indians were already using online

services for various purposes (Agrawal, 2018, pp. 195–198). For the cash-starved

Indians who could not afford to have personal computer or laptops, the arrival of

smartphones provided the medium to connect and embark themselves to the world of

the internet. In the words of Arora (2019, p. 33), "There has been an exponential rise

in the demand for cell phones among people with scarce resources, making mobile

one of their most prized assets. They use their phones for utilitarian purposes, such

as transferring money, texting with clients and business partners, and checking health

information, but they mostly use them for leisure".

This was a digital revolution because in the West, where the transformation to

'smartphones and wearable technology' (Agrawal, 2018, p. 3) has been a gradual one,

beginning with internet connections in the 1990s with personal computers and phone

lines. Then came broadband technology with faster and more reliable speeds followed

by routers and wireless internet. Nevertheless, most Indians, who did not possess

personal computers or telephone landlines, leapfrogged straight to the smartphone

internet era. As Agrawal (2018, pp. 3-4) points out,

73
 In 2000, only 20 million Indians had access to the internet. Ten years
later, that number grew to 100 million. However, 1.1 million Indians were
still offline. Smartphones and cellular data became mainstream. By 2015,
317 million were online, rising to 462 million in 2017, when three Indians
were discovering the internet every second. By 2025 nearly a billion
Indians are expected to have used the internet.

Another visible reason for transforming internet accessibility in India was the

massive growth in content on the web in Indian vernacular languages. "From 42 million

Indian-language internet users in 2011, the number has grown to an estimated 234

million in 2016, a compound annual growth of 41 per cent. This massive growth of

internet users in Indian languages is higher than that of English-language internet

users, which has grown from 68 million in 2011 to 175 million in 2016" (Neyazi, 2019,

pp. 95–96). The Indian digital market cannot be overlooked, and the transformation it

brings and the opportunities it provides cannot be ignored.

The Changes in Indian Media Ecology and the BBC in India

The colonial origins and experience significantly shaped the Indian media system and

media structures. The broadcasting system of the British administration played a major

role in the foundation of India's government-owned media systems. The post-

independence media system was influenced by political and economic factors of that

time, which played a major factor in the Indian media until the economic liberalisation

in the 1990s (Sanjay, 2020, pp. 108–119). This caused a wave of changes in the

Indian mediascape. Till then, there were very few channels operating in India and the

BBC as an international broadcaster had some monopoly in the Indian airwaves. For

many Indians, the BBC broadcasts were their windows to the world. Nevertheless,

with the termination of radio shortwaves, the arrival of cable and satellite channels and

74
the digital boom, the media terrain changed substantially. There were many 24x7 news

channels, other foreign news channels, and now Indians have a wide range of media

platform options, ranging from live news, radio broadcasts, print and digital platforms.

The digital connectivity of the Indian villages and easy accessibility broadened the

news reach and improved news reporting. The increased smartphone density in the

Indian villages empowered them to access news and entertainment programmes

easily. In other words, their dependency on the radio for news and entertainment

reduced as they had various digital platforms providing these to them. Further, Indian

language internet content availability, including social networks (Neyazi, 2019, p. 104)

and mobile apps for news (Chattopadhyaya, 2019, p. 195), provided them with further

options. The BBC, which had a dominant role in the Indian airwaves during the radio

era, now needs to make its digital presence felt, not only in English and Hindi but also

in the major Indian languages.

Conclusion

The UK and the US media played a major role in the international news coverage of

India. The BBC had many dedicated staff who had been reporting on India for a long

time and who had known India and its culture well. For the BBC, reporting on India

was not easy as it often reported issues which were considered controversial in India.

As a result, it has been a love-hate relationship between India and the BBC until the

1990s.

The next chapter will outline how the new media technologies influenced online

media practices and their impact on the BBC’s Indian news production and

dissemination.

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 Chapter 3: The BBC, Online Journalism and

the Social Media

Introduction

This chapter provides an overview of the online journalistic practices and their

influence on the BBC. The practices of journalism have been evolving as new

technologies kept creeping into the communication system. In recent years, with the

arrival of the internet, especially social media, newsrooms underwent rapid changes,

and so too the journalistic practices. The rise of Twitter and User Generated Content

(UGC) opened up new possibilities for both the journalists and the general public. The

first part of this chapter discusses the emergence of online Journalism and the latter

part examines the influence of social media on BBC online news reports.

The Emergence of Online Journalism

This part of the paper reviews the emergence of online Journalism and its impact on

journalism and journalistic practices. Ever since the advent of the internet, the way

humans interact and communicate with one another has changed. Over the years, the

gradual development of the internet facilitated the addition of new features in its

services. Lee (2012) points out in his study that in the new interactive media

environment, the online news media have changed significantly and they have

propelled newer platforms for citizen participation in the gathering and the

dissemination of the news. Lee continues, “The demarcation between communicators

76
and receivers is no longer distinct. The clear-cut classification of professional content

and amateur content in news pages is softened” (Lee, 2012, p. 216).

The new interactive media environment has altered the nature of storytelling and

the presentation of news online. In the words of Pavlik (2000, p. 233), “The once basic

inverted news-writing style is becoming obsolete in the online news world. It is being

supplanted increasingly by immersive and interactive multimedia news reports that

can give readers/viewers a feeling of presence at news events like never before”.

The internet changed the newsroom environment. The journalists are required

to familiarise themselves with newer and advanced communication technology. The

social media require journalists to cope with a digital and high-speed, distributed and

networked environment "where knowledge and expertise are more fluid, dynamic, and

hybrid" (Hermida, Lewis and Zamith, 2014, p. 495).

Scholars have shown that adapting to the changing new ecology of the media

was easier for some journalists than others. In a study conducted by O'Sullivan and

Heinonen (2008, pp. 358–360) among the 239 journalists in 40 news outlets from

eleven European countries, it was found that the journalists had adapted themselves

so quickly to the changing work situation to cope with the new work environments. The

study endorsed that the internet is deep-rooted in the newsgathering and news-

processing practices and has transformed relationships with news sources. The study

continues to argue that the newsroom has become a digital hub in the communication

arena, which ensures speed and efficiency. In this study 72 per cent of the

respondents agreed that the internet was useful and valuable in accessing sources

and was in agreement that the internet allowed journalists to get more information into

their stories (ibid., p. 362).

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 Broersma and Graham (2013, p. 447) term this as the convenient marriage

between journalism and social media. With the arrival of the social media and the

UGC, the role of the journalist itself is being reshaped as newer skills are required to

meet the emerging demands (Johnston, 2016, p. 901). This has only become even

stronger as more and more news organisations began to employ social media as a

source of their news and disseminate the same. The rush to be the first to report the

news in a digital world required skilled and tech-savvy journalists in the newsrooms

(Johnston, 2016, p. 901; see also Belair-Gagnon, 2015).

The Rise of User Generated Content (UGC)

New communication technologies ensured the growth of both social media and User

Generated Content (UGC). The easy accessibility of social media and technological

advancement led to high volumes of UGC. The number of journalists who began to

use social media as news sources multiplied, especially when they could not be

present on the scene to report it. Nevertheless, the news sourced from social media

needed to be verified.

The verification process is not an easy task considering the high volumes of UGC

created and published on social media. In the words of Brandtzaeg et al. (2016, p.

325), "The verification process in social media is arguably rather complex due to large

amounts of user-generated content, real-time information flow, and various forms of

sources and content modalities, such as videos and images".

Hence, journalists are required to navigate these social media platforms for the

accessibility of the content. Their role is not merely to navigate and identify the news,

but they need to understand and identify the context and the newsworthiness of the

78
events. The task of journalists becomes even more challenging if the content involves

longer videos. The journalists are required to continually update themselves with new

social media tools (Johnston, 2016, pp. 901–903). Johnston goes on to say,

For journalists now and in the future, digital tools have become more
important for tracing information, forensic examination and disseminating
UGC to the audience while depicting events on the ground. As
technologies for checks and platforms used to showcase UGC evolve,
journalists must continually develop their skills to keep apace. As news
becomes more social, so too, it seems must the journalists ( Johnston,
2016, p. 908).

This is because social media platforms have become newsgathering sources for

media houses. This is an enormous task considering the sheer volume of UGC on

social media. To verify the authenticity of the information, journalists need skills to

navigate different sources and media tools to explore and examine social media

content. This becomes even more complex if the sources are not known or from a

conflict-related area or a war zone.

Some of the Twitter messages amount to unsubstantiated rumours and wild

inaccuracies at times, mostly when there is major breaking news. To name a few

instances, it has occurred during the Mumbai terror attacks, Iranian protests, and

Michael Jackson's death. Often in the aftermath of a crisis, false news circulates in the

online space which calls for strict verification of the newsfeeds from social media. For

example, the photograph depicting the Houla massacre in Syria was taken

somewhere in Iraq in 2003. After 90 minutes into the broadcast when the BBC was

alerted of the mistaken photograph, it was taken off from their website, but the damage

was already done (Turner, 2012).

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 Considering the media connectivity and the wide scope of media reach today,

the volume of news' impact could be very high. Hence, global news events require

special efforts in the digital era when assessing news sources to verify the news. The

journalists most often combine the new and the old journalistic methods to verify the

sources in social media through the contact details and cross-checking with available

reliable news sources. Some of the journalists use the computer-assisted tools for

photo and video verification (Brandtzaeg et al., 2016, pp. 330–333). “Everyone has

access to potential newsworthy sources and content through social media, yet to

curate, authenticate, cross-check, and turn unruly and fragmented bits of information

into news stories might very well partly constitute the raison d'être of future journalism”

(ibid., p. 337). As social media became the hub for breaking news and news sources,

more and more journalists have begun to access it for news and newsfeeds.

Twitter and Journalism

Here the thesis briefly considers how Twitter made its entry into the newsrooms and

how it has influenced the news reporting and consumption. From among the new

social media technologies, Twitter "facilitates the instant, online dissemination of short

fragments of information from a variety of official and unofficial sources” (Hermida,

2010, p. 299). This was one of the reasons for Twitter to become popular among

journalists. Twitter allows users to send and receive short text-based posts, known as

“tweets". Besides, the technological features such as "re-tweet" and "hashtag" allow

Twitter to be like broadcaster of breaking news. Therefore, news organisations often

access Twitter looking for newsfeeds and, simultaneously use it as a platform to

propagate their news (Ahmad, 2010, p. 151). Twitter has a flexible system that

transmits messages sent from an array of devices to a selected audience who have

80
chosen to receive them in the medium of their choice (Hermida, 2010, p. 299). For

most of the journalists, Twitter has become a “convenient, cheap and effective beat

for journalists in search of news and information. Reporters today increasingly

aggregate information online and embed it in journalism discourse” (Broersma and

Graham, 2013, p. 447).

Belair-Gagnon (2015) highlights in her book that up to 2006, journalists used

the social media scantly in their news reports. However, from 2006 to 2010, a number

of events or crisis news led to the use of social media in news reports more than ever.

The journalists could get more news through social media for various reasons about

several crises news events during this period, such as the Saffron Revolution in

Myanmar of 2006, the London bombings of 2005, the Mumbai terror attacks of 2008,

the Iranian election of 2009, and the Haiti earthquake of 2010. It could be on account

of their inability to be physically present in some of these places immediately, either

because of the travel restrictions or on account of economic constraints that forced

them to rely on Twitter for news sources. Moon and Hadley (2014) point out in their

study, “Twitter is a useful and, in special cases, a unique tool available to cover

unplanned events such as disaster, crime or political turmoil” (p. 302). Twitter seems

to be the immediate news source for journalists when they have limited accessibility

to the news. The studies conducted by Rauchfleisch et al. reconfirm this:

For journalists, crisis events such as terrorist attacks, catastrophes, or

accidents are cases of heightened uncertainty. In such situations,
journalists must gather information about the events quickly and without
preparation, and tell their audiences what has happened, where, why,
and how. At the same time, journalists have to make sure this information
is accurate. Twitter can be a useful tool for journalists in such situations

81
 to gather information and cross-validate judgements with other users
(Rauchfleisch et al., 2017, p. 10).

Twitter has the capacity to foster diverse voices, and to accommodate different

viewpoints. Broersma and Graham (2013, pp. 461–462) point out in their study that

the practice of citing tweets has effects for journalism in general and journalists' source

relation in particular. Tweets are used to flavour news stories with quotes that express

the opinions or experiences of a range of sources. It can also trigger new stories

because of their newsworthiness. As a news source, Twitter gives early warnings

about trends, people and news (Hermida, 2010, p. 303) about which both the media

houses and the public are alerted. Depending on the significance of the news, Twitter

feeds are sometimes used in the mainstream news to authenticate their claim, even

to give a different angle to the story at times. Twitter, to some extent, levels the playing

field. Whereas in the past, some journalists and newspapers based on their status,

experience and long-term association with influential people had better access to

valuable sources and information, on social media all content is available to everyone.

It is also a platform for minorities to express themselves and be heard, creating

a channel for diverse opinions and voices. When the majority (or those in power)

refuse to heed the voice of the minority, social media can act as a springboard to

inform and mobilise the masses. Some of the recent mass revolutions like the Arab

Spring, the Libyan revolution and the Ukrainian revolution bear witness. In short, it is

a platform that gives an equal opportunity for everyone, a tool which could be used by

different segments of society (Broersma and Graham, 2013, p. 462).

When the newsfeed from Twitter is used in the mainstream media, it is framed

within the context of established journalism norms and values (Hermida, 2010, p. 300).

82
Brandtzaeg et al. (2016, p. 331) rightly point out that it is a race against time for the

journalists as the tension between the need to report breaking news as it unfolds, and

a simultaneous verification becomes a real challenge. Although to corroborate

newsfeeds' veracity from Twitter is difficult, the same is used most often to disclose

the breaking news.

Social Media and India

The spread of social media in the early 21st century in India added a new digital

dimension to the Indian media system. The affordability of smartphones, low data and

voice rates have enhanced the broader use of social media among Indians (Sanjay,

2020, p. 108). Further to this, the Indian government made it obligatory that the new

smartphones launched in the Indian market have to offer text-reading services in all

22 official Indian languages besides English. Message-typing facility is offered in

English, Hindi and one regional language as per the user's choice. This enabled the

semi-literate Indians to access the internet (Neyazi, 2019, p.103). As a result, many

Indians could avail themselves of internet services. "For a billion Indians who do not

read English, the internet is suddenly accessible. One can go a step further: with a

voice-activated smartphone, the internet is also available to the people who cannot

read or write in any language at all" (Agrawal, 2018, p. 4; see also Tenhunen, 2018).

The internet-enabled smartphones empowered millions in India not only to be mere

consumers of mobile digital content but also producers of digital content (Thussu,

2019, p. 67). The internet-enabled smartphone has become one of the most potent

means of creating news structures, eliminating barriers and generating newer

opportunities. Agrawal (2018, p. 7) elaborates it further,

83
 Hundreds of millions living in poverty, many of whom are completely
illiterate; 800 million under the age of thirty, hungry for opportunities; a
country with dramatically unequal access to telephony, electricity,
transport, education, healthcare and water; a democracy that is home to
so many different religions, languages, communities and cultures. In no
other country will access to the internet bring about a change so vast and
deep, for so many people and so quickly.

The major social media platforms which could not ignore the vast Indian market

(Arora, 2019, p. 201) made them available in Indian languages. According to Neyazi

(2019, p.104), "Facebook is available in 11 Indian languages, and Twitter in 6 Indian

languages, Yahoo has now extended email services in 8 Indian languages while Gmail

providers support 9 Indian languages". The popularity of social media, especially

Twitter and Facebook, is rising among the masses in India. As Mishra suggests (2019,

p. 153), "While those who speak the English language continue to dominate social

media in India today, people are starting to tweet and post messages on Facebook in

local languages. Social media is becoming popular in small towns as well". The

increased smartphone density and the availability of social media in Indian languages

had their implications in Indian journalistic practices. More and more news stories

began to be broken in social media as Indian political leaders began to break major

decisions on Twitter (Mishra, 2019, p. 149). This was also done to engage with their

Twitter followers, as some of them had a massive following on social media. Therefore,

it was crucial for journalists to be vigilant on social media for breaking news. With the

arrival of social media, most journalists at first tweet the breaking news in real-time

and then follow the news story details for detailed news coverage. As a result,

journalists had to create stories for multiple platforms and handle various social media

accounts updating and following the stories (Mishra, 2019, pp. 146–148). For the BBC

84
in India to reach out to its target audience today, besides its broadcasts in English and

Indian languages, it also needs to have social media accounts in each of those Indian

languages in which it has news coverage. For a journalist, especially in a subcontinent

like India, to connect with the masses, to broaden the news reach and coverage, to

know the pulse of a story (trending or not trending), for different sources and views for

a story, it is important to be digitally connected particularly on Twitter. The easy

verifiability of Twitter makes it more acceptable among journalists. To increase the

authenticity of a news story, journalists sometimes use tweets as part of their news

coverage.

BBC’s Digital Broadcasts

The digital broadcasting in the UK began with the 1996 Broadcasting Act which

relaxed the cross-media ownership rules. In the year 1997, the BBC launched its News

24 Channel and BBC News Online (bbc.co.uk) which allowed a free-to-access internet

news service (Crisell, 2002, p. 298; see also Ramsey, 2018). Smith and Steemers

(2007) divide digital television into two distinct phases, the first from the early 1990s

until the collapse of ITV Digital in early 2002, and the second phase from 2002 with

the re-launch of Digital Terrestrial Television (DTT) as a free-to-air service under the

banner of Freeview.

The royal charter in 2006 gave BBC online service an equal footing with radio

and television (Ramsey, 2018, p. 155). The BBC's digital strategy in the first phase

began with the launch of bbc.co.uk, and was a precursor to the convergence between

broadcasting and the internet. This was a response to the technological changes that

threatened to outdo the existing ones. This phase was mostly focussed on linear niche

85
TV channels, digital radio and a largely text-based website with limited opportunities

for interactivity or user participation. The second phase of the BBC's digital strategy

incorporated Web 2.0, the second generation of internet services that allowed an

active participatory world of online activities. It allowed consumers to design and plan

their media consumption from a variety of media devices. It also enabled greater

audience interaction and sharing of media content. In other words, the BBC's adaption

to the new technology facilitated personalised media consumption. Furthermore, it

was freed from the tyranny of schedules (Smith and Steemers, 2007, pp. 47-50). In

the words of Phil Ramsey (2018, p. 153), “One large shift has been from linear

broadcast television to the provision of audio-visual 'content', endlessly reproducible

across a number of platforms and endlessly available for repurposing, from long-form

traditional television formats through to myriad short forms of content”.

The BBC's multiplatform approach refers to a strategic approach where the

products and the services are put together to converge the mass media products. For

the BBC, this was part of its strategy to gain more audience share and increase

viewing hours. The BBC is required through its governance framework to focus on

audience reach and appreciation. Technological development accelerated the efforts

of the BBC, and it became one of the leading media organisations in leading the UK

into the digital media era.

The BBC's online activities were more efficient and elaborate with the arrival of

newer technologies in communication. The rapid technological developments not only

enhanced the media activities, but it also empowered the audience to create

opportunities for immediate media feedback and potential news content. The

possibilities of potential news or additional news information through UGC and social

86
media compelled the journalists to look into these sources of newsfeeds. The BBC

responding to this new arising media ecology, created the UGC Hub in the year 2005

(Wardle and Williams, 2010, p. 794). The UGC Hub at the BBC would look into the

UGC and social media for newsfeeds and verify the newsworthiness and authenticity

of the news using the lens of traditional journalistic techniques and values. "The BBC

has always looked for audience footage of major news stories, looked for witnesses

to talk about their own experiences, and received tip-offs for story ideas" (ibid.).

The Influence of Twitter in BBC’s News Coverage

This section focuses on how the BBC adapted Twitter into its newsroom. The open

accessibility of Twitter is causing it to make waves in newsrooms. For instance, even

if one is not connected to the person who is tweeting, the information is accessible to

everyone. Additionally, the tweet could be re-tweeted and shared further, or even it

could be used as a source or quote in the news coverage.

The Online Journalism allows for the continuous updating of stories (Anderson

and Egglestone, 2012, p. 928) and BBC Online has been in the forefront with their

updates, be it in its Online news, the Television broadcast or the Radio transmission.

The BBC, to a large extent, has used the services of UGC to keep itself updated,

especially the World News Service, to cover crises and conflicts. In the words of Belair-

Gagnon:

Since the London bombing attacks on 7 July 2005, the scale and the
extent to which journalists have used social media in crisis reporting have
increased exponentially. Since 7/7, social media have changed the
journalistic practices and norms, structures of the newsroom, and
discourse regarding reporting of crisis events. The BBC journalists have

87
 learned to use Twitter, Facebook and other social networks to report
stories such as the 2008 Mumbai attacks, the 2009 Iranian elections, and
the 2011 Tunisian uprisings. The emergence of social media in news
production has thus influenced the nature and the representation in the
news of global crisis reporting. Since the London bombing attacks of
2005, BBC journalism has experienced substantial transformations.
Moreover, the incorporation of social media into BBC journalism has
been crafted around existing journalistic practices and norms (Belair-
Gagnon, 2015, p. 108).

Taking advantage of the reach and scope of social media, BBC Online began to

use the User Generated Content (UGC) to interact with the audience. In 2008 the BBC

journalists were struggling with Twitter as one of its sources of news, but by 2011

journalists were working in the digital hub of the BBC. It appears that by 2011 the use

of Twitter appeared to be normalising both in terms of using it as a micro-blogging tool

and as a way of sourcing information from Twitter (Bennett, 2016, p. 870).

The adaptation of journalistic practices in BBC newsroom included using the

information from social media to tell stories across TV, radio, online and social

platforms. "At the BBC, since the London bombing attacks, social media have been

centralised in the UGC Hub" (Belair-Gagnon, 2013, p. 483). To coordinate the flow of

newsfeeds between UGC content and main news stream, one UGC producer was

appointed by the BBC. "The 'Live and Social’ producer role involved scouting social

media for potential stories, working with newsgathering if there was breaking news by

searching for UGC and social media content relevant to the story" (Johnston, 2016, p.

906). Social media's prominence has led many news organisations to hire social

media editors, full-time staff members and sometimes several full-time staff members

completely dedicated to the rapidly growing phenomenon (Gleason, 2010).

88
 Although the ways of acquiring and presenting the news may have changed

significantly in the recent years, BBC’s journalists’ “understanding of what ‘news’ is

and from whom it should be sourced appears to have remained relatively

unchanged—at least in the context of ’hard’ news stories such as terror attacks”

(Bennett, 2016, pp. 872–873). At the moment, UGC is managed and edited at the BBC

Hub as a supply of news content designed to enhance the BBC's own news provision

without undermining the BBC's core values.

Conclusion

The arrival of the internet guaranteed a broader and faster reach of information across

places. It helped journalists to enhance their stories with more resources. The new

communication technology not only changed the newsroom environment, but it also

ensured the easy availability of resources. Moreover, if possible, the journalists still

prefer to have a face-to-face and telephone conversation to source their reports. It will

leave no room to doubt the authenticity of the sources. Expectedly, the journalists

raised their concern over the quality of information available online, and they are of

the opinion that online interactivity engenders more accountability (O’Sullivan and

Heinonen, 2008, pp. 368–369).

The information gathered from social media is now often used by journalists in

mainstream news organisations, helping them tell stories across TV, radio, online and

social platforms (Hermida, 2012, p. 660). At the same time, the consumer is

empowered to publish their own stories on social media. Online news media facilitates

much flexibility both to the publishers and to the recipients. The new social media

environment has broken the monopoly of traditional news media blurring the

89
boundaries between the reporter and the reader, between the producer and the

consumer.

Scholars agree that the internet has transformed the existing system in the

newsroom and the media's working environment. The UGC made inroads into media

reports, and Twitter took over as one of the main sources for breaking news and

newsbeats. Although Twitter is the same for everyone, different media outlets used it

differently. With the help of UGC, the BBC expanded its news coverage and created

a new section within their newsroom to be 'digitally first' in their news coverage.

The examination of some of the existing literature affirms that there has been

significant development in the communication system and changes in the news

coverage across the globe. The Indian scenario was no different either. Therefore,

drawing on the existing literature, the research examines the following hypotheses:

H1: Over the years, communication technologies have developed, paving for faster

and easier communication between places and people. In the past decade, the

development of digital communication has changed the Indian media

environment. Therefore, the BBC's Indian news coverage between the pre-

online era (1977 and 1997) and digital era (2019) may have undergone

significant changes in its Indian news coverage and may have influenced the

practices of the BBC journalists reporting on India.

H2: Media platform/outlet plays a crucial role in the news coverage. Therefore, there

may be differences in the Indian international news coverage of BBC Radio

World News Service and BBC Online news coverage.

90
 The next chapter on theoretical perspectives focuses on the gatekeeping

theoretical framework within which the research is situated.

91
 Chapter 4: Gatekeeping Theory in the Digital

Era

Introduction

This chapter provides an overview of the gatekeeping theory that is used and

examined in this study. Theories are developed by scholars to make sense of the

world around them. As suggested by Williams (2003, p. 15), the purpose of the theory

is to “explain, comprehend and interpret phenomena and put forward propositions

suggesting why such phenomena occur in the manner they do”. The theory helps us

to answer the question, ‘what is going on?’. Besides, the theory can help us predict

the future course of action (Williams, 2003, p. 16). Scholars have developed media

theories to narrate and comprehend the complex and varying media environment and

behaviour in this vein. The rapid technological change in the field of communication is

a challenge for the media scholars to keep pace with the changing social, cultural and

transnational media space.

In a rapidly changing media environment, newsgathering methods have

undergone significant changes as a result of new technologies. The audience no

longer consumes the news passively, but rather they are empowered to play a greater

role in the current media environment. With the arrival of social media, there have

been changes in the relationship between media producers and consumers. The easy

availability of digital tools has empowered the consumers to be producers of news and

post them to the media houses (Belair-Gagnon, 2015, pp. 24–57). People use social

media to break the news. For instance, Twitter is a news source that gives early

92
warnings about trends, people and news (Hermida, 2010, p. 303). Depending on the

significance of the news, the Twitter feeds are sometimes used in the mainstream

news to authenticate their claim, and at times also to give a different angle to the story.

Although social media enables one to publish news online, it is still the journalist

who decides whether to use it as a news source or re-tweet it in their media space,

depending on its significance. Therefore, the journalist acts as a gatekeeper of the

news; the journalist is a mediator who decides what type of news is promoted and

further disseminated across various media platforms. The gatekeeping theory refers

to the control of information as it passes through a gate (journalists) before it is

disseminated through the media.

Gatekeeping Theory

This section elaborates on the gatekeeping theory, how it operates, and its relevance

to this research project. The original idea of gatekeeping theory originated from the

field theory of Kurt Lewin, who was a pioneer in applied psychology. However, David

Manning White, Lewin's student, was the first to relate the notion of gatekeeping to

mass communication (DeIuliis, 2015). The gate is guarded by gatekeepers who decide

what information to let through and what to keep out (Lewin, 1947, p. 145). Shoemaker

et al. define gatekeeping process as:

Gatekeeping is the process by which the vast array of potential news

messages are winnowed, shaped and prodded into those few that are
actually transmitted by the news media. It is often defined as a series of
decision-points at which news items are either continued or halted as
they pass along news channels from source to a reporter to a series of
editors (Shoemaker et al., 2001, p. 233).

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 In other words, the gatekeeping theory refers to the control of information as it

passes through a gate, and it is “The process of culling and crafting countless bits of

information into the limited number of messages that reach people each day"

(Shoemaker and Vos, 2009, p. 1). Deluliis goes further with Lewin’s field theory.

There are four levels of analysis in Lewin's field theory: microsystem, or

immediate context; mesosystem, or collection of immediate contexts;
exosystem, or external institutional standards; and macrosystem, or
culture. Gatekeeping occurs in a microsystem, in a mesosystem as the
product of competing interests among news outlets, in an exosystem of
journalistic standards and organisational policies, and in a macrosystem
of cultural influences (Deluliis, 2015, p. 9).

Despite the changes in the media environment, the studies indicate that the key

values attributed to the news items by the media house seem to be constant, and they

play a vital role in the gatekeeping process. The News Value Model was initially

proposed by Galtung and Ruge (1965), who analysed the factors that influenced the

flow of news. The News Value Model gives details of the process by which world

events are changed by media organisations into a media representation of the world

and disseminated to the audience. This study identified 12 factors of newsworthiness

(in 9 categories) which influenced the news selection. These nine categories are Time

Span, Intensity or Threshold Value, Clarity, Meaningfulness, Consonance,

Unexpectedness, Composition, Reference to Elites and Negativity. Harcup and O'Neil

(2001) conducted a study to analyse this further and reaffirm if these values still

influence the selection of the news, and they found that some of the key elements still

influence the selection process of the news.

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 Further to their 2001 study on news values, Harcup and O'Neil (2017) revisited

their own study from 2001 on news values and reaffirmed that some of the key

elements remain valid even today, and they have recognised additional values as a

result of the emergence of the digital news era. According to them, the news values

attached to a news item depend on several factors such as the journalist who covers

the news item and the medium for which it is covered. Besides, journalists while

selecting the news are required to fulfil at least some of the following elements like

exclusivity, bad news, conflict, surprise, shareability, entertainment, drama, the power

elite, relevance, magnitude, good news, good audio-visuals, and the news

organisation's agenda. It was also found that some journalists were in a better position

than others, and their assessment about what made a story newsworthy would win

out over other journalists' decisions. The news values might differ from medium to

medium, which in turn would either increase the possibility of a particular news item

being published or rejected. For example, shareability and entertainment are important

features in deciding the newsworthiness of news for an online news medium (Harcup

and O’Neill, 2017, pp. 1474–1483).

Levels of Analysis in Gatekeeping

What audiences come to understand as ‘news’ goes through many channels before it

is eventually disseminated as news to the public. Shoemaker et al. (2001) affirmed

that an individual reporter's personal and professional background influences the

acceptance or rejection of a news item to the next level. "The prestige or previous

success of an individual reporter might facilitate the flow of a news item through the

editorial gate, even if the story seems of doubtful credibility to the editors, just as

inexperience on the part of a reporter might act as a negative force in getting the same

95
story accepted" (Shoemaker et al., 2001, p. 235).The initial inquiries into gatekeeping

theory were limited to individual gatekeepers. However, subsequent studies revealed

that there were other factors which influenced the gatekeeping process such as

professional routines of the journalists, their personal and professional background,

attitudes, values and beliefs, the influence of news organisations, and cultural and

ideological factors (Cassidy, 2006, pp. 6–8).

In the gatekeeping model, events are selected and turned into the news by

editors at different levels of the organisation who produce news items for their

audience following particular criteria. Muscat (2015, p. 429) affirms, "The image of the

world presented in the international news of every country's media is inevitably lacking

information or distorted in a way that people, events and countries are often unequally

represented and stories restructured” (see also Hun Shik Kim, 2002). Even in an

environment of full media freedom, there are unwritten restrictions or norms in place.

Therefore, the news that is broadcast may be very often a tailored one in conformity

with the existing norms and practices. "Gatekeepers represent their organisation and

their profession; both limit their decisions through the exercise of routines, norms and

structural constraints. Societal and ideological factors also shape the journalistic

product" (Singer, 2010, p. 129). Harcup and O’Neill (2017) highlight in their study that

the elements of newsworthiness could also be influenced by practical considerations

such as the availability of resources, time, the characteristics of the journalists, the

work environment, and economic, social and cultural factors.

In a study conducted by Joanne Muscat (2015) on the gatekeeping process of

foreign news by public broadcast television, it was found that the international news

selected at national broadcast stations were tailored for a specific audience depending

96
on the social and cultural contexts of the audience and the news producers. In

Muscat's own words, "A homogenisation of world audiences through mass media is

met with different filters including news values or influences or even other factors that

affect the gatekeeping mechanisms" (Muscat, 2015, p. 432).

Muscat (2015) further points out that the Gatekeeping Model of 1991 by Reese

and Shoemaker has five levels of influences. The innermost layer characterises the

individual decision-maker; the second layer includes the media routines level; the third

is the organisation level; the fourth is the extra media level, and the fifth is the

ideological level. At each level, some influences presumably have an impact on

decisions leading to news content. Reese and Shoemaker (2016) revisited their own

work on the levels of analysis in the hierarchy of influences and the factors that shape

media content. According to these authors, the hierarchy of influences helps

"disentangle the relationships among individual-level professionals and their routines,

the organisations that house them, the institutions into which they cohere, and the

social systems within which they operate and help maintain" (Reese and Shoemaker,

2016, p. 391). Reese and Shoemaker (2016, p. 408) argue that although technology

has shifted the media terrain, and has redrawn the boundaries of organisation and

media professions, the hierarchy of influences remains a useful organising model and

benchmark for measuring the decline and repositioning of media forces as a means

to incorporate explanatory power.

The Relevance of Gatekeeping in the Digital Era

Examining the relevance of gatekeeping theory in a digital environment, Cassidy

(2006, p. 18) through a combined study on print and online newspaper, confirms a

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similar gatekeeping pattern in both media. It also reconfirms Singer’s view that

gatekeeping roles are only evolving rather than disappearing in an online news era.

Singer (2014) in one of her recent studies ‘User-generated visibility: Secondary

gatekeeping in a shared media space’ explored the implications of an online

environment in which users have become secondary gatekeepers of the content

published on media websites. She pointed out the emergence of a ‘two-stepped

gatekeeping process’ (Singer, 2014, p. 55) wherein the primary editorial decision to

make an item part of the news product is followed by user-decision to enhance or

reduce the visibility of that item for a secondary audience. However, while pointing

out the two-step gatekeeping process, Singer asserted that the roles played by primary

and secondary gatekeepers are not the same. In her own words, “the new 'user-

generated visibility' is not the same as a reporter's concentrated effort to gather fresh

information; nor is it typically undertaken with the same amount of thought as an

editor's decision about what to place on the front page” (Singer, 2014, p. 57). Singer

continues,

Traditionally, journalists decide what content to publish based on a

generalised conception of a relatively undifferentiated mass audience.
The journalist serves as a gatekeeper for this mass audience, selecting
a subset of items to make visible; the role has newly intensified public
feedback loops today but otherwise has changed little over the years.
However, individual members of that audience now serve as secondary
gatekeepers for a different group of people, perhaps among the media
outlet's original audience and others likely not (Singer, 2014, p. 58).

With the arrival of the online news and social networks, gatekeeping has further

evolved. “On social networks, users can participate in the gatekeeping process by

offering feedback and comments on a particular selection, even if they do not post

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content themselves, and by forwarding, sharing and posting links to news stories”

(DeIuliis, 2015, p. 15). For example, Twitter allows its users to act as network

gatekeepers by channelling news through the site.

The arrival of new digital technology did not eliminate the process of

gatekeeping, but rather it adapted itself to the changing media ecology. Gatekeeping

theory began with individual gatekeepers and extended to organisational and

institutional routines, and then to the entire social field in which gatekeeping occurs.

This thesis examines gatekeeping at individual, organisational and social network

level. This will be carried out through conducting interviews of reporters and editors

and examining the use of social media through the content analysis of the BBC’s news

reports on India as discussed in the methods section.

News and sources may be available, but journalists decide whether to

incorporate them into a news broadcast. Gatekeeping theory is useful to elaborate on

the process through which journalists make editorial decisions about the newsworthy

events and news broadcasts. Therefore, news broadcast has been filtered, selected

and constructed based on the available information. Hence, there is an element of the

sociology of news based on which journalists put it together with the information they

received. The sociology of news could vary depending on the news item. The next

section briefly describes the sociology of news.

Sociology of News

This study looks at the BBC’s international news coverage of India and how this has

evolved as a result of the arrival of new media technologies. The news coverage

necessitates editorial decisions on newsfeeds that are flowing into the newsroom.

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When news is reported, it may not reflect the entire reality, but instead, they are filtered

and moulded from the newsfeeds the journalists provide. In his study 'The Sociology

of News Production', Schudson (1989) argues that news is constructed from

information to which the journalists had access, and it may have come from different

sources. The sociology of the generation of news could differ depending on the news

item. For the 'creation' of news, the journalist needs some criteria based on which the

news is shaped and framed (Schudson, 1989, pp. 263–266). The routine methods of

gathering news determine the ideological character of the product or the news

(Fishman, 1980). Tuchman (1978) argues that the act of making news is the act of

constructing reality itself rather than a picture of reality beyond any dispute (see also

Gans, 1980). In other words, journalists do not just discover news, but instead, they

construct the news based on different pieces of information they receive or come

across.

Therefore, the process of news selection is not merely a simple act of discrete

decision made by a few individuals, but rather it involves a complex process of routine

and organisational, cultural, social, economic and ideological factors. Competition with

all these factors at one or different levels, determines if a news item as it passes all

the gates becomes a news item, to be disseminated to the public and further

redistributed among the public through various platforms. So, the decision-making is

both at the individual level and institutional level. The moment a reporter decides to

report or ignore a news item, a decision is already taken in the very initial stage itself.

Furthermore, when it goes to the institutional level, many more factors decide on the

publishing of the news items provided by the reporter. Alternatively, even if the news

is published, it may have undergone changes following the policies of the media house

and the values attributed to the news item by the same. In short, the news is shaped

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in accordance with the media house policies in line with the political, economic, social

and cultural factors. When the news is broken on social media, the verification process

is changed accordingly resulting to some changes in the journalistic practices. It is for

all these reasons that sociology of news goes in line with the gatekeeping theory. The

process of gatekeeping of the news is still relevant even in the digital era.

Conclusion

Even in the digital era as people look for credible and authoritative news in the trusted

media outlets, the journalists working in these media houses still control the flow of

the news content into their media outlets. The BBC, as a media house has its own

editorial policies and based on them, the reporter/editor, chooses to publish the news

accordingly. Additionally, factors such as politics, economy and culture influence the

selection and framing of the news. In other words, the journalist/editor decides on the

selection and the content of the news — a gatekeeper who decides on the flow of

information in an organised media space. The gatekeeping theory is relevant,

considering that this study is also looking into the evolving journalistic practices on

account of the emergence of digital technology.

Journalists in their daily routine still engage in acts of newsgathering and

gatekeeping concerning their news products. Indeed, the newsroom structure and

hierarchies greatly influence the process of decision making. The gatekeeping theory

and sociology of news help to examine the process of news production and assist in

answering the research questions asked in this study. How much of these have

affected the BBC's news reporting and the news content today? Having seen how

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gatekeeping theory will be applied in this research, it is apt to revisit the research

questions. The two research questions being asked in this research are:

RQ 1. How does BBC report India in the digital era?

RQ 1a. How does BBC Radio World News Service reporting of India
differ between the years 1977, 1997 and 2019?

RQ 1b. How does BBC Radio World News Service 2019 reporting of
India differ from that of BBC Online in 2019?

RQ 1c. How does BBC Online report on India compared to CNN Online
and AJE Online in 2019?

RQ 2. How have digital technologies changed the practices of the BBC

journalists reporting on India?

The next chapter will outline how this research has been approached in terms of

methodology. This includes the different data collection processes and modes of

analysis.

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 Chapter 5: Methodology

Introduction

This chapter outlines the methodology used for this research. It elaborates on the

research design, an overview of the research, the data collection method, the coding

and analysis, and the ethical considerations.

The research used both qualitative and quantitative data collection methods,

which include semi-structured interviews and content analysis. The literature review

showed that the news flow between the global North and the global South was not

mutual or reciprocal in terms of its quantity and quality. Even the scant international

news coverage which existed, it consisted mostly of hard news focussing on the

negative portrayal of developing countries (Franks, 2006; Bunce et al., 2017; Cottle,

2009; Brookes, 1995; Hawk, 1992). However, later studies have suggested that there

are signs of improvement regarding developing nations' coverage (Scott, 2009).

Based on the existing research, this thesis explores whether there have been

significant changes in the BBC's international news coverage of India. Additionally,

this research analyses whether the emergence of new technologies in communication

has facilitated improved international news coverage of India, and if there are changes

in the journalistic practices of the BBC journalists reporting on India.

This research has sought to determine if there were significant changes in the

BBC's pre-online and digital era international Indian news reports. In this research, the

BBC's international news coverage of India is divided into two sections, namely BBC

Radio World News Service and BBC Online. For BBC Radio World News Service, the

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data was collected from the pre-online era (1977 and 1997) and digital era (2019). For

BBC Online, the data was gathered from the news reports of BBC Online 2019.

In November 1997 the BBC launched its online news opening new frontiers in

the international news coverage. As communication technologies emerged, more

international media organisations launched themselves into international news

coverage across the globe. Hence, this research, in addition to its pre-online and

digital era international Indian news analysis of the BBC, also does a comparative

analysis of Indian news coverage of the BBC with CNN and AJE in the year 2019. The

next section outlines the research overview, which conceptualises the research.

Research Overview

This research examined the pattern of the BBC's international news reporting of India

over the years through content analysis and interviews. This included the types of

news reported, the sources used in news reports, the frequency, and the time/space

dedicated to the Indian news. It also sought to investigate the use of new

communication tools such as social media in the international news coverage of India.

With this end in view, this research examined the BBC reporting from different time

frames. Accordingly, for the pre-online BBC radio, Programmes as Broadcast (PasBs)

of 1977 and 1997 was chosen, and for the digital era, the Radio World News Service

2019 of the BBC was selected. As indicated earlier, the BBC began its online news

services in the year 1997. Therefore, the BBC's news reporting of 1997 and the BBC's

news reports of two decades earlier and two decades later provided a snapshot or an

insight into the BBC’s international news reporting of India. The comparative analysis

of BBC World Service Radio with BBC Online helped to know if there has been a shift

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in the approach and the treatment of the Indian news in the pre-online and the digital

era.

This study also included a comparative study of Indian news reports of the BBC

with CNN and AJE, which helped understand how some of the major world media

organisations report on India in the digital era. The BBC and CNN have long held a

dominant position in the flow of international news, while Al-Jazeera English has

gained the status as a leading global news source and the trust of an international,

non-Western audience. The comparative study of BBC Online with CNN Online news

and Al-Jazeera English Online news sought to analyse if there were significant

differences in the international media coverage of India among them.

The interviews helped to understand the ways in which the roles and the

practices of journalism have changed since the beginning of the digital era and shed

light on the use of social media in the reporting and the presentation of the news

content. This study was aimed to discover if there had been any significant change in

the portrayal of the international Indian news and the approach and the practices of

the BBC journalists/editors working for the Indian bureau.

The following section of this chapter deals with quantitative and qualitative data

collection analysis.

Data Collection: Mixed Methods

This study has used both quantitative and qualitative methods for its data collection.

For the quantitative content analysis of the BBC Indian news reports, this research

has relied on the 1977 and 1997 PasBs of BBC Radio World News Service

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broadcasts, the 2019 Radio World News Service broadcast and 2019 online news

reports of the BBC, CNN and AJE on India. The qualitative method used the interviews

as part of its data collection. As Weber (1990, p.10) points out, "The best content-

analytic studies use both qualitative and quantitative operations on texts. Thus,

content analysis methods combine what are usually thought to be antithetical modes

of analysis". Johnson, Onwuegbuzie and Turner (2007, p. 129) define mixed methods

as "an intellectual and practical synthesis based on qualitative and quantitative

research; it is the third methodological or research paradigm (along with qualitative

and quantitative research). It recognises the importance of traditional quantitative and

qualitative research but also offers a powerful third paradigm choice that often will

provide the most informative, complete, balanced, and useful research results".

Mixed methods was used for the ‘broad purposes of breadth and depth of

understanding and corroboration’ (Johnson, Onwuegbuzie and Turner, 2007, p. 123).

This would help validate and explicate comprehensive, consistent, meaningful and

richer findings or answers to research questions (ibid., p.122). By using the mixed

methods approach, it has helped to “gather both quantitative (closed-ended) and

qualitative (open-ended) data, integrate the two and then draws interpretations based

on the combined strengths of both sets of data to understand research problems”

(Creswell, 2015, p. 2).

Another reason for using mixed methods was for ‘offsetting strengths and

weakness’ (Plano Clark and Ivankova, 2016, p. 3), that is, using the strength of the

quantitative methods to offset the weakness of the qualitative methods and vice versa.

In other words, it complements each other to obtain refined conclusions (ibid., p. 3).

For this research, the quantitative method (content analysis) was employed to

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describe general trends occurring in the international news coverage of the BBC on

India while the qualitative methods (interviews) were used to get more details on the

BBC journalistic practices. In other words, the mixed methods are in ‘complementarity’

(Plano Clark and Ivankova, 2016, p. 7) with each other.

Data Collection: Quantitative Content Analysis

As Bryman (2016, pp. 302–303) explains, the process of content analysis is

transparent and flexible. What Bryman means with 'being flexible' is that it can be

applied to a wide variety of different kinds of structured and unstructured textual

content. In this research, as indicated earlier, the quantitative content analysis was

classified into pre-online and digital era based on the existing available data, making

data "unobtrusive” (Robson, 2011, p. 356) . This, therefore, amplifies the genuineness

of the collected data. As indicated in the sources below, the data used in this research

is in permanent form, and therefore the “reanalysis is possible” (ibid.).

The research included quantitative content analysis of BBC’s international news

reports related to India in its website (www.bbc.co.uk), BBC PasBs of Radio World

News Service of 1977 and 1997, and BBC Radio World News Service 2019 broadcast.

Further, it also compared and analysed the 2019 online news coverage of the BBC,

CNN and AJE.

Since 1977 and 1997 BBC radio broadcasts were not available, I had to depend

on BBC Radio PasBs of this time. Programmes as Broadcast (PasBs) are the official

records of what was broadcast on any given day. This includes the contributor's

names, music details and timings, sources, and the news summary. The PasBs are

held on microfilm and are open for research. The archived copies of the PasBs of

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Radio World Service were collected from the BBC's Written Archive Centre at

Caversham near Reading, UK. I visited the Written Archive centre at Reading for a

few days and accessed the microfilm materials, and the relevant pages were saved

as pdf files. A sample pdf of PasBs is given below (image: 1).

(Image 1: Example of BBC PasBs of 15 August 1977, news at 13.00 hours)

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Pilot Study

Prior to the full-fledged data collection, a pilot study was done for a month to

understand the quantity of the international Indian news coverage by the BBC. The

data was collected for every alternate day for a month. Likewise, the data was

collected of BBC Radio PasBs of January 1997, of BBC Radio World News Service of

January 2019, and BBC Online news coverage of January 2019. I had gathered for

BBC Radio news, one hour of the news broadcast of World Service (English) per day.

This pilot study was done only to find out the frequency of the BBC's international news

coverage of India. Therefore, the following results indicate only the number of days

the Indian news was featured by the BBC and not the number of news items it covered.

The result for BBC Radio PasBs of January 1997 showed that 53.4 per cent of days

India was reported in the news. However, in January 2019, BBC Radio World News

Service news coverage of India was only 33.34 per cent. BBC Online in its January

2019 news coverage of India resulted in 80 per cent days the Indian news featured in

its online platform.

After the pilot study, the data collection was extended to 1977 to have a more

comprehensive understanding of the pattern of the BBC's reporting of India and how

it has changed over time. It was decided to collect data for six months using a stratified

sampling method of constructed dates of six days per month. However, after three

months of data collection in April 2019 when the frequency of Indian international news

coverage of BBC Radio World News Service was analysed again, it was found that it

required more days of data collection to have justifying and sufficient data. Hence, the

number of days was increased to eleven days per month for the radio news coverage

while online news segments remained six days per month. And so, the data collection

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was restarted from May to October 2019. The online segment was retained six days

per month because BBC online news coverage frequency was higher than the radio

segment.

Initially, the research included the analysis of the Indian news coverage by BBC

World News Television Service as well. However, during the pilot study, it was

discovered that I could not get access to the news broadcast in India by BBC’s World

News Television Service since I was in the UK at this point of time. Therefore, this

study was limited to BBC Radio World News Service and BBC Online news coverage

of India.

During the pilot study, it was discovered that the website of BBC Online (English)

has four front pages or home pages for different regions of the world. For example, to

access from the UK, the web address is www.bbc.co.uk, while to access from India,

the web address is www.bbc.com. Nevertheless, there were more similarities than

differences between the UK front page and BBC's Indian English web page. A set of

screenshots of the web pages accessed from London and Mumbai at the same time,

are provided in the appendix to illustrate this further (appendix:3 on page 286). The

pilot study helped to understand the roadblocks of research and altered accordingly.

After considering these elements, the time frame, sources and the sample size were

finalised for the study. The next section explains these decisions.

The Duration, the Sources and the Sample

The Duration and the Sources: As pointed out earlier, this research's time-frame

included the pre-online and digital era of the BBC. For the pre-online era, the 1977

and 1997 PasBs of BBC Radio World News Service from BBC archives were included,

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and for the digital era, the 2019 Radio World News Service broadcast was included

as part of the data.

It was in November 1997 that the BBC launched its News 24 Channel and BBC

News Online. Therefore, for the pre-online era, the data was gathered from the PasBs

from 1977 and 1997. For the pre-online era, the 1977 radio PasBs from 1 May to 24

December was collected. I had to extend the duration to 24 December 1977 as Radio

PasBs from 16 September to 8 November 1977 was missing in the BBC's Written

Archives at Reading, UK. For the Radio PasBs of 1997, they were from May 1997 to

October 1997. For 1977 and 1997, I have collected the 13.00 BBC Radio Broadcast

for the data analysis. For the digital era analysis, the 14:06 BST news broadcasts of

BBC Radio World News Service beginning from May 2019 to October 2019 were

gathered as much as possible.

It is to be noted that BBC Radio World News Service (English) on some days

had a different set of programmes, especially in its weekend programmes or when it

had a special live programme. Either the news hour was shifted or cancelled on such

occasions. In such cases, when the 13.00 BST or 14.06 BST news slots were not

available, I have chosen an equivalent available news slot of the day as part of the

data.

Online news data of the BBC, CNN and AJE, were collected from May 2019 to

October 2019. Online news data from these web pages were gathered after 21.00

hours BST to ensure that no news of the day was missed out. Since the time-zone

was different for CNN and AJE, I have followed up any earlier news of the day with

the following morning content from these websites.

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 The data for the digital era for both radio and online news was originally planned

from January 2019 to June 2019. As indicated earlier, the low rate of reporting of India

on BBC radio broadcast necessitated the need to increase the number of days from 6

days to 11 days per month. And this was initiated at the end of April 2019. However,

the unavailability of 2019 radio news for an increased number of days necessitated

collecting the data from May 2019 for the next six months. This was because I was

collecting the 2019 BBC Radio World News Service broadcasts or data from Box of

Broadcaster (BoB) where the accessibility to the older news broadcasts was limited to

30 days only.

Furthermore, India held its general elections in February 2019 and ended on 23

May 2019 when the final results were declared. In this scenario, it was highly possible

that the news reports on India could be highly skewed. Considering all these factors,

the data collection duration for the research was rescheduled beginning from May

2019 to October 2019.

The Sample

The sampling of the data was based on the stratified sampling method of constructed

dates, i.e., to use BBC World Radio World News broadcasts that included news on

India on the 1, 3, 6, 9, 12, 15, 18, 21, 24, 27 and 30 of every month (11 days per

month) beginning from May 2019 to October 2019. A similar method was followed to

collect 1977, 1997 radio PasBs data beginning from May to October/December. As

mentioned earlier, the low rate of radio news broadcast on India necessitated the

increase in the number of days per month for the radio segment to have sufficient data

for the research.

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 A similar approach was made for online news data collection but with fewer days

of data collection. The stratified sampling method of constructed date gathering of the

news items that were featured on India on the 1,6,12,18,24 and 30 of every month (6

days per month) was gathered beginning with May 2019 to October 2019. It is to be

noted that the number of days per month for online news data is only six days per

month primarily because of two reasons: firstly, the number of news items covered on

online was higher than that of the radio segment on account of its greater feasibility of

featuring more news items and availability of space; secondly, in the case of the radio

news, even though it has more number of days, the data covered was for 54 minutes

per day, whereas for the web the time span was for the entire day. Therefore, the

possibility of having a greater number of news items featured on online news on a

single day was greater than that of the radio.

Data was collected from the websites of BBC (bbc.co.uk), CNN

(https://edition.cnn.com) and AJE (https://www.aljazeera.com) from May 2019 to

October 2019 in order to compare the Indian international news featured on them.

Only those news articles that contained references to either 'India' or 'Indian' were

gathered from the BBC, CNN, and Al-Jazeera English websites. Therefore, this data

represented the articles that appeared on AJE, BBC, and CNN online platforms that

gave salience to India or Indian.

“Stratified random sampling involves dividing the population (data) into a number

of groups or strata, where members of a group share a particular characteristic or

characteristics” (Robson, 2011, p. 272). In this case, the common factor to be selected

as part of the research data was India or Indian's reference in the news item. The

stratified sampling method of constructed dates had the advantage of systematic

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content variations by dates of the month. This was an appropriate sampling method

because the BBC had different sets of programmes for the weekend compared to the

weekdays. For instance, the weekend news coverage might be a lean one compared

to that on the weekdays. But the stratification sampling methods provided an equal

chance of being covered irrespective of weekends or weekdays. Besides, by choosing

the dates of the month, it also had the advantage of spreading itself to different days

of the week which would not have been possible if, for example, every Monday or

Thursday of the week were chosen.

After seeing the data collection details, the research now moves on to the next

section of content analysis. However, it is important that the study clarifies on the unit

of analysis employed in this research at this stage. The next section explains about

this unit of study.

Prior to Content Analysis

It was essential to make clear before starting the content analysis what made a unit

of the analysis. In this research, each news item that had the reference to India or

Indian was selected and considered as a single unit. For example, in the 54 minutes

of Radio World News Service news bulletin, if two news items were referring to India,

each of these news items was considered a separate unit. In another instance, if a

single news package included news, interviews, opinions and additional information

about the news covered, the whole news package would be considered as one unit.

Similarly, this was applied for the radio PasBs data as well.

Regarding online news coverage, it was decided that each of the news articles

with reference to ‘India’ or ‘Indian’ was to be considered one unit. If there were more

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than one news article on a particular day, each of these articles was considered as a

separate single news unit or item for the analysis. For online Indian news items, it was

considered as a unit of the data when it appeared either on the ‘Home page’, ‘World’

segment page, ‘Asia’ segment page, or on the ‘India’ specific page of the websites of

the BBC, CNN and AJE. Videos and images published on the websites of the BBC,

CNN and AJE on India during the time of this study were not included in this research.

After clarifying the data units of the research, it is now necessary to explain the coding

process.

Coding

Content analysis is the decoding of the content in a systematic way for in-depth and

objective knowledge of the content. Weber (1990, p. 12) explains content analysis as

"A central idea in content analysis is that the many words of the text are classified into

much fewer content categories. Each category may consist of one, several, or many

words. Words, phrases, or other units of text classified in the same category are

presumed to have similar meanings”.

In order to formulate valid inferences from the text, the classification procedure

must be reliable and consistent. These inferences are about the sender(s) of the

message, the message itself, or the audience of the message (Weber, 1990, p. 9). To

be consistent different people should code the same text in the same way, and the

coding of the news content was to be done systematically. In line with this, a codebook

was created to help with the analysis.

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Preparing the Codebook

The first draft of the codebook was created based on the basic information available

on BBC Online. This was further revised, and additional fields were added to the

codebook to elicit more details about the data which would help answer the research

questions. The data collected as part of the pilot study was analysed based on the

codebook, and a few discrepancies were found in the codebook. Accordingly, it was

further revised and used for the data analysis. With the results yielded from the data

using the codebook, additional checks were done if the codebook helped answer the

research questions. The final revision was done after receiving the feedback from

experts on coding after which the list of variables was finalised. For the codebook, see

appendix 4 on page 290.

Mode of Analysis

As mentioned above, this study uses both quantitative and qualitative methods for its

data collection. The quantitative content analysis included the 1977 and 1997 PasBs

of BBC Radio World News Service broadcasts, the BBC Radio World News Service

broadcasts of 2019, the BBC Indian online news reports, and the CNN and AJE online

Indian news reports. The qualitative method used semi-structured interviews as part

of its data collection. Since this study has used mixed methods in its data collection,

the data were analysed manually using the codebook. The quantitative data had Indian

news broadcasts from BBC Radio World News Service and some of these Indian news

items were too small for computation-based analysis. Moreover, considering the data

from 1977 and 1997 PasBs of BBC Radio World News Service broadcasts, one of the

best options was to analyse it manually as against a computational one. Besides, the

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manual analysis was employed as the study had used semi-structured interviews, and

therefore, the flexibility of having different topics covered during the interview based

on the interviewee's response was higher. With manual analysis of the interview, the

best way to decode some of the elements mentioned in the interviews was doing it

manually rather than going for a quantitative computational approach.

Intercoder Reliability

Intercoder reliability is widely used in order to assess the extent of agreement between

or among the coders. "Intercoder reliability is the widely used term for the extent to

which independent coders evaluate a characteristic of a message or artefact and

reach the same conclusion" (Lombard, Snyder-Duch and Bracken, 2002, p. 590). In

the words of MacPhail et al. (2016, p. 199), "Intercoder reliability is a measure to

assess the agreement among multiple coders for how they assign codes to text

segments; it also evaluates the extent to which these coders make similar coding

decisions in assessing the characteristics of text". The Intercoder reliability

assessment process helps to confirm to a certain extent, valid variables and

guarantees that the study could be replicated at a later stage if necessary. This is

achievable only if the ambiguity in the coding is eliminated. As Weber (1990, p. 12)

puts it, “Reliability is important to check that the classification procedure is reliable in

the sense of being consistent”. This would also safeguard the research against

possible "substantial bias" (ibid.).

For this research, I have used Cohen's kappa to calculate Intercoder reliability,

since only two coders are employed here. After preparing the codebook, a fellow

researcher did the test for me, and the coefficient was only 0.68. After clarifying and

detailing the variables further, the test was redone, which obtained a coefficient of

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0.913. “Coefficients range from .00 (agreement at chance level) to 1.00 (perfect

agreement), and a value of less than .00 again indicates agreement less than chance”

(Neuendorf, 2017, p. 176).

Limitations of Quantitative Method

Despite the transparency that the quantitative method provides, it also possesses a

few elements of limitations. The document's availability may be limited or partial, which

sometimes can hinder the process of research. The researcher may not fully

conceptualise the context of the text in which it was written or in this case published

(Bryman, 2016; see also Robson, 2011). The most significant limitation is that the

content analysis can only compare the obvious, manifested meaning of the content

and not the subtle things like irony.

One of the limitations of this research was that some of the data evaluated had

limited details in it. For example, the radio PasBs used in this research did not contain

all the details like that of the contemporary radio news data or the data collected from

the website. The next section describes the qualitative method used in this research.

Qualitative Method -- Interviews

The second mode of data collection was semi-structured interviews which were used

to determine if there have been significant changes in the journalistic practices of the

BBC's journalists reporting on India on account of digital media. Eliciting the

responses from those involved in the BBC reporting from India during this period was

also an important way of explaining and understanding some of the elements in

quantitative data.

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 The interview, according to Bryman (2016, p. 198), “entails the administration of

an interview schedule—a collection of questions designed to be asked by the

interviewer”. In this research, a semi-structured interview method was employed,

which helped obtain better results than the structured interviews, as it enabled one to

go beyond the initial questions and get more details where and when required. Robson

narrates the semi-structured interviews as,

The interviewer has an interview guide that serves as a checklist of topics

to be covered and a default wording and order for the questions, but the
wording and the order are often substantially modified based on the flow
of the interview, and additional unplanned questions are asked to follow
up on what the interviewee says (Robson, 2011, p. 280).

A few semi-structured interviews were conducted at the Indian BBC bureau in

New Delhi before finalising the interview questions and approach. New Delhi hosts

South Asia's bureau headquarters from where Indian and Asian news segments are

planned and reported.

To elicit the best from these interviews, the researcher ensured a good rapport

between the interviewee and the interviewer. Accordingly, during the interviews, I

introduced the topic to the respondent and explained the background and the nature

of the study. “In order to have better understanding between the respondents and the

interviewers, it is important to introduce issues and topics into the conversation”

(Brennen, 2012, p. 29). Such an approach ensured that the respondent was

comfortable, at ease and was prepared for the forthcoming questions, because as

Warren (2001, p. 83) states, "The purpose of most qualitative interviewing is to derive

interpretations, not facts or laws, from the respondent talk".

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 Prior to the interview, the respondents were briefed about their freedom to cease

the interview if they felt uncomfortable. The consent of the interviewee too was sought

before the commencement of the interview. The consent of the interviewee is of

paramount importance in a semi-structured interview. The consent should be acquired

in writing. However, while acquiring the consent the interviewee needs to be informed

of the exact nature of the study for which the interview is taken, and how the acquired

information will be used (Brennen, 2012).

For the recruitment of participants for the research interview, the snowball

sampling method was employed. In snowball sampling, research participants recruit

other participants for a test or study. Although it was through snowball sampling the

participants were chosen, it was done based on their work experience with the BBC.

They were to have at least five years of work experience with the BBC. To ensure a

seamless and unbiased response from the interviewees, they were given the option

of anonymity, and strict confidentiality with regard to the data collected unless the

interviewee expressively gave his or her consent to be identified.

The semi-structured interviews conducted face-to-face were recorded on 'voice

memos', and those which were done via skype were video recorded with the

participants' permission. The recorded interviews were transcribed later. The

participants were given the option of anonymity if they preferred to remain so. Given

the option, some of the participants chose to remain anonymous during the interview.

Those who opted for anonymity were given code names, and their confidentiality was

maintained throughout this study. The majority of those who preferred to remain

anonymous during this study were journalists/editors currently working with the BBC

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Indian bureau. Their interviews were given code names as given below. The complete

list of interviewees is on page 285.

File Name Reference Name

BBCC-1 BBC Correspondent 1

BBCC-2 BBC Correspondent 2

BBCE-1 BBC Editor 1

BBCE-2 BBC Editor 2

BBCE-3 BBC Editor 3

BBCNA BBC News Anchor

A total of 13 interviews were conducted, of which eight interviews were done in

a face-to-face interaction. The remaining five interviews were done via skype as I could

not meet them due to distance and on account of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Although challenging, it was worth making the effort as the interviews obtained

detailed information that threw light on the BBC reporting of India from its earlier days

to the present age. It also narrated in detail the emerging newsroom practices of the

BBC journalists reporting on India since the advent of digital media. Many of the

interviewees, except two of them, were forthcoming with their responses to the

questions. The two interviewees seemed to be cautious and were limited with their

responses during the interview as this study was carried out from London.

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 A semi-structured interview was preferred as this allowed greater pliability than

structured interviews, and more flexibility was given to the interviewee’s point of view.

This was a critical aspect to be kept in mind as the interview was intended to look into

the emerging journalistic practices in the newsroom. In a semi-structured interview,

the interviewer can depart to some extent from the interview guide. "Interviewers may

vary the order of the questions and may also ask follow-up questions to delve more

deeply into some of the topics or issues addressed, or to clarify answers given by the

respondent” (Brennen, 2012, p. 28). It allows the researcher to have rich and detailed

answers. The nature of the semi-structured interview is that it has the ability to provide

insight into the topic under investigation (Bryman, 2016). However, the success of this

type of interview depended a lot on the interviewer and the cooperation of the

interviewee.

Limitations of Interviews

Since some of the interviews were conducted at the BBC's New Delhi office, and those

interviewed came during their office hours, time constraints were inevitable. As the

interviews were conducted in the office premises, it might have prevented the

interviewees from expressing their opinions freely.

As mentioned earlier, five of the interviews were done via Skype, and

consequently, there were occasional audio disturbances, and the conversations had

to be repeated. On a few occasions, external disturbances caused less clarity and the

interview was slightly disrupted.

The next section of this chapter deals with the ethical considerations associated

with this research and the ethical clearance, which is very important.

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Ethical Considerations

In this case, the qualitative research was the semi-structured interview involved

dealing with human subjects, and therefore it required clearance from the City

University’s Ethical committee. I had received the City University's ethics committee's

approval after detailing how the subjects would be treated, the scope of the research,

and how the information obtained would be treated. “All qualitative interviewers have

a moral responsibility to protect their respondents from physical and emotional harm"

(Brennen, 2012, p. 29). Equally important is to bear in mind that each respondent has

a right to privacy, and it is important to protect each person's identity when he or she

requests it (ibid.). Each interviewee also has the right to quit the interview if he/she

feels uncomfortable (Creed, Langstraat and Scully, 2002). I have taken care to protect

their identity of those who participated in the interview and those who wanted to remain

anonymous.

This chapter has given an overview of the methodology used in this research.

It has provided a detailed enumeration of the process involved in the data selection,

collection, analysis, and has considered the aspects of ethical issues surrounding the

research. The next chapter deals with the analysis of the data gathered for this

research.

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 Chapter 6: Results

Introduction

This research is an attempt to find the BBC’s international news coverage of India in

the digital era. The research has also been conducted to determine whether digital

technologies, online and social media, have changed BBC correspondents' practices

on India. Additionally, it has sought to find out how similar or different the BBC is in its

reporting of India compared to CNN and AJE.

This chapter includes the descriptive frequency statistics for the sample, the data

analysis of BBC Radio World News Services of 1977, 1997 and 2019, BBC Online

2019, CNN Online 2019 and AJE Online 2019 news reporting of India.

It is divided into three sections: a) the analysis of BBC Radio World News

Service, b) the comparison between BBC Radio WNS 2019 (digital era) and BBC

Online news and c) the analysis of the BBC, CNN and AJE Online news in the year

2019.

Section-1

Data Analysis: BBC Radio World News Service

The opening section covers the analysis of BBC Radio World News Services of 1977,

1997 and 2019 to assess if there have been significant changes in the BBC’s reporting

of India due to changing media environment.

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Descriptive Frequency Statistics

As indicated in Chapter 5, this study's time frame includes the BBC's pre-online and

digital era. The data collected for BBC Radio includes the Programmes as Broadcast

(PasBs) of 1977 and 1997, of BBC Radio World News Service, and the Broadcasts of

2019 BBC Radio World News Service. Programmes as Broadcast (PasBs) are the

official records of what was broadcast on any given day. This includes the contributors’

names, music details and timings, sources, and the news summary. An example of

PasBs is on page 108 (image: 1).

The data was collected in each of the three years (1977, 1997 and 2019) for six

months employing the stratified sampling method of constructed days. The BBC Radio

World News Service data was collected for 11 days per month (one-hour news bulletin

per day) for six months. Therefore, 198 days of radio news were included in BBC

World News Service radio sample. If there were more than one news item in the same

broadcast, they were considered separate news items. In 1977, there were 20 news

items about India on BBC Radio World News Service 1977. In 1997 there were 22,

and in 2019 there were 39.

Number of news items

BBC Radio1977 (N=66) 20

BBC Radio1997 (N= 66) 22

Years
BBC Radio 2019 (N=66) 39

Total 81

(Table 1: The total number of units featured on BBC Radio in 1977, 1997 and 2019)

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 Descriptive analysis of frequency is done to determine if the BBC’s news

reporting on India has changed due to easy accessibility to the new media platforms

of communication.

BBC Radio WNS 1977, 1997 and 2019

International Politicians or diplomats Sources Type of News

Views of experts and those involved

Name of the correspondent/Agency

Non-Governmental organisations

Travel, Tourism & Literature

Multi-national institutes
Number of News Items

Indian Political Issues

International conflict
Business & Economy
Indian govt agencies

Indian Govt Policies

Science, Evnt & IT

Indian Judiciary
Number of Days

Human Welfare
Media Sources

Law & Order

Social Media
First Source
Medium

Religion

Sports
Social
BBC Radio 18 20 20 0 0 0 0 0 20 0 0 1 6 0 9 0 3 1 0 0 0 0 0
WNS 1977 (N=66)
BBC Radio 19 22 15 15 3 0 2 25 35 22 0 2 7 3 1 1 3 3 0 1 0 0 1
WNS 1997 (N=66)
BBC Radio 32 39 12 27 3 1 1 37 39 32 0 8 6 1 3 1 12 2 2 2 0 0 2
WNS 2019 (N=66)

(Table 2: BBC Radio WNS 1977, 1997 and 2019–A panoramic view of analysis)
BBC Radio WNS 1977, 1997 and 2019: A panoramic view of analysis (Type of news coverage, Duration of the news items, Placement of the news
items, Geographic focus of the news items are not included in the above list on account of the nature of the variables).

BBC World News Service: The Number of Days of Indian News

Coverage

The Number of Days of radio Percentage

news coverage

BBC Radio 1977 (N=66) 18 27.25

BBC Radio 1997 (N=66) 19 28.80

BBC Radio 2019 (N=66) 32 48.50

(Table 3: The total number of days of Indian news coverage on BBC Radio in 1977, 1997 and 2019)

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 27.25% 28.80%

71.20%
72.75%

Number of days news covered Number of days news covered

No News coverage No News coverage

(Figure 1: BBC 1977–Proportion of days in the (Figure 2: BBC 1997–Proportion of days in the
sample when there was a news item about India) sample when there was a news item about India)

48.50%
51.50%

Number of days news covered

No News coverage

(Figure 3: BBC 2019–Proportion of days in the sample when there was a news item about India)

The data shows a significant difference in the number of days the Indian news

items were featured between the pre-online era and online era in BBC Radio World

News Service coverage of India. The advent of the internet and advancement in

communication technology may have caused this change.

BBC Radio World News Service: Number of News Items

The number of Indian news items that BBC Radio featured in its broadcast in 1977,

1997 and 2019 is analysed here. For this section, the analysis is based on the number

of news items broadcast by BBC Radio World News Services (Table 4).

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 Number of days Number of news items

BBC Radio WNS 1977 18 20

BBC Radio WNS 1997 19 22

BBC Radio WNS 2019 32 39

(Table 4: Number of Indian news items covered by BBC Radio WNS in 1977, 1997 and 2019)

The data demonstrate an increase in the number of news items between the pre-

online era (1977 and 1997) and the digital era (2019).

Type of Indian News Coverage

This variable would help us assess the types of Indian news that BBC Radio World

News Service covered in 1977, 1997 and 2019. Additionally, this also helps investigate

any changes in the type of coverage as the communication system changed over the

years. Therefore, news articles were coded as:

a) News Reports: This includes the factual news report, report of events, reporting of

facts, numbers, declarations, happenings and events, etc.

b) Analysis: Longer article which not only includes factual reporting but also looking

behind scenes and analytical.

c) Interviews: This applies to those stand-alone interviews only, and the short

interviews that were done as part of the news coverage and are not considered

interviews.

d) Other

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 The majority of items on BBC Radio World News Service were news reports. It

is to be noted that there were short interviews which were part of the news coverage,

but they were not considered as separate interviews but as part of a news item.

The Duration of Radio News Items

Under this variable the duration of Radio news items is categorised into a) 0 – 60

seconds, b) 61 – 180 seconds, c)181 – 300 seconds, and d) 301 seconds and above.

0 - 60 sec 61 - 180 sec 181 - 300 sec 301 sec & above

BBC Radio Number 0 20 0 0

1977 Percentage 0.0% 100.0% 0.0% 0.0%

BBC Radio Number 0 9 10 3

1997 Percentage 0.0% 41.0% 45.0% 14.0%

BBC Radio Number 27 1 6 5

2019 Percentage 69.0% 3.0% 15.0% 13.0%

(Table 5: BBC Radio World News Service–Duration of news items)

41%

0-60 seconds 0-60 seconds

14%
61-180 61-180
100% seconds seconds
45%
181-300 181-300
seconds seconds
301 seconds 301 seconds
and above and above

(Figure 4: BBC Radio World News Service (Figure 5: BBC Radio World News Service 1997–
1977–Duration of news items) Duration of news items)

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 0-60 seconds
13%

15% 61-180 seconds

3% 181-300 seconds
69%
301 seconds and
above

(Figure 6: BBC Radio World News Service 2019–Duration of news items)

The duration of the Indian news items covered by BBC Radio World News

Service varied over the years. This could also be on account of the change in the news

structure of broadcasts over the years (see Table 5 and figures 4-6). In 1977 and 1997,

news items were longer on average than in 2019; indeed, none of the news items in

those years was shorter than 60 seconds.

BBC Radio World News Service: Placement of the Indian News Items

This variable examines the importance given to a news item by its placement within

the news broadcast. If the news is of much value and importance, it is found at the

beginning of the news itself (Lee, Lewis and Powers, 2014). The news placement is

one way to determine the prominence given to a news item in a broadcast.

This variable is sub-divided into a) Beginning (within 15 minutes), b) Middle (15

to 30 minutes), and c) End (after 30 minutes).

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 Beginning Middle End

Number 7 6 7
BBC Radio 1977
Percentage 35.0% 30.0% 35.0%

Number 4 6 12
BBC Radio 1997
Percentage 18.0% 27.0% 55.0%

Number 4 29 6
BBC Radio 2019
Percentage 10.0% 74.0% 16.0%

(Table 6: BBC Radio World News Service–Placement of Indian news items)

The placement of the Indian news items featured in 1977 seems to be evenly

distributed across the news bulletin. The year 1997 had more of Indian news items

placed towards the end of the news bulletin. In 2019, it was found that the majority of

the Indian news items were placed in the middle segment, i.e., the 15-30 minutes news

category, and one of the major reasons for this shift could be on account of the change

in the news structure.

Name of the Correspondent

This variable aims to determine if the Indian news reports had the correspondent's

names or the news agency from which the news was sourced. Under this category,

the sub-variables include a) Name of the correspondent, b) Name of the News Agency,

c) Correspondent and News Agency, and d) Unspecified. If the name of the

correspondent or the agency is not mentioned, then it is counted under the category

of the ‘Unspecified’.

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 Agency &
Correspondent News Agency Correspondent Unspecified

BBC Radio Number 20 0 0 0

WNS 1977 Percentage 100.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%

BBC Radio Number 15 0 0 7

WNS 1997 Percentage 68.0% 0.0% 0.0% 32.0%

BBC Radio Number 12 0 0 27

WNS 2019 Percentage 31.0% 0.0% 0.0% 69.0%

(Table 7: BBC Radio World News Service–Name of the Correspondent)

The analysis of the name of the correspondent and the news agencies mentioned

in the Indian news reports of BBC Radio World News Service revealed that the vast

majority of the news items covered had the correspondents’ names mentioned in them.

However, when this variable was compared across the years, it was found that the

mentioning of the name of the correspondent was on a descending graph. In the year

1977, all the Indian news reports had a named correspondent. In 1997 this decreased

to 68 per cent, and in 2019, it further decreased to 31.0 per cent. This may be on

account of the changes in the editorial policy, or it could also be that the BBC was not

keen about giving credit to the Indian journalist reporting for it.

Sources

This research has examined the sources that appeared within news coverage of India

by BBC Radio World News Services in 1977, 1997 and 2019. This has been done to

analyse and see if there were major differences in the number of sources used and

the range of sources used in the Indian news coverage over the years.

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Sources: Indian Official Government Agencies

This variable is sub-divided into a) Official Press Release, b) Bureaucrats, c) Police,

and d) Other. When BBC Radio World News Service in its reports mentions or has a

direct or indirect quote/comments in them, it was counted as one of the news sources.

Official Press Bureaucrats Police Other

Release

BBC Radio WNS Number 0 0 0 0

1977 Percentage 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%

BBC Radio WNS Number 3 1 1 10

1997 Percentage 20.0% 6.5% 6.5% 67.0%

BBC Radio WNS Number 17 3 1 6

2019 Percentage 63.0% 11.0% 4.0% 22.0%

(Table 8: BBC Radio World News Service–Indian Official Government Agencies)

20%
22%
6.5% 4%
11%
67% 6.5% 63%

Official press release Bureaucrats Official press release Bureaucrats

Police Other Police Other

(Figure 7: BBC Radio World News Service (Figure 8: BBC Radio World News Service 2019–
1997–Indian Official Government Indian Official Government Agencies)
Agencies)

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 The analysis here is on the sources used in BBC Radio World News Services of

Indian news coverage, particularly 'Government Official Agencies' employment. In the

year 1977 BBC Radio World News Service did not have any official sources used in

its Indian news reports. However, the year 1997 depicted an upward swing in the use

of Indian government official agencies in the Indian news items of BBC Radio World

News Service. The index of BBC Radio’s use of official government news agencies

went up further as evident from the 2019 BBC Radio Indian news reports.

When compared in the years between 1997 and 2019, there is an increase of

43.0 per cent in the use of Indian 'Official Press Release' as a source in the Indian

news reports of BBC Radio World News Service. Therefore, the use of Indian

government official agencies as news sources has been on an upward swing in the

digital era compared to the pre-online era.

Sources: International Politicians and Diplomats

The study has examined the use of 'International Politicians and Diplomats' used as a

source in the Indian news reports of BBC Radio World News Service. Thus, this

variable was sub-categorised as a) Pakistan, b) China, c) America, d) Europe, e)

Africa, f) Asia (other than China and Pakistan), and g) Other. Pakistan and China are

mentioned separately from the rest of the Asian countries as these countries share

with India a lot of unsettled issues compared to other Asian countries.

Results: Out of the 81 Indian news items covered by BBC Radio, only 6 times it

had used international politicians and diplomats as sources for their news coverage.

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Sources: Multi-national Institutions

The study here has examined if BBC Radio had used either direct or indirect

quotes/comments of representatives of multi-national institutions such as the United

Nations, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, World Health Organisation, etc.,

as sources for their Indian news reports.

Results: The analysis of Indian news reports of BBC Radio found that out of its

81 news items only once used multi-national institutions to source its news coverage.

This was used in the Indian news reports of BBC Radio, the only instance which

occurred in the year 2019.

Sources: Non-Governmental Organisations

The study has observed if BBC Radio World News Service had used either direct or

indirect quotes/comments of the representatives of Non-Governmental Organisations

(NGOs) in its Indian news reports. This includes both national and international non-

governmental organisations.

The analysis reveals that BBC Radio out of its 81 news items only 3 times had

sourced from the NGOs in its news reports. All these NGOs were international ones.

1977 did not have any NGO source used in its Indian news reports, while 1997 had 2

occurrences, and 2019 had used NGO once as a source in its reports.

Sources: Views of experts and those involved

The study has investigated BBC Radio World News Service’s Indian news coverage

of 1977, 1997 and 2019 to see how many news item/s had views of experts or those

135
involved or connected with the news item/s. For this purpose, the variable was sub-

divided into, ‘views of experts and those involved’ into a) Researcher, b) Lawyer, c)

Media Expert, and d) Other. Under this variable, each of the used quotes is counted

even if they are from the same person.

Researcher Lawyer Media Expert Other

Number 0 0 0 0
BBC Radio WNS 1977
Percentage 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%

Number 5 1 16 3
BBC Radio WNS 1997
Percentage 20.0% 4.0% 64.0% 12.0%

Number 7 0 11 19
BBC Radio WNS 2019
Percentage 19.0% 0.0% 30.0% 51.0%

(Table 9: BBC Radio World News Service–Views of experts and those involved)

Researcher Lawyer Media Expert Other Researcher Lawyer Media Expert Other

12%
20% 19%

0%
4%
51%

30%

64%

(Figure 9: BBC Radio World News Service 1997– (Figure 10: BBC Radio World News Service 2019–
Views of Experts and those involved) Views of Experts and those involved)

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 The analysis of the variable 'Views of experts and those involved' found that BBC

Radio World News Coverage of India varied across the years. In 1977 it did not have

any 'Views of Experts or those involved' in its news coverage. There were 62 sources

used in the news reports of BBC Radio World News Service in 1997 and 2019. Out of

these 62 sources used, 25 of them were of 1997, and 37 belonged to 2019. Therefore,

there is an increase of 19.35 per cent in the usage of experts and others views in 2019

compared to 1997.

Sources: Media Sources

Under ‘Media Sources’ category, the analyses are about the type of media sources

used in BBC Radio World News Service’s Indian news coverage of India. To determine

if BBC Radio World News Service had used its own media sources or had relied on

other media for sources in their Indian news coverage, the 'Media Sources’ are

subdivided into a) BBC's Sources, b) Indian News outlets, and c) International News

Outlets.

It has been found that BBC Radio for the vast majority of its Indian news reports,

had used its own media sources. In 1977 the BBC relied entirely on its sources, and

in 1997 it relied on a few external media sources for its reporting. However, in 2019

for the vast majority of the Indian news, the BBC depended on its media personnel for

its news coverage.

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Sources: First Source

This variable inspects to find out the ‘First Source' names mentioned in the Indian

news reports of BBC Radio World News Service in 1977, 1997 and 2019. This is

further sub-categorised into a) National, b) International, and c) Unspecified.

The data indicated that out of its 20 Indian news items broadcast in 1977, BBC

Radio did not specify about the first source mentioned in any of its 20 news items.

However, in the years 1997 and 2019, the majority of the first sources that was used

belonged to an Indian national.

Sources: Social Media

This study has considered the use of 'Social Media' in BBC Radio World News Service

in the Indian news reports. As mentioned earlier, social media as a source of news

considered only, if the ‘actual post’ is quoted within the Indian news report. This being

a radio broadcast it may not be possible to consider the 'actual post'. Therefore, for

the radio news reports, social media was considered a source when they were

mentioned ‘as sourced from social media or quoted from social media’. This variable

had the sub-categories as a) Twitter, b) Facebook, c) Instagram, and d) Other.

It is also to be noted that this category ‘Social Media’ is not applicable for the

years 1977 and 1997. This medium was non-existent in 1977 while in the year 1997

the internet was in its earlier years, and social media did not have its entry yet.

However, social media was already part of the communication system in the year

2019. But BBC Radio World News Service has not sourced anything from the ‘Social

Media’ in its Indian news coverage.

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Significant Topics of BBC Radio Indian News Coverage

The study now focuses on finding out the significant topics covered by BBC Radio in

its Indian news coverage.

Geographic Focus of News

This variable deals with the geographical focus of the news items covered by BBC

Radio World News Service in 1977, 1997 and 2019. The emphasis here is to

determine if the Indian news items covered were predominantly focussed on the Indian

domestic news or connected to international affairs. This variable was sub-divided into

a) Indian domestic news, and b) International news.

Results: The Indian domestic issues have dominated the Indian news items

broadcast by BBC Radio World News Service in all the three years, i.e., 1977, 1997

and 2019.

News Topics by BBC Radio

The research has evaluated the topics or range of Indian news items featured by BBC

Radio World News Service. This has been done to examine the type of the Indian

news items featured by the BBC Radio World News Service in its broadcasts.

Accordingly, the major topics were categorised into a) Human Welfare Issues, b)

Indian Government Policies, c) Religion (positive stories only), d) Politics (Indian

Political Issues), e) Social, f) Law and Order, g) Business and Economy Issues, h)

International Conflict, i) Science, Environment and Information Technology, j) Travel,

Tourism and Literature, k) Indian Judiciary (only of legislative and executive matters

139
and not crime), and l) Sports. In all, there are 12 categories, which have their sub-

categories under them. The sub-categories are detailed when analysing each

category individually. Given below is a panoramic view of the major topics categorised

in this study.

Indian Political Issues

Travel, …& Literature

Business & Economy

International conflict
Indian Govt Policies

Science, Evnt & IT

Indian Judiciary
Human Welfare

Law & Order

Religion

Sports
Social
BBC Number 1 6 0 9 0 3 1 0 0 0 0 0
Radio % 5.0% 30.0% 0.0% 45.0% 0.0% 15.0% 5.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
1977

BBC Number 2 7 3 1 1 3 3 0 1 0 0 1
Radio % 9.0% 32.0% 14.0% 4.3% 4.3% 14.0% 14.0% 0.0% 4.2% 0.0% 0.0% 4.2%
1997

BBC Number 8 6 1 3 1 12 2 2 2 0 0 2
Radio % 20.0% 15.0% 3.0% 8.0% 3.0% 31.0% 5.0% 5.0% 5.0% 0.0% 0.0% 5.0%
2019

(Table 10: BBC Radio World News Service–Significant Topics)

Human Welfare issues

Business and Economy 5%
5%
Law and Order
15% Indian
Government
Policies
30%

Political (Indian
political issues)
45%

(Figure 11: BBC Radio World News Service 1977–Significant Topics)

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 Science, Sports
Enviornment & IT 4.2%
Social 4.2%
Political (Indian
4.3% Indian Government
political issues) Policies
4.3%
32%
Human Welfare
issues
9%

Business and
Economy
14% Religion (positive
stories only)
14%
Law and Order
14%

(Figure 12: BBC Radio World News Service 1997–Significant Topics)

Science, Religion (positive

Environment and stories only) 3% Social
3%
Information Sports
Technology 5% 5%
Law and Order
International 31%
conflict 5%
Business and
Economy
5%

Political
(Indian
political
issues)
8%
Indian Government Human Welfare
Policies issues
15% 20%

(Figure 13: BBC Radio World News Service 2019–Significant Topics)

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In all three years together, there were 81 news items featured by BBC Radio World

News Service in 1977, 1997 and 2019. Although Indian news items were categorised

into 12 major topics, only 10 types of topics were found in the Indian news coverage.

The two categories, namely, Travel, Tourism and Literature category and Indian

Judiciary (only of legislative and executive matters and not crime) did not find their

place in any of the news featured in all three years.

The predominant topic featured by BBC Radio in 1977 was 'Politics' (Indian

Political Issues) followed by 'Indian Government Policies'. Considering the political

chaos which prevailed during this time, the BBC, with its limited resources, focussed

on the main topics of the time. The predominant topic among the news stories featured

by BBC Radio World News Service in the year 1997 was 'Indian Government Policies'.

The Indian government had undertaken many economic reforms, and the media

attention was steered towards it. In the year 2019, BBC Radio’s Indian news coverage

had ‘Law and Order’ as its most featured topic in its Indian news coverage. The Indian

government’s decision to repeal the special status of Kashmir, and the introduction of

the controversial Citizen Act, sparked law and order issues considerably in the year

2019.

In the combined analysis of the Indian news items in all three years featured by

BBC Radio WNS, it was found that the Indian government policies topped the table

followed by law and order, Indian political issues, and human welfare issues

respectively.

142
Major Featured Topics–Detailed

After analysing the major topics in its entirety, the study now analyses some of those

variables with a higher number of news items among the Indian news coverage of

BBC Radio World News Service. Here the detailed analysis was done only of those

prominent topics featured across all the three years or at least across two years of

BBC Radio’s Indian news coverage.

Human Welfare Issues

This variable was further sub-divided into a) Natural disasters, b) Human-caused

Disasters, c) Health, d) Poverty, and e) Other.

Human-caused
Disasters

Disasters

Poverty
Natural

Health

Other
BBC Radio WNS Number 1 0 0 0 0

1977 Percentage 100.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%

BBC Radio WNS Number 0 0 0 1 1

1997 Percentage 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 50.0% 50.0%

BBC Radio WNS Number 6 1 1 0 0

2019 Percentage 75.0% 12.5.0% 12.5.0% 0.0% 0.0%

(Table 11: BBC Radio World News Service–Human Welfare Issues)

The total number of 81 news items featured in the Indian news reporting of BBC

Radio had 11 news items under 'Human Welfare Issues’. Within the category of

'Human Welfare Issues', the sub-category ‘Natural Disasters’ had the most number of

news items under it.

143
Indian Government Policies

This variable has its sub-categories as a) Education, b) Social Welfare Policies, c)

Economic Policy, d) Information Technology Policy, e) Policies related to Religion, f)

Foreign Policy, and g) Other.

Social Welfare

Foreign Policy
Technology
Information
Education

Economic

related to
Religion
Policies

Policies
Policy

Policy

Policy

Other
BBC Radio Number 0 0 2 0 0 3 1

1977 % 0.0% 0.0% 33.0% 0.0% 0.0% 50.0% 17.0%

BBC Radio Number 0 1 1 1 0 3 1

1997 % 0.0% 14.2% 14.2% 14.3% 0.0% 43.0% 14.3%

BBC Radio Number 0 1 1 1 0 0 3

2019 % 0.0% 16.7% 16.7% 16.6% 0.0% 0.0% 50.0%

(Table 12: BBC Radio World News Service–Indian Government Policies)

Of all the Indian news coverage categories within this study, the 'Indian

Government Policies' topped the chart with 19 out of the 81 news items. The common

pattern observed here among the three years’ coverage is that of the Economic Policy

which had its coverage in all the three years of BBC Radio World News Service’ Indian

news coverage in 1977, 1997 and 2019.

144
Politics (Indian Political issues)

This variable has four sub-divisions: a) Party politics, b) Election, c) Government

Formation, and d) Other.

Party Politics Election Govt Formation Other

BBC Radio WNS Number 5 2 2 0

1977 Percentage 56.0% 22.0% 22.0% 0.0%

BBC Radio WNS Number 1 0 0 0

1997 Percentage 100.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%

BBC Radio WNS Number 0 2 1 0

2019 Percentage 0.0% 67.0% 33.0% 0.0%

(Table 13: BBC Radio World News Service–Indian politics)

BBC Radio had 81 Indian news items covered in the years 1997, 1997 and 2019.

Among these 81 news items, the 'Indian Political Issues' news coverage of BBC Radio

World News Service had 13 news items under this category. The subdivision of these

13 news items across three years found that the year 1977 had 9 of them, 1997 had

1 political news coverage, while 2019 had 3 of them. In the year 1977, the sub-

category 'Party Politics' dominated the Indian political coverage. There is no common

pattern found in the political Indian news reports of BBC Radio across the years.

Law and Order

The Law and Order variable was sub-categorised into a) Social unrest, b) Violent

Demonstrations, c) Sexual Harassment, d) Domestic Violence, e) Communal

Violence, f) Crime Against Minority, g) Terrorism, h) Fake News, and i) Crime Other.

145
 Crime Against Minority
Violent Demonstration

Communal Violence
Sexual Harassment

Domestic Violence
Social Unrest

Crime Other
Fake News
Terrorism
BBC Radio Number 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3
WNS 1977
% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100.0%

BBC Radio Number 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

WNS 1997
% 33.4% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 33.3% 0.0% 33.3%

BBC Radio Number 7 0 1 0 0 1 2 0 1

WNS 2019
% 59.0% 0.0% 8.0% 0.0% 0.0% 8.0% 17.0% 0.0% 8.0%

(Table 14: : BBC Radio World News Service–Law and Order)

The 'Law and Order' category analysis revealed 18 news items under it out of

the 81 total Indian news items covered in the years 1977, 1997 and 2019. Out of these

18 news items the years 1977 and 1997 had 3 each and 2019 had 12 of them. Within

this, the sub-category of 'Social Unrest' topped the chart with 8 news items under it.

There is no common pattern in the Indian news reports of BBC Radio across the years

within this category.

The first part of this chapter, i.e., BBC Radio Indian news analysis, is now

completed. The next section compares BBC Radio with BBC Online news reports of

the Indian news coverage.

146
Section 2

A Comparative Analysis of BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio

WNS 2019

The first section of this chapter analysed BBC Radio World News Services (WNS) of

1977, 1997, and 2019. This section investigates the similarities and differences in the

Indian news items of BBC Radio World News Service 2019 and BBC Online 2019.

However, in this comparison of BBC Radio World News Service 2019 and BBC Online

2019, it is important to note that although the data gathered for both were from the

same duration (May 2019 to October 2019), the number of days differed for each of

them. The data was collected for six months using the stratified sampling method of

constructed days. For BBC Radio WNS 2019 the total number of the days of data

collection was 66, whereas it was only 36 days for BBC Online. It is also to be noted

that two variables were not considered in this comparison between two platforms of

BBC as they differed significantly in their nature and mode. They were, namely, 'the

placement of news on the website' and 'length of news item' within BBC Online 2019

and the categories of ‘placement of radio news’ and ‘duration of radio news’ from within

BBC Radio WNS 2019. The rest of the variables are compared between the BBC

platforms by their percentages under each variable.

147
 BBC Radio WNS 2019 and BBC Online 2019

Sources Type of News

International Politicians or diplomats

Views of experts and those involved

Name of the correspondent/Agency

Non-Governmental organisations

Travel, Tourism & Literature

Multi-national institutes
Number of News Items

Indian Political Issues

Business & Economy

Indian govt agencies

International conflict
Indian Govt Policies

Science, Evnt & IT

Number of Days

Human Welfare

Indian Judiciary
Media Sources

Social Media

Law & Order

First Source

Religion
Medium

Sports
Social
BBC Radio 32 39 12 27 3 1 1 37 39 32 0 8 6 1 3 1 12 2 2 2 0 0 2
WNS 2019 (N=66)
BBC Online 2019
31 79 30 116 21 6 0 274 109 75 56 13 8 3 9 5 17 3 2 8 1 0 10
(N=36)

BBC Radio WNS 2019 and BBC Online 2019: A panoramic view of analysis (Type of news coverage, Duration/Length of the news items, Placement of
(Table 15:items,
the news BBC Radio focus
Geographic WNSof 2019 and
the news BBC
items Online
are not included2019–A panoramic
in the above view
list on account ofnature
of the analysis)
of the variables).

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: The Number of Days of

Indian News Coverage

The emphasis here is on the actual number of days of news coverage out of the total

duration of the study. It is possible that BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019 may

not have Indian news coverage on all the days.

The No. of days of news coverage No news coverage

BBC Online 2019 (N= 36) 31 (86.0%) 5 (14%)

BBC Radio WNS 2019 (N= 66) 32 (48.00%) 34 (52%

(Table 16: BBC Online news and Radio WNS 2019–The total number of days of Indian news coverage)

The comparison between BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019 revealed that

BBC Online 2019 had more days of Indian news coverage compared to BBC Radio

WNS 2019.

148
BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Number of News Items

Going forward, the comparison of percentage between BBC Online and BBC Radio

WNS 2019 is based on the number of news items broadcast.

Number of days Number of news items

BBC Online 2019 (N=36) 31 79

BBC Radio WNS 2019 (N=66) 32 39

(Table 17: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Number of Indian news items)

The comparison between BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS revealed that BBC

Online had a greater number of days of coverage and Indian news items covered than

BBC Radio WNS 2019.

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Type of Indian News

Coverage

Results: The comparison between BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019

demonstrated that BBC Online out of its total Indian news items had 82.0 per cent as

‘News Reports’ and 18.0 per cent under the category of 'Analysis'. On the other hand,

BBC Radio WNS 2019 had all of its Indian news items under the category of 'News

Report'.

149
BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Name of the

Correspondent

News Agency &

Correspondent Agency Correspondent Unspecified

BBC Online Number 30 0 0 49

2019 Percentage 38.0% 0.0% 0.0% 62.0%

BBC Radio Number 12 0 0 27

WNS 2019 Percentage 31.0% 0.0% 0.0% 69.0%

(Table 18: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Name of the Correspondent)

The comparison of BBC Online with BBC Radio WNS 2019 showed that both

media platforms shared a similar pattern in mentioning the name of the correspondent.

For both, the majority of the news items were under the category of ‘Unspecified’ with

a difference of 7.0 per cent between them and both did not have any mentioning of

the ‘News Agency’.

Sources

This research has examined the sources that were used in the international news

coverage of India by BBC Radio World News Services 2019 and BBC Online 2019.

This has been done to see if there were major differences between the platforms in

the use of news sources.

150
BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Indian Govt Official

Agencies

Official Press
Bureaucrats
Release Police Other

BBC Online Number 35 35 17 29

2019 Percentage 30.0% 30.0% 15.0% 25.0%

BBC radio WNS Number 17 3 1 6

2019 Percentage 63.0% 11.0% 4.0% 22.0%

(Table 19: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Indian Government Official Agencies)

Official
Other press Other
25% release 22%
30% Police
4%

Police
15% Bureaucrats Official
11% press
Bureaucrats release
30% 63%

(Figure 14: BBC Online 2019–Indian Government (Figure 15: BBC Radio WNS 2019–Indian
Official Agencies) Government Official Agencies)

In using the Indian government officials as sources in their news items, both BBC

Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019, have a similar pattern except for their differences

in the percentages in each category. BBC Online has fewer sources from 'Official

151
Press Release' compared to BBC Radio. But in sourcing 'Bureaucrats' and 'Police',

BBC Online has greater percentages than BBC Radio WNS 2019.

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: International Politicians

and Diplomats

Pakistan

America

Europe
China

Africa

Other
Asia7
BBC
Number 6 0 4 6 0 5 0
Online
Percentage 28.5% 0.0% 19.0% 28.5% 0.0% 24.0% 0.0%
2019

BBC
Number 1 0 2 0 0 0 0
Radio
Percentage 33.0% 0.0% 67.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
2019

(Table 20: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–International Politicians and Diplomats)

Asia (other
than China or Pakistan America
Pakistan) Pakistan 33% 67%
24% 28.5%

Europe America
28.5% 19%

(Figure 16: BBC Online 2019–International (Figure 17: BBC Radio WNS 2019–International
Politicians and Diplomats) Politicians and Diplomats)

7
Asia (other than Pakistan or China).

152
 When compared between BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019, it was

found that BBC Online had sourced 'International Politicians and Diplomats' from

Pakistan, Asia (other than Pakistan and China), Europe, and America. BBC Radio

WNS 2019 in its Indian news items sourced international politicians and diplomats only

from America and Pakistan and no other. Hence, BBC Online 2019 uses more

international sources in its news coverage than the BBC Radio WNS 2019.

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Multi-national

Institutions

Results: The comparison between BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019

revealed that they are homogenous in using the officials from 'Multi-National

Institutions' as sources for the Indian online news coverage with very few sources

being used in the news items.

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: NGOs

Results: BBC Online 2019 did not source any of the views of the representatives of

'Non-Governmental Organisations' in their Indian news coverage. BBC Radio WNS

2019 had sourced only 3.0 per cent in its Indian news items from the NGOs'

representatives.

153
BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Views of experts and those involved

Researcher Lawyer Media Expert Other

Number 73 7 15 179
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 27.0% 3.0% 5.0% 65.0%

Number 7 0 11 19
BBC Radio WNS 2019
Percentage 19.0% 0.0% 30.0% 51.0%

(Table 21: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Views of Experts and those involved)

Lawyer Researcher
3% 19%
Researcher
27%

Other
51%
Media Media
Other Expert
Expert
65% 30%
5%

(Figure 18: BBC Online 2019–Views of Experts and (Figure 19: BBC Radio WNS 2019–Views of Experts
those involved) and those involved)

In the analysis of BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019, it was found that

BBC Online had used fewer 'Media Experts' as sources than BBC Radio WNS 2019.

The difference between the two platforms in the use of 'Researcher' was only 8 per

cent. BBC Online 2019 did have some sources from 'Lawyer' while BBC Radio WNS

2019 did not have any in them. Overall, BBC Online 2019 has used a lot more of

'Views of Experts and those involved' compared to BBC Radio WNS 2019.

154
BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Media Sources

Indian News International News

Own Source
Outlet Outlet

Number 78 17 14
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 71.0% 16.0% 13.0%

Number 38 1 0
BBC Radio WNS 2019
Percentage 97.0% 3.0% 0.0%

(Table 22: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Media Sources)

The Analysis between BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019 suggested

that both have used their own 'Media sources' to report Indian news items. There are

some differences in the use of 'Indian News Outlets' as media sources in both

platforms of BBC. However, BBC Online 2019 has sourced from 'International News

Outlets' while BBC Radio WNS 2019 did not use any sources from any of the

international news outlets.

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: First Source

National International Unspecified

Number 59 16 4
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 75.0% 20.0% 5.0%

Number 29 3 7
BBC Radio WNS 2019
Percentage 74.0% 8.0% 18.0%

(Table 23: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–First Source)

The evaluation of the use of ‘First Source’ used in the Indian news reports of

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019 disclosed a consistent use of Indian

'National' as the first source in their news reports. BBC Online has a greater number

of sources of international persons compared to BBC Radio WNS 2019.

155
BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Social Media

Twitter Facebook Instagram Other

Number 53 3 0 O
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 95.0% 5.0% 0.0% 0.0%

Number 0 0 0 0
BBC radio WNS 2019
Percentage 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%

(Table 24: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Social Media)

BBC Radio WNS 2019 did not use any sources of 'Social Media' in its Indian

news items. But BBC Online 2019 took sources from 'Social Media' as part of their

news items, and most of them were from Twitter.

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Significant

Topics in the Indian News Coverage

Here the research has examined the significant topics featured by BBC Online 2019

and BBC Radio WNS 2019 in their Indian news coverage.

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Geographical Focus of

News

Indian International

Number 55 24
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 70.0% 30.0%

Number 32 7
BBC Radio WNS 2019
Percentage 82.0% 18.0%

(Table 25: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Geographical Focus of Indian News Items)

156
 The comparison between BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019 disclosed

a similar pattern between them with the majority of the news focussed on Indian

domestic issues.

BBC Online 2019 and BBC Radio WNS 2019: Major Indian News

Topics

The major topics of the Indian news items featured by BBC Online 2019 and BBC

Radio WNS 2019 in its Indian news coverage are analysed now.

Travel, Tourism & Literature

Indian Political Issues

Business & Economy

International conflict
Indian Govt Policies

Science, Evnt & IT

Human Welfare

Indian Judiciary
Law & Order
Religion

Sports
Social

BBC Number 13 8 3 9 5 17 3 2 8 1 0 10
Online % 16.0% 10.0% 4.0% 11.0% 6.0% 22.0% 4.0% 3.0% 10.0% 1.0% 0.0% 13.0%
2019

BBC Number 8 6 1 3 1 12 2 2 2 0 0 2
radio % 20.0% 15.0% 3.0% 8.0% 3.0% 31.0% 5.0% 5.0% 5.0% 0.0% 0.0% 5.0%
WNS
2019

Table 26: BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS 2019–Significant Topics)

157
 Travel -Tourism & BBC ONLINE 2019 (N=36)
Literature Sports
1% 13%
Human Welfare
16%
Science, Envt and IT
10% Indian Govt Policies
10%

International
conflict
3% Religion
(+v only)
Business & 4%
Economy
4%

Indian Political
issues
11%
Law and Order
22% Social
6%

(Figure 20: BBC Online 2019–Significant Topics)

Science, Envt and IT BBC RADIO WNS 2019 (N=66)

5% Sports
International
5%
conflict Human Welfare
5% issues
20%
Business &
Economy
5%

Indian
Government
Policies
15%
Law and Order Religion (positive
31% stories only)
3%
Political (Indian
Social political issues)
3% 8%

(Figure 21: BBC Radio WNS 2019–Significant Topics)

158
 Investigating the important topics that were featured both by BBC Online 2019

and BBC Radio WNS 2019, it was revealed that they both have a similar pattern of

reporting Indian news items. Although the total number of stories differs between the

platforms, on account of the differences in the number of days and each platform's

different approach to reporting the news items, the striking similarity in the reporting of

Indian news items is worth making a reference. The similarities were looked at in terms

of the percentages only for the reasons mentioned above.

Going by the similarities between BBC Online and BBC Radio WNS, it was found

that both platforms had Indian news topics in common and in the same order in terms

of its percentage. Among the significant topics, the greatest number of Indian news

items was related to 'Law and Order'. This was followed by 'Human Welfare Issues',

'Indian Government Policies', 'Indian Politics', 'Science, Environment and Information

Technology', 'Business and Economy', 'Social Issues', 'International Conflict' and

'Religion'.

The significant differences between these two platforms were in the reporting of

'Sports' and 'Travel, Tourism and Literature'. For the news items related to Travel,

Tourism and Literature, BBC Online had 3.0 per cent of its total coverage while BBC

Radio WNS 2019 did not have any under it. Both platforms did not have any news

items on Indian Judiciary. BBC Online 2019 had a greater number of news items

compared to BBC Radio WNS 2019.

The second part of this chapter, i.e., the comparison between BBC Radio WNS

2019 and BBC Online 2019 is now completed. The next section compares and

analyses BBC Online with CNN Online and AJE Online Indian news items in the year

2019.

159
Section 3

Data Analysis of Online Indian News in BBC, CNN and AJE

This section attempts to see the significant similarities and differences in online news

reporting of India in the BBC, CNN and AJE. This also serves as a benchmark to

analyse the global standing of BBC Online against other major media houses. This is

also an opportunity to look at the Indian news online coverage from three different

viewpoints, i.e., the European (the BBC), the American (CNN) and the Asian (AJE).

Descriptive Frequency Statistics

The data was collected for six months using the stratified sampling method of

constructed days. The data for BBC Online, CNN Online and AJE Online was gathered

six days per month for six months from May 2019 to October 2019. Therefore, a total

of 108 days of online Indian news was included in the sample. Out of 258 radio news

items, BBC Online news service had 79 news items, CNN Online had 59 of them, and

AJE Online had 120. Descriptive analysis of frequency is used to examine the

coverage of Indian news by BBC Online 2019, CNN Online 2019 and AJE Online

2019.

160
 BBC Online, CNN. Online and AJE Online 2019

Sources Type of News

International Politicians or diplomats

Views of experts and those involved

Name of the correspondent/Agency

Non-Governmental organisations

Travel, Tourism & Literature

Multi-national institutes
Number of News Items

Indian Political Issues

Business & Economic

International conflict
Indian govt agencies

Indian Govt Policies

Science, Evnt & IT

Indian Judiciary
Number of Days

Human Welfare
Media Sources

Law & Order

Social Media
First Source
Medium

Religion

Sports
Social
BBC Online 2019
(N=36) 31 79 30 116 21 6 0 274 109 75 56 13 8 3 9 5 17 3 2 8 1 0 10
CNN Online 2019
(N=36) 27 59 55 109 24 9 9 243 85 59 42 17 5 0 9 3 6 10 2 3 3 0 1
AJE Online 2019
(N=36) 34 120 79 199 88 24 5 416 162 111 40 20 24 1 16 3 26 9 14 5 0 0 2

(Table 27: BBC Online 2019, CNN Online 2019 and AJE Online 2019: A panoramic view of analysis (Type of news coverage, Length of the news
(Table 27: BBC Online 2019, CNN Online 2019 and AJE Online 2019–A panoramic view of analysis)
items, Placement of the news items, Geographic focus of the news items are not included in the above list on account of the nature of the variables)).

BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: The Number of Days of Indian News

Coverage

The emphasis here is on the actual number of days of news coverage out of 108 days

on BBC Online, CNN Online and AJE Online.

The number of days of online news coverage Percentage

BBC Online (N = 36) 31 86.0

CNN Online (N = 36) 27 75.0

AJE Online (N = 36) 34 94.0

(Table 28: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–The total number of days of Indian news coverage)

The comparison of all three online news portals revealed that AJE Online has

the greatest number of days of Indian news coverage followed by BBC Online and

CNN Online, respectively.

161
BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Number of News Items

After having seen the number of days of online Indian news coverage by the BBC,

CNN and AJE of the year 2019, the study now analyses the number of Indian news

items in these online news portals. The total number of Indian news items could be

higher than the number of days of news coverage. This could be on account of the

possibility that there may have been more than one Indian news item featured on some

days of news coverage. Going forward, the analysis will be based on the number of

news items broadcast by BBC Online, CNN Online and AJE Online.

No. of news items

BBC Online 2019 79

CNN Online 2019 59

AJE Online 2019 120

(Table 29: The BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–The total number of Indian news)

When BBC Online was compared against AJE Online, BBC Online had fewer

number of news items. However, the comparison between BBC Online and CNN

Online found that BBC Online had a greater number of days of coverage and Indian

news items covered than CNN Online. The difference between BBC Online and CNN

Online in the number of news items is 36.3 per cent. It was found that AJE Online had

a higher number of Indian news covered both in the number of days and the number

of Indian news items. If the total number of stories covered is divided against the total

number of days, on an average, the BBC had 2.19 news stories a day, CNN had 1.63

news stories a day, while AJE had 3.33. news stories a day.

162
BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Type of Indian News Coverage

News Report Analysis Interviews Other

BBC Online Number 65 14 0 0

2019 Percentage 82.0% 18.0% 0.0% 0.0%

CNN Online Number 52 4 0 3

2019 Percentage 88.0% 7.0% 0.0% 5.0%

AJE Online Number 106 13 0 1

2019 Percentage 88.0% 11.0% 0.0% 1.0%

(Table 30: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–The Type of Indian News Coverage)

The comparison between BBC Online and CNN Online reveals that both media

outlets were akin to each other in terms of news reports in their pattern of Indian news

items with an almost equal share in this category. The association of BBC Online with

AJE Online indicated a similar pattern in the percentages shared among different

categories. What is common among all three media outlets is that none of them had

Indian news items under the category of 'Interview'.

BBC, CNN & AJE Online 2019: Length of Online News Items

1-250 words 251-500 words 501-750 words 751 words & above

BBC Online Number 12 30 11 26

2019 Percentage 15.0% 38.0% 14.0% 33.0%

CNN Online Number 4 19 15 21

2019 Percentage 7.0% 32.0% 25.0% 36.0%

Number 22 27 29 42
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 18.0% 23.0% 24.0% 35.0%

(Table 31: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–The Length of online news items)

163
 7%
15%

33% 36%
32%
38%
14% 25%

1-250 words 251-500 words

1-250 words 251-500 words
501-750 words 751 words and above
501-750 words 751 words and above

(Figure 22: BBC Online 2019–Length of news items) (Figure 23: CNN Online 2019–Length of news items)

18%

35%
23%
24%

1-250 words 251-500 words

501-750 words 751 words and above

(Figure 24: AJE Online 2019–Length of news items)

The data reveals that all three online platforms have a similar approach in the

duration of the Indian news items.

BBC, CNN & AJE Online 2019: Placement of the Indian News Items

This variable was intended to find out the importance given to a news item by its

placement within the websites of the BBC, CNN and AJE in the year 2019. If the news

is of much value and importance, it was found in the 'home page' itself. The placement

of the news is one of the ways to find out the prominence given to a news item in a

164
news outlet. If the news is important, it usually found its (place) way into the 'Home

Page' of a news website. The 'World Page' of a news website mostly has the news

placed in this section of global importance. The third is the regional news section which

has more regional news and regional implications. In this study, it is the 'Asia Page'.

Finally, the national news mostly concerns matters related nationally and, here, it is

the 'India Page'. However, it is to be noted that the structure of a news website may

be designed differently.

Home page World page Asia Page India page

Number 3 21 28 27
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 4.0% 27.0% 35.0% 34%

Number 11 8 10 30
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 19.0% 13.0% 17.0% 51.0%

Number 36 2 56 26
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 30.0% 2.0% 46.0% 22%

(Table 32: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Placement of Indian news items)

4%
19%

34% 27%
51% 13%
17%
35%

Home News Page World News Page Home News Page World News Page
Asian News Page Indian News Page Asian News Page Indian News Page

(Figure 25: BBC Online 2019–Placement of Indian (Figure 26: CNN Online 2019–Placement of Indian
news item) news item)

165
 22% 30%

2%
46%

Home News Page World News Page

Asian News Page Indian News Page

(Figure 27: AJE Online 2019–Placement of Indian news item)

In the analysis of BBC Online and AJE Online, it was discovered that AJE gave

more prominence to Indian news as the difference of news placed in the 'Home Page'

is 26.0 per cent between these two websites. In terms of the regional news coverage,

both websites had narrowed their differences to 11.0 per cent. However, when the

news published on 'India Page', both websites were almost on an equal footing having

only a difference of 1.0 per cent between them.

The comparison between BBC Online and CNN Online revealed that CNN

Online, although had fewer Indian stories covered in its news portal, gave more

prominence to the Indian news compared to BBC Online. The difference in terms of

the news placed on ‘Home Page’ between these two media platforms is accounted for

15 per cent. There is a difference of 14.0 per cent in terms of news placed on ‘World

Page’ between these two news websites. However, BBC Online had twice the number

of stories placed under 'Asia Page' than CNN Online. Moreover, both websites have

the majority of Indian stories placed under 'India Page'.

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BBC, CNN & AJE Online 2019: Name of the Correspondent

The purpose of the investigation into this variable was to find out if the Indian news

reports had published in them the ‘Name of the Correspondent’ or of the ‘News

Agency’ from which the news was sourced.

News Agency &

Correspondent Unspecified
Agency Correspondent

BBC Online Number 30 0 0 49

2019 Percentage 38.0% 0.0% 0.0% 62.0%

CNN Online Number 55 0 0 4

2019 Percentage 93.0% 0.0% 0.0% 7.0%

AJE Online Number 47 31 1 41

2019 Percentage 39.0% 26.0% 1.0% 34.0%

(Table 33: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Name of the Correspondent)

The assessment of BBC Online and CNN Online in mentioning the 'Name of the

Correspondent' shows that CNN Online had mentioned the 'Name of the

Correspondent' 55.0 per cent more than BBC Online. The common factor between

these two media houses in this variable is that both did not have any news mentioning

the 'News Agency's' name in their reports.

The comparison of BBC Online with AJE Online disclosed that both media

houses shared a similar pattern in mentioning the 'Name of the Correspondent' with a

difference of only 1.0 per cent between them. However, when it came to the sub-

category 'News Agency', BBC Online did not have any under it, but AJE Online had

26.0 per cent of the Indian news items in the sub-category of the 'News Agency'. Under

167
the sub-category 'Unspecified', BBC Online had 28.0 per cent more of the news item

under it compared to AJE Online.

Sources

This section considers the types of sources employed in the news coverage of BBC

Online, CNN Online and AJE Online in their 2019 news coverage of India.

BBC, CNN & AJE Online 2019: Indian Government Official Agencies

Official Press
Bureaucrats Police Other
Release

Number 35 35 17 29
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 30.0% 30.0% 15.0% 25.0%

Number 54 28 9 18
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 50.0% 26.0% 8.0% 16.0%

Number 51 51 41 56
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 26.0% 26.0% 20.0% 28.0%

(Table 34: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Indian Government Official Agencies)

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 50%
30%
16%
25% 8%

15% 26%
30%

Official press release Bureaucrats Official press release Bureaucrats

Police Other Police Other

(Figure 28: BBC Online–Indian Government Official (Figure 29: CNN Online–Indian Government Official
Agencies) Agencies)

26%

28%

20% 26%

Official press release Bureaucrats Police Other

(Figure 30: AJE Online–Indian Government Official Agencies)

The study about the use of Indian government official agencies as news sources

in news reports found that BBC Online in its 79 news items had used 116 Indian

government sources. CNN Online in its 59 news items had sourced 109 Indian

government sources. Going over the 120 Indian news items published by AJE Online,

it was found that AJE Online had 199 government sources used in them.

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 The comparison of BBC Online with CNN Online and AJE Online in the use of

Indian government sources for their online Indian news coverage appears to be

homogeneous. All three media houses had the greatest number of sources in 'Official

Press Release' and 'Bureaucrats'.

BBC, CNN & AJE Online 2019: International Politicians and

Diplomats

Here the study investigated the use of 'International Politicians and Diplomats' as

sources in the 2019 Indian news reports of BBC Online, CNN Online and AJE Online.
Pakistan

America

Europe
China

Africa

Other
Asia8
BBC Online Number 6 0 4 6 0 5 0
2019 % 28.5% 0.0% 19.0% 28.5% 0.0% 24.0% 0.0%

CNN Online Number 11 2 7 1 0 3 0

2019 % 46.0% 8.0% 29.0% 4.0% 0.0% 13.0% 0.0%

AJE Online Number 48 5 21 4 0 6 4

2019 % 55.0% 6.0% 24.0% 4.0% 0.0% 7.0% 4.0%

(Table 35: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–International Politicians and Diplomats)

The evaluation of BBC Online and CCN online showed that they have a similar

pattern in using 'International Politicians or Diplomats' as sources for their news

coverage except for European politicians or diplomats. Between BBC Online and CNN

8
Asia (other than Pakistan and China).

170
Online in sourcing European politicians or diplomats, BBC Online had sourced 24.4

per cent more than CNN Online.

When BBC Online and AJE Online are linked together, it is evident that they

share a common pattern in sourcing Pakistan and American politicians or diplomats.

In fact, AJE Online in its Indian news coverage sources had twice as much of Pakistan

politicians or diplomats as sources compared to BBC Online Indian news coverage.

Notably, neither BBC Online nor CNN Online or AJE Online had any sources from the

African politicians or diplomats.

BBC, CNN & AJE Online 2019: Multi-National Institutions

Moving further with the investigations, the study now considers, if BBC Online, CNN

Online and AJE Online have used either the direct or indirect quotes/comments of

representatives of multi-national institutions such as the United Nations, International

Monetary Fund, World Bank, World Health Organisation, etc., as sources for their

Indian news reports.

Results: The comparison between BBC Online and CNN Online disclosed that

CNN Online had sourced 7.0 per cent more compared to BBC Online. Moreover, the

comparison between BBC Online and AJE Online unveiled that AJE Online had

sourced officials from 'Multi-National Institutions' twice as much compared to BBC

Online in its Indian online news coverage. The BBC has only 8 per cent of sources

from 'Multi-National Institutes', while AJE had 20 per cent of it.

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BBC, CNN & AJE Online 2019: Non-Governmental Organisations

Results: BBC Online 2019 did not source any of the views of the representatives of

'Non-Governmental Organisations' in its Indian news coverage. CNN Online 2019, on

the other hand, had sourced 7 of national non-governmental organisations and 2

international non-governmental organisations as sources for its Indian news coverage.

AJE Online 2019 used only 5 times the national non-governmental organisations as

sources for its news coverage. It did not have any source from the international non-

government organisations.

BBC, CNN & AJE Online 2019: Views of Experts and those involved

Researcher Lawyer Media Expert Other

Number 73 7 15 179
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 27.0% 3.0% 5.0% 65.0%

Number 69 0 0 174
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 28.0% 0.0% 0.0% 72.0%

Number 106 16 32 262

AJE Online 2019
Percentage 25.0% 4.0% 8.0% 63.0%

(Table 36: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Views of Experts and those involved)

3%
27%

65%

5%

Other Media Expert Researcher Lawyer

(Figure 31: BBC Online 2019–Views of

Experts and those involved)

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 28%

72%

Other Media Expert Researcher Lawyer

(Figure 32: CNN Online 2019–Views of

Experts and those involved)
4%
25%

63%
8%

Other Media Expert Researcher Lawyer

(Figure 33: AJE Online 2019–Views of

Experts and those involved)

The study of ‘Views of Experts and those involved’ found that BBC Online 2019

had a total of 274 views in its 79 news items. CNN Online 2019 in its 59 Indian news

items covered had 243 'Views of Experts and those involved' or related to the news

item. AJE Online 2019 had 120 Indian news items featured on its website, which had

416 sources under the variable ‘Views of Experts and those involved’.

The comparison between BBC Online 2019 and CNN Online 2019 revealed that

both media houses have a very close pattern in sourcing the first sub-category of the

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'Researcher'. The major difference between BBC Online and CNN Online was in their

sourcing of 'Media Experts'. BBC Online had 5.0 per cent of 'Media Experts' views,

while CNN Online did not have any.

The analysis between BBC Online and AJE Online showed a very similar pattern

when it came to using the source of the 'Researcher'. When the use of 'Researcher'

views is examined, the difference between these two media firms was only 2.0 per

cent. The difference in using the views of the 'Lawyer' in Indian news coverage by

each of the media houses was only 1.0 per cent. The difference in the Media Experts’

view between the two media platforms was 3.0 per cent.

BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Media Sources

Indian News International

Own Source
Outlet News Outlet

Number 78 17 14
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 71.0% 16.0% 13.0%

Number 59 21 5
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 69.0% 25.0% 6.0%

Number 91 23 48
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 56.0% 14.0% 30.0%

(Table 37: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Media Sources)

The investigation of BBC Online 2019 for the use of 'Media Sources' found that

in its 79 Indian news items it had used 109 'Media Sources'. In the Indian news

coverage CNN Online 2019 had 59 news items which sourced 85 'Media Sources' in

its news reports. AJE Online 2019 had used 162 media sources in its 120 Indian news

items.

174
 The Analysis between BBC Online and CNN Online indicated that there were

similarities between them rather than differences. For instance, in using one's own

media sources for Indian news items, the difference between these two media outlets

was only 2.0 per cent. In their online Indian news reporting, both media houses, after

their 'Own Media Sources', relied more on 'Indian News Outlets'. The only difference

between these media houses under this variable was that BBC Online had trusted

more on the 'International News Outlets' compared to CNN Online with a difference of

7.0 per cent between them.

The comparison between BBC Online and AJE Online had shown that BBC

Online had depended more on its own sources. The difference between BBC Online

and AJE Online was 15.0 per cent. However, in the use of 'Indian News Outlets', the

difference between both media houses was only 2.0 per cent. Regarding the use of

'International News Outlets' in their news items, AJE Online depended more on the

'International News Outlets' than BBC Online. AJE Online had used 17.0 per cent more

of 'International News Outlets' in their Indian news items than BBC Online.

BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: First Source

Results: Under this variable, the comparison of BBC Online with CNN Online and AJE

Online shows a homogeneous pattern. All three media houses for the majority of their

news items had Indian 'National' as their first source.

BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Social Media

The media houses could not stay away from the evolving media techniques and

trends. Social media had already made its entry into the newsrooms even before 2019.

175
Therefore, this study included social media as a source in the Indian news reports of

BBC Online, CNN Online and AJE Online in the year 2019. Here 'Social Media' as a

source of the news item was considered only if the 'actual post' was quoted within the

Indian news item. The sub-categories in this variable are a) Twitter, b) Facebook, c)

Instagram, and d) Other.

Twitter Facebook Instagram Other

Number 53 3 0 O
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 95.0% 5.0% 0.0% 0.0%

Number 39 3 0 0
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 93.0% 7.0% 0.0% 0.0%

Number 40 0 0 0
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 100.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%

(Table 38: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Social Media)

The investigation of three media houses showed similarity in their use of 'Social

Media' as sources in their Indian news coverage. The vast majority of social media

posts were taken from 'Twitter', followed by 'Facebook'. No other social media was

used in any Indian news items reported by BBC Online, CNN Online and AJE Online

in the year 2019.

BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Significant Topics in the

Indian News Coverage

The study now seeks to find out the significant topics featured by BBC Online 2019,

CNN Online 2019 and AJE Online 2019 in their Indian news coverage.

176
BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Geographical Focus of News

This variable centred on the geographical focus of the news items published by BBC

Online, CNN Online and AJE Online in the year 2019.

Indian International

Number 55 24
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 70.0% 30.0%

Number 42 17
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 71.0% 29.0%

Number 87 33
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 72.0% 28.0%

(Table 39: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Geographical Focus of Indian news items)

Results: The comparison of this variable indicated a substantial similarity in the

news reporting pattern among the three media houses. The average difference

between the three media houses for this variable was only 1.0 per cent.

BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Major News Topics

As indicated earlier, the study also included the major topics of the Indian news items

featured by BBC Online 2019, CNN Online 2019 and AJE Online 2019 in its Indian

news coverage. Given below is a panoramic view of the major topics inclusive of the

sub-categories under them.

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 Science, Evnt& IT

Travel, Literature
Human Welfare

Indian Judiciary
Indian Political

Law & Order

Indian Govt

Business &

Intl conflict
Economy
Religion
Policies

Issues

Sports
Social
BBC Number 13 8 3 9 5 17 3 2 8 1 0 10
Online % 16.0% 10.0% 4.0% 11.0% 6.0% 22.0% 4.0% 3.0% 10.0% 1.0% 0.0% 13.0%
2019

CNN Number 17 5 0 9 3 6 10 2 3 3 0 1
Online % 29.0% 9.0% 0.0% 15.0% 5.0% 10.0% 17.0% 3.0% 5.0% 5.0% 0.0% 2.0%
2019

AJE Number 20 24 1 16 3 26 9 14 5 0 0 2
Online % 17.0% 20.0% 1.0% 13.0% 2.0% 22.0% 7.0% 12.0% 4.0% 0.0% 0.0% 2.0%
2019

(Table 40: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Significant Topics)

Travel -Tourism &

Literature Sports
1% 13% Human Welfare
Science, Evnt and IT 16%
10% Indian Govt Policies
10%

International
conflict Religion
3% (+v only)
4%

Business &
Economy
4% Political
11%
Law and Order Social
22% 6%

(Figure 34: BBC Online 2019–Significant Topics)

178
 Science, Envt and IT Travel and Tourism Sports
5% and Literature 5% 2%
International Human Welfare
conflict issues
3% 29%
Business &
Economy
17%

Indian Govt Policies

9%

Law and Order

10%

Social Political (Indian

5% political issues)
15%

(Figure 35: CNN Online 2019–Significant Topics)

Science, Evnt and Sports Human Welfare

International IT 4% 2% issues
conflict 17%
12%
Indian Government
Business & Policies
Economy 20%
7%

Law and Order Religion (positive

22% stories only)
1%
Political (Indian
Social political issues)
2% 13%

(Figure 36: AJE Online 2019–Significant Topics)

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 The significant topics of the Indian news published by BBC Online, CNN Online

and AJE Online in 2019 were classified into 12 categories. Out of these 12 defined

topics, 11 of them were featured at least once by one of the media houses. The only

category that did not make its way into any of the Indian news items featured by BBC

Online, CNN Online or AJE Online was the category of ‘Indian Judiciary’ (executive

and legislative matters only).

In comparing and contrasting BBC Online with CNN Online in their Indian

coverage, it was found that among the topics BBC Online had 'Law and Order' as the

highest number of news items featured. At the same time, for CNN Online, it was the

'Human Welfare Issues' that had the greatest number of news items. The other major

differences included those in the percentages of some of the topics covered. For

instance, CNN Online had a greater number of 'Human Welfare Issues' covered

compared to BBC Online with a difference of 13.0 per cent between them. CNN Online

had more 'Political Issues' and 'Business and Economy' stories featured in 2019

compared to BBC Online. The difference in the coverage of Politics' was 4.0 per cent.

The 'Business and Economy' had 13.0 per cent of the difference between the two

media houses. The stories related to 'Travel and Tourism' were featured more

frequently in CNN Online than those in BBC Online. But, BBC Online had more stories

of 'Law and Order', 'Science, Environment and Information Technology' and 'Sports'.

BBC Online had 4.0 per cent of stories related to 'Religion' (positive stories) while CNN

Online did not have any under it. Now, speaking of similarities between BBC Online

and CNN Online, it was found that both media houses had an almost similar

percentage of 'Indian Government Policies' with a difference of 1.0 per cent between

them. In the category of 'Social Issues', the difference was only 1.0 per cent between

180
these two media houses. They had an equal share of percentage when it came to the

coverage of the 'International Conflict'.

Discussing the similarities and differences between BBC Online and AJE Online,

it was found that both media houses had an equal percentage of the coverage of 'Law

and Order'. Other topics which had a close to equal sharing of percentage were the

'Human Welfare Issues' and 'Indian Political' issues. AJE Online had more stories on

'Indian Government Policies', 'Business and Economy', and 'International Conflict'

compared to BBC Online. AJE had 9.0 per cent more of international conflict stories

compared to BBC Online. On the other hand, BBC Online had more stories on

'Religion' (positive stories), 'Social' issues, 'Science, Environment and Information

Technology' and 'Sports'. BBC Online had 11.0 per cent more of sports stories

compared to those of AJE Online.

Major Featured Topics–Detailed

The study now delves more deeply into some of those topics with a higher number of

news items among the Indian news coverage of BBC Online, CNN Online and AJE

Online in the year 2019. Here the detailed analysis is done only on those dominant

topics with at least 10.0 per cent of news items out of the total news covered either in

BBC Online, CNN Online or AJE Online.

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BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Human Welfare Issues

Human-
Natural
caused Health Poverty Other
Disasters
Disasters

Number 4 5 3 0 1
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 31.0% 38.0% 23.0% 0.0% 8.0%

Number 6 3 6 0 2
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 35.0% 18.0% 35.0% 0.0% 12.0%

Number 7 3 5 3 2
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 35.0% 15.0% 25.0% 15.0% 10.0%

(Table 41: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Human Welfare Issues)

The investigation of 'Human Welfare Issues' disclosed that it was one of those

topics with substantial news items under it in all three media houses. BBC Online 2019

had 13 Indian news items under this category out of its 79 Indian news items. CNN

Online out of the 59 Indian news items had 17 of the news items under the category

of 'Human Welfare Issues' in the year 2019. AJE Online's scrutinising has shown that

it had 20 news items under the variable ‘Human Welfare Issues' out of its 120 Indian

news items.

The comparison between BBC Online with CNN Online and AJE Online revealed

a common pattern in reporting news items related to 'Human Welfare Issues'. All three

media houses' online platforms had the greatest number of news items under either

'Natural Disasters' or 'Human-caused Disasters'. In reporting the Indian news items

related to 'Health' too, there was uniformity among BBC Online, CNN Online and AJE

Online in their 2019 news reports. The only difference found under this category was

that AJE Online had news reports of Indian news items related to ‘Poverty’ which was

not found in BBC Online and CNN Online Indian news reporting.
182
BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Indian Government Policies

Technology Policy

Policies related to
Education Policy

Economic Policy
Social Welfare

Foreign Policy
Information

Religion
Policies

Other
BBC Online Number 0 0 1 1 1 0 5
2019 % 0.0% 0.0% 12.3% 12.4% 12.3% 0.0% 63.0%

CNN Online Number 0 0 0 1 0 1 3

2019 % 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 20.0% 0.0% 20.0% 60.0%

AJE Online Number 0 0 4 1 1 0 18

2019 % 0.0% 0.0% 17.0% 4.0% 4.0% 0.0% 75.0%

(Table 42: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Indian Government Policies)

The news reporting for this variable was similar for BBC Online and CNN Online.

However, there existed a difference between BBC Online and AJE Online Indian news

reporting under this variable. AJE Online had a lot more of Indian stories under this

variable compared to those of BBC Online. BBC Online did not have any particular

dominant sub-category under this variable. In contrast, AJE Online had the sub-

category ‘Economic Policy' with its 17.0 per cent share and the category 'Other' with

its 75.0 per cent share of the total share of this particular variable.

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BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Politics (Indian Political Issues)

Party Politics Election Govt Formation Other

Number 0 7 1 1
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 0.0% 78.0% 11.0% 11.0%

Number 0 5 2 2
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 0.0% 56.0% 22.0% 22.0%

Number 2 9 2 3
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 13.0% 56.0% 12.0% 19.0%

(Table 43: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Politics (Indian domestic politics)

The news coverage of the 'Indian Politics' by BBC Online had 9 news items under

it out of the 79 news items it broadcast in 2019. In its 'Indian Politics' news coverage,

CNN Online had 9 news items out of its 59 news items featured in 2019. AJE Online

2019 had 16 news items covered under 'Indian Politics' out of the 120 news items.

The comparison showed that BBC Online and CNN Online had followed similar

patterns in their news reporting of Indian politics. The comparison of BBC Online with

AJE Online showed some substantial difference in terms of the number of news items

and sub-categories. BBC Online did not have any Indian news covered under the sub-

category of 'Party Politics', while AJE Online had 13.0 per cent of news items under

this category. The common factor in all three media houses is that they have 'Election'

as their dominant sub-category in their Indian political news reporting.

184
BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Law and Order

Crime against Minority

Violent Demonstration

Communal Violence
Sexual Harassment

Domestic Violence
Social Unrest

Crime Other
Fake News
Terrorism
BBC Online Number 5 0 4 1 0 2 1 0 4
2019
% 29.0% 0.0% 23.5% 6.0% 0.0% 12.0% 6.0% 0.0% 23.5%

CNN Online Number 2 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 1

2019
% 33.0% 0.0% 17.0% 0.0% 0.0% 33.0% 0.0% 0.0% 17.0%

AJE Online Number 18 0 1 0 0 2 3 1 1

2019
% 69.0% 0.0% 4.0% 0.0% 0.0% 8.0% 11.0% 4.0% 4.0%

(Table 44: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Law and Order)

Under the category ‘Law and Order’, BBC Online had 17 news items out of the

79 Indian news items it featured in 2019. CNN Online had only 6 "Law and Order"

Indian news items out of the 59 Indian news items published. There were 26 'Law and

Order' related news items out of 120 Indian news items published by AJE Online in

2019.

A comparison of all three media houses' online reporting of India found that the

overriding common factor existed with the sub-categories such as 'Social Unrest',

'Sexual Harassment' and 'Crime Against Minority'. The only difference was found in

AJE Online reporting of news item related to ‘Fake News’, which was not found either

in BBC Online or in CNN Online.

185
BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: Business and Economy

Economic Crisis Economic Offence Investments

Number 2 0 1
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 67.0% 0.0% 33.0%

Number 4 0 6
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 40.0% 0.0% 60.0%

Number 4 0 5
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 44.0% 0.0% 56.0%

(Table 45: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Business and Economy)

Out of the 79 Indian news broadcasts by BBC Online in 2019, there were only 3

'Business and Economy' related news items. But CNN Online business and economy-

related news reporting was robust as it had 10 news items related to 'Business and

Economy' category out of its 59 news items. AJE Online had 9 Indian news items

connected to 'Business and Economy' out of its 120 news items featured in 2019. The

common factors reported across all media platforms were 'Economic Crisis' and

'Investments'. There was no Indian news report connected to the 'Economic Offence'.

BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019: International Conflict

Conflict with Pakistan Conflict with China Other

Number 2 0 0
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 100.0% 0.0% 0.0%
Number 2 0 0
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 100.0% 0.0% 0.0%
Number 13 0 1
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 93.0% 0.0% 7.0%

(Table 46: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–International Conflict)

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 Under the category of 'International Conflict', BBC Online 2019 had 2 news items

out of its 79 Indian news. Furthermore, on both occasions, it belonged to the sub-

category of 'Conflict with Pakistan'. CNN Online too had only 2 news items under this

category out of its 59 news items. This too belonged to the sub-category 'Conflict with

Pakistan'. However, under this category, AJE Online 2019 had 14 news items out of

its 120 Indian news items in 2019. Of these 14 news items, 93.0 per cent belonged to

the sub-category 'Conflict with Pakistan'. The common factor among the Indian online

news reporting of BBC, CNN and AJE is that they all reported news related to the sub-

category 'Conflict with Pakistan'.

Science, Environment and Information Technology

Science & Technology Environment Information Technology

Number 4 4 0
BBC Online 2019
Percentage 50.0% 50.0% 0.0%

Number 2 0 1
CNN Online 2019
Percentage 67.0% 0.0% 33.0%

Number 3 2 0
AJE Online 2019
Percentage 60.0% 40.0% 0.0%

(Table 47: BBC, CNN and AJE Online 2019–Science, Environment and Information Technology)

In the category of 'Science, Environment and Information Technology’, BBC

Online had 4 news items related to it out of the 79 Indian news items. CNN Online had

3 news items under this category out of its 59 Indian news items. AJE Online under

this category had 5 Indian news items out of its 120 Indian news items in total in the

year 2019.

187
 The common factor under this variable among online media reports is that all

reported news related to 'Science and Technology'. The majority of the Indian news

items were reported under the sub-category of 'Science and Technology'. Compared

to BBC Online with CNN Online, BBC Online did not have any Indian news related to

'Information Technology' in its 2019 Indian news items. CNN Online in its Indian news

reporting did not have any news related to 'Environment'. The comparison between

BBC Online and AJE Online revealed that both had Indian news items related to

'Environment' (besides Science and Technology) and did not have any Indian news

items connected to 'Information Technology'.

Conclusion

This chapter has analysed and compared between BBC Radio WNS 1977, 1997 and

2019, and between BBC Online 2019, CNN Online 2019 and AJE Online 2019. It has

also made a comparison of BBC Online 2019 with BBC Radio WNS 2019. In short,

analysis has been done on the BBC's pre-online era and online era news reporting of

Indian news items, and it has shown how Indian news items were reported by other

major media houses like CNN and AJE.

The next chapter discusses the first research question 'How does BBC report

India in the digital era?’ based on the analysis chapter.

188
 Chapter 7: The Indian News Coverage of BBC

Radio World News Service

Introduction

This chapter discusses and evaluates the findings from the ongoing research. This is

divided into three sections. The first section consolidates what has been learned in this

research about BBC Radio World News Services of 1977, 1997 and 2019. The second

section focuses on the similarities and differences of BBC’s Radio World News Service

2019 and Online News Service 2019. The third section looks at the Indian news

reporting of online services of the BBC, CNN and AJE. In addition to what is already

mentioned, all the three sections look into how overall research is compatible with

existing literature connected to the area of study. For a comprehensive understanding

of this research, an overview of the context and the research aims is included in the

introductory section.

Research Aims and Context

This research has examined whether new media platforms and better communication

system have changed the BBC’s reporting of India. Further, this study has sought to

determine the influence of digital technologies, especially social media, in the BBC’s

Indian news reporting (Chapter 8). This research project has also outlined a

comparative analysis to determine the significant similarities and differences in online

news reporting of India in the BBC, CNN and AJE. This would serve both as a

benchmark and as an analysis of the global standing of BBC Online against other

189
media platforms in their news coverage of India. It also gives an overview of Indian

news coverage from different viewpoints such as the European (the BBC), the

American (CNN) and the Asian (AJE). Therefore, a quick recap of the research

questions would be beneficial at this juncture.

RQ 1. How does BBC report India in the digital era?

RQ 1a. How does BBC Radio World News Service reporting of India
differ between the years 1977, 1997 and 2019?

RQ 1b. How does BBC Radio World News Service 2019 reporting of
India differ from that of BBC Online in 2019?

RQ 1c. How does BBC Online report on India compared to CNN Online
and AJE Online in 2019?

RQ 2. How have digital technologies changed the practices of the BBC

journalists reporting on India?

This study has used both quantitative and qualitative data collection methods.

The Indian news items broadcast on BBC Radio News Service were collected in each

of the three years of 1977, 1997 and 2019 for six months using the stratified sampling

method of constructed days. BBC Radio World News Service data was collected for

11 days per month (one-hour news bulletin per day) for six months. The data gathered

for BBC Radio includes the Programmes as Broadcast (PasBs) of 1977 and 1997 of

BBC Radio World News Service and the news Broadcasts of 2019 of BBC Radio World

News Service.

For online platforms of BBC, CNN and AJE, the data was gathered for six days

per month for six months employing the stratified sampling method of constructed days

beginning from May 2019 to October 2019. The combination of radio and online found

339 Indian news items were broadcast or featured during the research time frame.

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Additionally, 13 interviews were carried out with the BBC journalists or editors who

have either worked for the BBC or still work for the BBC in the news coverage of India.

The research aimed to contribute to the knowledge of the BBC's reporting of India

over the years and the impact of the changing media environment in the Indian news

coverage of the BBC. It sought further to see if the changing media environment has

helped with a better and more in-depth Indian news coverage of the BBC compared to

the past.

The first section deals with what has been learned in this research about BBC

Radio World News Service’s news coverage of India in 1977, 1997 and 2019. As

mentioned in the Methodology (Chapter 5), 13 interviews were done with the present

or former BBC journalists/editors, and their views are merged with the discussions.

The interviewees had five or more years of work experience with the Indian bureau of

the BBC. Some of those interviewed were past employees, and others are still part of

the BBC. Some of those who took part in the interview preferred to stay anonymous.

Section 1

BBC Radio World News Service news coverage of India in

1977, 1997 and 2019

This research involves the content analysis of BBC Radio World News Services of

1977, 1997 and 2019 to answer the question, ‘How does BBC Radio World News

Service reporting of India differ between the years 1977, 1997 and 2019?’ The easy

and faster communication system (Williams, 2011) resulted in increased Indian news

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coverage of the BBC. This research found that there was an increase in Indian news

coverage at the BBC.

Increase in the Indian News Coverage

When BBC Radio World News Service broadcasts between 1977, 1997 and 2019 were

compared, the overall finding was that there was an increase in the frequency of news

coverage in the digital era. Between 1977 and 1997 the increase in the number of

Indian news items broadcast by BBC World News Service was only 1.32 per cent,

whereas between 1997 and 2019 it rose to11.22 per cent. In other words, in 1977 BBC

Radio World News Service reported on India an average of once every four days. In

1997, it reported on India once every three and a half days. In 2019, it was once every

two days. Therefore, from a slow increase in 1977 and 1997, there was a substantial

increase in Indian news coverage in 2019.

Although there is an increase in the broadcast of the Indian stories globally, it is

a real challenge to get the stories across as it would need to have a global perspective

to have an appeal for a global audience. In the words of David Loyn who was a BBC

correspondent in India from 1993 to 2013, “It is quite hard to get real stories about

things that are happening in India on the main channels in London. The stories like

myths about tiger, lost British backpackers, or controversial issues like Ayodhya, etc.,

are easier to get across”(Interview: 21 February 2020). This echoed Franks' (2014)

earlier findings that developing countries' news coverage is generally episodic about

war and disaster. William Crawley, who worked in the BBC Indian bureau for many

years, ascertained the existence of such a trend even after many years. In his words,

"Disaster coverage is certainly something that is always being given a priority. And the

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ability to get to and report on disasters quickly is considered as a mark of the

excellence of any broadcast organisations, and in this regard, the BBC has done quite

well” (Interview: 12 June 2020).

It is not the development in the communication technology alone that has

influenced the BBC's news coverage of India, but also a few other factors which have

to be considered. This includes the early establishment of the Indian bureau, which

was later expanded to many Indian local languages. If the Indian news coverage of

BBC World News Services in 1977 and 1997 was done by a handful of reporters with

stringers' help, lately things began to change with the extension of language services.

With the extension of Indian language services, more reporters were on the

ground, which resulted in the larger influx of news items. This, in turn, may have

resulted in having more Indian stories broadcast on BBC Radio World News Service.

One of the BBC editors corroborated the reason why there was a surge in the Indian

news coverage of the BBC, especially in the digital era. According to him, the

expansion of BBC reporters on the ground coupled with the technology has increased

Indian coverage.

The increase in the Indian news coverage of BBC World News Service may also

be due to India's changing global position or status. Racine (2008, p. 66) suggests,

From 1947 to the 1980s, it was a post-colonial country, cast in the mould
thoughtfully crafted by Jawaharlal Nehru and set on its way, though in
slow motion. Today, India is a post-colonial country, whose decision-
makers believe that the Nehruvian paradigm has to be adjusted to new
realities. They have not forgotten the past or its legacy, but they have

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 begun to look with a renewed confidence to the future of a ‘resurgent
India’ (Racine, 2008, p. 66).

Echoing a similar pattern Sinha and Dorschner (2010) reinforced further the

changing global position of India. According to them, India is no longer perceived as a

poor, low-income country, but has taken on the role of spokesman for the Third World

in international organisations. Today, India refuses international aid, pursues a UN

Security Council seat, and negotiates with the US as an emerging power. On account

of India's changing global position, more Indian stories are broadcast at the global

level. Samanthi Dissanayake, the Asia Editor of BBC Online, substantiated this when

she said, “India is a news hub where you have a lot of scope for interesting stories

both nationally and internationally”(Interview: 20 February 2020).

The geopolitical situation in a region influences both its national and international

news coverage. For instance, some of the significant global events reposition a region

or a nation at a global level. In their study, Sinha and Dorschner (2010) observed that

the collapse of Soviet Union in 1990, the emergence of the U.S. as a unipolar power,

India's nuclear test in 1998, and the rise of China resulted in a strategic shift in policies

of the international community towards India. The rise of India has resulted in the

transformation of the geopolitics of the region. This transformation caused one of the

reasons for India's increased international news coverage. Racine (2008) confirmed

the region's geopolitical transformation in his study, "The rise of India is therefore

transforming the geopolitics of Asia, and Japan has not missed the point. The ‘strategic

and global partnership’ between Tokyo and New Delhi was upgraded in 2006, for

Japan, like other East Asian countries, is not averse to a more powerful India to

counterbalance the rise of China” (Racine, 2008, p. 72). The geopolitical shift of a

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region or country affects its global news coverage, and in the case of India, it was no

different either.

Any border dispute or tension in two countries' borders could escalate the news

coverage from that region as it affects the international community. For example,

during the dispute at Gaza, the tension at Mexico and America's borders, the border

dispute between India and Pakistan, or between India and China intensified the

international news coverage from these regions. This reiterates Wasserman’s (2017)

findings that the geopolitical shift changes the news coverage of a particular country

or region. There was a more comprehensive news coverage by the BBC during the

recent border tension (February 2019) between India and Pakistan. Because of its

status as an international media organisation, the BBC is looked upon for credible and

reliable news coverage on occasions such as geopolitical volatility in the region.

The global interest regarding India deepened further because no media could

easily ignore the economic reasons. There is a link between commerce and press

coverage in foreign countries (Pietilainen, 2006). Kaushik Basu (2008) outlines that if

the growth of India’s per capita income in the 1950s and 1960s was at just over 1 per

cent per annum, in the year 2008, it was over 7 per cent per annum. The economic

reasons paved the way for a greater interest in the Indian stories globally resulting in

more news items being covered. BBC Radio World News Service was no different in

its approach, which resulted in its increased Indian news coverage. In the words of

David Loyn, “It is also because of the scale of India, which has one-fifth of the world

population and potentially a huge market. India is one of the world's sorts of a rather

intriguing conundrum, so the interests are high in the global market" (Interview: 21

February 2020).

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 If in the past, the Indian market was one of the primary reasons for the BBC to

establish itself in India, even today it continues to be one of the major factors in

anchoring it further. This reconfirms with the earlier study that the news reports are

influenced by business prospects (Mandira Banerjee, 2001).

The development of faster and easier communication systems coupled with the

expansion of the BBC’s Indian bureau, the presence of more reporters at the ground

level, the changing global equations of India, and the potential of Indian market

ensured an increase in the number of Indian stories by BBC Radio World News

Service, over the years.

Shorter News Items in 2019

In the years 1977 and 1997 all the news items broadcast by BBC Radio World News

Service belonged to the category of 61-180 seconds or above, resulting in a longer

duration of the news items. In 1977 there were only 20 Indian news items, and in 1997

there were only 22 news items, but the duration of the individual Indian news items

broadcast by BBC Radio World News Service was longer compared to the news items

of 2019. Although the individual duration of the Indian news was shorter compared to

2019, the number of news items were more in the year 2019 compared to the years

1977 and 1997. The Indian news coverage of BBC Radio World News Service in 2019

was increased to 39, but the duration of individual Indian news items featured saw a

descending drift.

An important aspect to be considered here is the structure of the news broadcast.

Over the years, BBC Radio WNS has changed its structure hence the style and

duration of the news items may have changed.

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Broadened Indian News Stories

In this research, we had done a comparative study of the major topics featured by BBC

Radio World News Service in its Indian news coverage of 1977, 1997 and 2019. We

had categorised the topics into twelve categories with subcategories under each of the

main category. The comparison revealed that the year 2019 in its broadcasts BBC

Radio World News Service had a greater diversity of topics than 1977 and 1997.

For instance, in the year 1977, BBC Radio World News Service broadcast five

categories of Indian topics in its news items. Out of these five categories, the major

share of the news broadcast was Indian political issues with 45.0 per cent of the 20

news items. In the year 1997, BBC Radio World News Service had broadcast nine

topics of Indian news items in its broadcasts. This time the focus was on the Indian

government policies, which had the major share of 32 per cent of the 22 news items it

had broadcast. When it came to 2019, BBC Radio World News Service broadcast ten

topics of Indian news items in its broadcasts. Out of these, law and order had 31 per

cent out of the 39 news items.

Indian news stories broadcast on BBC Radio World News Service broadened

for various reasons. In 1977 when the resources were limited both in terms of

personnel and technology, the focus was limited to the day's major stories. In the words

of Mark Tully, who played a predominant role in establishing the BBC Bureau across

India, “We were largely concerned inevitably with the main running story of the day,

whatever that was” (Interview: Tully, 14 May 2020). Satish Jacob went on to add,

Mark Tully and I were working together. We had a small office, only two
of us for the report. Every morning when he came to the office, we would
quickly have a conference. We would sit down and look at the
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 newspapers. And then we both discuss; these are the stories we should
follow. Obviously, we cannot follow many stories. We used to pick about
maximum two or three stories depending on the significance of the story
(Interview: Jacob, 19 June 2020).

According to David Loyn, in the year 1997, when both the communication system

improved and the number of people working for the BBC in India increased, various

Indian news items began to be featured (Interview: 21 February 2020). In 2019,

although there was only a marginal increase in the topics of the Indian news items

broadcast by BBC Radio News Services compared to 1997, what is to be noted is the

increment in the number of stories featured under various topics. Therefore, the

development of the communication system and the increased presence of people on

the ground have increased the types of Indian news stories broadcast by BBC Radio

World News Services in 2019.

The research revealed that in 1977, 1997 and 2019, the focus was on the

prevalent topic or situation that arose that year. Such was the case from the early days

of the BBC itself. For instance, in the year 1977, it was Indian political issues that were

at the forefront. This was underlined by Mark Tully when he said, "It was a very

important political time, and then it was an election year. There was all the political

instability under the Janata government after the election. And that was what our

listeners wanted" (Interview: 14 May 2020). The people looked for political news, and

the BBC went along with the emerging trend providing political news, which was much

sought after at that time. In 1997 the government policies topped that chart, as it was

a time of liberalisation of Indian economy. Hence, the focus was on government

policies related to it. "After the liberalisation, the Indian market has opened up a lot,

and India is a huge market for everyone. It is a young audience which is untapped.

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There was a lot of attention on India, the stories from India,” said one of the BBC

journalists who has been working with the BBC in the last 12 years (Interview: BBC

News Anchor, 4 December 2018).

The focus was on law and order in 2019 as there was much social unrest in India

for various reasons. The Hindu right-wing party was in power with an absolute majority

which amplified the crime against minorities, the removal of the special status of

Kashmir led to violent demonstrations in the Kashmir valley, and the controversial

Indian Citizen Act led to law and order issues across India. The BBC stimulated by the

happenings in India, ended up doing a lot more stories related to law and order. In the

words of William Crawley,

People do not expect the BBC to be a cheerleader for populist views.

They do not expect it to be a major leader in public opinion, but they do
expect it to be aware of the issues of concern in India, the changes that
are taking place, the worries that people have, the concerns that people
have about these changes, the issue of minorities. These things are
legitimately part of an international broadcaster’s perspective, and some
of them are controversial and not always easy to get right (Interview:
Crawley, 12 June 2020).

Therefore, BBC Radio World News Service featured predominantly India's

domestic issues, which had a global interest. It is not surprising that any national event

with a broader implication within India also becomes of global interest with the existing

communication system across the globe. The Indian demography, population, Indian

market, and the Indian Diaspora across the world could not be ignored. The

comparison between 1977, 1997 and 2019 revealed an increase in the range of topics

covered by BBC Radio World News Service. There was an increase in the number of

news items under each news topic compared to 1977 and 1997. The topics like Indian
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economic policies, human and natural disasters, Indian politics and law and order have

been consistently featured by BBC Radio World News Service, although they varied

in their frequencies.

The increase in the number and the range of sources

The study into the news sources used by BBC Radio World News Services of 1977,

1997 and 2019 revealed an increase in the number of sources used in the Indian news

items in 1997 and 2019.

In the year 1977, there was no mentioning of the sources used in the Indian news

items. Although there was no mentioning of the sources used in the PasBs of 1977,

Mark Tully mentioned during the interview that the deployment of stringers across India

by the BBC helped them connect with the sources.

We had agencies as sources of our news. What was particularly helpful

to us was that we had a network of locals or stringers in town, not just in
the big cities, but in smaller towns as well. And they were an invaluable
source for us. And of course, on the whole, India is quite an open country
except during an emergency. So, you have politicians talking to you, or
sometimes bureaucrats and you had other sources (Interview: Tully, 14
May 2020).

William Crawley added, “In the 1970s and the 1980s the building up of a network

of high-quality correspondents in every major centre in India was, I think, a huge

development and huge advantage not only to BBC Indian language services and BBC

World Service in English but also in providing a source of news and a source of

information” (Interview: 12 June 2020).

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 By 1997 the communication system became easier, and the accessibility was

faster with a strong network of stringers across India. As a result, the sources of

different types were employed in BBC Radio World News Services' news coverage of

India. There were 45 sources employed in the 22 Indian news items by BBC Radio

World News Service in 1997. In the year 2019, the numbers of sources used in the

Indian news items rose to 69. The development of communication system and easy

accessibility had enabled the BBC to have more sources in its Indian news items.

Although the numbers vary between 1997 and 2019, what was significant in both

these years was their use of Indian government official and experts’ views as sources

in the Indian news items. David Loyn explained how access to government agencies

and experts’ views were possible for the BBC.

Mark Tully had set up a network of really good quite senior journalists
right around India. You know, so if I wanted to go to Lucknow to meet the
chief minister, I phoned round-up Tripathi, the BBC man in Lucknow. And
he was a senior journalist, and he could get me in to see the chief
minister. So, we had this really strong network of journalists who were our
eyes and ears. We could phone them up and ask what is going on. During
the '96 election, I travelled all over pretty well to every state. I was
impressed by the quality of the individuals we had met to call on
(Interview: Loyn, 21 February 2020).

Evidently, in the year 1997 the BBC relied more on the known and verifiable

sources like media personnel when the verification was not easy compared to 2019.

This was evident from the fact that 64.0 per cent of the experts' views used in 1997

were 'media experts.' However, in 2019 when the verifications became easier, the

Indian news coverage of BBC Radio World News Service had 51.0 per cent of views

from 'other', and the media experts' views were only 30 per cent.

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 More journalists in the field for gathering information added greater authenticity

and transparency to the news report. The news sources could be obtained from

different sources, depending on the topics that were being covered. As one of the BBC

correspondents affirmed, "It depends on the nature of the news. If it is a disaster or an

attack, then you have to rely on what the police or what the authorities are saying.

Sometimes it is eyewitnesses. Sometimes it is your reporters on the ground"

(Interview: BBC Correspondent 1, 5 December 2018). This has resulted in having

views from different experts or people involved or connected with the event and added

various viewpoints and dimensions to news items. This was further confirmed by Rupa

Jha9, the head of BBC's Indian languages Services at New Delhi, in the interaction about

the sources of Indian news coverage.

We have been investing quite a lot on newsgathering. Going out and

reporting from the ground is something which has no substitute. More and
more you realise that people or audiences are interested in getting the
real reason for this or that or what was going on and about them. Our
sources are our reporters, our stringer network reporters, network
agencies, news agencies and social media platforms (Interview: Jha, 5
December 2018).

The increased presence of the BBC journalists across India gave them the

advantage of acquiring the nuances or the nitty-gritty of the news that was covered.

The 'local journalists' presence had a definite impact on gathering, framing, and

disseminating the news (Bunce et al., 2017). Understanding the local culture,

practices and social system makes it easier to report an event within its context, which

the BBC is able to do in a better way than before. However, the newsfeeds that come

9
Rupa Jha is the head of BBC's Indian languages Services at New Delhi.

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through the network had to be cross-checked. In the words of another BBC journalist,

“Because with the BBC, everything has to be verified even if it's published two hours

late, but the sources have to be cross-checked. As a reporter, if I have seen something

I would still verify it from the local administration, the police, the hospital, and the local

people" (Interview: BBC News Anchor, 4 December 2018). Thus, the more sources

used, the greater the reliability. This gave the BBC a twofold result: first, the verification

became easier, and second, the news coverage became more credible.

The rise of anonymity in the News

The frequency of mentioning the correspondent's name in the radio news items

between the years of 1977, 1997 and 2019 declined. The analysis revealed that in the

year 1977, all the news items featured had the names of the correspondents

mentioned in them. However, twenty years later in 1997, it came down to 68.0 per

cent, and in 2019 it was further down to 31.0 per cent.

The Indian news reports were fewer in number in earlier years, so too the

number of correspondents who worked for the BBC in India. As the organisation grew

larger over the years, the number of people working there increased as well. However,

despite having a better communication system and the possibility of having access to

the reporters and their details, most news reports, especially in the year 2019,

remained anonymous. One of the possible reasons was that the BBC bureau in New

Delhi had grown in volumes, both in terms of the number of staff and its Indian news

coverage, including vernacular services. There were only 26 staff working for BBC in

the year 1997. However, there were more than 200 staff working at the BBC Delhi

bureau in 2019 for all of its Indian services combined (Dissanayake-Interview: 14

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September 2020). As a result, the number of stories has increased compared to the

past. In this context, only a few news items carried the correspondents' names in them,

unlike in the past, when the stories and BBC personnel were fewer. In the past, it is

also possible that the BBC may have held the credentials of the news in high esteem

when a foreign correspondent reported Indian news, and now it no longer feels the

necessity to do so.

BBC relies on its original content

Most of the times, BBC Radio World News Service did not depend on other media for

its Indian international news coverage but instead relied on its own reports. In the year

1977 BBC World News Service relied entirely on its personnel for its Indian news

coverage. In the year 1997 out of the 35 media sources, BBC World News Service

used only 54.0 per cent of its own media personnel, and for the rest, the BBC relied

on other media sources like news agencies or other media organisations. In the year

2019 out of the 39 media sources it had sourced, 97.0 per cent were of the BBC's own

journalists. BBC Radio World News Service depended for the majority of the times on

its own journalists for its Indian news coverage.

Although the number of news items was higher in the year 2019 compared to

1977 and 1997, it used its own sources for the Indian news coverage for the vast

majority of the time. The expansion of language services in India may have helped the

BBC to have its own personnel on the ground reporting for it. Samanthi Dissanayake

authenticated this further:

We have our own reporters. Because we have access to all the language
services in Delhi, we use reporters in those language services as and
when it requires. We also have people who are stringers around the
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 country to report for us. Besides, we make use of Wire services. However,
in India, we are less reliant on the Wires than in other parts of the world.
We are so well established in India; we have lots of stringers, and we
have lots of our contacts. We have got a well-established contact system
in India. For instance, if we see something in the Times of India, and we
think that it is an interesting story, we are not going to take it from the
Times of India. We want to find out for ourselves and do a story if
necessary (Interview: Dissanayake, 20 February 2020).

In other words, the BBC was less reliant on other media sources for their Indian

news items, and even if they come across an interesting piece of news information in

other media platforms, they would instead source with their own media sources.

We have completed our discussion on BBC Radio World News Service news

report on India in the years of 1977, 1997 and 2019. Our next section discusses the

comparison of BBC Radio World News Service 2019 and BBC Online 2019.

Section 2

The comparison of the Indian news coverage of BBC Radio

WNS and BBC Online 2019

The BBC 2019: Number of News items

The comparison between BBC Radio World News Service 2019 and BBC Online 2019

(digital era) revealed that the new media platforms had enabled an increase in the

BBC’s reporting of India. However, in the comparison of BBC Radio World News

Service 2019 and BBC Online 2019, it is important to note that since the total number

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of data collected differs for each of the media, the comparison is proportional to the

sample.

More Indian news items were featured on the BBC Online platform in the year

2019 compared to the BBC Radio World News Service 2019. In proportion to the

sample collected, BBC Online had 79 news items featured in its 36 days of news

coverage whereas BBC Radio World News Service 2019 had only 39 news items in

its 66 days of news coverage. The greater quantity of reporting on BBC Online, as

compared to BBC Radio, shows how the nature of the medium enables wider news

coverage on its platform. The radio broadcasts had time constraints and were time-

bound whereas online had none of these limits. Compared to the radio, online had the

possibility of updating itself with news items as and when it was required. Online

journalism allows for continuous updating of stories (Anderson and Egglestone, 2012)

and therefore, the online platform had the advantage of having a greater number of

stories in it compared to the radio. The focus on the digital platform and the possibility

of having more stories on a digital platform resulted in having more extensive news

coverage of India by BBC Online 2019.

The BBC 2019: The range of Indian news stories

The comparison between BBC Radio World News Service and BBC Online in the year

2019 has shown that there was only a marginal difference between the platforms in

the range of Indian topics featured. BBC Online had only the additional topic of ‘Travel

and Tourism’ in its platform compared to the radio. Although the range of topics

featured was similar to that of BBC Radio 2019, BBC Online 2019 featured more

detailed Indian news coverage than the BBC Radio World News Service 2019. With

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the nature of the online platform, it was easier for the BBC Online to have varieties of

Indian news stories as Rupa Jha said, “Earlier the range of stories consisted mostly of

typical hardcore journalism. Now it is beyond that and which is very important because

the new audience of young people and women are interested in everything, and we

have to cater to that" (Interview: Jha, 5 December 2018). Information explosion era

has caused a substantial increase in the various types of news topics being covered

(Bunce, 2017).

The change in the way the news is consumed with the arrival of online platforms

forced the BBC to go beyond the traditional news coverage in its Indian news

coverage. As a result of this approach, BBC Online 2019 featured many more stories

beyond the traditional news reporting. New interactive media environment altered the

nature of storytelling and the news presentation (Pavlik, 2000). "I think BBC now gives

360-degree view of India–what’s working and not working at the same time. We also

report now extensively on change makers” (Interview: Jha, 5 December 2018).

It was not only on account of the consumer that BBC Online broadened its scope

of Indian news items, but also its unique status. Unlike the Indian based media, the

BBC being an international broadcast media, had the advantage of reporting specific

Indian news stories that others may not report or highlight with details as the BBC did.

Having this advantage, BBC Online has been propelled to have more varieties of

Indian stories in its platform. "Stories which probably in all the Indian media may not

be covered because of various reasons. I think the BBC is getting into those stories.

They can be something which is unique or of human interest or it can be something

which topics probably other media may not be touching upon,” (Interview: BBC News

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Anchor, 4 December 2018) added one of the journalists from the Indian bureau of the

BBC.

Besides, the BBC as an international news organisation has both national and

international news reporting. However, this research focussed on the global outreach

of the BBC, i.e., the World Radio World News Service and BBC Online English. Thus,

BBC Online had included stories which might be of interest to the global interest, and

this could have widened the range of Indian stories. “Our strengths lie in putting India

into a global perspective–where does India stand with the rest of the world and how

does the rest of the world view India as a country” (Perera: Interview: 23 June 2020).

Another BBC journalist who works at the Indian bureau reaffirmed, “I think what BBC

is trying to do is that they are trying to bring India to the world and bring the world to

India. So that is in one line if I can define the BBC’s reporting of India” (Interview: BBC

News Anchor, 4 December 2018).

The scope and range of Indian stories featured by BBC Online have increased.

However, there is a common pattern both in BBC Radio World News reporting and

BBC Online 2019. The common pattern found in the BBC's reporting of India was that

both had the same popular topics with the maximum number of news items, i.e., 'law

and order' and 'human welfare stories'. Under the human welfare stories, the news

items with many stories belonged to 'natural disasters' and 'human-caused disasters.’

Developing countries receive prime news coverage where there is a major disaster or

violence (Franks, 2014). In spite of having an increased number of Indian news items

on the online platform, this pattern did not change. When asked about negative Indian

news items being reported, one of the BBC correspondents said, "Our focus is on true

stories which sometimes seem to be negative stories, but still need to be done"

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(Interview: BBC Correspondent 1, 5 December 2018). Another journalist added, “There

are two things. News is what you report what it is. If there is something that is not what

it should be then if you are reporting it, it does not mean that you are painting a negative

picture. For example, there have been a couple of issues around women's safety. And

obviously, if you report them does it mean that you are painting the negative picture”

(Interview: BBC News Anchor, 4 December 2018).

Ayeshea Perera added further,

If a natural or human disaster happens and if we do not cover it that is

going to make us look stupid. Stories like this are, unfortunately, that
makes the news, and that is what people like to know. In one of the
content researches on what our audience consume on our online
platform, we found something very interesting. The inspirational stories
and exotic Indian stories had takers among the global audience, but the
Indian audience looked for aspirational stories (Interview: Perera, 23
June 2020).

News is negative, and at times, the media organisation is forced to report, which

might be negative in nature, and the BBC is no different. Adverse events that occur

compel the journalists to report such events (Scott, 2009). According to William

Crawley, it is inevitable to report negative news, and no media organisation can ignore

this. In his words,

I think the prominence for human rights stories is something that has been
consistently given priority by the BBC over the years. Law and order is
probably something that is being caught up in the human rights debate
that if the demonstrations were being suppressed in ways that concern
human rights, the people are more worried about it. And it is more likely
to get coverage in international broadcasters including the BBC. Law and
order are issues, in themselves. If riots are going on anywhere in the
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 world, in this country or in India, they are news (Interview: Crawley, 12
June 2020).

The BBC 2019: Number and kind of sources used in the Indian news

items

The number and kind of sources employed in the news items have risen in BBC Online

2019 compared to BBC Radio World News Service 2019. The possibility provided by

the online platform to have in-depth news coverage has enabled BBC Online 2019 to

have various kinds or levels of sources used in its Indian news coverage.

The comparison of BBC Radio World News Service 2019 and BBC Online 2019

found that BBC Online 2019 in its 36 days of Indian news coverage had sourced 89

more Indian government agency sources compared to the 66 days of BBC Radio

World News Services 2019. The space available on an online platform coupled with

easy accessibility of the government officials or agencies enabled it to have more

quotes in the news coverage. For the radio coverage too in terms of the accessibility

is similar, but on account of the time constraints of a news bulletin, the radio cannot

have many sources used in its news coverage. Similarly, looking at the sourcing of the

international politicians or diplomats, it was found that online platform had used

additional 18 sources than the radio.

The significant difference between BBC Radio World News Service and BBC

Online 2019 was sourcing 'experts and those involved views’ in their Indian news

coverage. Under this category, BBC Radio World News Service in its 66 days of Indian

news coverage had only 37 sources under ‘experts and those involved views’ while

BBC Online in its 36 days of news coverage had 274 sources under this category. So,

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the chances of sourcing ‘experts and those involved views’ in BBC Radio World News

Service was 0.94 times in a news item while for BBC Online 2019 it was 3.44 times in

a news item.

The increased presence of local journalists reporting for the BBC contributed to

the increased sources in the Indian news reports. The words of one of the editors of

the BBC confirmed that having locals to report for the BBC has, in a way, increased

not only the richness of the BBC's Indian news coverage but also increased easy

accessibility.

There are a large number of Indians based in India working for the BBC
who bring further nuance and for whom this is not bizarre, they will
present an Indian reality in a way that cannot be understood by somebody
looking in from the outside. So, I think that at the moment in the BBC's
presentation of India there is a huge amount of local understanding which
is essentially bringing India to the rest of the world. I think there is a
certain richness of understanding which comes into that. And it hugely
supplements, and maybe, it has overtaken the coverage of India by
reporters based outside (Interview: BBC Editor 3, 4 December 2018).

BBC Online 2019 had more news reports on India compared to BBC Radio World

News Service 2019. It also had more in-depth news items on India compared to the

radio. Online news service freed the news consumption from the tyranny of schedules

(Smith and Steemers, 2007).

The third section of this chapter discusses the comparison of the BBC with CNN

and AJE. This will serve both as a benchmark and as an overview of the global

standing of BBC Online against other major media platforms in their news coverage of

India.

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Section 3

BBC Online News Coverage of India compared to CNN and

AJE in the year 2019

The discussion in this section is about the similarities and differences in online news

reporting of India in the British Broadcasting Corporation (the BBC), the Cable News

Network, Inc. (CNN) and the Al-Jazeera English (AJE). This also helps to situate the

global standing of BBC Online against other major media platforms such as CNN and

AJE. It also enables to have a look at the Indian news online coverage from three

different viewpoints, i.e., the European (the BBC), the American (CNN) and the Asian

(AJE).

The Indian News Coverage of the BBC, CNN and AJE

The comparative study of online reporting of Indian news covered by the BBC, CNN

and AJE proved that in proportion to the sample considered, AJE Online had the most

extensive coverage of India—both in terms of the number of days and the total number

of Indian news items. When the three online platforms are compared, AJE topped the

chart with the most number of news items with longer Indian news items, with the most

number of news items placed in its homepage, with the most number of news items

mentioning the name of the correspondent, and the greatest number of sources in their

Indian news items. The BBC has the most number of sources used from social media

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in its Indian news coverage. However, all three online platforms were similar in the

range of Indian topics they featured in their online platforms.

When compared the 36 days of Indian news coverage between the BBC, AJE

and CNN, AJE has the highest number of days in which at least one Indian news item

was covered, followed by the BBC. In terms of the number of news items, AJE had the

most number of Indian news items followed by the BBC and CNN. Therefore, when

compared, AJE had the most number of days covered and the Indian news items in its

online platform. However, for BBC Online news coverage, there are certain aspects

which are to be borne in mind.

The news coverage of BBC’s global English language news coverage needs to

be of global interest. When it comes to the global news coverage, the BBC editors

consider the global perspective or the global impact of the news. One of the senior

BBC editors added, “The selection of a news item will depend upon the audience being

served. If the audience is international, then the criteria are whether this is a nationally

or internationally significant story and the impact of developments that decides whether

something is big enough to become news" (Interview: BBC Editor 3, 4 December

2018).

In the case of BBC Online, international news coverage has different front pages.

For BBC Online, there are four front pages for different audiences. This research

considered the UK front page of the BBC, which is different from the Asia front page

of the BBC. Therefore, the UK front page's priorities of the BBC online platform may

differ from that of the Asia-specific front page. Thus, BBC UK front page has fewer

stories from India. Ayeshea Perera, the digital editor for the BBC in India confirmed

this in her interview: "Basically, the homepage that you see in the UK is not controlled
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by anybody who works on the Asia desk. It is very difficult to get anything onto the UK

front page because of the UK audiences. The curators of UK pages are mostly

interested in local UK stories, unless there is something really big and important news

that happens in other parts of the world” (Interview: 23 June 2020). This reconfirms the

earlier finding by Frank’s (2006, 2014) studies that getting Indian stories to the

worldwide audience has always been a challenge unless it is a disaster or war-related

news story or if the story has a western angle to it.

The geographical proximity of a media networks operation to the place or events

influences the coverage. A comparative study of ‘Newspaper coverage of the 2011

protests in Egypt’ between six newspapers by Al Maskati (2012) revealed that

geographic proximity of the media house to the place in which the events took place

was a major factor determining the intensity of coverage provided. AJE having its

primary operations from the Middle East is geographically closer to India. The Middle

East's geographical proximity to India is one of the reasons for the larger number of

Indian news items featured by AJE.

Apart from the geographical proximity of AJE headquarters with India, another

possible reason could be the culturally and politically aligned audience whom the

media house serves. For the increased number of Indian news coverage by AJE could

be on account of the ‘social unrest’ that occurred in Kashmir as a result of the removal

of the special status of Kashmir by the Indian government in the year 2019. This was

not surprising as Al-Jazeera English, a subsidiary of Qatar’s Al-Jazeera Arabic

network, has its own special interest in Kashmiri people's issues. This goes in line with

Powers and el-Nawawy's (2009, p. 173) earlier findings that the news contents are

tamed to serve the interests and concerns of specific culturally and politically aligned

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audience rather than for a global audience. The increase in the number of Indian news

items by AJE may have resulted from the ‘social unrest’ in the Kashmir valley on

account of the Indian government decision to withdraw the special status of Kashmir

in the year 2019. Besides, the large presence of the Indian Diaspora in the Gulf region

could not be ignored by AJE.

In the Indian news items on the online platform, the BBC had the least number of

news items on its UK home page (UK front page) whereas AJE had the highest number

of stories in its home page. There could be a technical reason behind this. For BBC

Online, there are four front pages for different audiences across the globe. In the words

of Ayeshea Perera, “We have four curated editions of BBC. One for the UK audiences,

the second one for Asia Pacific audiences, the third for the US and then for everybody

else which they call the International Facing Site” (Interview: 23 June 2020). Therefore,

the likelihood of an Indian story placed on the BBC's UK front page is most unlikely,

unless it is very important.

When the lengths of the Indian news items (according to the total number of

words) are compared, the BBC had very few long stories compared to CNN and AJE.

AJE had the highest number of news items which were longer with at least 501 words

and above. This could be because of the large number of sources used in the Indian

news coverage.

The BBC had the lowest number of news items in which the correspondent's

name was cited, and CNN had the most. The comparison had shown that the

difference between the BBC and CNN was 55.0 per cent in the category 'unspecified'

and between the BBC and AJE it was 28.0 per cent. According to Ayeshea Perera, the

BBC's digital team in India is very small. Moreover, when there is a big story that
215
happens, they also rely on language services for the sources to avoid duplication of

the work. This may have caused BBC Online news reports not to mention the

correspondent's name in its reports.

In terms of employing different sources in the news coverage, AJE had the most

sources in their news reports compared to CNN and BBC Online. In all, the BBC had

373 sources used in its Indian online news coverage. CNN had 427 sources used, and

AJE had 712 sources in its Indian news coverage. A major part of these sources came

from the ‘Indian government agencies’ and ‘views of experts and those involved’.

These total numbers exclude sources from other media networks that were used in the

Indian news coverage. The BBC had the least number of sources used in its Indian

news coverage. The shorter news items featured on the online platform could be the

reason for a low number of sources. Ironically, in spite of having large numbers of BBC

reporters on the ground including those from the Indian language services, it is also to

be noted that CNN had more sources in its Indian news coverage even though it had

20 Indian news items less than BBC Online.

The range of Indian news topics featured by online platforms of the BBC, CNN

and AJE was similar in their coverage. All three online platforms had eleven topics

covered out of the twelve in each of their online platforms, and all three of them did not

have any news covered under the topic of 'Indian judiciary' (executive and legislative

matters only). The range of Indian news coverage was similar, but the number and

depth of the coverage varied as indicated earlier. Samanthi Dissanayake from the BBC

had this to add, "I think there has been a broadening of the agenda to include a wider

kind of range of stories that we can sort of readily include on a daily basis" (Interview:

20 February 2020).

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 The BBC and AJE had the most number of news items under the topic 'law and

order'. However, for CNN, the human welfare stories had the maximum number of

Indian news items. As indicated earlier in the analysis of BBC Radio World News

Service, the maximum coverage on ‘law and order' topics could be because negative

news gets much more attention than other types of news. And they need to be

reported.

The BBC used Twitter as a source more than CNN and AJE. The other social

media platforms, as sources of news, were scarcely used by all three platforms. The

BBC uses social media sources to give in-depth Indian news coverage. It is one of the

places where one can access an instant quote/view of a person involved in an event.

The BBC upon verifying uses social media as a source for its Indian news coverage.

The comparative study of the Indian news coverage of the BBC, CNN and AJE

revealed that AJE covered India more than the BBC and CNN. The news coverage of

a country depends on many factors such as national interests, business prospects,

diplomatic and cultural relations with a country. Mandira Banerjee (2001) and Nothias

(2016) in their studies have already indicated that when it comes to covering a nation

by an international media, a lot of complex factors come into play. In the Indian news

coverage of the BBC, CNN and AJE it is not different either.

The next chapter discusses the influence of digital technology like social media

in the journalistic practices of BBC correspondents reporting on India.

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 Chapter 8: The BBC Journalists Reporting

India in an Era of Digital Technology

Introduction

This chapter focuses on the influence of digital technology, especially online and social

media. The emphasis here is on the changes the digital technology has brought in the

Indian BBC journalists’ working environment, its influence on Indian news coverage,

its role in getting news, how it has been used as sources for the news coverage, and

how it has accelerated the accessibility and the dissemination of the Indian news. This

chapter tries to answer the second research question, ‘How have digital technologies

changed the practices of the BBC journalists reporting on India’? This study tries to

answer this question from the data analysis and the interviews conducted as part of

this research. Some of the significant changes that the digital media has brought about

in the Indian bureau of the BBC are discussed here.

Digital Media Opens New Horizons

The digital technologies have made newsgathering and dissemination a lot easier and

faster compared to the period before the arrival of digital technologies. In the words of

David Loyn, "In the 1990s, the International phone calls were very complicated. There

were work issues in the early days. However, technology has transformed the capacity

of broadcast organisations to operate today" (Interview: 21 February 2020). The

comparison of BBC Radio World News Service of 1977, 1997 and 2019 raises possible

evidence of the influence of technology in the newsgathering and dissemination. For

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instance, the difference in the number of Indian news items broadcast between 1977

and 1997 was minimal with 1.32 per cent. However, the difference between 1997 and

2019 (during major digital innovation) increased to 11.22 per cent. This indicated that

digital media might have been one of the influential factors for the acceleration and

diversification of the range of Indian news coverage.

Additionally, the new platforms emerging on account of the digital technologies

may have boosted the Indian news coverage. In proportion to the samples collected

from BBC Radio World News Service and BBC Online in the year 2019, the data has

shown that BBC Online had more news items featured on its platform than the radio.

BBC Online had 79 news items featured in its 36 days of news coverage, whereas

BBC Radio World News Service 2019 had only 39 news items in its 66 days of news

coverage. The digital media may have helped the BBC journalists to find and

disseminate more Indian stories which would have been far harder to achieve in the

era before the advent of digital technology.

The BBC's then director-general John Birt realising the digital media's potential

reach, had begun to focus on the online platform more vigorously in the mid-nineties

(Webb, no date). In December 1997 BBC Online was officially launched (Crisell, 2002;

see also Ramsey, 2018) which marked the beginning of the BBC's entry into digital

broadcast redefining traditional journalism's borders.

The online platform provided both a challenge as well as an opportunity for the

journalists. It was an opportunity because of its reach and scope. It was a challenge

because of the platform's open nature, and therefore, subjected to broader scrutiny.

The online platform broadened the scope of the news' reach and facilitated wider

219
dissemination of the news (Lee, 2012). The BBC recognising the great prospect of the

digital platform, oriented itself to the changing media platforms.

The BBC’s adaptation to the newer communication technologies not only resulted

in more Indian news broadcasts, but it also gave greater visibility and opportunities for

the BBC journalists reporting on India. For instance, in 1977 and 1997, the reporting

of Indian news items was limited to the day's main news. This was on account of both

technological limitations as well as lack of personnel. However, the arrival of digital

technologies provided the journalists both opportunity and a platform to report on

various topics. As stated above the nature of the online platform has enabled the BBC

to have wider news coverage.

Broadened the Range of Indian News Topics

The digital technology provides an opportunity to have news stories with different focus

and dimension. The stories or events otherwise could not have been noticed or

highlighted, or found their way to the realm of public domain. The Indian stories or

situations were no different. The digital era, therefore, has opened wide the floodgates

of information to the public domain. David Loyn echoed a similar thought pattern when

he said,

The nature of the information that we receive has changed on account of

the development of communication technologies. And inevitably that has
changed the kinds of stories that people cover because some of the
events become big stories because of the exposure to new media.
Therefore, you end up doing stories of different genre and kind which
otherwise you may not think about or was not aware of (Interview: Loyn,
21 February 2020).

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 The digital media may have caused easier accessibility resulting in an increased

possibility of reporting more stories of India. If one of the reasons for fewer news stories

and more limited coverage was the lack of easy communication system earlier, the

digital media has substantially removed such barriers. The comparison of the type of

Indian news items broadcast on BBC Radio World News Service in the years 1977,

1997 and 2019 revealed this further. In the year 1977 out of the 20 Indian news

broadcasts, the range of Indian stories was limited to 5. In the year 1997 out of the 22

news broadcasts, the range of Indian stories increased to 9. In the year 2019, there

were 10 of them out of 39 featured news. The comparison between BBC Radio World

News Service 2019 and BBC Online 2019 has shown that on the online platform the

range of Indian stories rose to 11 as against 10 on BBC Radio World News Service.

The easy accessibility facilitated by the digital media has enabled BBC Indian

journalists to expand Indian news coverage beyond the traditional news broadcast. In

the words of Samanthi Dissanayake,

In terms of story selection, the advent of new and social media enabled
us to have lots of things open to us and has quite broadened our agenda.
It has opened this up to the variety of life and humanity out there. There
are some tragic and powerful stories behind them, which tell you
something about the Indian story or the Indian experience that maybe we
would not have had such ready access to before that. It gives us more
access to stories about what we would like to call underserved
audiences—the audiences that are not just your traditional ones. It goes
all over the world online (Interview: Dissanayake, 20 February 2020).

Thus, the comparison of BBC Radio World News Service between 1977, 1997

and 2019 revealed an increase in the Indian news broadcast by BBC Radio World

News Service as the communication system developed. The comparison between

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BBC Radio World News Service 2019 and BBC Online 2019 showed that the online

had more types of Indian news items featured.

More Sources and Accessibility

The BBC’s adaptation of digital technology enabled it to have newer and deeper

nuances to its Indian news coverage. The easier communication system available in

a digital era provided greater accessibility which accelerated the possibilities of having

more sources employed in the Indian news coverage of BBC. The easy communication

system has made accessibility to different sources possible which otherwise could

have been difficult.

A glimpse into the sources employed in BBC Radio World News Service

coverage of 1977, 1997 and 2019 shows that more sources were used as the

communication system became faster and easier. For instance, the 1977 PasBs of

BBC Radio World News Service did not mention any of the sources used in its Indian

news coverage. In 1997, there were 45 sources used in the 22 Indian news items by

BBC Radio World News Service. In the year 2019, 69 sources were employed in the

Indian news coverage by BBC Radio World News Service. The comparison between

BBC Radio World News Service 2019 and BBC Online 2019 has shown that the online

platform had used a lot more sources than the radio. Although the possibility of

accessibility was equal for both BBC Radio and online, online had the advantage of

unrestricted space, unlike the radio. Therefore, the digital platform, like the online

platform, helped journalists have news items from various sources. For instance, the

Indian government sources used in the BBC’s news coverage of India in BBC Radio

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World News Service 2019 were only 27, whereas in the BBC Online 2019 news

platform there were 116 of them.

Similarly, if we compare the sourcing of international politicians and diplomats in

the 2019 Indian news coverage of the BBC, we find that BBC Radio World News

Service had only 6 sources under this category, while BBC Online had 21 of them.

Likewise, if we compare the sourcing of ‘experts and those involved persons’ we find

that under this category BBC Radio World News Service 2019 had only 37 of them,

while BBC Online 2019 had 274 sources. The digital technologies have been one of

the reasons for more sources used in its Indian online news items. The nature of the

online platform allows it to have more sources integrated into the news coverage.

The online platform allows journalists to have views from different experts or

people involved or connected with the event and added various viewpoints and

dimensions to news items. Therefore, compared to the past, a journalist could

approach a news item from various angles or dimensions in the digital era. The digital

technology has changed the news coverage in terms of gathering information, news

package and the dissemination of the news.

Digital media has enabled the journalist to access different sources even

remotely. Even if a journalist is not physically present, one can still have access to the

government official press releases or contact a government official via phone or social

media. The instant connectivity, on account of new media, with people on the ground

enabled the BBC to have instant statements from different sources and shared

experiences which sometimes become the central part of the storytelling.

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 According to the interviewees, digital media has undoubtedly influenced the

content produced and the types of stories featured. One of the BBC editors had this to

say, "We keep track on what people are reading or following or what is trending. And

we try to ride those waves" (Interview: BBC Editor 1, 5 December 2018). For example,

some of the topics would not have been in the limelight if it was not on account of a

Tweet. If the Tweet was interesting enough to catch a wider audience's attention, it

was re-tweeted, and the topic was discussed a lot and eventually got the attention of

the media person who may feature, or broadcast news items related to it. This could

also happen in the reverse order. However, the end product is an interesting topic

which has come to the limelight seeking further action. A few examples from BBC

Online would elaborate it further.

“Nesamani: Who is he, and why is the world praying for him?" was the title of a

news story featured on BBC Online on 30 May 2019. It was based on a social media

trend 'Pray for Nesamani’. Nesamani was a film character in one of the Tamil movies

which got linked to another Tweet from where it all began. This news story circled

several Tweets and re-Tweets. Another story was published on the same day by BBC

Online with the following title "Miss India contest: Why do all the finalists 'look the

same'?" This was a story about the Indians' obsession with fair skin. This was started

with a Twitter post, and the news used many sources from different sections of people

related to this event.

BBC Online featured a news story titled, "Pakistan ad 'mocking' India pilot ups

ante ahead of World Cup clash" on 12 June 2019. The news story was concerning an

advertisement which Pakistan released ahead of India-Pakistan World Cup match in

2019. This was a story based on a video circulated in social media and based on

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Tweets which followed it condemning the advertisement. The video in circulation was

related to the release of an Indian Pilot Abhinandan Varthaman by Pakistan.

On 24 June 2019, BBC Online broadcast a news story "Five murders, six men

and 16 years of stolen lives." It was a report on a miscarriage of justice that devastated

the lives of six men and their families, and the state of the criminal justice system in

India. The story sourced itself from the men who lived on death row for 13 years in

prison. The news had also included sources or views from their family members in a

remote village in Maharashtra, India.

After the 2019 Cricket World Cup match between India and England, on 1 July

2019, BBC Online news did a coverage titled “World Cup 2019: Dhoni's slow batting

against England angers fans." The news was based on and unfolded around angry

'Tweets' of the Indians who criticised Mahendra Singh Dhoni and team for their slow

batting especially in the last overs of the match.

Digital Media Changed the Newsroom Environment

India being a subcontinent with multiple languages and ethnicities, it is not possible for

a news organisation to have its news reporters in all parts of India and with access to

all communities. For the BBC too despite its considerable resources the situation is no

different. However, the advent of social media has opened additional ways to get

sources apart from the traditional ways. Social media as a platform enables the

journalists to gather sources of information for a possible news item; sometimes it also

provides additional information to complement the news coverage, or at times it

provides merely additional verification of an event. Ayeshea Perera explained this

further, “We track social media. Sometimes, if we see something on data mining or

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something is popping up on Twitter, we might make a few calls to check it out.

However, mostly we know what the news stories are, then we will look to see what the

conversation is on social media or we will kind of use it” (Interview: 23 June 2020).

The arrival of social media has changed the BBC’s journalists. The accessibility

which earlier was possible only through personal or official contacts became easily

accessible now due to social media. Sometimes, the official press releases of events

or big announcements are done through social media, primarily via Twitter. As one of

the BBC editors said, "Twitter generally has become a platform of newsmakers. Much

news is generated on Twitter. So, I think it is a big source" (Interview: Jha, 5 December

2018).

BBC Radio World News Service 2019 did not have any social media sources in

its Indian news items. However, BBC Online 2019 had sourced 56 sources from social

media in its Indian news coverage in the items studied. The large majority, 95 per cent

of it, was from Twitter and the rest from Facebook sources. Social media technologies

facilitated instant and online dissemination of short fragments of information from

various sources (Hermida, 2010). The online platform provides space and opportunity

to source from social media. With the arrival of social media, the new trend is that the

people break the news at one of social media platforms. Upon verifying the authenticity

of the news, the BBC journalists at times now use social media itself as a source in

their Indian news coverage. Samanthi Dissanayake in her interview confirmed this

further when she said, "When we see things flagged on social media, we verify it using

our normal modes of sourcing. We use social media as a source if it is Tweeted from

an officially verified account by a government account or a minister" (Interview: 20

February 2020).

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 Twitter sometimes works as an immediate news source for journalists, especially

when they have limited accessibility. The earlier study conducted on this topic by Moon

and Hadley (2014) and Rauchfleisch et al. (2017) has indicated a similar pattern. For

instance, during a terrorist attack or a natural calamity, it is not always easy to

physically get to the sources. In such eventualities, the journalist looks for official

tweets from the government agencies to confirm for the latest updates. "All news

organisations are trying to get better and better at sourcing the best type of stories

from social media because they tell us something about society" (Interview: BBC Editor

3, 4 December 2018), said one of the journalists. Twitter also gives diverse views on

the same topic by different persons (Broersma and Graham, 2013).

The verified information from social media (Hermida, 2010) has not only the

potential to add further nuances to a news story, but it can sometimes save much time

(Brandtzaeg et al., 2016). "I think it is all about the timing if you can get your timing

right and if you can add to the growing interest of your audience in a particular story

by giving them angles, by giving them new ideas, by giving them perspectives they

would be interested in" (Interview: BBC Correspondent 2, 4 December 2018). Social

media updates you regularly with the latest developments across the globe. "Social

media is also an excellent resource for journalists and excellent tool by which we can

be alerted to developments as they are happening” (Interview: BBC Editor 3, 4

December 2018), reaffirms one of the BBC editors.

Social media, in a way, also forewarns you of a possible news story or

development. This helps the journalist to look for other sources or possible news

coverage related to that particular story. This becomes an early source of information.

In the words of a BBC editor, "There are many credible sources which put their content

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out on Twitter. From my team's point of view, if we are monitoring news from a given

country, then much before the news might arrive on the website let us say of a

newspaper it might be able to tweet out before that. So, in terms of being timely with

our understanding of what is happening today, it is a useful source” (Interview: BBC

Editor 3, 4 December 2018).

Digital media has changed the news environment, the way some of the news is

broken, the sources gathered, and the news disseminated as evidenced in the

interviews from the various newsroom participants. Digital Media has, in a way, both

increased and decreased a journalist's work. It has increased a journalist's work to

verify and authenticate the news on digital media before it could be used as a source

in a news item. This is particularly hard in India because of the large amount of false

news circulating in digital media (Sharma and Aggarwal, 2019; Rodrigues and Xu,

2020). It is a challenge to verify the news' authenticity and broadcast it on time before

it becomes too late. The challenge is too big for the BBC journalist, especially when

the credibility of credentials in question is too high. In the words of an Indian BBC

editor, "I think social media has changed us significantly. It has become very volatile

because what is real and what is fake has become difficult to ascertain. So, the job is

channelled to you easily, but to react in good time, to understand and sift through this

whole thing is another big challenge" (Interview: Jha, 5 December 2018). The intensity

of the journalist's work in the digital world's environment, where the possibilities of

being on the wrong side are very high (Turner, 2012).

The reach of social media in India and across the globe is so fast that one tweet

can break or make anyone. At the same time, the journalist also has the advantage of

getting news sources channelled to one's own office or desktop, via social media. It

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also provides an opportunity to update oneself with the latest trend or happening, be it

politics, business, sports or any other (Belair-Gagnon, 2015). "Sitting in my office, I am

getting stories which I would never get. However, the onus is on me to verify them",

said one of the BBC journalists from the BBC India bureau (Interview: BBC News

Anchor, 4 December 2018).

Looking at the trend in social media sometimes can help with a potential story.

Social media is used to see what the latest news trend is. In the words of Ayeshea

Perera, “…So, if something is trending on social media perhaps it might look into doing

an explainer on it or like trying to look at a new angle into something or to do something

around why this particular topic is trending and what is significant about it” (Interview:

23 June 2020). India being a multi-lingual country, it is not always possible to have

reporters covering every language or region. But with the arrival of social media, the

journalist can monitor news trends and look for potential news stories even across

different regions where the BBC has its regional language services.

A major change in the Indian BBC newsroom is the creation of the news items

for various mediums. If it was a single strategy for a single story earlier for the BBC

journalist in India, the scenario has changed to multiple strategies for a single story for

various platforms including the style of the news item, the duration or length of the

news item and so forth, because there are multiple platforms in which a single news

item can be disseminated. "Now, when we devise the strategy even of a single story,

then there is a strategy for TV, a strategy for social media, online strategy, and radio

strategy. It has changed my work. It is the way I work, the way I conceive a story that

has changed," said one of the BBC journalists (Interview: BBC News Anchor, 4

December 2018).

229
 The changes that social media brought about were not so easy for everyone.

(O’Sullivan and Heinonen, 2008). For some, it was a challenging learning process. So

too, it was with the BBC journalist working in India. As one of them said, "It is a learning

process, and not every journalist is good at it. It depends very much on the individual's

interest with social media. But I think there is a certain expectation that you cannot

ignore social media, and there is a growing expectation that one will eventually develop

the skills" (Interview: BBC Editor 3, 4 December 2018). Social media require journalists

to cope with a digital and high-speed and networked environment. This is supported

by the conclusions from an earlier study conducted by Hermida et al. (2014) and

Johnston (2016), which asserted that journalists are to familiarise with newer and

advanced technology. In a subcontinent like India, it is impossible to have journalists

across every region. However, accessibility to social media could help to get news

sources even remotely. The new trend of breaking news on social media would mean

that a journalist adapts oneself to the changing technology and environment.

Conclusion

Digital media, especially the arrival of online platforms, and social media, have

changed journalism's mediascape. The online platform provided the space for easier

accessibility to news across the globe and instant audience response if need be. This

has enabled wider news dissemination by the media houses and greater news

consumption across the globe. “I think that online platform has given journalists,

academics and everyone, access to a much wider range of public opinion” (Interview:

12 June 2020), observed William Crawly. Among digital media, social media seems to

have greatly influenced the BBC journalists (Broersma and Graham, 2013) reporting

on India. This phenomenon is not limited to India alone. However, India being a

230
subcontinent, with its multi-lingual and multi-cultural milieu, is not easy to cover. But

the platforms like social media reduce this distance and inaccessibility to a certain

extent. The accessibility, for example, of sources becomes a lot easier. Therefore,

digital media has helped to increase coverage of the Indian news with more sources

in it and a wider range of topics covered on BBC platforms.

The next chapter, which will be the concluding chapter of this thesis, will focus

on the theoretical relevance of gatekeeping theory related to this study, the findings,

and limitations of this study.

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 Chapter 9: Findings and Conclusion

This concluding chapter is divided into two sections. The first section elaborates on the

major findings based on the discussions conducted in Chapters 6, 7, and 8, and it also

dwells on the relevance of gatekeeping theory even in a digital media environment.

The second section reflects on the limitations of this research and further

recommendations for future study.

Section 1

Major Findings

The first research question sought to answer how the BBC reported India in the digital

era. This was answered through a comparative study of BBC Radio WNS between the

years of 1977, 1997 and 2019; and a comparative study of BBC Radio WNS 2019 and

BBC Online in 2019. In addition, the first research question was explored through a

comparative study of the news coverage of BBC Online 2019 with AJE Online 2019

and CNN Online 2019. The second research question examined how digital

technologies have changed the practices of the BBC journalists reporting on India.

Increase in the News Items

The research showed that the BBC’s news coverage of India, though sporadic, has

been consistent since the 1970s. However, despite the early establishment of the BBC

Indian bureau, the technological progress in the communication system and a well-knit

network of reporters and stringers across India, the Indian news coverage continued

232
to be sporadic, occasional, episodic and intermittent (Franks, 2014) to a large extent

until the arrival of digital technology. The digital era saw an increase in the Indian news

coverage of BBC Radio WNS compared to the yesteryears when digital technologies

were absent. As the digital technologies were setting in, the BBC Indian bureau

expanded its Indian languages services which ensured more journalists and reporters

on-ground reporting for the BBC. Besides, the global repositioning of India on various

fronts, the geopolitical compulsions of the region (Wasserman, 2017), the business

prospect (Banerjee, 2001), and the vast Indian market also have contributed mainly to

the increase in the Indian news report.

Range of Indian Stories Increased

The advent of digital technology changed the communication system making it easier

and faster even across the continents (Singhal and Rogers, 2001; Thussu, 2013b). As

the accessibility and the communication became easier than earlier times, this, in turn,

had a positive effect on BBC’s Indian news coverage. For instance, the comparison

between 1977, 1997 and 2019 BBC Radio World News Service revealed an increase

in the range of topics covered by BBC Radio World News Service. In the 1970s, when

resources were limited both in terms of personnel and technology, the BBC's focus

was limited to the day's major Indian stories. However, in the late 1990s, when the

communication became a little easier and faster, there was a marginal increase in the

Indian news coverage, and along with this, the range of stories began to be varied. In

2019, with the expansion of digital technology, the picture became more vivid with a

varied range of Indian stories by the BBC at a global level.

233
Negativity Prevails

What gets covered in a news broadcast is very often negative events (Chaudhary,

2001). The purpose of broadcast news is to inform the public. In this process, the

predominant topics featured on a news platform may likely have negative news content

because that is what news consists of (Scott, 2009). This study has revealed that it

was no different in the BBC global news coverage of India. Although there was an

increase in the range of Indian stories covered in the digital era, the majority of the

news items covered by the BBC at the global level were in the categories of human

and natural disasters and law and order.

Notwithstanding the increased range of topics, the majority of the Indian news

covered by the BBC for its global audience was negative. This research supplements

the earlier findings that the international representations of developing countries (in

this case, India) continue to be crisis reporting to a large extent (Brooks 1995; Bunce

et al., 2017). Neither the number of media personnel involved in reporting the news,

the nationality of the news reporter, nor the advanced communication system has

brought about a significant change in this aspect. In spite of the increase in the number

and range of stories featured, the dominant topics continued to be negative in nature.

This finding is reflected in other news outlet's international news coverage of

India. In the Indian news coverage by the BBC and AJE, the predominant topic was

'law and order'. For CNN, the dominant topic was 'human welfare stories', but under

this topic, the most featured subtopics belonged to human and natural disasters. This

is in line with the earlier studies which showed that the news coverage of developing

countries is often negative and disparaging. In this regard, the conformity of Asian

234
(AJE), European (the BBC), and American (CNN International) perspectives to the

dominant Indian topic featured was evident except for their differences in their total

number of such stories.

Use of Sources

When verification of sources was difficult, the BBC relied more on known and easily

verifiable sources like the media personnel for their Indian news coverage. But in the

digital era when the accessibility became easier, the BBC's Indian news coverage

included many sources from different fields of expertise or the people connected with

the news covered compared to the past, i.e., pre-online era. In other words, the BBC

used a wider and more diverse range of sources in its Indian news coverage in the

digital era.

The BBC may have increased its range of using sources in their Indian news

coverage, but it was not enough to surpass other media platforms in the same era.

When the BBC was compared to AJE in the digital era, it was found that the number

of sources was lower in the Indian news coverage. An increased number of journalists,

a wider network of stringers and easy accessibility may not always necessarily

guarantee an increased use of sources in news coverage. In this research, it was found

that the BBC despite having a good number of BBC reporters on the ground including

those from the Indian language services, had the least number of sources used in its

Indian news coverage with shorter Indian news items. Therefore, it is not only the

presence of the network of journalists across a region that matters in the news

coverage of a region, but also the approach and the outlook of a media organisation

towards the region both of which influence the scope of news coverage.

235
The Mode of Medium Matters

The type of media platform used in news broadcast matters both in the amount of

content and in the dissemination of news items. Even though there was an increase in

the number of Indian stories by BBC Radio WNS, the news stories' duration was

shorter compared to the pre-online era (1977 and 1997). In the digital era, the majority

of the Indian news coverage of BBC Radio WNS was shorter, condensed and at times

lacked details, unlike the pre-online era when there were fewer but longer Indian news

stories.

The easy accessibility and communication do not necessarily guarantee an

increase in the duration of news coverage of a developing country over others if the

medium used to broadcast like radio has its conventional limitations like time or space

availability within a news-hour. Therefore, the Indian news coverage of BBC Radio

World News Service stayed short, and the possibility of even the shorter Indian news

featured at a global level still remained a big challenge.

The online news platform allows greater possibility and provides news broadcast

and disseminating news items than the radio. Therefore, in the year 2019, BBC Online

had more Indian news items on its platform compared to BBC Radio World News

Service. With the possibility of additional space and scope, BBC Online also had many

more sources in its Indian news coverage, making the coverage more reliable,

credible, and richer. It also enabled the journalists from India with greater awareness

of the norms, culture and context to cover in-depth news coverage of certain events

and detail it with various dimensions, nuances and nitty-gritty.

236
The Missing Correspondent's Name

In its Indian news coverage, the BBC relied most of the time on its own media

personnel for its Indian news coverage. Despite having their own media personnel to

cover the news, compared to the late 1970s and up to the present times, there has

been a gradual decline in mentioning the correspondent's name in BBC's Radio WNS

and online news coverage of India. In 1977, when the British expats or foreign

nationals were reporting for the BBC from India, most news reports had carried their

names. When the Indian journalists began to report for the BBC, very often, the

correspondents' names were not included despite the possibility of better and direct

access to the correspondents.

Geographical Proximity Influences

The geographical closeness of a media organisation to a region or country, the cultural

and political affinity of the audience it serves, the national interests (Banerjee, 2001;

Nothias, 2016), its business prospects and the interests in the region have a great

influence on the extent of news coverage about that region or the country. This

research revealed that AJE has proximity to India on many fronts as has been

mentioned above, it had the most number of days of Indian news coverage and had

the highest number of Indian news items in its platform compared to the BBC and

CNN. Besides, AJE gave prominence and priority to several Indian news stories for

the reasons mentioned above by placing them on its home page compared to the BBC

and CNN. Additionally, the research also found that AJE had longer Indian stories than

the BBC and CNN due to its proximity in the regional matters. AJE's Indian coverage

was detailed with a lot more sources added in it.

237
Digital Technology, Journalistic Practices and Gatekeeping

Theory

Digital media, especially the onset of online platforms and social media, has

transformed the mediascape of journalism. The online platform has allowed easier

access to news across the globe and instant audience feedback. The possibilities of

various digital platforms also meant that a single news item must have different news

packages for different platforms through which it could be disseminated.

The advent of digital technologies has added new dimensions to newsgathering,

news dissemination and news consumption (Thussu, 2013b; Banerjee, 2002;

Ranganathan and Rodrigues, 2010). In line with this development, digital technologies

have changed the practices of the BBC journalists reporting on India. For a

subcontinent like India with its multi-linguistic, multi-cultural and multi-ethnic character,

the arrival of digital technologies has accelerated the accessibility of different parts of

India. As a result, the BBC Indian news broadcasts in 2019 saw an increase in the

number of news items, in the range of Indian stories and the sources that were

employed. It enabled the Indian news coverage of the BBC to have newer and deeper

nuances from various viewpoints or dimensions, but not without a series of processing.

The BBC journalists /editors had to choose from among the number of news items and

sources they received.

Digital technologies, especially social media, have changed some of the

newsroom practices of BBC in India. They have widened the scope of newsgathering

and accessibility to news sources in addition to the existing traditional ways. Digital

technologies have enabled journalists to access sources remotely via phone, social

238
media, and official websites through official press releases of events (Rauchfleisch et

al., 2017). In the eventuality of failing to physically get the sources, like in a terrorist

attack or natural calamity, the journalists looked for relevant tweets to get updates and

identify additional information. Although social media sources reached the journalists’

desktop and they could access them from their offices, verification continues to pose

a challenge. This, in a way, has increased the workload of the journalists and hence

they have looked for easily verifiable social media sources such as official tweets or

official websites for the press releases. Indeed, the BBC news coverage had 95 per

cent of its social media sources taken from Twitter in 2019. The journalists sitting in

their newsroom were able to gather information, verify it, complement with additional

information in news coverage and even get alerted of a possible news story through

social media trends, because social media technologies assisted instantaneous

dissemination of information (Hermdia, 2010) as more and more people, have been

using it to break the news.

Thus, at this point, it is also important to acknowledge that all the sources and

news items that were received by the BBC underwent the process of gatekeeping.

Therefore, gatekeeping (Lewin, 1947; Shoemaker and Vos, 2011; 2009) was a

relevant theoretical approach to this study, which has focussed on the BBC journalistic

practices and issues arising from them while reporting on India. Chapter 4 of this thesis

outlined the nature of this theory and the implication of applying it to this study.

The BBC in India expanded over the years, and its journalists embraced new

techniques for news sources and dissemination, but they still had to adhere to the BBC

editorial standards, such as journalistic objectives of truth, accuracy and impartiality.

Lewin’s theory of ‘exosystem’ (Deluliis, 2015) points out that gatekeeping occurs on

239
account of the journalistic standards and organisational policies in operation. Hence,

from the moment of receiving a source of information at the BBC, the process of

gatekeeping begins both at the individual level and institutional level. The BBC

journalist at the Indian bureau first analyses it on his/her own and does a process of

analysis of the proposed news item followed by the institutional norms of process and

selection. 'Gatekeepers represent their organisation and their profession' (Singer,

2010). Even in full media freedom, there are unwritten norms and practices in place

that influence or shape the news flow. The news presented to the public audience by

the BBC was in conformity with its own norms and practices. The BBC being both a

public broadcaster and a foreign broadcaster in India adds an additional layer of

gatekeeping when Indian news items are broadcast globally. BBC Radio World News

Service and BBC Online UK front page are oriented towards a global audience.

Therefore, the selection of the Indian news item depends not only on global

perspectives, but it also considers the 'social and cultural contexts of the audience'

(Muscat, 2015).

Therefore, in spite of the technological advancement in the newsgathering and

dissemination, the gatekeeping theory is still valid in the journalistic practices and is

relevant as before. The influx of possible news events to the BBC India bureau is so

large (Jha, December 2018) that the BBC editor had to make important choices

regarding the news items for broadcast. Thus, the process of gatekeeping was

reaffirmed, and it was necessary concerning the news selection, the angle of the story

and its prominence. Accordingly, the news item was processed and proceeded with.

The fact that there were differences in the Indian news items featured on BBC World

News Service in the years 1977, 1997 and 2019 and on BBC Online in the year 2019

affirms the validity of gatekeeping. Gatekeeping is the process by which many potential
240
news messages are sorted and formed into those few transmitted by the news media.

It is often seen as a series of decision-points at which news items or sources are either

proceeded or ended as they pass along news channels from source to correspondent

to a progression of editors (Shoemaker et al., 2001). The range of Indian topics that

varied over the years reconfirmed the process of gatekeeping. For instance, in 1977

and 1997 BBC Radio World News Services, the range of Indian topics was fewer than

the 2019 BBC Radio World News Services. Besides variation in the number of sources

used in the Indian news coverage indicated that there was a process of selection in

the use of sources used in the news coverage.

Despite the changes in the media environment, the gatekeeping roles remained

in a number of important ways at different levels of the news production process. The

BBC received several potential news sources from social media and other platforms,

but their editorial decision made an item part of the news product and enhanced the

visibility of that news source. A selection of sources from social media was already

done to determine which one was to be featured or highlighted and which one disposed

of. The gatekeeping at the BBC Indian bureau is prevalent even today. The arrival of

social media networks has not changed the process but only altered it (Singer, 2014).

The gatekeeping process, which began at the individual level, was extended to the

institutional level and further broadened to the social network level.

Compared to the past, the difference is in the type and range of processing of

news and sources. If it was more of individual processing in earlier years, as the

institutions grew, explicit norms and regulations were laid down, leading to the

institutionalised gatekeeping in the contemporary newsroom. With the arrival of social

media, gatekeeping went further to a ‘two-stepped gatekeeping level' (Singer, 2014)

241
with the difference of primary gatekeeper and the secondary gatekeeper of a news

item or event. Ultimately, it is only the form and the process that have changed, but

the concept remains valid even today. The gatekeeping theory, which has been tested

in other countries, holds good for the BBC Indian bureau. For instance, when an Indian

international news item is being prepared, the news reporter chooses among the

available sources. The editor decides which aspects or elements are to be highlighted

in a particular news item, including the headlines, intro and audio-video materials to

be used. The designer decides on the layout of the news item. Whether it is for radio,

online, or social media, the news item goes through different 'gatekeeping' layers. At

the level of production of a news item, different personnel play different roles, each

having specific control over the news package prepared.

To summarise the relevance and applicability of the gatekeeping theory in this

study, it was found that digital media has changed journalism and journalistic practices

globally. However, what remained unchanged was the journalists' role as gatekeepers

of news but in newer ways, changing according to the situations. Despite the

developments in communication technology, journalists are expected to follow media

outlets' editorial standards and policies. The BBC journalists in India were not devoid

of their editorial responsibilities; hence, gatekeeping has continued to exist even today.

From the reception of a news or a possible news item, the journalist makes his/her

choice whether to proceed with the story/information received or not and goes at par

with the organisational level decision on the news story whether to proceed with it any

further. The differences in the number and types of Indian news covered by the BBC

over the years indicated that deliberations were held on the number of stories and the

types of stories to be featured. The differences in the sources used and the length of

the news story in the digital era indicated that there was a control of information flow
242
at the editorial level. The use of social media too differed as journalists decided which

social media to be included or excluded from news coverage. For instance, in the 2019

BBC online Indian news coverage, the differences in the use of social media in the

news coverage showed the individual/organisational level decision to include or

exclude tweets or other social media sources from news coverage. Accordingly, even

in a digital era where the information may be out on social media, the journalists could

still play a vital role in enhancing or discarding a social media post, indicating the role

of primary and secondary gatekeeping. The placement of the news or its layout was

again decided by the editorial team, who played a significant role in the exposition of

the news item/s on different platforms. All these suggested that the developments in

communication technology may have changed for the better over the years, but

gatekeeping continues in different formats and ways. The gatekeeping theory is valid

even in the digital era, just as it was in the earlier days of journalism.

Section 2

Limitations and Recommendations

This thesis contributes to the existing literature by focusing on the BBC’s news

coverage of India in the digital era in particular and news coverage of the global South

by the global North in general. The findings complement some of the earlier studies

about the BBC's Indian news coverage (Banerjee, 2001; Franks, 2006; 2014), the

news coverage of developing countries (Brooks, 1995; Bunce, 2017), the influence of

the news coverage with the arrival of digital technologies (Hermida et al., 2010; 2014;

Moon and Hadley, 2014), and change in the journalistic practices on account of digital

technologies (Broersma and Graham, 2013; Belair and Gagnon, 2015; Rauchfleisch

243
et al., 2017). Although this study tries to give a comprehensive evaluation of the BBC

reporting of India, it is important to acknowledge some of its limitations on account of

various reasons.

The first major research question explored how the BBC reports India in the

digital era. A comparative study of BBC Radio World News Service broadcast between

1977, 1997 and 2019 was carried out to probe this. However, the data collected for

1977 and 1997 were radio PasBS and not the actual news broadcasts. Although it

provided details about the news broadcast, it is possible that it may not be as

comprehensive as the actual news broadcast. The actual news broadcast was used

for the year 2019 Radio WNS broadcast. Therefore, the comparison of 1977, 1997,

and 2019 may have some downsides in their details.

This research was also designed to identify the differences between radio and

online international news coverage of India. As mentioned earlier, the radio broadcast

has a few disadvantages compared to the online platform. The nature of both platforms

differs, and therefore, this was given due consideration during the research. Taking

into account the differences in the nature of radio and online, the data for radio was

collected for 66 days per year while for online, it was only for 36 days.

It is also to be noted that under the first research question, a comparison was

made among online Indian news coverage of the BBC, CNN and AJE in the year 2019.

For this, the international front pages (webpage) for CNN and AJE online were used

while for the BBC, its UK front page (webpage) was accessed to compare online

platforms. Although the BBC has an international web page for its online platform, I

could access only the UK front page of the BBC online because of my being in the UK.

244
 The BBC being a global broadcaster, has four front/home pages for different

regions and web pages with particular sections. So, it was not feasible to access and

analyse all these four front/home pages of the BBC. This research has restricted itself

to the UK front web pages accessed from the UK and the Indian news that appeared

on its home page, world page, Asia and India specific pages. The research has not

gone into other particular web section pages like sports, weather, arts, health, science,

etc. This study has not included BBC television news coverage of India due to technical

reasons.

Recommendations for Further Study

Since the BBC website has four front/home pages, it would be worth exploring BBC

English online platform and assess it from within India against one or two other leading

English online platforms operated from India. Such an approach would indicate if there

are major discrepancies or similarities in the Indian news coverage by an international

news organisation. Then that study would help determine if there are differences in the

type and the range of Indian news, the style and the approach, and the sources used

in the Indian news coverage. It would also help to make clear or assert the 'otherness'

of the BBC as an international news organisation and how much it differs compared to

Indian media organisations operating from within India. Additionally, it would also help

evaluate the Indian press freedom, considering India's changing scenario today.

Concluding Summary

The Indian news coverage of the BBC has changed with the arrival of digital

technology. This thesis has sought to demonstrate how BBC’s Indian news coverage

245
has evolved as the communication technology developed over the years. The research

has found that as communication technology became easier than earlier years, the

scope of news coverage broadened in terms of the number of news items, the range

of news coverage, and the news sources. The digital technologies have boosted the

news coverage to a newer dimension with its instant reachability and wider coverage.

Digital technologies have enhanced news coverage to a newer level, but various

elements such as geographical closeness, regional and national interests and

business prospects play a significant role in the news coverage and broadcast.

Therefore, the journalists and the editorial policies of a media house still play a vital

role in the broadcast of a news item from a region or country. In spite of the

developments in the communication system, the news coverage of developing

countries still looms largely around negative stories.

The research has also delved into the changing nature of the BBC journalistic

practices in India on account of digital media. Often the BBC is one of the first media

houses to adapt newer technologies for its broadcast. Accordingly, at the beginning of

the digital era, the BBC began to incorporate the newer digital communication

technologies into its newsroom and broadcast. It was no different also at the BBC

Indian bureau. In India, the BBC journalists had to adapt to the new technologies to

keep pace with emerging digital technologies. Digital technologies, especially social

media, enabled the journalists to be forewarned of an emerging news story, facilitated

them to approach news stories from various dimensions or viewpoints, and

empowered them to have access to sources remotely sitting in their offices with the

possibility of broadened scope of reachability. Unlike in the past, the dissemination of

news happened at multiple platforms in different formats, and so the featured news

item had to cater to different platforms through which it was to be circulated. When
246
traditional journalism blends with digital technologies, the scope of journalism is

redefined, empowering the journalists with a wider scope and newer feasibilities.

247
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Appendix 1: Data Sources

BBC Radio World News Service PasBs 1977

May 1: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 1 May 1977

May 9: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 9 May 1977

May 12: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 12 May 1977

May 21: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 21 May 1977

June 9: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 9 June 1977

June 15: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 15 June 1977

June 18: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 18 June 1977

June 21: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 21 June 1977

July 1: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 1 July 1977

July 3: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 3 July 1977

July 15: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 15 July 1977

August 3: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 3 August 1977

August 6: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 6 August 1977

August 9: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 9 August 1977

August 15: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 15 August 1977

August 24: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 24 August 1977

September 9: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 9 September 1977

November 21: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 21 November 1977

BBC Radio World News Service PasBs 1997

May 6: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 6 May 1997

May 9: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 9 May 1997

May 12: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 12 May 1997

May 18: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 18 May 1997

265
May 21: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 21 May 1997

June 9: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 9 June 1997

June 15: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 15 June 1997

June 21: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 21 June 1997

July 27: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 27 July 1997

July 30: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 30 July 1997

August 15: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 15 August 1997

August 21: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 21 August 1997

August 27: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 27 August 1997

September 12: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 12 September 1997

September 30: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 30 September 1997

October 12: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 12 October 1997

October 18: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 18 October 1997

October 24: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 24 October 1997

October 27: BBC Radio World News Service PasBs, 27 October 1997

BBC Radio World News Service 2019

May 1: Newshour, 14:06 01/05/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/13785E3C?bcast
=129031751 (Accessed: 31 May 2019)

May 3: Newshour, 14:06 03/05/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/137A1B8D?bcast
=129043881 (Accessed: 25 May 2019)

May 6: Newshour, 14:06 06/05/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/137FF867?bcast
=129079774 (Accessed: 31 May 2019)

May 12: Newshour, 13:06 12/05/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/138930C1?bcast
=129109701 (Accessed: 31 May 2019)

266
May 24: Newshour, 14:06 24/05/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/139D6CB0?bcast
=129196925 (Accessed: 31 May 2019)

May 30: Newshour, 14:06 30/05/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/13AF9065?bcast
=129235719 (Accessed: 31 May 2019)

June 1: Newshour, 13:06 01/06/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/13B7ECC6?bcas
t=129255218 (Accessed: 03 Jun 2019)

June 6: Newshour, 14:06 06/06/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/13C4A1F6?bcast
=129284276 (Accessed: 13 Jun 2019)

June 15: Newshour, 13:06 15/06/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/13D3D5CF?bcas
t=129407416 (Accessed: 29 Jun 2019)

July 9: Newshour, 14:06 09/07/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1400B8C9?bcast
=129678022 (Accessed: 10 Jul 2019)

July 12: Newshour, 14:06 12/07/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1405737C?bcast
=129697033 (Accessed: 18 Jul 2019)

July 15: Newshour, 14:06 15/07/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/140AB968?bcast
=129720325 (Accessed: 18 Jul 2019)

July 27: Newshour, 13:06 27/07/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/141F1F98?bcast
=129802290 (Accessed: 12 Aug 2019)

July 30: Newshour, 14:06 30/07/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/14242541?bcast
=129816589 (Accessed: 12 Aug 2019)

August 1: Newshour, 14:06 01/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/142692E7?bcast
=129834197 (Accessed: 12 Aug 2019)

267
August 3: Newshour, 13:06 03/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/142A8A3C?bcast
=129847230 (Accessed: 02 Sep 2019)

August 6: Newshour, 14:06 06/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/14302607?bcast
=129863030 (Accessed: 02 Sep 2019)

August 9: Newshour, 14:06 09/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/143424B1?bcast
=129881086 (Accessed: 02 Sep 2019)

August 12: Newshour, 14:06 12/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1439FAD5?bcast
=129903398 (Accessed: 02 Sep 2019)

August 15: Newshour, 14:06 15/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/143E19BD?bcast
=129922887 (Accessed: 02 Sep 2019)

August 24: Newshour, 13:06 24/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/144E95E9?bcast
=129988501 (Accessed: 03 Sep 2019)

August 27: Newshour, 14:06 27/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1451D17F?bcast
=129999008 (Accessed: 03 Sep 2019)

August 30: Newshour, 14:06 30/08/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1451D35D?bcast
=130015894 (Accessed: 03 Sep 2019)

September 9: Newshour, 14:06 09/09/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1474388B?bcast
=130221217 (Accessed: 28 Sep 2019)

September 15: Newshour, 13:06 15/09/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1474D190?bcast
=130224572 (Accessed: 28 Sep 2019)

September 18: Newshour, 14:06 18/09/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1478EC21?bcast
=130244231 (Accessed: 28 Sep 2019)

268
September 21: Newshour, 13:06 21/09/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/147BD1DD?bcas
t=130257585 (Accessed: 28 Sep 2019)

September 24: Newshour, 14:06 24/09/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/1482ECAF?bcast
=130287750 (Accessed: 28 Sep 2019)

September 30: Newshour, 14:06 30/09/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/148CCA0E?bcas
t=130323787 (Accessed: 01 Oct 2019)

October 1: Newshour, 14:06 01/10/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/148F08A6?bcast
=130325083 (Accessed: 25 Oct 2019)

October 3: Newshour, 14:06 03/10/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.

https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/149089FC?bcast
=130335957 (Accessed: 25 Oct 2019)

October 24: Newshour, 14:06 24/10/2019, BBC World Service Radio, 54 mins.
https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/14B72C01?bcast
=130487468 (Accessed: 02 Nov 2019)

AJE Online News Sources

May 1: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/maoist-rebels-kill-indian-
policemen-maharashtra-state-190501092921368.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/04/bjp-rise-political-eminence-lies-
temple-town-190425090431381.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/puts-pakistani-armed-group-
chief-masood-azhar-terror-list-190501152953396.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/cyclone-fani-strengthens-east-coast-
india-190501110504164.html

May 6: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/india-election-87m-states-vote-
190506044150246.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/india-shelling-kills-people-pakistan-
administered-kashmir-190506083017472.html
269
 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/india-poverty-child-malnutrition-
rife-west-singhbhum-190506123916595.html

May 12: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/bollywood-politics-hate-

190512120818857.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/india-elections-2019-voting-
penultimate-190512044847266.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/india-votes-2019-hindu-nationalist-
bombing-suspect-ballot-190512053421706.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/listeningpost/2019/05/modi-money-
india-elections-190512091538453.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/5/12/isil-claims-province-in-india-
officials-call-it-propaganda

May 18: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/uttar-pradesh-state-key-prize-

india-election-190518082052108.html

May 24: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/southasia/2019/05/india-fire-tutoring-

centre-kills-17-students-190524172851411.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/modi-vows-india-new-heights-
190524140743735.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/indian-general-elections-2019-
latest-updates-190521080547337.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/india-elections-rahul-gandhi-
congress-190524092951629.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/india-votes-modi-landmark-
mandate-190523122306435.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/14-trillion-india-spending-push-tops-
modi-20-agenda-190524083725856.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/pakistan-pm-khan-seeks-peace-
talks-modi-election-win-190524073158445.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/zakir-musa-tensions-kashmir-
killing-top-rebel-190524092820067.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/indian-climbers-die-nepal-mount-
everest-190524074535262.html
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May 30: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/india-modi-sworn-term-prime-
minister-190530141633546.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/indian-democracy-threat-modi-
190530084556960.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/modi-20-india-elected-pm-deliver-
economy-190530065014507.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/peopleandpower/2019/05/delhi-
deadly-air-190529055623225.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/indian-army-man-assam-
declared-foreigner-190530103723300.html

June 12: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/india-unveils-chandrayaan-2-

spacecraft-moon-landing-mission-190612110619499.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/world-day-child-labour-bigger-
impact-190610114721290.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/cyclone-vayu-threatens-india-
pakistan-190611090703282.html

June 18: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/india-heatwave-turns-deadly-

190618090507114.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/encephalitis-kills-100-children-
india-bihar-state-190618030756153.html

June 24: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/religious-hatred-muslim-man-

india-lynched-video-190624141020360.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/india-rejects-critical-religious-
freedom-report-190623065422842.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/economy/2019/6/24/indian-central-bank-deputy-
governor-acharya-resigns-early

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/zara-indian-partner-building-cheaper-
fashion-chain-190624015023237.html

June 30: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/drought-hits-crops-india-pm-calls-

water-conservation-push-190630104439610.html

July 1: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/07/hong-kong-protesters-storm-
legislature-smash-doors-walls-190701132405337.html
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 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/07/cricket-world-cup-england-beat-
india-revive-semifinal-hopes-190701031841355.html

July 6: https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/india-budget-targets-investment-led-
growth-190706020715507.html

July 12: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/07/india-bjp-revive-hindu-settlement-

plan-kashmir-report-190712111627296.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/india-officials-meet-resolve-trade-
issues-190712050159768.html

July 18: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/received-patients-young-

kashmir-drug-problem-190718100740330.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/india-launch-lunar-mission-july-22-
delay-190718063938714.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/07/indias-monsoon-floods-kill-
dozens-displace-thousands-190718152149185.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/101east/2019/07/india-women-
warriors-190718071647785.html

July 24: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/indian-female-farmers-womb-

boost-productivity-190723201905906.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/india-running-time-cash-demographic-
dividend-190724064429092.html

July 30: https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/bankers-win-netflix-backing-conquer-

india-bollywood-190730034503956.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/07/india-criminalises-muslim-
practice-instant-divorce-190730143217161.html

August 1: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/bjp-sacks-politician-accused-
rape-fatal-car-crash-190801110156620.html

August 6: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/hindus-kashmir-celebrate-india-
move-muslims-feel-deceived-190806074031370.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/kashmiris-edge-india-tightens-
grip-disputed-region-190806102816426.html
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 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/southasia/2019/08/pakistan-khan-calls-
international-intervention-kashmir-190806131911914.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2019/8/5/there-is-reason-to-fear-for-
the-safety-of-every-kashmiri-in-india

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/reuters-china-warns-india-block-
huawei-190806162353941.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/pakistan-parliament-convene-
kashmir-crisis-190806065706666.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-kashmir-move-face-legal-
challenges-experts-190806053650480.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/bill-split-kashmir-parliament-
region-remains-lockdown-190806053117491.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/urges-india-pakistan-show-
restraint-kashmir-190805171136093.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-foreign-minister-sushma-
swaraj-dies-67-190806181315813.html

August 12: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-

status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/asia-flooding-dozens-killed-china-
pakistan-india-190812055133570.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/8/11/amid-disheartening-eid-siege-
kashmiris-try-to-reach-loved-ones

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-administered-kashmir-
remains-cut-eid-al-adha-190811165051309.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/atress-priyanka-chopra-accused-
encouraging-nuclear-war-190812133102477.html

August 18: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/losing-father-activist-leads-

fight-farmer-suicide-190814121527410.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/kashmiris-caught-india-pakistan-trade-
blockage-190818124959128.html
273
August 24: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-finance-minister-arun-
jaitley-dies-66-190824071739373.html

August 30: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/millions-await-fate-india-plans-

publish-citizens-list-190830091610747.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/pm-imran-khan-leads-kashmir-
solidarity-rallies-pakistan-190830093823486.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/india-modi-calls-highway-construction-
financially-unviable-190830022107362.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/indias-economic-growth-hits-year-
190830163732276.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/final-nrc-list-india-assam-
190829133456422.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

September1: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/risk-reporting-kashmir-lockdown-
harassment-190830075931481.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/insidestory/2019/09/national-
register-citizens-indians-indians-190901180802959.html

September 6: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/09/chaos-crisis-kashmir-hospitals-
month-long-lockdown-190905205741695.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/chandrayaan-2-india-space-agency-
awaits-lunar-moment-truth-190906170605109.html

September 12: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/09/saudi-arabia-uae-failed-

condemn-india-kashmir-190911112648176.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/land-anymore-india-struggle-save-
farms-190912035351265.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/india-actions-separatism-
kashmir-mainstream-190830161515281.html
274
 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

September 18: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/09/khan-warns-pakistanis-joining-

anti-india-fight-kashmir-190918155507989.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/pictures-plight-india-tea-
plantation-workers-190915133519992.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/india-joins-global-backlash-vaping-
cigarette-ban-190918122633473.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/cash-starved-air-india-putting-crew-fat-
diets-190918084855546.html

September 24: https://www.aljazeera.com/blogs/americas/2019/09/texas-battle-modi-

190924164708718.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/09/president-trump-reiterates-offer-
mediate-kashmir-crisis-190924093341078.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/27/kashmir-under-lockdown-all-
the-latest-updates

September 30: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/09/india-floods-death-toll-utter-

pradesh-bihar-passes-100-190930055508483.html

October 1: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/gandhi-legacy-threatened-wing-
politics-rises-india-191001093625351.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/india-floods-death-toll-rises-140-
bihar-uttar-pradesh-191001071012981.html

October 6: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/naga-leader-muivah-wary-india-
kashmir-status-scrapped-191003082336819.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/beautiful-watch-india-hosts-nba-
game-191006131843743.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html
275
October 12: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

October 18: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/kashmiris-shutters-shun-schools-

acts-defiance-191017052431237.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/bangladesh-troops-kill-indian-
guard-fishing-row-border-191018063921011.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/mexico-deports-311-indian-migrants-
delhi-191018084708811.html

October 24: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/day-story-kashmir-changed-

191024074602559.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/india-hold-local-vote-kashmir-
lockdown-boycott-191024185228201.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/pakistan-india-sign-sikh-
pilgrimage-corridor-agreement-191024101203153.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/08/india-revokes-kashmir-special-
status-latest-updates-190806134011673.html

October 30: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/twitter-accused-censoring-free-

speech-kashmir-191030140205682.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/indian-administered-kashmir-
broken-191030193727231.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/saudi-aramco-46-million-
barrels-oil-indian-storage-191030121411351.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/amazon-pumps-600m-india-units-
191030104048661.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/191030071513059.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/eu-lawmakers-visit-kashmir-india-
revoked-autonomy-191029112945941.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/ajimpact/india-minute-demands-jeopardise-asia-
largest-trade-pact-191030073145259.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/india-defences-eat-farmland-
border-pakistan-191030061758417.html

276
 https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/delhi-pollution-prompts-call-shut-
schools-sporting-events-191030182400834.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/facebook-megaphone-hate-india-
minorities-191030184750344.html

BBC Online News Sources

May 1: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-47302467

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-48124693

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48105752

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-47114401

May 6: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48144165

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48177737

May 12: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48242765

https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/cricket/48245652

May 18: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48321989

May 24: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-48395247

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48391041

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-17271658

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48392851

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-
48293048?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/c27kzzpqm
7xt/india-elections-2019&link_location=live-reporting-correspondent

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48366944

May 30: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48455829

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48456790

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48442662

June 1: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48484689

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48482988

277
June 12: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48613854

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48605310

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48605303

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48608773

June 18: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48672330

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48610928

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48610932

June 24: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48578767

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48741021

June 30: https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/cricket/48819515

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48659324

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/newsbeat-48777755

July 1: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-
48821930?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/cny6mpy4m
j9t/india&link_location=live-reporting-story

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-
48822201?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/cny6mpy4m
j9t/india&link_location=live-reporting-story

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-
48822530?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/cny6mpy4m
j9t/india&link_location=live-reporting-story

https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/cricket/48820832?intlink_from_url=https://www
.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/cny6mpy4mj9t/india&link_location=live-reporting-
story

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-
48822532?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/cny6mpy4m
j9t/india&link_location=live-reporting-story

July 6:
https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/cricket/48894355?intlink_from_url=https://www
.bbc.co.uk/news/world/asia/india&link_location=live-reporting-story

July 12: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48744163

278
July 18: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48050020

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48919574

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48919572

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49028155

July 24: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-48961525

July 30: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49160818

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-49170648

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49160546

August 1: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-49183321

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49189367

August 6: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49246434

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49234708

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49232374

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-
11693674?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world/asia/india&li
nk_location=live-reporting-story

August 12: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49320070

August 18: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49329370

August 24: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49367972

September 6: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-49575735

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49589850

September 18: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49659525

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49738381

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49738375

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-
49530394?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world/asia/india&li
nk_location=live-reporting-story

September 24: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world/asia/india

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world/asia/india

279
September 30: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49875027

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-
49875897?intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world/asia&link_lo
cation=live-reporting-story

October 1: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49848645

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49890663

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-49889815

October 6:
https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/cricket/49950589?intlink_from_url=https://
www.bbc.co.uk/news/world/asia&link_location=live-reporting-story

October 18: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-50080459

October 24:
https://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/cricket/50174263?intlink_from_url=https://www
.bbc.co.uk/news/world&link_location=live-reporting-story

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-50163486

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-50154673

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-50138275

October 30: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-50231022

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-50167569

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-50218947

CNN Online News Sources

May 1: https://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/may-day-india/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/01/india/india-attack-maharashtra-
intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/01/world/cyclone-fani-nearing-
india/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/india/live-news/india-election-latest-may-1-
intl/index.html

May 6: https://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/election-tourism-india/index.html

280
 https://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/election-tourism-india/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/india/live-news/indian-election-latest-may-6-
intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/india/live-news/indian-election-latest-may-6-
intl/index.html

May 12: https://edition.cnn.com/india/live-news/indian-election-latest-may-12-

intl/index.html

May 24: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/23/asia/india-election-modi-gandhi-bjp-

congress-intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/20/india/india-diaspora-series-lisa-singh-
intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/23/asia/india-modi-referendum-leadership-
intl/index.html

May 30: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/30/india/modi-swearing-in-ceremony-

intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/29/asia/india-modi-muslim-fear-
intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/22/sport/virat-kohli-cricket-world-cup-
shane-warne-india-spt-intl/index.html

June 1: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/01/asia/8-climbers-missing-indian-
himalayas-intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/01/politics/trump-india-trade-
status/index.html

June 6: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/06/india/india-missing-plane-intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/06/economy/india-interest-rates-rbi-
cut/index.html

June 12: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/11/world/cyclone-vayu-india/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/cyclone-vayu-india-june-
2019/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/style/article/ganges-environment-
photographs/index.html

281
June 18: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/18/health/encephalitis-brain-children-india-
outbreak-deaths-intl/index.html

July 1: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/01/business/india-solar-frontier-
markets/index.html

July 12: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/12/india/india-chennai-water-crisis-train-

intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/12/business/india-first-lgbti-job-
fair/index.html

July 18: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/18/asia/monsoon-flood-south-asia-intl-

hnk/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/18/asia/pakistan-icj-death-sentence-intl-
hnk/index.html

July 24: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/23/politics/trump-kashmir-india-intl-

hnk/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/24/tech/netflix-india-mobile-plan-
subscribers/index.html

July 30: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/30/asia/unnao-rape-victim-crash-india-intl-

hnk/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/30/business/vg-siddhartha-coffee-day-
india-missing/index.html

August 1: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/01/asia/india-boy-teeth-intl-hnk-
scli/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/07/31/business/zomato-india-non-hindu-scli-
intl/index.html

August 6: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/06/asia/india-kashmir-union-territory-intl-
hnk/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/06/asia/kashmir-india-modi-analysis-intl-
hnk/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/06/tech/flipkart-walmart-video-streaming-
india/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/06/asia/sushma-swaraj-dead-intl/index.html

282
August 12: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/12/asia/kashmir-imran-khan-pakistan-
hitler-intl-hnk/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/11/asia/monsoon-india-deaths/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/12/us/priyanka-chopra-confrontation-
beautycon-trnd/index.html

August 24: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/24/india/india-opposition-leaders-kashmir-

intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/24/economy/arun-jaitley-india-
economy/index.html

August 30: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/30/economy/india-gdp-economy/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/08/30/asia/pakistan-protests-kashmir-hour-
intl/index.html

September 6: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/09/06/tech/jio-fiber-ambani-india-
internet/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/09/06/health/india-woman-73-gives-birth-scli-
intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/09/06/india/indian-moon-landing-scn-intl-
scli/index.html

September 12: https://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/taj-mahal-night-hours-

india/index.html(home)

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/09/12/asia/bill-melinda-gates-modi-intl-
scli/index.html

September 18: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/09/18/health/india-e-cigarette-ban-

intl/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/09/18/tech/alexa-hindi-amazon-
india/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/bees-delay-flight-air-india-
kolkata/index.html

October 1: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/10/01/business/ford-india-mahindra-joint-
venture/index.html

283
October 6: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/10/05/asia/india-modi-open-defecation-free-
intl-hnk-scli/index.html

October 12: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/10/10/india/china-india-xi-jinping-modi-khan-

intl-hnk/index.html

October 18: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/10/18/asia/delhi-marathon-pollution-intl-hnk-

scli/index.html

https://edition.cnn.com/2019/10/17/tech/india-facial-recognition-intl-
hnk/index.html

October 24: https://edition.cnn.com/2019/10/23/business/paytm-vijay-shekhar-sharma-

risk-takers/index.html

284
Appendix 2: List of Interviewees

BBC Correspondent 2 (2018) ‘Research Interview, 4 December 2018’.

BBC Editor 3 (2018) ‘Research Interview, 4 December 2018’.

BBC News Anchor (2018) ‘Research Interview, 4 December 2018’.

BBC Correspondent 1 (2018) ‘Research Interview, 5 December 2018’.

BBC Editor 2 (2018) ‘Research Interview, 5 December 2018’.

BBC Editor 1 (2018) ‘Research Interview, 5 December 2018’.

Crawley, W. (2020) ‘Research Interview, 12 June 2020’.

Dissanayake, S. (2020) ‘Research Interview, 20 February 2020’.

Jacob, S. (2020) ‘Research Interview, 19 June 2020’.

Jha, R. (2018) ‘Research Interview, 5 December 2018’.

Loyn, D. (2020) ‘Research Interview, 21 February 2020’.

Perera, A. (2020) ‘Research Interview, 23 June 2020’.

Tully, M. (2020) ‘Research Interview, 14 May 2020’.

285
Appendix 3: Comparison between the BBC Online pages

accessed from India and the UK

(Image 2: ‘Home page’ of the BBC accessed from India)

(Image 3: ‘Home page’ of the BBC accessed from UK)

286
(Image 4: ‘World page’ of the BBC accessed from India)

(Image 5: ‘World page’ of the BBC accessed from UK)

287
(Image 6: ‘Asia page’ of the BBC accessed from India)

(Image 7: ‘Asia page’ of the BBC accessed from UK)

288
(Image 8: ‘India page’ of the BBC accessed from India)

(Image 9: ‘India page’ of the BBC accessed from UK)

289
Appendix 4: Codebook

Title: The BBC’s Portrayal of India

An analysis of how the International News Coverage of India changed in the Digital Era

RQ 1. How does BBC report India in the digital era?

RQ 1a. How does BBC Radio World News Service reporting of India differ
between the years 1977, 1997 and 2019?

RQ 1b. How does BBC Radio World News Service 2019 reporting of India
differ from that of BBC Online in 2019?

RQ 1c. How does BBC Online report on India compared to CNN Online and
AJE Online in 2019?

RQ 2. How have digital technologies changed the practices of the BBC journalists
reporting on India?

The major aspects considered in this study

The emerging themes in the news coverage

The sources that are used

The extent of news coverage

The use of Twitter in the news Coverage

Note: For the online news article one unit of study refers to one article referring to India or
Indian, while for the radio news coverage it consists of each of the news broadcast referring
to India or Indian. Each news item in this study is considered as a single data unit.

290
1. Date of issue?

2. The name of news outlet? (name the news outlet from where the data unit is taken)

2.1 BBC Online News (English)

2.2 BBC World News Service Radio (English)

2.3 BBC Radio PSBs (pre-online - English)

2.4 CNN Online News (English)

2.5 Al-Jazeera Online News (English)

3. Type of article? (Each of the Indian news item is treated as one unit of data in this study.)

3.1 3.2 3..3 3.4

3.1 News Report

(Factual news report, report of events, i.e., of what has happened (when, where, who
what, why). Reporting of facts, numbers, declarations, happenings, events, etc.)

3.2 Analysis

(Longer article which includes not only factual reporting but also looking behind scenes
and analytical.)

3.3 Interviews

(short interviews done as part of the news coverage is not considered as interviews, this
applies to those stand-alone interviews only.)

3.4 Other

4. Length of the Online news item (Applicable for Online news only.)

(categorize according to the number of words in each of the news item.)

4.1 4.2 4..3 4.4

291
 4.1. 1 - 250 words

4.2. 251- 500 words

4.3. 501 – 750 words

4.4. 751 words and above

5. Duration of Radio news item (Applicable only for Radio news only)

Categorized according to the duration of the news item. Each news item covered needs
to be counted as a separate news item.

5.1 5.2 5..3 5.4

5.1. 0 – 60 seconds

5.2. 61 – 180 seconds

5.3. 181 – 300 seconds

5.4. 301 seconds and above

6. Placement of the Radio News (Applicable only for Radio news only)

6.1 6.2 6..3

6.1. Beginning (within 15 minutes)

6.2. Middle (15 to 30 minutes)

6.3. Later (after 30 minutes)

292
7. Placement of News on Website? (Applicable for Online news only)

7.1 7.2 7..3 7.4

7.1 Home News Page (Main News home page of the website)

7.2 World News page (World News page of the website)

7.3 Asian News (Asia News page of the website)

7.4 India News page (India News page of the website)

8. Name of correspondent (if the names of correspondent/agency mentioned in the news.)

8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4

8.1 Name of the correspondent

8.2 Name of News Agency

8.3 Correspondent and News Agency

8.4 Unspecified

SOURCES

9. Indian Official government agencies

(If the news report has used in its news coverage direct or indirect quotes/comments).
Indicate the number of quote/sources which refer to different aspect related to the news
item.

9.1 9.2 9.3. 9.4

9.1 Official press release

9.2 Bureaucrats

293
 9.3 Police

9.4 Other

10. International Politicians and Diplomats

(If the news report has used in its news coverage direct or indirect quotes/comments.)
Indicate the number of quotes/sources.

10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 10.7

10.1. Pakistan

10.2. China

10.3. American

10.4. European

10.5. African

10.6. Asian (other than Chinese or Pakistan)

10.7. Other

11. Multi-national institutions

(For example, the representatives of the UN, IMF, World Bank quoted directly or
indirectly in the news coverage)

11.0 11.1

11.0 No News Coverage

11.1. Present

294
12. Nongovernment agencies (NGO)

(If the representatives of the NGOs quoted/commented directly or indirectly in the news
coverage and if they are national or international NGO). Give the number of times the
NGOs are sourced.

12.1 12.2

12.1 International

12.2 National

13. Experts views and those involved or affected person’s view

(Indicate the number of times the views (direct or indirect) are used in the news if they
are making a different point on the related news item.)

13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4

13.1 Researcher

13.2 Lawyer

13.3 Media Expert

13.4 Other

14. Media Sources

(One’s own and if the news coverage is sourced from other media outlets. Indicate the
number of times the source is used in the news item.)

14.1 14.2 14.3

14.1 Own sources

295
 14.2 Indian news outlet

14.3 International news outlet

15. First Source

(the first source name mentioned in the news item)

15.1 15.2 15.3

15.1 National

15.2 International

15.3 Unspecified

16. Social Media

(Here it is mentioned as a source only if the news reports has the ‘actual post’ within the
news report). Record the number of times social media is used in the news.

16.1 16.2 16.3 16.4

16.1 Twitter

16.2 Facebook

16.3 Instagram

16.4 other

296
SIGNIFICANT TOPIC OF THE STORY

17. Geographic Focus of News?

17.1 17.2

17.1 Indian – Domestic News

(Articles talking specifically about internal affairs of India including natural disasters.)

17.2 International

(news reports that involves international community)

18. Human Welfare issues

18.1 18.2 18.3 18.4 18.5

18.1 Natural Disasters

18.2 Human caused Disasters

18.3 Health

18.4 Poverty

18.5 Other

19. Indian Government Policies

19.1 19.2 19.3 19.4 19.5 19.6 19.7

19.1 Education Policy

19.2 Social Welfare Policy

19.3 Economic Policy

19.4 Information Technology Policy

297
 19.5 Policies related to Religion

19.6 Foreign Policy

19.7 Other

20. Religion (positive stories only)

20.1 20.2 20.3

20.1 Festivals

20.2 Religious Harmony

20.3 Other

21. Political (Indian political issues)

21.1 21.2 21.3 21.4

21.1 Party Politics

21.2. Election

21.3 Government Formation

21.4 Other

22. Social

22.1 22.2 22.3 22.4

22.1 Cast

298
 22.2 Gender

22.3 Cultural Diversity

22.4 Sexuality

23. Law and Order

23.1 23.2 23.3 23.4 23.5 23.6 23.7 23.8 23.9

23.1 Social Unrest

23.2 Violent Demonstrations

23.3 Sexual Harassment

23.4 Domestic Violence

23.5 Communal Violence

23.6 Crime against Minority

23.7 Terrorism

23.8 Fake News

23.9 Crime Other

24. Business and Economy Issues

24.1 24.2 24.3

24.1 Economic Crisis

24.2 Economic Offences

24.3 Investments

299
25. International Conflict

25.1 25.2 25.3

25.1 Conflict with Pakistan

25.2 Conflict with China

25.3 Other

26. Science, Environment and Information Technology

26.1 26.2 26.3

26.1 Science and Technology

26.2 Environment

26.3 Information Technology

27. Travel and Tourism and Literature

27.1 27.2

27.1 Travel and Tourism

27.2 Literature

300
28. Indian Judiciary

(this relates to the legislative and executive matters and not crime)

28.0 28.1

28.0 No News Coverage

28.1 Present

29. Sports

29.0 29.1

29.0 No News Coverage

29.1 Present

301
Appendix 5: Semi-structured Interview Guidelines

Title: The BBC’s Portrayal of India

Name:

Gender:

Job title:

Number of years working/worked for the BBC:

1. How do you evaluate the BBC reporting on India?

2. What are the criteria for the selection and dissemination of a particular event or news?

3. Which are the main sources of news that you rely on to report on India?

4. Which are the main sources of your breaking news?

5. Do you think that the BBC reporting on India has changed over the years? If so, what

are those significant changes that have occurred?

6. As a journalist, do you think that the social media has changed your working

environment? Has it helped you in your work or has the workload increased?

7. How often do you access Twitter for news source and quotes?

8. Do you think that the emergence of the social media has significantly changed the

reporting on India?

9. How has been your working for the BBC India? What are/were the possible difficulties

you encounter reporting on India?

10. How has the BBC online changed the reporting on India?

11. Do you think that the BBC reporting on India still has the tone of imperialism?

302
Appendix 6: Consent Form

City University London

Northampton Square
London EC1V 0HB
T +44 (0)20 7040 5060
www.city.ac.uk

Title of Study: The BBC’s Portrayal of India

1. I confirm that I have had the project explained to me, and I have read the participant
information sheet (date and version), which I may keep for my records. I have been given the
opportunity to ask questions and have had them answered to my satisfaction.
2. I understand this will involve
• be interviewed by the researcher
• allow the interview to be videotaped/audiotaped
• Make myself available for a further interview, should that be required

3. This information will be held and processed for the following purpose(s): as part of PhD
research project.

I understand that any information I provide is confidential, and that no information that could
lead to the identification of any individual will be disclosed in any reports on the project, or to
any other party. No identifiable personal data will be published. The identifiable data will not
be shared with any other organisation.

I understand that should I wish to be anonymous during this research, coding will be put in
place to protect my identity from being made public.

Otherwise I understand that I have given approval for my name and/or the name of my
workplace to be used in the final report of the project, and future publications.

4. I understand that my participation is voluntary, that I can choose not to participate in part or
all of the project, and that I can withdraw at any stage of the project without being penalized
or disadvantaged in any way.
5. I agree to City, University of London recording and processing this information about me. I
understand that this information will be used only for the purpose(s) set out in this statement
and my consent is conditional on City complying with its duties and obligations under the Data
Protection Act 1998.

6. I agree to the arrangements for data storage, archiving, sharing.

7. I agree to take part in the above study.

____________________ ____________________________ _____________

Name of Participant Signature Date

____________________ ____________________________ _____________

Name of Researcher Signature Date

303
Appendix 7: Participant Information Sheet

City University London

Northampton Square
London EC1V 0HB
T +44 (0)20 7040 5060
www.city.ac.uk

Title of study: The BBC’s Portrayal of India

Name of principal investigator: Joshy Joseph Thumpakattu (Student)

Professor Suzanne Franks (Supervisor)

Dr Melanie Bunce (Supervisor)

We would like to invite you to take part in a research study. Before you decide whether you
would like to take part it is important that you understand why the research is being done and
what it would involve for you. Please take time to read the following information carefully and
discuss it with others if you wish. Ask us if there is anything that is not clear or if you would like
more information.

What is the purpose of the study?

The aim of the study is to assess if there are any changes in the BBC’s international news
coverage of India on account of the changing media environment. The study particularly will
look if the arrival of the BBC online has had any implications on the international news
coverage of India by the BBC. The research will also examine if the emergence of the social
media has had a major influence on the content and the practices of the BBC's reporting of
the Indian news.

Why have I been invited?

You are chosen to be part of this study, because you are/were reporting India for the BBC at
least for seven years or more.

Participant Information Sheet -1/4

304
Do I have to take part?
Participation in the project is voluntary, and you can choose not to participate in part or all of
the project. You can withdraw at any stage of the project without being penalised or
disadvantaged in any way.
It is up to you to decide whether or not to take part. If you do decide to take part you will be
asked to sign a consent form. If you decide to take part you are still free to withdraw at any
time and without giving a reason. However, once the data has been published participants will
no longer be able to withdraw their data.
What will happen if I take part?
You will be asked to participate in a semi-structured interview which may last for 45-55
minutes. It’s a onetime participation in the interview, unless the situation demands for a second
interview. The data collected is used for PhD research studies, and the findings will be
published. However, if you prefer to remain anonymous, your identity will be protected. The
interviews will be conducted in your office or at a café if it suits your convenience.
What do I have to do?
You will be expected to share your work experience of reporting India for the BBC.
What are the possible disadvantages and risks of taking part?
No risks involved, the data will be protected, unless it is stolen or hacked.
What are the possible benefits of taking part?
The study aims to contribute to the knowledge of BBC’s reporting of India. To analyse if there
has been any significant changes in BBC’s reporting of India over the years, especially on
account of the evolving media ecology.
What will happen when the research study stops?
If the project is halted or abandoned on account of any unforeseen reasons, the Information
will be stored safely or destroyed.
Will my taking part in the study be kept confidential?

Any information you provide will be confidential, and that no information that could lead to the
identification of any individual will be disclosed in any reports on the project, or to any other
party. No identifiable personal data will be published. The identifiable data will not be shared
with any other organisation.

If you wish to be anonymous during this research, coding will be put in place to protect your
identity from being made public.

Participant Information Sheet -2/4

305
It is only with your consent that your name and/or the name of your workplace will be used in
the final report of the project, and future publications.

Data stored in computer files with password protection and storage on an encrypted device.

What should I do if I want to take part?

If the participant is willing to be part of the study, he/she will be contacted via email.

What will happen to results of the research study?

The study findings may be published in media/communication journals. When the article is
prepared for journals, it could be shared with the participants, should they request for it. In all
the publications, the anonymity of the participants will be maintained, if they have requested
to remain anonymous.

What will happen if I do not want to carry on with the study?

The participation in the study is voluntary and that the participant can withdraw at any stage of
the project without being penalized or disadvantaged in any way.
Who has reviewed the study?

This study has been approved by City, University of London Journalism Departmental
Research Ethics Committee

Further information and contact details

Name: Professor Suzanne Franks

Email: [email protected]

Phone: 0207 040 3314

What if there is a problem?
Local contact details (India): Rev Fr Joby Mathew, Society of St
Paul, TPS III 23rd Road, Bandra West, Mumbai – 400 050, INDIA.
Ph: +91 7045340899
Email: [email protected],

If the research is undertaken in the UK if you have any problems, concerns or questions about
this study, you should ask to speak to a member of the research team. If you remain unhappy
and wish to complain formally, you can do this through City’s complaints procedure. To
complain about the study, you need to phone 020 7040 3040.

Participant Information Sheet -3/4

306
You can then ask to speak to the Secretary to Senate Research Ethics Committee and inform
them that the name of the project is: The BBC’s Portrayal of India

Anna Ramberg
Research Governance & Integrity Manager

Research & Enterprise

City, University of London
Northampton Square
London
EC1V 0HB

Email: [email protected]

City holds insurance policies which apply to this study. If you feel you have been harmed or
injured by taking part in this study you may be eligible to claim compensation. This does not
affect your legal rights to seek compensation. If you are harmed due to someone’s negligence,
then you may have grounds for legal action.

Thank you for taking the time to read this information sheet.

8 October, 2018. Participant Information Sheet -4/4

307